{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3265", "width": "1926", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "fl\\nV,\\nlV\\n9? o,*\\nc5\\nv* v- cf fry\\nO-,\\n*9*\\nW V**\\ni it sU\\nv v c O^ y o x \\\\v v O,\\nx^\\n\u00c2\u00aba\\n:V\\n\\\\^^Mk^sy^ w\\ncS\\nC\\nfp N", "height": "3159", "width": "1852", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "ISIS? J i\u00c2\u00a3\\ns A G\\n0\u00c2\u00b0\\n^o* \\\\o^ -^.o^\\nTVs* A G A G", "height": "3180", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3106", "width": "1768", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3138", "width": "1599", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nBY\\nTHEODORE ROOSEVELT\\nILLUSTRATED\\nCHARLES SCRIBNER S SONS\\nNEW YORK 1900", "height": "3180", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "l_iOr\u00c2\u00bbs\\nV... I\\nSEP 14 1900\\nK\u00c2\u00ab\\nSLOf VO COPY.\\nUi wmw to\\nSEP 20 1900\\n80110\\nCopyright, rgoo, by\\nCharles Scribner s Sans\\nTHE LIBRARY\\nI OF congress\\nWASHINGTON;\\nTROW DIRECTORY\\nPRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY\\nNEW YORK", "height": "3095", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL.\\nFrom the portrait by Robert Walker at Hinchingbrooke.\\nBy permission of the Earl of Sandwich.\\n(Probably painted soon after the beginning- of the Civil War, when Croir\\nas forty three or -four years ol", "height": "3095", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "TrorrrWIIT, our chief of men, who through a cloud\\nNot of war onh ions rude,\\nGuided by faith. is fortitude,\\nHa:\\nAnd V\\nHl! i\\nOf hi", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "7\\nCromwell, our chief of men, who through a cloud\\nNot of war only, but detractions rude,\\nGuided by faith, and matchless fortitude,\\nTo peace and truth, thy glorious way hast ploughed,\\nAnd on the neck of crowned fortune proud\\nHast reared God s trophies, and his work pursued,\\nWhile Darwen stream, with blood of Scots imbrued,\\nAnd Dunbar field, resounds thy praises loud,\\nAnd Worcester s laureate wreath. Yet much remains\\nTo conquer still Peace hath her victories\\nNo less renowned than War new foes arise,\\nThreatening to bind our souls with secular chains.\\nHelp us to save free conscience from the paw\\nOf hireling wolves, whose gospel is their maw.\\nMilton.\\nExecutive Chamber, Albany,\\nJune, 1900.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nPAGE\\nI. THE TIMES AND THE MAN i\\nII. THE LONG PARLIAMENT AND THE\\nCIVIL WAR 51\\nIII. THE SECOND CIVIL WAR AND THE\\nDEATH OF THE KING 99\\nIV. THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS 141\\nV. THE COMMONWEALTH AND PROTEC-\\nTORATE 177\\nVI. PERSONAL RULE 210", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1831", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS\\nOliver Cromwell Frontispiece\\n{From the portrait by Robert Walker at Hinchingbroohe.)\\nFACING\\nPAGE\\nThomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford 8\\n(From the miniature at Devonshire House.)\\nOliver Cromwell .12\\n(From a miniature by Cooper.)\\nSir John Eliot 16\\n(From tlie portrait by Van Somer at Port Eliot.)\\nAll Saints Church, Huntingdon .24\\nCromwell s House at Ely 28\\nArchbishop Laud -34\\n(From the portrait at Lambeth Palace, painted by Vandyke.\\nWest Tower, Ely Cathedral, from Monastery Close 40\\nJohn Pym 5 2\\n(From the portrait by Cornelius Janssen.)\\nPrince Rupert .68\\n{From the portrait by Vandyke at Hinchingbrooke.)\\nFac-simile of Letter from Oliver Cromwell to Mr. Storie,\\nwritten January 11, 1635, said to be the earliest\\nextant letter in Cromwell s Handwriting 74\\n(From the original in the British Museum.)\\nix", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFACING\\nPAGE\\nJohn Hampden 80\\n(From tlte portrait by Robert Walker at Port Eliot.)\\nCromwell s Engagement with the Marquis of Newcastle s\\nRegiment of Whitecoats in the Battle of Marston\\nMoor 88\\nThe City Walls of York, with the Cathedral in the Distance 96\\nKing Charles I. .108\\n(From the replica at the Dresden Gallery, by Sir Peter Lely.)\\nGeneral Sir Thomas Fairfax .116\\n(From the portrait by Robert Walker at Althorp.)\\nJohn Milton 1 20\\n(From the drawing in crayon by Faithorne at Bay/ordbury.)\\nThe Death Warrant of King Charles I. Signed by Oliver\\nCromwell and other members of the court .128\\n(From the original in the library in the House of Lords.)\\nPride s Purge -136\\nInterior of Westminster Hall. Where Parliament sat and\\nwhere King Charles I. was tried and sentenced 140\\nMagdalen Tower, Drogheda 154\\nSt. Lawrence s Gate, Drogheda. .158\\nCromwell Leading the Assault on Drogheda .164\\nThe Battle-field of Dunbar .172\\nSeal of the Protectorate .178\\n(Front an impression in wax in the British Museum.)", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFACING\\nPAGE\\nI84\\n186\\nI9O\\nAdmiral Robert Blake\\n{From the portrait at Wadham College, Oxford.)\\nCromwell Dissolving the Long Parliament\\nOliver Cromwell\\n(From the painting at Althorp by Robert Walker.)\\nThe Clock Tower, Hampton Court 200\\nThe Great Hall, Hampton Court In this room the state\\ndinners were given under the Protectorate 206\\nThe Second Installation of Cromwell as Protector, in\\nWestminster Hall, June 26, 1657 .210\\nSir William Waller .216\\n(From the portrait by Sir Peter Lely at Goodwood.)\\nHenry Cromwell Son of the Protector, and Governor of\\nIreland .220\\nThe Last Charge of the Ironsides\\nRichard Cromwell\\nExterior of Westminster Hall\\nOliver Cromwell\\n(From the bust by Bernini.)\\n226\\n232\\n236\\n24O", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nTHE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nFOR over a century and a half after his death\\nthe memory of the greatest Englishman of\\nthe seventeenth century was looked upon with\\nhorror by the leaders of English thought, political\\nand literary the very men who were carrying to\\nfruition Cromwell s tremendous policies being\\noften utterly ignorant that they were following in\\nhis footsteps. At last the scales began to drop\\nfrom the most far-seeing eyes. Macaulay, with\\nhis eminently sane and wholesome spirit, held\\nCromwell and the social forces for which he stood\\nPuritanic and otherwise at their real worth,\\nand his judgment about them was, in all essen-\\ntials, accurate. But the true appreciation of the\\nplace held by the greatest soldier-statesman of the\\nseventeenth century began with the publication\\nof his life and letters by Carlyle. The gnarled\\ngenius of the man who worshipped the heroes of", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe past as intensely as he feared and distrusted\\nthe heroes of the present, enabled him to write\\nwith a loftiness and intensity that befitted his sub-\\nject. But Carlyle s singular incapacity to see\\nveracity, as he would himself have phrased it,\\nmade him at times not merely tell half-truths, but\\ndeliberately invert the truth. He was of that not\\nuncommon cloistered type which shrinks shud-\\ndering from actual contact with whatever it, in\\ntheory, most admires, and which, therefore, is re-\\nduced in self-justification to misjudge and misrep-\\nresent those facts of past history which form prec-\\nedents for what is going on before the author s\\nown eyes.\\nCromwell lived in an age when it was not pos-\\nsible to realize a government based upon those\\nlarge principles of social, political, and religious\\nliberty in which at any rate, during his earlier\\nyears he sincerely believed; but the movement\\nof which he was the head was the first of the great\\nmovements which, marching along essentially the\\nsame lines, have produced the English-speaking\\nworld as we at present know it. This primary\\nfact Carlyle refused to see, or at least to admit.\\nAs the central idea of his work he states that the\\nPuritanism of the Cromwellian epoch was the\\nlast glimpse of the Godlike vanishing from this\\nEngland conviction and veracity giving place", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nto hollow cant and formulism. The last\\nof all our Heroisms. We have wandered\\nfar away from the ideas which guided us in that\\ncentury, and indeed which had guided us in all\\npreceding centuries, but of which that century\\nwas the ultimate manifestation we have wan-\\ndered very far; and must endeavor to return and\\nconnect ourselves therewith again. I\\nwill advise my reader to forget the modern meth-\\nods of reform; not to remember that he has ever\\nheard of a modern individual called by the name\\nof Reformer, if he would understand what the\\nold meaning of the word was. The Cromwells,\\nPyms, and Hampdens, who were understood on\\nthe Royalist side to be fire-brands of the devil,\\nhave had still worse measure from the Dry-as-\\nDust philosophies and sceptical histories of later\\ntimes. They really did resemble fire-brands of\\nthe devil if you looked at them through specta-\\ncles of a certain color, for fire is always fire but\\nby no spectacles, only by mere blindness and\\nwooden eyed spectacles, can the flame -girt\\nheaven s messenger pass for a poor, mouldy\\nPedant and Constitution-monger such as these\\nwould make him out to be.\\nThis is good writing of its kind; but the\\nthought is mere hollow cant and unveracity\\nnot only far from the truth, but the direct reverse\\n3", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof the truth. It is itself the wail of the pedant\\nwho does not know that the flame-girt heaven s\\nmessenger of truth is always a mere mortal to\\nthose who see him with the actual eyes of the\\nflesh, although mayhap a great mortal; while to\\nthe closet philosopher his quality of flame-girted-\\nness is rarely visible until a century or thereabouts\\nhas elapsed.\\nSo far from this great movement, of which\\nPuritanism was merely one manifestation, being\\nthe last of a succession of similar heroisms, it had\\npractically very much less connection with what\\nwent before than with all that has guided us in\\nour history since. Of course, it is impossible to\\ndraw a line with mathematical exactness between\\nthe different stages of history, but it is both pos-\\nsible and necessary to draw it with rough effi-\\nciency; and, speaking roughly, the epoch of the\\nPuritans was the beginning of the great modern\\nepoch of the English-speaking world infinitely\\nits greatest epoch. We have not wandered far\\nfrom the ideas that guided the wisest and most\\nearnest leaders in the century that saw Cromwell;\\non the contrary, these ideas were themselves very-\\nfar indeed from those which had guided the Eng-\\nlish people in previous ages, and the ideas that\\nnow guide us represent on the whole what was\\nbest and truest in the thought of the Puritans.", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nAs for Pym and Hampden, their type had prac-\\ntically no representative in England prior to their\\ntime, while all the great legislative reformers since\\nthen have been their followers. The Hampden\\ntype the purest and noblest of types reached its\\nhighest expression in Washington. Pym, the\\nman of great powers and great services, with a\\ntendency to believe that Parliamentary govern-\\nment was the cure for all evils, followed to a line\\nthe modern methods of reform, and was exactly\\nthe man who, if he had lived in Carlyle s day,\\nCarlyle would have sneered at as a constitution-\\nmonger. It was men of the kind of Hampden\\nand Pym who, before Carlyle s own eyes, were\\nstriving in the British Parliament for the reforms\\nwhich were to carry one stage farther the work\\nof Hampden and Pym who were endeavoring\\nto secure for all creeds full tolerance to give the\\npeople an ever-increasing share in ruling their\\nown destinies to better the conditions of social\\nand political life. In the great American Civil\\nWar the master spirits in the contest for union\\nand freedom were actuated by a fervor as intense\\nas, and even finer than, that which actuated the\\nmen of the Long Parliament; while in rigid\\nmorality and grim devotion to what he conceived\\nto be God s bidding, the Southern soldier, Stone-\\nwall Jackson, was as true a type of the Gen-\\n5", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\neral of the Lord, with his Bible and his Sword,\\nas Cromwell or Ireton.\\nThe whole history of the movement which re-\\nsulted in the establishment of the Commonwealth\\nof England will be misread and misunderstood if\\nwe fail to appreciate that it was the first modern,\\nand not the last mediaeval, movement; if we fail\\nto understand that the men who figured in it and\\nthe principles for which they contended, are\\nstrictly akin to the men and the principles that\\nhave appeared in all similar great movements\\nsince in the English Revolution of 1688; in the\\nAmerican Revolution of 1776; and the Ameri-\\ncan Civil War of 1861. We must keep ever in\\nmind the essentially modern character of the\\nmovement if we are to appreciate its true inward-\\nness, its true significance. Fundamentally, it was\\nthe first struggle for religious, political, and social\\nfreedom, as we now understand the terms. As\\nwas inevitable in such a first struggle, there re-\\nmained even among the forces of reform much of\\nwhat properly belonged to previous generations.\\nIn addition to the modern side there was a medi-\\naeval side, too. Just so far as this mediaeval ele-\\nment obtained, the movement failed. All that\\nthere was of good and of permanence in it was\\ndue to the new elements.\\nTo understand the play of the forces which\\n6", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nproduced Cromwell and gave him his chance, we\\nmust briefly look at the England into which he\\nwas born.\\nHe saw the light at the close of the reign\\nof Queen Elizabeth, in the last years of the\\nTudor dynasty, and he grew to manhood during\\nthe inglorious reign of the first English king of\\nthe inglorious House of Stuart. The struggle\\nbetween the reformed churches and the ancient\\nchurch, against which they were in revolt, was still\\nthe leading factor in shaping European politics,\\nthough other factors were fast assuming an equal\\nweight. The course of the Reformation in Eng-\\nland had been widely different from that which\\nit had followed in other European countries.\\nThe followers of Luther and Calvin, whatever\\ntheir shortcomings and they were many and\\ngrievous had been influenced by a fiery zeal for\\nrighteousness, a fierce detestation of spiritual cor-\\nruption; but in England the Reformation had\\nbeen undertaken for widely different reasons by\\nHenry VIII. and his creatures, though the bulk\\nof their followers were as sincere as their brethren\\non the Continent. Henry s purpose had been\\nsimple, namely, to transfer to himself the power\\nand revenues of the Papacy, so far as he could\\nseize them, and thus to add to the spiritual\\nsupremacy against which the leaders of the\\n7", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nReformation had revolted the absolute sov-\\nereignty which the Tudors were seeking to\\nestablish in England. Elizabeth stood infinitely\\nabove her father in most respects; but in religious\\nviews they were not far apart, and in theory they\\nwere both believers in absolutism. They had no\\nstanding army, and they were always in want of\\nmoney, so that in practice they never ventured\\nseriously to offend the influential and moneyed\\nclasses. But under Henry the misery and suffer-\\ning of the lower classes became very great, and\\nthe yeomen were largely driven from their lands,\\nwhile much of Elizabeth s own administration\\nconsisted of efforts to grapple with the vagrancy\\nand wretchedness which had been caused by the\\ndegradation of those who stood lowest in the\\nsocial scale.\\nWhen the Stuarts took possession of the throne\\nof England they found a people which, unlike\\nthe peoples of most of the neighboring States, had\\nnot fought out its religious convictions. The\\nReformation had deeply stirred men s souls.\\nReligion had become a matter of vital and terri-\\nble importance to Protestant and to Catholic.\\nAmong the extremists, the men who had given\\nthe tone to the Reformation in Germany, Switz-\\nerland, Holland, and Scotland, religion, as they\\nunderstood it, entered into every act of their lives.", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford.\\nFrom the miniature at Devonshire House.\\nBy permission of the Duke of Devonshire, K.G.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nIn England there were men of this stamp but in\\nthe English Reformation they had played a wholly\\nsubordinate part; and indeed had been in almost\\nas great danger as the Catholics. Their force,\\ntherefore, had not spent itself. It had been con-\\nserved, in spite of their desires.\\nThus it happened that the high tide of extreme\\nProtestantism was reached in England, not as\\nin other Protestant countries, in the sixteenth\\ncentury, but in the seventeenth. The Stuarts\\nwere the only Protestant kings who were not in\\nreligious sympathy with their Protestant subjects.\\nIn theory the Anglican Church of Henry and\\nElizabeth stood for what we would now regard as\\ntyranny. What Henry VIII. strove to do with\\nthe Anglican Church is what has actually been\\ndone by the Czars with the Orthodox Church in\\nRussia but that which was possible with the east-\\nern Slavs was not possible with the westernmost\\nand freest of the Teutonic peoples. Yet in the\\nactual event it was probably fortunate that the\\nEnglish Reformation took the shape it did for\\nunder such conditions it was not marked by the\\nintense fanaticism of the reformers elsewhere.\\nThe Stuarts not only found themselves masters\\nof a kingdom where, supposedly, they were spirit-\\nually supreme, while actually their claim to su-\\npremacy was certain to be challenged they also\\n9", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfound themselves at the head of a form of govern-\\nment which was to all appearances despotic, while\\nthe people over whom they bore sway, though\\nslow to object to the forms, were extremely intol-\\nerant of the practices of despotism. The Tudors\\nwere unarmed despots, who disliked the old feudal\\nnobility, and who found it for their interest to\\ncultivate the commercial classes, and to form a\\nnew nobility of their own, based upon wealth.\\nThe men at the lowest round of the social ladder\\nthe workingmen and farm laborers were yet,\\nas they remained for a couple of centuries, so unfit\\nfor the work of political combination that they\\ncould be safely disregarded by the masters of Eng-\\nland. At times their discontent was manifested,\\ngenerally in the shape of abortive peasant insur-\\nrections; but there was never need to consider\\nthem as of serious and permanent importance.\\nThe middle classes, however, had become very\\npowerful, and to their material interests the Tudors\\nalways took care to defer. At the very close of\\nher reign, Elizabeth, who was at heart as thorough\\na tyrant as ever lived, but who possessed that\\nshrewd good sense which, if not the noblest, is\\nperhaps on the whole the most useful of qualities\\nin the actual workaday world, found herself face\\nto face with her people on the question of monop-\\nolies; and as soon as she understood that they", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nwere resolutely opposed to her policy, she instantly\\nyielded. In other words, the Tudor despotism\\nwas conditioned upon the despot s doing nothing\\nof which the influential classes of the nation the\\nupper and middle classes seriously disapproved;\\nand this the Stuart kings could never understand.\\nMoreover, apart from the fact that the Stuarts\\nwere so much less shrewd and less able than the\\nTudors, there was the further fact that Englishmen\\nas a whole were gradually growing more intoler-\\nant, not only of the practice but of the pretence\\nof tyranny, whether in things material or in things\\nspiritual. There was a moral awakening which\\nrendered it impossible for Englishmen of the sev-\\nenteenth century to submit to the brutal wrong-\\ndoing which marked the political and ecclesiastical\\ntyranny of the previous century. The career of\\nHenry VIII. could not have been paralleled in\\nany shape when once England had begun to breed\\nsuch men as went to the making of the Long\\nParliament.\\nMuch of the aspiration after higher things took\\nthe form of spiritual unrest. It must always be\\nremembered that the Protestant sects which estab-\\nlished themselves in the northern half of Europe,\\nalthough they warred in the name of religious\\nliberty, had no more conception of it, as we of this\\nday understand it, than their Catholic foes and", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nyet it must also be remembered that the bitter\\nconflicts they waged prepared the way for the\\nwide tolerance of individual difference in matters\\nof religious belief which is among the greatest\\nblessings of our modern life. An American Cath-\\nolic and an American Protestant of to-day, what-\\never the difference between their theologies, yet\\nin their ways of looking at real life, at its relation\\nto religion, and the relations of religion and the\\nState, are infinitely more akin to one another than\\neither is to the men of his religious faith who lived\\nthree centuries ago. We now admit, as a matter\\nof course, that any man may, in religious matters,\\nprofess to be guided by authority or by reason, as\\nsuits him best; but that he must not interfere\\nwith similar freedom of belief in others; and that\\nall men, whatever their religious beliefs, have ex-\\nactly the same political rights and are to be held\\nto the same responsibility for the way they exercise\\nthese rights. Few indeed were the men who held\\nsuch views at the time when Cromwell was grow-\\ning to manhood. Holland was the State of all\\nothers in which there was the nearest approach to\\nreligious liberty; and even in Holland the bitter-\\nness of the Calvinists toward the Arminians was\\nsomething which we can now scarcely understand.\\nArminius was no more at home in Geneva than\\nin- Rome; and his followers were prescribed by\\n12\\ni", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "Oliver Cn mwell.\\nFrom a miniature by Cooper. Here reproduced for the first time.\\nBy permission of Sir Charles Hartopp, Bart.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nthe most religious people of England, and so far\\nas might be were driven from the realm. Calvin-\\nists and Lutherans felt as little inclination as\\nCatholics to allow liberty of conscience to others;\\nand as grotesque a compromise as ever was made\\nin matters religious was that made in Germany,\\nwhen it was decided that the peoples of the various\\nGerman principalities should in mass accept the\\nfaiths of their respective princes.\\nYet though the Reformers thus strove to estab-\\nlish for their own use the very religious intolerance\\nagainst which they had revolted, the mere fact of\\ntheir existence nullified their efforts. Sooner or\\nlater people who had exercised their own judg-\\nment, and had fought for the right to exercise it,\\nwere sure grudgingly to admit the same right in\\nothers. That time was as yet far distant. In\\nCromwell s youth all the leading Christian\\nchurches were fiercely intolerant. Unless we\\nkeep in mind that this was the general attitude,\\nan attitude which necessarily affected even the\\ngreatest men, we cannot do justice to the political\\nand social leaders of that age when we find them,\\nas we so often do, adopting toward their religious\\nfoes policies from which we, of a happier age,\\nturn with horror.\\nIn England hatred of Roman Catholicism had\\nbecome almost interchangeable with hatred of\\n13", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nSpain. Spain had been the one dangerous foe\\nwhich England had encountered under the Tudor\\ndynasty, and the only war she had ever waged\\ninto which the religious element entered was the\\nwar which put upon the English roll of honor the\\nnames of her great sixteenth century seamen,\\nDrake and Hawkins, Howard and Frobisher.\\nThroughout the sixteenth century Spain had\\ntowered above every other power of Europe in\\nwarlike might; and though the Dutch and Eng-\\nlish sailors had broken the spell of her invinci-\\nbility at sea, on shore her soldiers retained their\\nreputation for superior prowess, in spite of the\\nvictories of Maurice of Orange, until Gustavus\\nAdolphus marched his wonderful army down from\\nthe frozen North. During Cromwell s youth and\\nearly manhood Spain was still the most powerful\\nand most dreaded of European nations. Her\\ngovernment had become a mere tyranny; her re-\\nligion fanatical bigotry of a type more extreme\\nthan any that existed elsewhere, even in an age\\nwhen all creeds tended toward fanaticism and\\nbigotry. It was in Spain that the Holy Inquisi-\\ntion chiefly flourished one of the most fearful\\nengines for the destruction of all that was highest\\nin mankind that the world has ever seen. Cath-\\nolics were oppressed in England and Protestants\\nin France; but in each country the persecuted\\n14", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nsect might almost be said to enjoy liberty, and\\ncertainly to enjoy peace, when their fate was com-\\npared with the dreadful horrors of torture and\\nmurder with which Spain crushed out every spe-\\ncies of heresy within her borders. Jew, Infidel,\\nand Protestant, shared the same awful doom, until\\nshe had purchased complete religious uniformity\\nat the price of the loss of everything that makes\\nnational life great and noble. The dominion of\\nSpain would have been the dominion of deso-\\nlation; her supremacy as baneful as that of the\\nTurk; and Holland and England, in withstand-\\ning her, rendered the same service to humanity\\nthat was rendered at that very time by those na-\\ntions of southeastern Europe who formed out of\\nthe bodies of their citizens the bulwark which\\nstayed the Turkish fury.\\nBut if in her relations to one Catholic nation\\nEngland appeared as the champion of religious\\nliberty, of all that makes life worth having to the\\nfree men who live in free nations, yet in her rela-\\ntions to another Catholic people she herself played\\nthe role of merciless oppressor religious, political,\\nand social. Ireland, utterly foreign in speech and\\nculture, had been ground into the dust by the\\ncrushing weight of England s overlordship. Dur-\\ning centuries chaos had reigned in the island the\\nEnglish intruders possessing sufficient power to\\n15", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nprevent the development of any Celtic national\\nlife, but not to change it into a Norman or Eng-\\nlish national life. The English who settled and\\nwarred in Ireland felt and acted as the most bar-\\nbarous white frontiersmen of the nineteenth cen-\\ntury have acted toward the alien races with whom\\nthey have been brought in contact. There is no\\nlanguage in which to paint the hideous atrocities\\ncommitted in the Irish wars of Elizabeth and\\nthe worst must be credited to the highest English\\nofficials. In Ireland the antagonism was funda-\\nmentally racial whether the sovereign of Eng-\\nland were Catholic or Protestant made little dif-\\nference in the burden of wrong which the Celt\\nwas forced to bear. The first of the so-called\\nplantations by which the Celts were ousted in\\nmass from great tracts of country to make room\\nfor English settlers, was undertaken under the\\nCatholic Queen Mary, and the two counties thus\\ncreated by the wholesale expulsion of the wretch-\\ned kerne were named in honor of the Queen and\\nof her spouse, the Spanish Philip. Though Phil-\\nip s bigotry made him the persecutor of heretics,\\nit taught him no mercy toward those of his own\\nfaith but of a different nationality, whether Irish\\nor Portuguese. When England became Prot-\\nestant, Ireland stood steadfastly for the old faith\\nand religious was added to race hatred. In Spain\\n16", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Sir John Eliot.\\nFrom the portrait by Van Somer at Port Eliot.\\nBy permi:\\ni)t the Earl ot St. Get", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nthe Holy Inquisition was the handmaid of grind-\\ning tyranny. In Ireland the Catholic priesthood\\nwas the sole friend, standby, and comforter of a\\nhunted and despairing people. In the Nether-\\nlands and on the high seas Protestantism was the\\ncreed of liberty. In Ireland it was one of the\\nmasks worn by the alien oppressor.\\nFrance was Catholic, but her Catholicism dif-\\nfered essentially from that of Spain, and during\\nthe first part of the seventeenth century was quite\\nas liberal as the Protestantism of England. When\\nCromwell was a child Henry of Navarre was on\\nthe French throne, and to him all creeds were\\nalike. He was succeeded in the actual govern-\\nment of France by the great Cardinals Piichelieu\\nand Mazarin, who were Statesmen rather than\\nChurchmen; and under them the French Prot-\\nestants enjoyed rather more toleration than was\\nallowed the Catholics of England. The natural\\nfoes of France were the two great Catholic powers\\nof Spain and Austria, ruled by the twin branches\\nof the House of Hapsburg; and her hostility to\\nthem determined her attitude throughout the\\nThirty Years War.\\nMeanwhile, Holland was at the height of her\\npower. She had a far greater colonial empire than\\nEngland, her commercial development was greater,\\nand the renown of her war marine higher. Drake\\n17", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand Hawkins had but singed the beard of the\\nSpanish king, had but plundered his vessels and\\nharassed his great fleets. Van Heemskirk, Piet\\nHein, and the elder Tromp crushed the sea-\\npower of Spain by downright hard fighting in\\ngreat pitched battles, and captured her silvei\\nfleets entire.\\nIn Great Britain itself it must be kept in\\nmind that Scotland was as yet an entirely distinct\\nkingdom, united to England only by the fact\\nthat the same line of kings ruled over both the\\ndifference between the Scotch and the English,\\nthough less in degree, was the same in kind as\\nthat between the English and the Dutch. In\\nScotland, outside of the Highlands, the mass of\\nthe people were devoted with all the strength of\\ntheir intense and virile natures to the form of\\nCalvinism introduced by Knox. Their Church\\ngovernment was Presbyterian. As both the Pres-\\nbyterian ministers and their congregations de-\\nmanded that the State should be managed in\\nessentials according to the wishes of the Church,\\nthe general feeling was really in the direction of\\na theocratic republic, although the name would\\nhave frightened them. In Scotland, as in Eng-\\nland, no considerable body of men had yet grasped\\nthe idea that there should be toleration of religious\\ndifferences or a divorce between the functions of\\n18", "height": "3095", "width": "1736", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nthe State and the Church. In both countries, as\\nelsewhere at the time through Christendom, re-\\nligious liberty meant only religious liberty for the\\nsect that raised the cry; but, as elsewhere, the\\nmere use of the name as a banner under which to\\nfight brought nearer the day when the thing itself\\nwould be possible.\\nIn England there was practically peace during\\nthe first forty years of the century, but it was an\\nignoble and therefore an evil peace. Of course,\\npeace should be the aim of all statesmen, and is\\nthe aim of the greatest statesman. Nevertheless,\\nnot only the greatest statesmen, but all men who\\nare truly wise and patriotic, recognize that peace\\nis good only when it comes honorably and is used\\nfor honorable purposes, and that the peace of\\nmere sloth or incapacity is as great a curse as the\\nmost unrighteous war. Those who doubt this\\nwould do well to study the condition of England\\nduring the reign of James I., and during the first\\npart of the reign of Charles I. England had then\\nno standing army and no foreign policy worthy of\\nthe name. The chief of her colonies was grow-\\ning up almost against her wishes, and wholly\\nwithout any help or care from her. In short, she\\nrealized the conditions, as regards her relations\\nwith the outside world and militarism, which\\ncertain philosophers advocate at the present day\\n19", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfor America. The result was a gradual rotting\\nof the national fibre, which rendered it neces-\\nsary for her to pass through the fiery ordeal\\nof the Civil War in order that she might be\\nsaved.\\nIn every nation there is, as there has been from\\n^time immemorial, a good deal of difficulty in\\ncombining the policies of upholding the national\\nhonor abroad, and of preserving a not too heavily\\ntaxed liberty at home. Many peoples and many\\nrulers who have solved the problem with marked\\nsuccess as regards one of the two conditions, have\\nfailed as regards the other. It was the peculiar\\nprivilege of the Stuart kings to fail signally in\\nboth. They were dangerous to no one but their\\nown subjects. Their government was an object\\nof contempt to their neighbors and of contempt,\\nmixed with anger and terror, to their own people.\\nThey made amends for utter weakness in the face\\nof a foreign foe by showing against the free men\\nof their own country that kind of tyranny which\\nfinds its favorite expression in oppressing those\\nwho resist not at all, or ineffectually. They were\\nheld on the throne only by a mistaken but hon-\\norable loyalty, and by an unworthy servility; by\\nthe strong habits formed by the customs of cen-\\nturies; and, most of all, by the wise distrust of\\nradical innovation and preference for reform to", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nrevolution which gives to the English race its\\ngreatest strength.\\nThis last attitude, the dislike of revolution,\\nwas entirely wholesome and praiseworthy. On\\nthe other hand, the doctrine of the divine right\\nof kings, which represented the extreme form of\\nloyalty to the sovereign, was vicious, unworthy of\\nthe race, and to be ranked among degrading su-\\nperstitions. It is now so dead that it is easy to\\nlaugh at it; but it was then a real power for evil.\\nMoreover, the extreme zealots who represented\\nthe opposite pole of the political and religious\\nworld, were themselves, as is ordinarily the case\\nwith such extremists, the allies of the forces\\nagainst which they pretended to fight. From\\nthese dreamers of dreams, of whose cloistered\\nvirtue Milton spoke with such fine contempt,\\nthe men who possessed the capacity to do things\\nturned contemptuously away, seeking practical\\nresults rather than theoretical perfection, and\\nbeing content to get the substance at some cost\\nof form. As always, the men who counted were\\nthose who strove for actual achievement in the\\nfield of practical politics, and who were not mis-\\nled merely by names. England, in the present\\ncentury, has shown how complete may be the\\nfreedom of the individual under a nominal mon-\\narchy; and the Dreyfus incident in France would", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nbe proof enough, were any needed, that despotism\\nof a peculiarly revolting type may grow rankly,\\neven in a republic, if there is not in its citizens a\\nfirm and lofty purpose to do justice to all men\\nI and guard the rights of the weak as well as of\\nthe strong.\\nJames came to the throne to rule over a people\\nsteadily growing to think more and more seriously\\nof religion to believe more and more in their\\nrights and liberties. But the King himself was\\ncursed with a fervent belief in despotism, and an\\nutter inability to give his belief practical shape in\\ndeeds. For half a century the spirit of sturdy\\nindependence had been slowly growing among\\nEnglishmen. Elizabeth governed almost under\\nthe forms of despotism; but a despotism which\\ndoes not carry the sword has to accommodate\\nitself pretty thoroughly to the desires of the sub-\\njects, once these desires become clearly defined\\nand formulated. Elizabeth never ventured to do\\nwhat Henry had done. She left England, there-\\nfore, thoroughly Royalist, devoted to the Crown,\\nand unable to conceive of any other form of gov-\\nernment, but already desirous of seeing an in-\\ncrease in the power of the people as expressed\\nthrough Parliament. James, from the very outset\\nof his reign, pursued a course of conduct exactly\\nfitted both to irritate the people with the pre-", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\ntensions of the Crown, and to convince them that\\nthey could prevent these pretensions from being\\ncarried out.\\nBesides, he offended both their political and\\ntheir religious feelings. England had been grow-\\ning more and more fanatically Protestant that is,\\nmore and more Puritan. Under Elizabeth there\\nhad been more religious persecution of Puritans,\\nand of Dissenters generally, than of Catholics. But\\nthis could not prevent the growth of the spirit of\\nPuritanism. During the reign of James there\\nwere marked Presbyterian tendencies visible\\nwithin the Anglican Church itself, and plenty\\nof Puritans among her divines. Unfortunately,\\nboth Presbyterian and Anglican were then at one\\nin heartily condemning that spirit of true re-\\nligious liberty, of true toleration, which we of\\nto-day in the United States recognize as the most\\nvital of religious rights. The so-called Inde-\\npendent movement, from which sprang the Con-\\ngregational and indeed the Baptist Churches as\\nwe know them to-day, had begun under Eliza-\\nbeth. Its votaries contended for what now seems\\nthe self-evident right of each congregation, if it\\nso desires, to decide for itself important questions\\nof doctrine and of church management. Yet\\nElizabeth s ministers had actually stamped this\\nsect out of existence, with the hearty approval of\\n23", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe wisest men in the realm and of the enormous\\nmajority of the people. Such an act, and, above\\nall, such approval, shows how long and difficult\\nwas the road which still had to be traversed\\nbefore the goal of religious liberty was reached.\\nThe people were relatively less advanced\\ntoward religious than toward political liberty.\\nNevertheless, they were distinctly in advance of\\nthe King, even in matters religious. The reso-\\nlute determination to fight for one s own liberty\\nof conscience, when it once becomes the charac-\\nteristic of the majority, cannot but tend toward\\nsecuring liberty of conscience for all; whereas,\\nfor one man, who claims supremacy in the\\nChurch as well as overlordship in the State, to\\nseek to impose his will upon others in matters\\nboth spiritual and political, cannot but produce a\\nvery aggravated form of tyranny. The Stuarts\\nrepresented an extreme, reactionary type of king-\\nship a type absolutely alien to all that was high-\\nest and most characteristic in the English charac-\\nter. They possessed the will to be despots, but\\nneither their own powers nor the tendencies of\\nthe times were in their favor. The tendency\\nwas, however, very strongly in favor of hereditary\\nkingship; so strongly, indeed, that nothing but\\nthe extreme folly as well as the extreme base-\\nness of the Stuart kings could overcome it.\\n24", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "All Saints Church, Huntingdon.\\nContaining the registry ..1 Oliver Cromwell s birth and bap-\\ntism\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a fac-simile of which is here given. Above the record of\\nhis birth someone had written England s plague for five years\\nbut this is now partially obliterated.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nStability of government, and therefore order, de-\\npends in the last resort upon the ability of the\\npeople to come to a consensus as to where power\\nbelongs. This consensus is less a matter of\\nvolition than of long habit, of slow evolution; to\\nAmericans of to-day, the rule of the majority\\nseems part of the natural order of things, whereas\\nto Russians it seems utterly unnatural, and they\\ncould by no possibility be brought into sudden\\nacquiescence in it. To Englishmen, in the early\\ndecades of the seventeenth century, hereditary\\nkingship seemed the only natural government,\\nand they could be severed from this belief only\\nby a succession of violent wrenches.\\nJames I. stood for absolutism in Church and\\nState, and quarrelled with and annoyed his sub-\\njects in the futile effort to realize his ideas. Charles\\nI., whom James had vainly sought to marry to a\\nSpanish princess, and succeeded in marrying to a\\nFrench princess (Henrietta Maria), took up his\\nfather s task. In private life he was the best of\\nthe Stuart kings, reaching about the average level\\nof his subjects. In public life his treachery, men-\\ndacity, folly, and vindictiveness his utter inabil-\\nity to learn by experience or to sympathize with\\nany noble ambition of his country his readiness\\nto follow evil counsel, and his ingratitude toward\\nany sincere friend, made him as unfit as either of\\n25", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhis sons to sit on the English throne and a greater\\ncondemnation than this it is not possible to award.\\nGermany was convulsed by the Thirty Years\\nWar but Charles cared nothing for the struggle,\\nand to her humiliation England had to see Swe-\\nden step to the front as the champion of the Ref-\\normation. At one period Charles even started to\\nhelp the French king against the Huguenots, but\\nwas brought to a halt by the outburst of wrath\\nthis called forth from his subjects. Once he made\\nfeeble war on Spain, and again he made feeble\\nwar on France but the expedition he sent against\\nCadiz failed, and the expedition he sent to\\nRochelle was beaten; and he was, in each case,\\nforced to make peace without gaining anything.\\nThe renown of the English arms never stood\\nlower than during the reigns of the first two Stu-\\narts.\\nAt the outset of his reign Charles sought to\\ngovern through Buckingham, who was entirely fit\\nto be his minister, and, therefore, unfit to be\\ntrusted with the slightest governmental task on\\nbehalf of a free and great people. Under Buck-\\ningham the grossest corruption obtained not\\nonly in the public service, but in the creation of\\npeerages. His whole administration represented\\nnothing but violence and bribery; and when he\\ntook command of the forces to be employed\\n26", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nagainst Rochelle, he showed that the list of his\\nqualities included complete military incapacity.\\nIt was after the failure at Rochelle that Charles\\nsummoned his third Parliament. With his first\\ntwo he had failed to do more than quarrel, as they\\nwould not grant hirn supplies unless they were al-\\nlowed the right to have something to say as to\\nhow they were to be used. He had, therefore,\\ndissolved them, holding that their only function\\nwas to give him what may be needed.\\nWith his third Parliament he got on no better.\\nIn it two great men sprang to the front Sir\\nThomas Wentworth, afterward Lord Strafford,\\nand Sir John Eliot, who had already shown him-\\nself a leader of the party that stood for free repre-\\nsentative institutions as against the unbridled\\npower of the King. Eliot was a man of pure and\\nhigh character, and of dauntless resolution, though\\na good deal of a doctrinaire in his belief that Par-\\nliamentary government was the cure for all the\\nevils of the body politic. Wentworth, dark, able,\\nimperious, unscrupulous, was a born leader, but\\nhe had no root of true principle in him. At the\\nmoment, from jealousy of Buckingham, and from\\ndesire to show that he would have to be placated\\nif the King were awake to self-interest, he threw\\nall the weight of his great power on the popular\\nside.\\n27", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nInstead of giving the King the money he\\nwanted, Parliament formulated a Petition of\\nRight, demanding such elementary measures of\\njustice as that the King should agree never again\\nto raise a forced loan, or give his soldiers free\\nquarters on householders, or execute martial law\\nin time of peace, or send whom he wished to\\nprison without showing the cause for which it was\\ndone. The last was the provision against which\\nCharles struggled hardest. The Star Chamber\\na court which sat without a jury, and which was\\nabsolutely under the King s jurisdiction had\\nbeen one of his favorite instruments in working\\nhis arbitrary will. The powers of this court were\\nleft untouched by the Petition yet even the ser-\\nvice this court could render him was far less than\\nwhat he could render himself if it lay in his power\\narbitrarily to imprison men without giving the\\ncause. However, his need of money was so great,\\nand the Commons stood so firm, that he had to\\nyield, and on June 7th, in the year 1628, the Pe-\\ntition of Right became part of the law of the land.\\nThe first step had been taken toward cutting out\\nof the English Constitution the despotic powers\\nwhich the Tudor kings had bequeathed to their\\nStuart successors.\\nImmediately afterward Buckingham was assas-\\nsinated by a soldier who had taken a violent\\n28", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "u\\nO a,\\nu", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\ngrudge against him, and the nation breathed freer\\nwith this particular stumbling-block removed,\\nwhile it lessened the strain between the King and\\nthe Commons, who were bent on his impeach-\\nment.\\nThere were far more serious troubles ahead. If\\nthe King could raise money without summoning\\nParliament, he could rule absolutely. If Parlia-\\nment could control not only the raising, but the\\nexpenditure of money, it would be the supreme\\nsource of power, and the King but a figure-head;\\nin other words, the government would be put upon\\nthe basis on which it has actually stood during\\nthe present century. For many reigns the Com-\\nmons had been accustomed to vote to each king\\nfor life, at the outset of his reign, the duties on\\nexports and imports, known as tonnage and\\npoundage but during the years immediately past\\nmen had been forced to think much on liberty\\nand self-government. Parliament was in no mood\\nto surrender absolute power to the King.\\nWith the right to lay taxes and to supervise\\nthe expenditure of money that is, to conduct\\nthe government was intertwined the question of\\nreligion. The mass of Englishmen adhered rather\\nloosely to the Anglican communion, and were\\nnot extreme Puritans on certain points, however,\\nthey were tinged very deeply with Calvinism.\\n29", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThey were greatly angered by the attitude of\\nthose bishops, who under the lead of Laud\\nshowed themselves more hostile to Protestant\\nthan to Catholic dogmas. These bishops preached\\nnot only that the views in Church matters held\\nby the bulk of Englishmen were wrong, but\\nfurthermore that it was the duty of every subject\\nto render entire obedience to the sovereign, no\\nmatter what the sovereign did, and they insisted\\nthat parliaments were of right mere ciphers in the\\nState. Such doctrines were not only irritating\\nfrom the theological stand-point they also struck\\nat the root of political freedom. The religious\\nantagonism was accentuated by the fact that at\\nthis time the Protestant cause in Germany had\\ntouched the lowest point it ever reached during\\nthe Thirty Years War, and the anger and alarm\\nof the English Protestants, as they saw the Cal-\\nvinists and Lutherans of Denmark and North Ger-\\nmany overcome, were heightened by the indiffer-\\nence, if not satisfaction, with which the King and\\nthe bishops looked at the struggle.\\nIn 1629 the Commons, under the lead of Eliot\\nand Pym, took advanced ground alike on the\\nquestions of religion and of taxation. Pym was\\nsupplementing Eliot s work, which was to make\\nthe House of Commons the supreme authority in\\nEngland, by striving to associate together a ma-\\n30", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\njority of the members for the achievement of cer-\\ntain common objects in other words, he was lay-\\ning the foundation of party government. Under\\nthe lead of these two men, the first two Parlia-\\nmentary and popular leaders in the modern sense,\\nthe House of Commons passed resolutions de-\\nmanding uniformity in religious belief thoughout\\nthe kingdom and condemning every innovation\\nin religion, and declaring enemies to the kingdom\\nand traitors to its liberties whoever advised the\\nlevying of tonnage and poundage without the\\nauthority of Parliament, or whoever voluntarily\\npaid those duties. The first clause hit Catholics\\nand Dissenters alike, but was especially aimed at\\nthe bishops and their followers, who stood closest\\nto the King; and the second was, of course, in-\\ntended to transfer the sovereignty from the King\\nto Parliament in other words, from the King to\\nthe people. Charles met the challenge by dis-\\nsolving Parliament. Eleven years were to pass\\nbefore another met. Meantime, the King gov-\\nerned as a despot; and it must be remembered\\nthat when he deliberately chose thus to govern as\\na despot, responsible to no legal tribunal, he at\\nonce threw his subjects back on the only remedies\\nwhich it is possible to enforce against despotism-\\ndeposition or death.\\nCharles was bitterly angry at the sturdy inde-\\n31", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\npendence shown by the Commons, and marked\\nout for vengeance those who had been fore-\\nmost in thwarting his wishes. His course was\\neasy. The Petition of Right formulated a prin-\\nciple, but as yet it offered no safeguard against\\nan unscrupulous king; while the Star Chamber\\ncourt, and the other judges for that matter, held\\noffice at his pleasure, and acted as his subservient\\ntools in fining and imprisoning merchants who\\nrefused payment of the duties, or men whose acts\\nor words the king chose to consider seditious,\\nEliot and some of his fellow-members were\\nthrown into prison because of the culminating\\nproceedings in Parliament. Eliot s comrades\\nmade submission and were released, but Eliot re-\\nfused to acknowledge that the King, through\\nhis courts, had any right to meddle with what\\nwas done in Parliament. He took his stand\\nfirmly on the ground that the King was not the\\nmaster of Parliament, and of course this could\\nbut mean ultimately that Parliament was master\\nof the King. In other words, he was one of the\\nearliest leaders of the movement which has pro-\\nduced English freedom and English government\\nas we now know them. He was also its martyr.\\nHe was kept in the Tower without air or exer-\\ncise for three years, the King vindictively refus-\\ning to allow the slightest relaxation in his con-\\n32", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nfinement, even when it brought on consumption.\\nIn December, 1632, he died and the King s\\nhatred found its last expression in denying to\\nhis kinsfolk the privilege of burying him in his\\nCornish home.\\nCharles set eagerly to work to rule the king-\\ndom by himself. To the Puritan dogma of en-\\nforced unity of religious belief utterly mischiev-\\nous, and just as much fraught with slavery to the\\nsoul in one sect as another he sought, through\\nLaud, to oppose the only less mischievous, be-\\ncause silly, doctrine of enforced uniformity in the\\nexternals of public worship. Laud was a small\\nand narrow man, hating Puritanism in every form,\\nand persecuting bitterly every clergyman or lay-\\nman who deviated in any way from what he re-\\ngarded as proper ecclesiastical custom. His\\ntyranny was of that fussy kind which, without\\nstriking terror, often irritates nearly to madness.\\nHe was Charles s instrument in the effort to secure\\necclesiastical absolutism.\\nThe instrument through which the King\\nsought to establish the royal prerogative in politi-\\ncal affairs was of far more formidable temper.\\nImmediately after the dissolution of Parliament\\nWentworth had obtained his price from the King,\\nand was appointed to be his right-hand man in\\nadministering the kingdom. A man of great\\n33", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nshrewdness and insight, he seems to have strug-\\ngled to govern well, according to his lights; but\\nhe despised law and acted upon the belief that\\nthe people should be slaves, unpermitted, as they\\nwere unfit, to take any share in governing them-\\nselves. After awhile Laud was made archbishop\\nand Wentworth was later made Lord Strafford.\\nWentworth and Laud, with their associates,\\nwhen they tried to govern on such terms, were\\ncontinually clashing with the people. A govern-\\nment thus carried on naturally aroused resistance,\\nwhich often itself took unjustifiable forms; and\\nthis resistance was, in its turn, punished with re-\\nvolting brutality. Criticism of Laudian methods,\\nor of existing social habits, might take scurrilous\\nshape and then the critic s ears were hacked off\\nas he stood in the pillory, or he was imprisoned\\nfor life.\\nThe great fight was made, not on a religious,\\nbut on a purely political question that of Ship\\nMoney. The king wished to go to war with the\\nDutch, and to raise his fleet he issued writs, first\\nto the maritime counties, and then to every shire\\nin England. He consulted his judges, who\\nstated that his action was legal as well they\\nmight, for when a judge disagreed with him on\\nany important point, he was promptly dismissed\\nfrom office. But there was one man in the king-\\n34", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "Archbishop Laud.\\nFrom the portrait at Lambeth Palace, painted by Vandyke.\\nBy permission of the Vn hbishop of Canterbury.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\ndom who thought differently, John Hampden, a\\nBuckinghamshire squire, who had already once\\nsat as a silent member in Parliament, together with\\nanother equally silent member of the same social\\nstanding, his nephew, Oliver Cromwell. Hamp-\\nden was assessed at twenty shillings. The amount\\nwas of no more importance than the value of the\\ntea which a century and a half later was thrown\\ninto Boston Harbor but in each case a vital prin-\\nciple the same vital principle was involved.\\nIf the King could take twenty shillings from\\nHampden without authority from the representa-\\ntives of the people in Parliament assembled, then\\nhis rule was absolute he could do what he\\npleased. On the other hand, if the House of\\nCommons could do as it wished in granting\\nmoney only for whatever need it chose to rec-\\nognize in the kingdom, then the House of Com-\\nmons was supreme. In Hampden s view but\\none course was possible he was for the Parlia-\\nment and the nation against the King; and he\\nrefused to pay the sum, facing without a murmur\\nthe punishment for his contumacy.\\nThe King and his ministers did not flinch from\\nproceeding to any length against either political\\nor religious opponents. Charles heartily upheld\\nLaud and Wentworth in carrying out their policy\\nof thorough Laud in England Wentworth,\\n35", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nafter 1633, in Ireland. Thorough, in their\\nsense of the word, meant making the State, which\\nwas the King, paramount in every ecclesiastical\\nand political matter, and putting his interests\\nabove the interests, the principles, and the preju-\\ndices of all classes and all parties paying heed to\\nnothing but to what seemed right in the eyes of\\nthe sovereign and the sovereign s chosen advisers.\\nUnder Wentworth s strong hand a certain amount\\nof material prosperity followed in Ireland, al-\\nthough chiefly among the English settlers. There\\nwas no such material prosperity in England; 1630,\\nfor instance, was a famine year. The net effect\\nof the policy would in the long run have been to\\nbring down a freedom-loving people to a lower\\ngrade of political and social development. There\\nwas, of course, no oppression in England in any\\nway resembling such oppression as that which\\nflogged the Dutch to revolt against the Spaniards.\\nBut it was exactly the kind of oppression which\\nled, in 1776, to the American Revolution. Eliot,\\nHampden, and Pym, stood for the principles that\\nwere championed by Washington, Patrick Henry,\\nand the Adamses. The grievances which forced\\nthe Long Parliament to appeal to arms were like\\nthose which made the Continental Congress throw\\noff the sovereignty of George III. In neither\\ncase was there the kind of grinding tyranny which\\n36", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nhas led to the assassination of tyrants and the\\nfrantic, bloodthirsty uprising of tortured slaves.\\nIn each case the tyranny was in its first stage, not\\nits last but the reason for this was simply that a\\nnation of vigorous freemen will always revolt by\\nthe time the first stage has been reached. It was\\nnot possible, either for the Stuart kings or for\\nGeorge III., to go beyond a certain point, for as\\nsoon as that point was reached the freemen were\\ncalled to arms by their leaders.\\nHowever, there was the greatest reluctance\\namong Englishmen to countenance rebellion, even\\nfor the best of causes. This reluctance was emi-\\nnently justifiable. Rebellion, revolution the\\nappeal to arms to redress grievances; these are\\nmeasures that can only be justified in extreme\\ncases. It is far better to suffer any moderate evil,\\nor even a very serious evil, so long as there is a\\nchance of its peaceable redress, than to plunge the\\ncountry into civil war and the men who head or\\ninstigate armed rebellions for which there is not\\nthe most ample justification must be held as one\\ndegree worse than any but the most evil tyrants.\\nBetween the Scylla of despotism and the Charybdis\\nof anarchy there is but little to choose and the\\npilot who throws the ship upon one is as blame-\\nworthy as he who throws it on the other. But a\\npoint may be reached where the people have to\\n37", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nassert their rights, be the peril what it may; and\\nin Great Britain this point was passed under\\nCharles I.\\nThe first break came, not in England, but in\\nScotland. The Scotch abhorred Episcopacy;\\nwhereas the English had no objection whatever\\nto bishops, so long as the bishops did not outrage\\nthe popular religious convictions. In Scotland\\nthe spirit of Puritanism was uppermost, and was\\nalready exhibiting both its strength and its weak-\\nness; its sincerity and its lack of breadth; its\\nstern morality and its failure to discriminate\\nbetween essentials and non-essentials; its loftiness\\nof aim and its tendency to condemn liberality of\\nthought in religion, art, literature, and science,\\nalike as irreligious; its insistence on purity of life,\\nand yet its unconscious tendency to promote\\nhypocrisy and to drive out one form of religious\\ntyranny merely to erect another.\\nA man of any insight would not have striven\\nto force an alien system of ecclesiastical govern-\\nment upon a people so stubborn and self-reliant,\\nwho were wedded to their own system of religious\\nthought. But this was what Laud attempted, with\\nthe full approval of Charles. In 1637 he made a\\nlast effort to introduce the ceremonies of the Eng-\\nlish Church at Edinburgh. No sooner was the\\nreading of the Prayer-Book begun than the con-\\n33", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\ngregation burst into wild uproar, execrating it as\\nno better than celebrating mass. It was essentially\\na popular revolt. The incident of Jenny Geddes s\\nstool may be mythical, but it was among the\\nwomen and men of the lower orders that the\\nresistance was stoutest. The whole nation re-\\nsponded to the cry, and hurried to sign a national\\nCovenant, engaging to defend the Reformed re-\\nligion, and to do away with all innovations\\nthat is, with everything in which Episcopacy dif-\\nfered from Puritanism and inclined toward the\\nChurch of Rome.\\nIn England and Scotland alike the Church of\\nRome was still accepted by the people at large as\\nthe most dangerous of enemies. The wonderful\\ncareer of Gustavus Adolphus had just closed.\\nThe Thirty Years War the last great religious\\nstruggle was still at its height. If, in France,\\nthe Massacre of St. Bartholomew stood far in the\\npast, the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes yet\\nlay in the future. The after-glow of the fires\\nof Smithfield still gleamed with lurid light in each\\nsombre Puritan heart. The men who, in England,\\nwere most earnest about their religion held to\\ntheir Calvinistic creed with the utmost sincerity,\\nhigh purpose, and self-devotion but with no little\\nharshness. Theirs was a lofty creed, but one\\nwhich, in the revolt against levity and viciousness,\\n39", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nset up a standard of gloom and, though ready to\\nfight to the death for liberty for themselves, they\\nhad as yet little idea of tolerating liberty in others.\\nNaturally, such men sympathized with one an-\\nother, and the action of the Scotch was heartily,\\nthough secretly, applauded by the stoutest Pres-\\nbyterians of England. Moreover, while menaced\\nby the common oppressor, the Puritan independ-\\nents, who afterward split off from the Presbyteri-\\nans, made common cause with them, the irrecon-\\ncilable differences between the two bodies not yet\\nbeing evident.\\nSoon the Scotch held a general assembly of the\\nChurch, composed of both clerical and lay mem-\\nbers, and formally abolished Episcopacy, in spite\\nof the angry protests of the King. Their action\\namounted in effect to establishing a theocracy.\\nThey repudiated the unlimited power of the\\nKing and the bishops, as men would do nowa-\\ndays in like case but they declared against lib-\\nerty of thought and conduct in religious matters,\\nbasing their action on practically the same line of\\nreasoning that influenced the very men they most\\ndenounced, hated, and feared.\\nThe King took up the glove which the Scotch\\nhad thrown down. He raised an army and un-\\ndertook the first of what were derisively known\\nas the Bishops Wars. But his people sympa-\\n40", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "W:\\na\\nWest Tower, Ely Cathedral, from Monastery Close.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\ngot an army together on the Border, but it would\\nthized with the Scotch rather than with him. He\\nnot fight, and he was forced reluctantly to treat\\nfor peace. Then Strafford came back from Ire-\\nland and requested Charles to summon a Parlia-\\nment so that he could get funds. In April, 1640,\\nthe Short Parliament came together, but the Eng-\\nlish spirit was now almost as high as the Scotch\\nin hostility to the King, and Parliament would\\nnot grant anything to the King until the griev-\\nances of the people were redressed. To this de-\\nmand Charles would not listen, and the Parlia-\\nment was promptly dissolved. Then, being\\nheartened by Laud, and especially by Strafford,\\nCharles renewed the war, only to see his army\\ndriven in headlong panic before the Scotch at\\nNewburn. The result was that he had to try to\\npatch up a peace under the direction of Strafford.\\nBut the Scotch would not leave the kingdom un-\\ntil they were paid the expenses of the war. There\\nwas no money to pay them, and Charles had to\\nsummon Parliament once more. On November\\n3, 1640, the Long Parliament met at West-\\nminster.\\nWhen Oliver Cromwell took his seat in the\\nLong Parliament he was forty-one years old. He\\nhad been born at Huntingdon on April 25, 1599,\\nand by birth belonged to the lesser gentry, or up-\\n41", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nper middle-class. The original name of the fam-\\nily had been Williams; it was of Welsh origin.\\nThere were many Cromwells, and Oliver was a\\ncommon name among them. One of the Pro-\\ntector s uncles bore the name, and remained a\\nstanch Loyalist throughout the Civil War. Oli-\\nver s own father, Robert, was a man in very mod-\\nerate circumstances, his estate in the town of\\nHuntingdon bringing an income of some ^300 a\\nyear. Oliver s mother, Elizabeth Steward of Ely,\\nseems to have been of much stronger character\\nthan his father. The Stewards, like the Crom-\\nwells, were new people, both families, like so\\nmany others of the day, owing their rise to the\\nspoliation of the monasteries. Oliver s father was\\na brewer, and his success in the management of\\nthe brewery was mainly due to Oliver s mother.\\nNo other member of Oliver s family neither his\\nwife nor his father influenced him as did his\\nmother. She was devoted to him, and he, in turn,\\nloved her tenderly and respected her deeply. He\\nfollowed her advice when young; he established\\nher in the Royal Palace of Whitehall when he\\ncame to greatness; and when she died he buried\\nher in Westminster Abbey. As a boy he received\\nhis education at Huntingdon, but when seventeen\\nyears old was sent to Cambridge University. A\\nstrong, hearty young fellow; fond of horse-play\\n42", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nand rough pranks as indeed he showed himself\\nto be even when the weight of the whole king-\\ndom rested on his shoulders. He nevertheless\\nseems to have been a fair student, laying the\\nfoundation for that knowledge of Greek litera-\\nture and the Latin language, and that fondness\\nfor books, which afterward struck the representa-\\ntives of the foreign powers at London. In 1617\\nhis father died, and he left Cambridge. When\\ntwenty-one years old he was married in London,\\nto Elizabeth Bouchier (who was one year older\\nthan he was), the daughter of a rich London fur-\\nrier. She was a woman of gentle and amiable\\ncharacter, and though she does not appear to have\\ninfluenced Cromwell s public career to any per-\\nceptible extent, he always regarded her with fond\\naffection, and was always faithful to her.\\nFor twenty years after his marriage he lived a\\nquiet life, busying himself with the management\\nof his farm. Nine children were born to him, of\\nwhom three sons and five daughters lived to ma-\\nturity. About this time his soul was first deeply\\nturned toward religious matters, and, like the\\ngreat majority of serious thinkers of the time, he\\nbecame devoted to the Puritan theology indeed\\nno other was possible to a representative of the pros-\\nperous, independent, and religious middle class,\\nfrom which all the greatest Puritan leaders sprang.\\n43", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nWhile a boy Oliver had been sent to the free\\nschool at Huntingdon, and his first training had\\nbeen received under its master, the Reverend\\nThomas Beard, a zealous Puritan and Reformer,\\nas well as a man of wide reading and sound\\nscholarship, and lastly, an inflamed hater of the\\nChurch of Rome. All his surroundings, all his\\nmemories, were such as to make the future Dicta-\\ntor of England sincerely feel that the Church of\\nRome was the arch-antagonist of all, temporal and\\nspiritual, that he held most dear. In the first\\nplace his ancestors were among those who had\\nprofited by the spoliation of the monasteries and\\nthe only way to avoid uncomfortable feelings on\\nthe part of the spoiler is for him to show or if\\nthis is not possible, to convince himself that he\\nhas shown the utmost iniquity on the part of the\\ndespoiled. When Oliver was a small boy the\\nGunpowder Plot shook all England. When he\\nwas a little older Henry of Navarre was stabbed\\nin Paris and though Henry was a cynical turn-\\ncoat in matters of religion, and a man of the most\\nrevolting licentiousness in private life, he was yet\\na great ruler of men, and had been one of the\\nprops of the Protestant cause. Before Oliver\\ncame of age the Thirty Years War had begun\\nits course. To Oliver Cromwell, warfare against\\nthe Church of Rome, broken by truces which,\\n44", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nwhether long or short, were intended only to be\\nbreathing-spells, must have seemed the normal\\nstate of things.\\nIn 1631 Oliver sold his paternal estate in\\nHuntingdon and managed a rented farm at St.\\nIves for five years then he removed to Ely, in the\\nfen country, and again took up farming, being\\njoined by his mother and sisters. He served in\\nthe great Parliament which passed the Petition of\\nRight, but played no part of prominence therein\\nstanding stoutly, however, for Puritanism and Par-\\nliamentary freedom. During the ensuing eleven\\nyears of unrest, while all England was making\\nready for the impending conflict, Oliver busied\\nhimself with his farm and his family. He showed\\nhimself one of the strongest bulwarks of the Puri-\\ntan preachers; zealous in the endeavor to further\\nthe cause of religion in every way, and always\\nopen to appeals from the poor and the oppressed,\\nof whom he was the consistent champion. When\\ncertain rich men, headed by the Earl of Bedford,\\nendeavored to oust from some of their rights the\\npoor people of the fens, Oliver headed the latter\\nin their resistance. He was keenly interested in\\nthe trial of his kinsman, John Hampden, for re-\\nfusal to pay the Ship Money a trial which was\\nmanaged by the advocate Oliver St. John, his\\ncousin by marriage.\\n45", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nIn short, Cromwell was far more concerned in\\nrighting specific cases of oppression than in ad-\\nvancing the great principles of constitutional gov-\\nernment which alone make possible that orderly\\nliberty which is the bar to such individual acts\\nof wrong-doing. From the stand-point of the pri-\\nvate man this is a distinctly better failing than is its\\nopposite but from the stand-point of the states-\\nman the reverse is true. Cromwell, like many a\\nso-called practical man, would have done better\\nwork had he followed a more clearly defined the-\\nory for though the practical man is better than\\nthe mere theorist, he cannot do the highest work\\nunless he is a theorist also. However, all Crom-\\nwell s close associations were with Hampden, St.\\nJohn, and the other leaders in the movement for\\npolitical freedom, and he acted at first in entire\\naccord with their ideas while with the religious\\nside of their agitation he was in most hearty sym-\\npathy.\\nIt is difficult for us nowadays to realize how\\nnatural it seemed at that time for the Word of\\nthe Lord to be quoted and appealed to on every\\noccasion, no matter how trivial, in the lives ot\\nsincerely religious men. It is very possible that\\nquite as large a proportion of people nowadays\\nstrive to shape their internal lives in accordance\\nwith the Ten Commandments and the Golden\\n4 6", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nRule indeed, it is probable that the proportion is\\nfar greater but professors of religion then carried\\ntheir religion into all the externals of their lives.\\nCromwell belonged among those earnest souls\\nwho indulged in the very honorable dream of a\\nworld where civil government and social life alike\\nshould be based upon the Commandments set\\nforth in the Bible. To endeavor to shape the\\nwhole course of individual existence in accord-\\nance with the hidden or half-indulged law of\\nperfect righteousness, has to it a very lofty side\\nbut if the endeavor is extended to include man-\\nkind at large, it has also a very dangerous side so\\ndangerous indeed that in practice the effort is apt\\nto result in harm, unless it is undertaken in a\\nspirit of the broadest charity and toleration for\\nthe more sincere the men who make it, the more\\ncertain they are to treat, not only their own prin-\\nciples, but their own passions, prejudices, vanities,\\nand jealousies, as representing the will, not of\\nthemselves, but of Heaven. The constant appeal\\nto the Word of God in all trivial matters is, more-\\nover, apt to breed hypocrisy of that sanctimonious\\nkind which is peculiarly repellent, and which in-\\nvariably invites reaction against all religious feel-\\ning and expression.\\nAt that day Cromwell s position in this matter\\nwas, at its worst, merely that of the enormous\\n47", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmajority of earnest men of all sects. Each sect\\nbelieved that it was the special repository of the\\nwisdom and virtue of the Most High and the\\nmost zealous of its members believed it to be their\\nduty to the Most High to make all other men\\nworship Him according to what they conceived\\nto be His wishes. This was the mediaeval atti-\\ntude, and represented the mediaeval side in Puri-\\ntanism; a side which was particularly prominent\\nat the time, and which, so far as it existed, marred\\nthe splendor of Puritan achievement. The noble-\\nness of the effort to bring about the reign of God\\non earth, the inspiration that such an effort was to\\nthose engaged in it, must be acknowledged by\\nall but, in practice, we must remember that, as\\nreligious obligation was then commonly construed,\\nit inevitably led to the Inquisition in Spain; to\\nthe sack of Drogheda in Ireland; to the merciless\\npersecution of heretics by each sect, according to\\nits power, and the effort to stifle freedom of\\nthought and stamp out freedom of action. It is\\nright, and greatly to be desired, that men should\\ncome together to search after the truth to try to\\nfind out the true will of God; but in Cromwell s\\ntime they were only beginning to see that each\\nbody of seekers must be left to work out its own\\nbeliefs without molestation, so long as it does not\\nstrive to interfere with the beliefs of others.\\n4 8", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE TIMES AND THE MAN\\nThe great merit of Cromwell, and of the party\\nof the Independents which he headed, and which\\nrepresented what was best in Puritanism, consists\\nin the fact that he and they did, dimly, but with\\never-growing clearness, perceive this principle,\\nand, with many haltings, strove to act up to it.\\nThe Independent or Congregational churches,\\nwhich worked for political freedom, and held that\\neach congregation of Protestants should decide\\nfor itself as to its religious doctrines, stood as the\\nforerunners in the movement that has culminated\\nin our modern political and religious liberty. How\\nslow the acceptance of their ideas was, how the op-\\nposition to them battled on to the present century,\\nwill be appreciated by anyone who turns to the\\nearly writings of Gladstone when he was the ris-\\ning hope of those stern Tories, whose special an-\\ntipathy he afterward became. Even yet there are\\nadvocates of religious intolerance, but they are\\nmostly of the academic kind, and there is no\\nchance for any political party of the least impor-\\ntance to try to put their doctrines into effect.\\nMore and more, at least here in the United States,\\nCatholics and Protestants, Jews and Gentiles, are\\nlearning the grandest of all lessons that they can\\nbest serve their God by serving their fellow-\\nmen, and best serve their fellow-men, not by\\nwrangling among themselves, but by a generous\\n49", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nrivalry in working for righteousness and against\\nevil.\\nThis knowledge then lay in the future. When\\nCromwell grew to manhood he was a Puritan of\\nthe best type, of the type of Hampden and Mil-\\nton sincere, earnest, resolute to do good as he saw\\nit, more liberal than most of his fellow-religionists,\\nand saved from their worst eccentricities by his\\nhard common-sense, but not untouched by their\\ngloom, and sharing something of their narrowness.\\nEntering Parliament thus equipped, he could not\\nfail to be most drawn to the religious side of the\\nstruggle. He soon made himself prominent;\\na harsh-featured, red-faced, powerfully-built man,\\nwhose dress appeared slovenly in the eyes of the\\ncourtiers who was no orator, but whose great\\npower soon began to impress friends and enemies\\nalike.\\n50", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "II\\nTHE LONG PARLIAMENT AND THE CIVIL WAR\\nKING CHARLES S theory was that Parlia-\\nment had met to grant him the money\\nhe needed. The Parliament s conviction was\\nthat it had come together to hold the King and\\nhis servants to accountability for what they had\\ndone, and to provide safeguards against a repeti-\\ntion of the tyranny of the last eleven years. Par-\\nliament held the whip hand, for the King dared\\nnot dissolve it until the Scots were paid, lest their\\narmy should march at once upon London.\\nThe King had many courtiers who hated pop-\\nular government, but he had only one great and\\nterrible man of the type that can upbuild tyran-\\nnies; and, with the sure instinct of mortal fear\\nand mortal hate, the Commons struck at the min-\\nister whose towering genius and unscrupulous\\nfearlessness might have made his master absolute\\non the throne. A week after the Long Parlia-\\nment met, in November, 1 640, Pym, who at once\\ntook the lead in the House, moved the impeach-\\nment of Strafford, in a splendid speech which set\\n51", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nforth the principles for which the popular party\\nwas contending. It was an appeal from the rule\\nof irresponsible will to the rule of law, for the vi-\\nolation of which every man could be held account-\\nable before some tribunal. About the same time\\nLaud was thrown into the Tower but at the mo-\\nment there was no thought of taking his life, for\\nthe ecclesiastic was not like the statesman a\\nmighty and fearsome figure, and though he had\\ndone as much evil as his feeble nature permitted,\\nhe had unquestionably been far more conscientious\\nthan the great Earl. Strafford had sinned against\\nthe light, for he had championed liberty until\\nthe King paid him his price and made him the\\nmost dangerous foe of his former friends. He\\nnow defended himself with haughty firmness, and\\nthe King strove in every way to help him. But\\nthe Commons passed a Bill of Attainder against\\nhim and then Charles committed an act of fatal\\nmeanness and treachery. There was not one\\nthing that Strafford had done, save by his sov-\\nereign s wish and in his sovereign s interest. By\\nevery consideration of honor and expediency\\nCharles was bound to stand by him. But the\\nStuart King flinched. Deeming it for his own\\ninterest to let Strafford be sacrificed, he signed\\nthe death-warrant. Put not your trust in\\nPrinces, said the fallen Earl when the news was\\n52", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "John Pym.\\nFrom the portrait by Cornelius Janssen at the Victoria and Albert\\nMuseum, South Kensington.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nbrought to him, and he went to the scaffold un-\\ndaunted.\\nCromwell showed himself to be a man of mark\\nin this Parliament but he was not among the\\nvery foremost leaders. He had no great un-\\nderstanding of constitutional government, no full\\nappreciation of the vital importance of the reign\\nof law to the proper development of orderly lib-\\nerty. His fervent religious ardor made all ques-\\ntions affecting faith and doctrine close to him;\\nand his hatred of corruption and oppression in-\\nclined him to take the lead whenever any question\\narose of dealing, either with the wrongs done by\\nLaud in the course of his religious persecutions,\\nor with the irresponsible tyranny of the Star\\nChamber, and the sufferings of its victims. The\\nbent of Cromwell s mind was thus shown right in\\nthe beginning of his parliamentary career. His\\ndesire was to remedy specific evils. He was too\\nimpatient to found the kind of legal and constitu-\\ntional system which could alone prevent the re-\\ncurrence of such evils. This tendency, thus early\\nshown, explains, at least in part, why it was that\\nlater he deviated from the path trod by Hamp-\\nden, and afterward by Washington and Washing-\\nton s colleagues showing himself unable to build\\nup free government or to establish the reign of\\nlaw, until he was finally driven to substitute his\\n53", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nown personal government for the personal gov-\\nernment of the King whom he had helped to de-\\nthrone, and put to death. Cromwell s extreme\\nadmirers treat his impatience of the delays and\\nshortcomings of ordinary constitutional and legal\\nproceedings as a sign of his greatness. It was just\\nthe reverse. In great crises it m aybe n ecessary to\\noverturn constitutions and disregard statutes 1 ju st\\nas it may be necessary to establish a vigilance\\ncommittee, or take refuge in lynch law but such a\\nremedy is always dangerous, even when absolutely\\nnecessary and the moment it becomes the habit-\\nual remedy, it is a proof that society is going\\nbackward. Of this retrogression the deeds of the\\nstrong man who sets himself above the law may\\nbe partly the cause and partly the consequence\\nbut they are always the signs of decay.\\nThe Commons had passed a law authorizing\\nthe election of a Parliament at least once in three\\nyears which at once took away the King s power\\nto attempt to rule without a Parliament; and in\\nMay they extorted from the King an act that they\\nshould not be dissolved without their own con-\\nsent. Ship Money was declared to be illegal the\\nStar Chamber was abolished; and Tonnage and\\nPoundage were declared illegal, unless levied by\\nAct of Parliament. Then the Scotch army was\\npaid off and returned across the Border. The best\\n54", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nwork of the Commons had now been done, and if\\nthey could have trusted the King it would have\\nbeen well for them to dissolve but the King\\ncould not be trusted, and, moreover, the religious\\nquestion was pushed to the front. Laud s actions\\nactions taken with the full consent and by the\\nadvice of the King had rendered the Episcopal\\nform of Church government obnoxious. The\\nHouse of Commons was Presbyterian, and it\\nspeedily became evident that it wished to estab-\\nlish the Presbyterian system of Church govern-\\nment in the place of Episcopacy; and, moreover,\\nthat it intended to be just as intolerant on behalf\\nof Presbyterianism as the King and Laud had\\nbeen on behalf of Episcopacy. There was a strong\\nmoderate party which the King might have ral-\\nlied about him, but his incurable bad faith made\\nit impossible to trust his protestations. He now\\nmade terms with the Scotch, in accordance with\\nwhich they agreed not to interfere between him-\\nself and his English subjects in religious matters.\\nHe hoped thereby to deprive the Presbyterian\\nEnglish of their natural allies across the Border.\\nThis conduct, of itself, would have inflamed the\\nincreasing religious bitterness but it was raised\\nto madness by the news that came from Ireland\\nat this time.\\nInspired by the news of the revolt in Scotland\\n55", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand the troubles in England, the Irish had risen\\nagainst their hereditary oppressors. It was the\\nrevolt of a race which rose to avenge wrongs as\\nbitter as ever one people inflicted upon another;\\nand it was inevitable that it should be accom-\\npanied by appalling outrages in certain places.\\nIt was on these outrages that the English fixed\\ntheir eyes, naturally ignoring the generations of\\nEnglish evil-doing which had brought them about.\\nA furious cry for revenge arose. Every Puritan,\\nfrom Oliver Cromwell down, regarded the mas-\\nsacres as a fresh proof that Roman Catholics ought\\nto be treated, not as professors of another Chris-\\ntian creed, but as cruel public enemies; and their\\nburning desire for vengeance took the form, not\\nmerely of hostility to Roman Catholicism, but to\\nthe Episcopacy, which they regarded as in the last\\nresort an ally of Catholicism.\\nIn November, 1641, the Puritan majority in\\nParliament passed the Grand Remonstrance\\nwhich was a long indictment of Charles s con-\\nduct. Cromwell had now taken his place as\\namong the foremost of the Root and Branch\\nParty, who demanded the abolition of Episco-\\npacy, and whose action drove all those who be-\\nlieved in the Episcopal form of Church govern-\\nment into the party of the King. He threw him-\\nself with eager vehemence into the Party of the\\n56", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nRemonstrance, and after its bill was passed told\\nFalkland that if it had been rejected by Parlia-\\nment he would have sold all he had, and never\\nagain seen England.\\nFor a moment the Puritan violence, which cul-\\nminated in the Grand Remonstrance, provoked a\\nreaction in favor of the King but the King, by\\nanother act of violence, brought about a counter-\\nreaction. In January, 1642, he entered the\\nHouse of Commons, and in person ordered the\\nseizure and imprisonment in the Tower of the\\nfive foremost leaders of the Puritan party, in-\\ncluding Pym and Hampden. Such a course\\non his part could be treated only as an invita-\\ntion to civil war. London, which before had\\nbeen wavering, now rallied to the side of the\\nCommons; the King left Whitehall; and it was\\nevident to all men that the struggle between\\nhim and the Parliament had reached a point\\nwhere it would have to be settled by the appeal\\nto arms.\\nIn August, 1642, King Charles planted the\\nroyal standard on the Castle of Nottingham, and\\nthe Civil War began. The Parliamentary forces\\nwere led by the Earl of Essex. They included\\nsome 20 regiments of infantry and 75 troops of\\nhorse, each 60 strong, raised and equipped by its\\nown captain. Oliver Cromwell was captain of\\n57", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe Sixty-seventh Troop, and his kinsfolk and\\nclose friends were scattered through the cavalry\\nand infantry. His sons served with or under\\nhim. One brother-in-law was quartermaster of\\nhis own troop a second was captain of another\\ntroop. His future son-in-law, Henry Ireton, was\\ncaptain of yet another; a cousin and a nephew\\nwere cornets. Another cousin, John Hampden,\\nwas colonel of a regiment of foot so was Crom-\\nwell s close friend and neighbor, the after-time\\nEarl of Manchester, who was much under his\\ninfluence.\\nIt was nearly a hundred years since England\\nhad been the scene of serious fighting, and Scot-\\nland had witnessed nothing more than brawls\\nduring that time. Elizabeth s war with Spain\\nhad been waged upon the ocean. However,\\nthousands of English and Scotch adventurers\\nhad served in the Netherlands and in High\\nGermany under the Dutch and Swedish gen-\\nerals. In both the Royal and Parliamentary\\narmies there was a sprinkling of men es-\\npecially in the upper ranks of the officers who\\nhad had practical experience of war on a large\\nscale. The English people offered exceptionally\\nfine material for soldiers; the population was still\\noverwhelmingly rural and agricultural. In the\\ncities the hardy mechanics and craftsmen were\\n58", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nf accustomed to sports in which physical prowess\\nplayed a great part. The agricultural classes\\nwere far above the peasant serfs of Germany and\\nFrance and the gentry and yeomanry were ac-\\ncustomed to the use of the horse and the fowling-\\npiece, and were devoted to field-sports. In\\ncourage, in hardihood, in intelligence, the level\\nwas high.\\nAlthough gunpowder had been in use for a\\ncouple of centuries, progress toward the modern\\narms of precision had been so slow that close-\\nquarter weapons were still, on the whole, su-\\nperior; and shock tactics rather than fire tactics\\nwere decisive. Artillery, though used on the\\nfield of battle, was never there a controlling\\nfactor, being of chief use in the assault of fortified\\nplaces. The musketeers took so long to load\\ntheir clumsy weapons that they could be used to\\nbest advantage only when protected, and they\\nplayed a less important part on a pitched field\\nthan the great bodies of pikemen with which\\nthey were mingled. In England the cavalry\\nhad completely the upper hand of the infantry.\\nIt was used, not merely to finish the fight, but\\nto smash unbroken and unshaken bodies of\\nfoot; and so great was its value in the open\\nfield that every effort was made by the com-\\nmanders on both sides to keep it at the largest\\n59", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\npossible ratio to the whole army. Every de-\\ncisive battle of the Civil War was made such\\nby the cavalry. The arrangement of the armies\\nwas, invariably, with the infantry in the centre,\\nthe pikemen and the musketeers ordinarily al-\\nternating in clumps, while the cavalry was on I\\nboth wings. The dragoons, though mounted,\\nhabitually fought on foot with their fire-pieces.\\nLancers were rarely used. The heavy cavalry\\nwere clad in cuirasses, and armed with long,\\nstraight swords and pistols. The light cavalry\\nusually wore the buff coat, sometimes with a\\nbreast-piece, always with a helmet; and in ad-\\ndition to their sword and pistols, carried a carbine.\\nThroughout Europe, at this time, cavalry\\ntrusted altogether too much to their clumsy fire-\\narms, save when handled by some great natural\\nleader of horse; and, in consequence, on the Con-\\ntinent, the infantry had won the upper hand. But\\nit happened in the English Civil War that the\\nonly great leaders developed were cavalrymen;\\nand so the horse retained throughout the mastery\\nover the foot although, as each arm was always\\npitted against the same arm in the opposing forces,\\nthe struggle frequently wore itself out before the\\nvictorious horse and victorious foot, if they be-\\nlonged to different parties, could fight it out\\nbetween them.\\n60", "height": "3095", "width": "1705", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nThe Civil War opened with just such blunder-\\ning and indecisive fighting as marked the opening\\nof the American Civil War two centuries later.\\nThere was no hard and fast line, whether geo-\\ngraphically or of caste, between the two parties;\\nin every portion of England, and in every rank\\nof society, there were to be found adherents both\\nof the King and of the Commons; but, as a whole,\\nthe east and south of England were for the Par-\\nliament; the north and west were Royalist. The\\nbulk of the aristocracy stood for the King; the\\nbulk of the lesser gentry and yeomanry were\\nagainst him. The revolutionary movement as\\nin America in 1776 received its main strength\\nfrom the lesser gentry, small farmers, tradesmen,\\nand upper-class mechanics and handicraftsmen.\\nIn America in 1776 there was no proletariat. So\\nfar as there was one in England in 1642, it took\\nno interest in the struggle. The peasantry, the\\nmass of the agricultural laborers, were inclined\\ntoward the King, though the men immediately\\nabove them in social position, who represented\\nthe lowest rank that had political influence, were\\nthe other way. The townsmen were generally\\nfor the Parliament.\\nIn comparing the English Civil War of the\\nseventeenth century with the American Civil\\nWar of the nineteenth, there are some curious\\n61", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\npoints of similarity, no less than some very sharp\\ncontrasts. During the two centuries there had\\nbeen a great growth in esteem for fixity of prin-\\nciple. In the English Civil War nothing was\\nmore common than for a man to change sides,\\nand there was treachery even on the field of battle\\nitself; whereas, in the American Civil War,\\nthough many of the leaders, like Lee and Thomas,\\nwere in great doubt as to the proper course to\\nfollow, yet when sides had once been taken, there\\nwas no flinching and no looking back. Moreover,\\nthere was far greater intensity of popular feeling\\nin the American Civil War even the States that\\nwere divided in opinion at the outset held no\\nconsiderable mass of population which did not\\nsoon throw its weight on one side or the other;\\nwhereas, in the English Civil War there were\\nlarge bodies of men who strove to avoid declar-\\ning for either side. At the very end of the con-\\ntest, tens of thousands of persons, mainly peasants,\\norganized under the title of Clubmen, with the\\navowed purpose of holding the scales even be-\\ntween the two sets of combatants, and of looking\\nout for their own interests. The American Civil\\nWar was fought for the right of secession, and\\nefforts were made in Kentucky, for instance\\nto establish the right of a locality to be neutral.\\nThe state rights theory reached an almost equal\\n62", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\ndevelopment in some of the English counties dur-\\ning the Cromwellian contest. Yorkshire at one\\ntime declared for neutrality. The trained bands\\nof Cornwall, when the Royalist forces were driven\\nback within their borders, promptly turned out\\nand drove off the pursuing Parliamentarians, but\\nrefused to obey orders to leave the county in pur-\\nsuit of their foes, and disbanded to their own\\nhomes. Later, they repeated exactly the same\\ncourse of procedure. There were at times local\\ntruces, or agreements as to the conditions of the\\ncontest in particular localities.\\nOn both sides associations were formed,\\nconsisting of special groups of counties banded\\ntogether intimately for the purposes of defence.\\nThe most important of these, the Eastern Associa-\\ntion, included Cromwell s own home, taking in\\nall of the middle East. This region was through-\\nout the contest the backbone of resistance to\\nthe King. Its people were strongly Puritan in\\nfeeling, and it was they who gave Cromwell his\\nstrength: for they gave him his Ironsides; and\\nfurnished the famous New Model for the Parlia-\\nmentary army which finished the war.\\nAt the outset of the war many of the nobles\\nraised regiments from among their own tenants,\\nand the armies were of picturesque look, each\\nregiment having its own uniform. The Guards\\n63", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof Lord Essex adopted the buff leather coat,\\nwhich afterward became the uniform of the whole\\nRoundhead army. Hampden s regiment was in\\ngreen the London trained bands in bright scarlet.\\nOther regiments were clad in blue or gray. In\\nthe Cavalier army there were foot-guards in white\\nand foot-guards in red and among their horse,\\nthe Life Guards of the King composed of lords\\nand gentlemen who had no separate commands\\nwore plumed casques over their long curled locks,\\nembroidered lace collars over their glittering cui-\\nrasses, gay scarfs, gilded sword-belts, and great-\\nboots of soft leather doubled down below the\\nknee.\\nThe history of the English Civil War, like the\\nhistory of the American Revolutionary War and\\nthe American Civil War, teaches two lessons.\\nFirst, it shows that the average citizen of a civil-\\nized community requires months of training be-\\nfore he can be turned into a good soldier, and\\nthat raw levies no matter how patriotic are,\\nunder normal conditions, helpless before smaller\\narmies of trained and veteran troops, and cannot\\nstrike a finishing blow even when pitted against\\ntroops of their own stamp. In the second place\\nit teaches a lesson, which at first sight seems con-\\ntradictory of the first, but is in reality not in the\\nleast so; namely, that there is nothing sacrosanct\\n6 4", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nin the trade of the soldier. It is a trade which\\ncan be learned without special difficulty by any\\nman who is brave and intelligent, who realizes\\nthe necessity of obedience, and who is already\\ngifted with physical hardihood and is accustomed\\nto the use of the horse and of weapons, to endur-\\ning fatigue and exposure, and to acting on his\\nown responsibility, taking care of himself in the\\nopen.\\nCromwell s, troops were not regulars, like the\\nprofessional soldiers of the Thirty Years War;\\nthey were volunteers. After two or three years\\nservice they became the finest troops that Europe\\ncould then show; just as by 1864 the volunteers\\nof Grant and Lee had reached a grade of per-\\nfection which made them, for their own work,\\nsuperior to any other of the armies then in exist-\\nence.\\nUnder modern conditions, in a great civilized\\nstate, the regular army is composed of officers\\nwho have as a rule been carefully trained to their\\nwork; who possess remarkably fine physique,\\nand who are accustomed to the command of\\nmen and to taking the lead in emergencies and\\nthe enlisted men have likewise been picked out\\nwith great care as to their bodily development\\nhave been drilled until they handle themselves,\\ntheir horses, and their weapons admirably, can\\n65", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncook for themselves, and are trained to the en-\\ndurance of hardship and exposure under the con-\\nditions of march and battle. An ordinary volun-\\nteer or militia regiment from an ordinary civilized\\ncommunity, on the other hand, no matter how\\nenthusiastic or patriotic, or how intelligent, is of-\\nficered by lawyers, merchants, business men, or\\ntheir sons, and contains in its ranks clerks, me-\\nchanics, or farmers lads of varying physique, who\\nhave to be laboriously taught how to shoot and\\nhow to ride, and, above all, how to cook and to\\ntake care of themselves and make themselves\\ncomfortable in the open, especially when tired\\nout by long marches, and when the weather\\nis bad. At the outset such a regiment is, of\\ncourse, utterly inferior to a veteran regular regi-\\nment, but after it has been in active service in\\nthe field for a year or two, so that its weak men\\nhave been weeded out, and its strong men have\\nlearned their duties which can be learned far\\nmore rapidly in time of war than in time of peace\\nit becomes equal to any regiment. Moreover,\\nif a regular regiment consists of raw recruits and\\nis officered by men who have learned their profes-\\nsion only in the barracks and the study and on\\nthe parade ground, it may be a cause of very\\ndisagreeable surprise to those who have grown\\nto regard the word regular as a kind of fetich,\\n66", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nAgain, a volunteer regiment may have the wis-\\ndom to select officers for the highest positions who\\nknow how to handle men, who have seen actual\\nsoldiering, who possess natural capacity for leader-\\nship, eagerness to learn, and the good sense to\\nknow their own shortcomings; and the rank and\\nfile may be men of adventurous temper, already\\nskilful riflemen, and of great bodily hardihood, ac-\\ncustomed to exposure, accustomed to cook that\\nis to say, to take care of their stomachs to live\\nin the open, to endure hardship and fatigue, and\\nto take advantage of cover in battle. Such a\\nregiment, especially if raised on the frontier, may,\\nfrom the outset, prove itself equal to or better\\nthan any ordinary regular regiment as has recent-\\nly been shown by our troops in the Philippines, by\\nthe Australians and Canadians in South Africa, and,\\nabove all, by the Boers; and as was shown nearly\\na century ago by Hofer s Tyrolese and Andrew\\nJackson s backwoodsmen. Of course, no good\\ntraits will avail in the least if men are possessed\\nwith the belief that they cannot be taught any-\\nthing, if they are not eager to obey and to\\nlearn or if they do not possess a natural fighting\\nedge.\\nSo it is with the men in high command. The\\ncareful training in body and mind, and especially\\nin character, gained in an academy like West\\n67", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nPoint, and the subsequent experience in the field,\\nendow the regular officer with such advantages\\nthat, in any but a long war, he cannot be over-\\ntaken even by the best natural fighter. In the\\nAmerican Civil War, for instance, the greatest\\nleaders were all West Pointers. Yet even there,\\nby the end of the contest both armies had pro-\\nduced regimental, brigade, and division com-\\nmanders, who though originally from civil life,\\nhad learned to know their business exactly as\\nwell as the best regular officers and there was at\\nleast one such commander Forrest who, in his\\nown class, was unequalled. If in a war the regu-\\nlar officers prove to have been trained merely to\\nthe pedantry of their profession, and do not hap-\\npen to number men of exceptional ability in their\\nranks, then sooner or later the men who are born\\nsoldiers will come to the front, even though they\\nhave been civilians until late in life.\\nNone of the men on the Parliamentary side\\nwho had received their training in the Continental\\narmies amounted to much. On the Royalist side\\nthe only professional soldier who made his mark\\nwas Rupert; and Rupert, after a year or two, was\\ndecisively beaten by Cromwell a great natural\\nmilitary genius, who, although a civilian till after\\nforty, showed an astonishing aptitude in grasping\\nthe essentials of his new profession. His only\\n68", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "Prince Rupert.\\nFrom the portrait by Vandyke at Hinchingbrooke.\\nBy permission of the Rirl of Sandwich.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nmilitary rival in the war was Montrose, who was\\nalso not a professional soldier.\\nIn September King Charles had gathered a\\nforce of 10,000 men at Nottingham, while Essex\\nwas getting together a larger army not far off, at\\nNorthampton. The wealth of the kingdom was\\nwith the Parliament, which also possessed the\\narsenal, the fleet, and the principal ports. On\\nthe other hand, man for man, the King s troops\\nwere superior to the Parliament s, especially in\\nthe most dreaded arm of the service, the horse.\\nThe fervid zealots who, like John Bunyan, en-\\ntered the Parliamentary army, were never in the\\nmajority, and needed peculiar training to bring\\nout their remarkable soldierly qualities. The so-\\nber, thrifty, religious middle class which was the\\nbackbone of the Parliamentary strength had no\\nspecial aptitude for military service. If its mem-\\nbers could once be put in the army and kept\\nthere a sufficient length of time, their qualities\\nmade them excellent soldiers; but, as a whole,\\nthey were not men of very adventurous temper,\\nand had had no such training in arms, or in the\\nsports akin to war, as inclined them to rush into\\nthe army. On the other hand, the Royalist nobles\\nand squires, and their game-keepers, grooms, and\\nhard-riding kinsmen, with their taste for field-\\nsports, their love of adventure, and their high\\n69", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsense of warlike honor, made splendid material\\nout of which to organize an army, and especially\\ncavalry. In consequence, for the first half of the\\nwar the Royalist cavalry was overwhelmingly su-\\nperior to the Parliamentary cavalry, composed as\\nit was of men bought with the money of the bour-\\ngeoisie, who had no particular heart in their work\\nwho were timid horsemen and unskilled swords-\\nmen. The difference in favor of the Royalist\\nhorse was as marked as the superiority of the\\nConfederate horse in the American Civil War,\\nunder leaders like Stuart, Morgan, and Basil\\nDuke; until time was afforded, in the one case\\nfor the growth of Cromwell, in the other for the\\ndevelopment of leaders like Sheridan and Wil-\\nson.\\nCromwell had already shown himself very act-\\nive. He had seized the magazine of the Castle\\nof Cambridge, and secured the University plate,\\nwhich was being sent to the King. He had raised\\nvolunteers and expended money freely out of his\\nown scanty means. His troop of horse was, from\\nthe beginning, utterly different from most of the\\nParliamentary cavalry; it was composed of his\\nown neighbors, yeomen and small farmers, hard,\\nserious men, whose grim natures were thrilled by\\nthe intense earnestness of their leader, and whom\\nhe steadily drilled into good horsemanship and\\nJO", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nswordsmanship. His chaplains always played an\\nimportant part; one of them, Hugh Peters, was\\na man of mark, who joined ability to high char-\\nacter.\\nThe King s cavalry was led by Prince Rupert,\\na dashing swordsman and horseman, a born cav-\\nalry leader, who, though only twenty-three, had\\nalready learned his trade in the wars of the Con-\\ntinent. Rupert opened the real fighting, scatter-\\ning a large body of Parliamentary horse in panic\\nrout when he struck them near Powick, on the\\nSevern.\\nIn October the King marched on London, and\\nat Edgehill met the army of Essex. Each side\\ndrew up, with the infantry in the centre, the cav-\\nalry on the flanks. On the King s side there was\\nmuch jealousy among the different generals, and\\nsome insubordination, but far more activity and\\neagerness for fight than the Parliamentary troops\\ndisplayed. The battle was fought on the after-\\nnoon of October 23d, and the Parliamentary army\\nwas demoralized at the outset by the treacherous\\ndesertion of a regiment commanded by a man\\nmost inappropriately named Sir Faithful For-\\ntescue. He moved out of the ranks and joined\\nRupert s horse. Rupert charged with headlong\\nimpetuosity, and by his fury and decision so over-\\nawed the Parliamentary horse opposed to him\\n71", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthat they did not wait the shock, but galloped\\nwildly off, actually dispersing the nearest infantry\\nregiments of their own side. Rupert then showed\\nthe characteristic shortcoming which always im-\\npaired the effect of his daring prowess. He never\\ncould keep his men in hand after they had scat-\\ntered the foe he never kept a sufficient reserve\\nwith which to meet a counter-stroke. None but\\na great master of war could withstand his first\\nshock but after the first shock he was no longer\\ndangerous. At Edgehill his horse followed the\\nrouted left wing of the Parliamentarians until\\nthey became as completely scattered as their\\nbeaten foes. He struck the Parliamentary bag-\\ngage-train, which was defended by Hampden\\nwith a couple of infantry regiments, and his scat-\\ntered troopers were beaten back when he attempt-\\ned to take it.\\nMeanwhile, the Royalist horse of the left wing\\nhad fallen with the same headlong fury on the\\nParliamentary right, but had only struck a small\\nportion of the Parliamentary cavalry. These they\\ndrove in rout before them, themselves following\\nin hot pursuit. The result was, that the bulk\\nof the Parliamentary foot, and a portion of the\\nright wing of the Parliamentary horse, including\\nOliver Cromwell s troop, were left face to face\\nwith the Royalist foot, which was inferior in\\n72", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nnumbers; and falling on it, after a desperate\\nstruggle they got the upper hand and forced it\\nback. Rupert at last began to gather his horse\\ntogether to face the victorious Roundhead foot;\\nand as night fell, the two armies were still fronting\\neach other. The King advanced on London in\\nNovember, but was unable to force his way into y\\nthe city, and fell back.\\nThe war had not opened well for the Parlia-\\nmentary side, and their especial weakness was\\nevidently in cavalry the arm by which decisive\\nbattles in the open field were won. Cromwell,\\nwith unerring eye, saw the weakness and started\\nto remedy it. It is about this time that his fam-\\nous conversation with Hampden took place. Said\\nCromwell Your troops are most of them old\\ndecayed serving-men and tapsters, and such kind\\nof fellows and their troops are gentlemen s sons,\\nyounger sons, and persons of quality; do you\\nthink that the spirits of such base, mean fellows\\nwill ever be able to encounter gentlemen that\\nhave honor and courage and resolution in them\\nYou must get men of a spirit; and\\ntake it not ill what I say I know you will not\\nof a spirit that is likely to go on as far as gentle-\\nmen will go, or else you will be beaten still.\\nI raised such men as had the fear of God\\nbefore them, as made some conscience of what\\n73", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthey did, and from that day forward they were\\nnever beaten.\\nThe famous Presbyterian clergyman, Baxter,\\nwho was by no means friendly to Cromwell, de-\\nscribed his special care to get religious men into\\nhis troop men of greater intelligence than com-\\nmon soldiers, who enlisted, not for the money, but\\nfrom an earnest sense of public duty. Naturally,\\nsaid Baxter, these troopers having more than\\nordinary wit and resolution had more than ordi-\\nnary success.\\nBy another writer of the time, Cromwell s horse\\nare described as freeholders and freeholders sons,\\nwho upon matter of conscience engaged in this\\nquarrel and thus being well-armed within by the\\nsatisfaction of their own consciences, and without\\nby good iron arms, they would as one man stand\\nfirmly and charge desperately. Cromwell at once\\ndistinguished himself among his contemporaries,\\nalike by the absolute obedience he rendered to\\nhis superiors, and by the incessant, unwearying\\nactivity with which he drilled his men in the use\\nof their weapons and horses. He was speedily\\npromoted to a colonelcy. In a news-letter of the\\ntime his regiment was described as composed of\\nbrave men; well disciplined. No man swears\\nbut he pays his twelvepence if he be drunk he\\nis set in the stocks or worse; if one calls the\\n74", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0B\\nr* r^ tit iA*\\n*fVi.*-i-*.i\\nFac-simile of Letter from Oliver Cromwell to Mr. Storie, written J|i\\nFrom the orilsl", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "H~%\\n~*S\\nF* i t\\ni j j I\\nJi fU. dV-r* n*i u*4) fs4 ffy-;/ tf\\n\\\\h; fi mil t\\nI rw f\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0I\\njUl\\nVthil\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0*m^ .^^v^aMfenBa ti^J Mi WMH\\n5; said to be the earliest extant letter in Cromwell s handwriting.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nother Roundhead, he is cashiered; insomuch that\\nthe counties where they come leap for joy of them,\\nand come in and join with them. How happy\\nwere it if all the forces were thus disciplined\\nCromwell suppressed all plundering with an iron\\nhand. An eminently practical man, not in the\\nleast a theoretical democrat, but imbued with\\nthat essence of democracy which prompts a man\\nto recognize his fellows for what they really are,\\nwithout regard to creed or caste, it speedily be-\\ncame known that under him anyone would have\\na fair show according to his merits. He realized\\nto the full that the quality of troops was of vastly\\nmore consequence than their numbers; that only\\nthe best men can be made the best soldiers; and\\nthese best men themselves will make but poor\\nsoldiers unless they have good training. His\\ntroops proved what iron discipline, joined to stern\\nreligious enthusiasm, could accomplish; just as\\nlater their immense superiority to the forces of the\\nScotch Covenanters showed that religious and\\npatriotic enthusiasm, by itself, is but a poor sub-\\nstitute for training and discipline. In one of his\\nletters he writes I beseech you, be careful what\\ncaptains of horse you choose; what men be\\nmounted. A few honest men are better than\\nnumbers. Some time they must have for exer-\\ncise. If you choose godly, honest men to be\\n75", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncaptains of horse, honest men will follow them,\\nand they will be careful to mount such. I had\\nrather have a plain russet-coated captain that\\nknows what he fights for, and loves what he\\nknows, than that which you call a gentleman, and\\nis nothing else. I honor a gentleman that is so\\nindeed. It may be it provoked some\\nspirit to see such plain men made captains of\\nhorse. Better plain men than none but\\nbest to have men patient of work, faithful and\\nconscientious in employment.\\nOrdinarily, Cromwell was able to get for his\\nleaders men who were gentlemen in the technical\\nsense of the term, but again and again there forged\\nto the front under him men like Pride, whose\\nnatural talents had to supply the place of birth\\nand breeding. He writes again My troops in-\\ncrease; I have a lovely company; you would\\nrespect them did you know them. They\\nare honest, sober Christians; they expect to be\\nused as men. Again he writes, when his Pres-\\nbyterian colleagues were showing a tendency to\\noppress and drive out of the army men whose\\nreligious beliefs did not square with theirs:\\nSurely, you are not well-advised thus to turn off\\none so faithful to the cause, and so able to serve\\nyou as this man (a certain colonel). Give me\\nleave to tell you I cannot be of your judgment.\\n76", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nIf a man notorious for wickedness, for oaths, for\\ndrinking, hath as great a share in your affection\\nas one who fears an oath, who fears to sin.\\nAy, but the man is an Anabaptist Are you\\nsure of that? Admit he be, shall that render\\nhim incapable to serve the public? Sir, the state,\\nin choosing men to serve it, takes no notice of\\ntheir opinions: if they be willing faithfully to\\nserve it, that satisfies. Take heed of being\\nsharp or too easily sharpened by others, against\\nthose to whom you can object little, but that they\\nsquare not with you in every opinion concerning\\nmatters of religion.\\nIn these sentences lies the justification of gen-\\nuine democracy, of genuine religious liberty, and\\ntoleration by the state of religious differences.\\nThey were uttered by a man far in advance of the\\ntemper of his age. He was not sufficiently ad-\\nvanced to extend his toleration to Roman Cath-\\nolics, and even extending it as far as he did he\\nwas completely out of touch with the majority of\\nhis fellow-countrymen; for the great bulk both\\nEpiscopalians and Presbyterians were bitterly\\nhostile to the toleration of even inconsiderable\\ndifferences of doctrine and ritual. The ideal after\\nwhich Cromwell strove, though lower than that to\\nwhich we of a more fortunate age have attained,\\nwas yet too high to be reached in his day. Never-\\n77", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ntheless, it was a good thing to have the standard\\nset up; and once the mark which he had estab-\\nlished was reached, it was certain that the spirit\\nof toleration would go much farther. As soon\\nas Baptists and Congregationalists, no less than\\nEpiscopalians and Presbyterians, were tolerated\\nby the state for the reasons he gave, it was sure to\\nbecome impossible to refuse toleration to Catho-\\nlics and Unitarians.\\nWe must honor Cromwell for his aspirations\\ntoward the ideal, but we must acknowledge how\\nfar short of reaching it he fell. At this very time\\nhe was handling without gloves the Episcopalian\\nclergy. In order to secure the assistance of the\\nScotch, Parliament had determined to take the\\nCovenant, which made the state religion of Eng-\\nland the same form of lofty, but intolerant, Pres-\\nbyterianism that obtained in Scotland. Under the\\ndecision of the Government the ritual of the\\nChurch of England was forcibly suppressed, and\\nthere was no little harrying of Episcopal clergy\\nand vandal destruction of ancient art symbolism\\nby the Puritan zealots. Leave off your fooling\\nand come down, sir said Cromwell, walking\\ninto Ely Cathedral, where the clergyman had\\npersisted in the choir service and there was no\\nchoice but to obey.\\nIn 1643 Cromwell forged to the front as al-\\n78", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nmost the only steadily successful Parliamentary\\ncommander. To marvellous energy, fervid zeal,\\ngreat resourcefulness, fertility of invention, and\\nindividual initiative, he added the unerring in-\\nsight of the born cavalry leader. He soon saw\\nthat the true weapon of the cavalryman was the\\nhorse; and, discarding the carbines with which\\nhis troop had first been armed, he taught them\\nto rely upon the shock of a charging, close-knit\\nmass of men and horses trained to move rapidly\\nas a unit.\\nHe was ceaseless in his efforts to get his men\\npaid, fed, and equipped. Like his great friend,\\nSir Thomas Fairfax, though he stopped all plun-\\ndering, he levied heavy fines on the estates of the\\nRoyalists, and by these means, and by assessments\\nfrom the Association, and by voluntary loans and\\ncontributions, he was able to keep his men well\\nequipped.\\nThere was no comprehensive strategy in the\\nfighting this year but the balance of the isolated\\nexpeditions undertaken inclined in favor of the\\nKing. Cromwell appears clearly, for the first\\ntime, as a successful military leader in May, near\\nGrantham. He had under him twelve troops.\\nThe Cavaliers much outnumbered him. Never-\\ntheless, when, after some preliminary firing from\\nthe dragoons on both sides, Cromwell charged at\\n79", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\na round trot, the Cavaliers, instead of meeting the\\ncharge, received it and were broken and routed.\\nThe fight was of great value as being the first in\\nwhich the Parliamentary horse beat a superior\\nnumber of Royalist horse. Cromwell was as yet\\nlearning his trade. On this occasion he hesitated\\na long time about charging, and only charged at\\nall when it became evident that his opponents\\nwould not; and he owed his victory to the in-\\ncompetence of the Royalist commander. It was\\nan invaluable lesson to him.\\nA great deal of scrambling, confused, and\\nrather pointless warfare followed. Rupert and\\nHampden encountered each other, and Hampden\\nwas defeated and killed. Hampden s great col-\\nleague, Pym, died later in the year, just after\\nhaving brought about the league with Scotland\\none of the first-fruits of which was the trial and\\nexecution of Laud. Presbyterianism was now\\ndominant, and set itself to enforce everywhere\\nthe rigid rule of clerical orthodoxy. Against this\\nthe Independents began to raise their voices; but\\nthe real force which was to gain them their vic-\\ntory over both Royalist and Presbyterian was as\\nyet hidden. Cromwell s Ironsides as they were\\nafterward termed when Rupert christened Crom-\\nwell himself by that name the regiments which\\nhe raised and drilled after his own manner from\\n80", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "i\\nJohn Hampden.\\nFrom the portrait by Robert Walker at Port Eliot,\\nBy permission ol the Karl of St. Germans,", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nthe Eastern Association, these represented the\\nreal power of the Independents, and these were\\nnot yet recognized as the heart and right arm of\\nthe army.\\nCromwell held Nottingham, where the Royal-\\nists attacked him and he beat them off. He took\\nBurleigh House, which was held by a strong\\nRoyalist garrison; then, in July, 1643, he ad-\\nvanced to rescue the Parliamentary general, Lord\\nWilloughby, who was besieged at Gainsborough\\nby a division of Newcastle s army. About a\\nmile and a half out of town he met the cavalry\\nof Lord Cavendish, which was drawn up at the\\ntop of a hill. To attack him it was necessary to\\nadvance up steep slopes, honeycombed by rabbit\\nburrows; but Cromwell s squadrons were already\\nremarkable alike for flexibility and steadiness,\\nand their leader knew both how to prepare his\\nforces and how to take daring advantage of every\\nopportunity that offered. As his leading troops\\nstruggled to the top of the hill Cavendish s horse-\\nmen advanced, but the Cromwellian troopers,\\nclosing up, charged them at once. There was a\\nstiff contest, but as the rest of the Parliamentary\\ntroops came to the front, the Royalists were over-\\nthrown and driven off in wild rout. Cavendish\\nhimself brought up his reserve and routed a\\nportion of the Parliamentary forces but Crom-\\n81", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwell had neither lost his head nor let his force\\nget out of hand. He, too, had a reserve, and\\nwith this he charged Cavendish and overthrew\\nhim, Cavendish himself being slain.\\nThis feat was succeeded by another quite as\\nnotable. After relieving the town and giving\\nLord Willoughby powder and provisions, Crom-\\nwell advanced toward some Royalist soldiers who\\nstill remained in view, about a mile distant. To\\nhis astonishment, these proved to be the vanguard\\nof Newcastle s whole army, and there was nothing\\nfor it but to retreat. Cromwell s troops were\\ntired, and only his excellent generalship and in-\\ndomitable courage prevented a disastrous rout.\\nBoth the Parliamentary horse and foot were at\\nfirst shaken by the advance of the fresh Roy-\\nalist soldiery, but Cromwell speedily got them\\nin hand and retired by divisions, making head\\nagainst the enemy alternately with one body of\\nhorse and then with another, while the rest of\\nthe troops drew back behind the shield thus\\nafforded them. The alternating squadrons of\\nthe rear-guard always made head against the\\nenemy and checked him, but always slipped\\naway before he could charge, and thus the tired\\narmy was brought off in safety.\\nIn September Cromwell joined Sir Thomas\\nFairfax; and in October they met and over-\\n82", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nthrew a Royalist force at Winceby, the Puritan\\ntroopers singing a psalm as they advanced to the\\ncombat. The numbers seem to have been about\\nequal, perhaps 3,000 a side. The battle began\\nwith a skirmish between the dragoons of the two\\nforces. It was decided by the tremendous charge\\nof Cromwell s steel-clad troopers. The charge\\nwas made at the trot, Cromwell leading his men.\\nThe Royal dragoons fired upon them as they\\ncame on, Cromwell s horse was killed, and a\\nCavalier knocked him down as he rose, but was\\nhimself killed by a Puritan trooper. Cromwell\\nsprang to his feet, flung himself on a fresh horse,\\nand again joined in the fight. His troops were\\nheavy cavalry, cuirassiers, and the opposing Roy-\\nalists, with only buff coats, were overthrown by\\nthe shock of his advance. Fairfax charged in\\nflank, and the rout was complete. The Royalist\\nleaders chronicled with astonishment the fact that\\nthe Parliamentary horse showed great superiority\\nthat they were very good and extraordinarily\\narmed. Apparently the victory was owing to the\\nexcellent drilling of Cromwell s troops, which\\nenabled them to charge knee to knee and when\\nthus charging, the weight of the horses and of the\\nironclad men made them irresistible.\\nIn 1644 the war at first dragged on as a series\\nof isolated expeditions and fights in which neither\\n83", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nside was able to score any decided advantage.\\nRupert performed two or three brilliant feats; the\\nScotch crossed the border to aid the Parliamen-\\ntarians; and Charles tried to come to some un-\\nderstanding with the Irish, by which they would,\\nif possible, furnish him troops, and if not, would\\nat least free the English troops in Ireland. Some\\nof the latter he did bring over. After one or\\ntwo successes a body of them were captured and\\nmany subscribed to the Covenant. The most\\nnoted man who thus changed sides was the after-\\ntime General, George Monk.\\nCromwell was looming up steadily; not only\\nfor the discipline of his men, but for the vigilant\\nway in which he kept touch with the enemy and\\ngained information about them, making the best\\npossible use of pickets, outposts, and scouting\\nparties; all, by the way, being, as was usual in\\nthose times, under the headship of an officer\\nknown as the Scout-master a far better term\\nthan the cumbrous modern Chief of the Bureau\\nof Intelligence. Of course Cromwell s growing\\nmilitary reputation added greatly to his weight in\\nParliament, of which, like most of the leading\\ngenerals, he was still a member. His first feat\\nduring this year showed how little the duties of\\nthe soldier and the statesman were as yet difFer\u00c2\u00ab\\nentiated.\\n84", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nEarly in January he appeared in the House of\\nCommons, charged Lord Willoughby with mis-\\nconduct, and brought about his removal and the\\nnaming of Manchester to the sole command in\\nthe seven associated counties. Manchester was\\nlittle more than a figure-head. He made Crom-\\nwell his lieutenant-general and yielded in all\\nthings to him, until he was alienated by falling\\nunder the control of the Scotch Covenanters, who\\nalready hated Cromwell as a representative of the\\nsectaries whom they persecuted. The House\\nof Commons appointed a Committee of Both\\nKingdoms to assume the supreme executive au-\\nthority for the conduct of the war. Cromwell\\nwas made a member of this Committee, and was\\nalso the ruling member of the Committee of the\\nEastern Association, which furnished the zealously\\nPuritan force that was already the mainspring of\\nthe Parliamentary army.\\nIn June the Scotch, under the Earl of Leven,\\nand the English, under Lord Fairfax and Lord\\nManchester, were besieging York, which was de-\\nfended by Lord Newcastle. Toward the very\\nlast of the month Rupert marched rapidly to its\\nrelief. The three Parliamentary generals fell back\\ninstead of falling on him as he advanced. New-\\ncastle wished to leave them alone, but Rupert in-\\nsisted upon following and attacking the Parlia-\\n85", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmentary armies. He and Newcastle had about\\n20,000 men. The Parliamentarians probably-\\nnumbered some 25,000 but throughout this war\\nit is impossible to give either the numbers or the\\nlosses with accuracy.\\nOn July 2d Rupert overtook the end of the Par-\\nliamentary column, which was saved from disaster\\nonly by the fortunate fact that the horse of Crom-\\nwell and Sir Thomas Fairfax formed the rear-\\nguard. The two latter sent on word of Rupert s\\nadvance, warning the Parliamentary generals that\\nthey could not now avoid a fight and promptly\\nthe Scotch and English troops were turned to face\\ntheir Royalist foes on Marston Moor.\\nA ditch stretched across the moor, and the ar-\\nmies drew up with this extending for most of its\\nlength between them. Each side was marshalled\\nin the usual order infantry in the centre, cavalry\\non the flanks. The horse of the Parliamentary\\nright wing was commanded by Sir Thomas Fair-\\nfax, who had under him his own English cavalry\\nand three Scottish regiments. The right wing of\\nthe foot was commanded by Lord Fairfax, and\\nconsisted of the Yorkshire troops and two bri-\\ngades of Scots. The centre, with its reserve, con-\\nsisted of Scotch troops the left, of the infantry of\\nthe Eastern Association. Leven was with the in-\\nfantry of the centre; Manchester on his left.\\n86", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nThe horse of the left wing were under Cromwell,\\nhis Ironsides occupying the front line with three\\nScotch regiments in reserve.\\nIn the Royalist army the horse on the left wing\\nwere under Goring; the infantry in the centre\\nwere under Newcastle, and Rupert himself led\\nthe horse of the right wing. At last the two\\ngreat cavalry leaders of the war Rupert and\\nCromwell were to meet face to face. The war\\nhad lasted nearly two years. The best troops, un-\\nder the best leaders, had reached very nearly their\\nlimit of perfectibility they were veterans, soldiers\\nin every sense.\\nHour after hour passed while the armies stood\\nmotionless, the leaders on either side anxiously\\nscanning the enemy, seeking to find a weak point\\nat which to strike. Evening drew on and no\\nmove was made. The Royalist leaders made up\\ntheir mind that the battle would not be fought\\nthat day. Suddenly, at seven o clock, the whole\\nParliamentary army moved forward, the Puritan\\ntroopers chanting a psalm, according to their\\nwont.\\nOn the right, Fairfax s troopers, as they ad-\\nvanced, were thrown into disorder. Goring\\ncharged them furiously, drove them back on the\\nreserve of Scotch cavalry, and overthrew them all.\\nThe rout was hopeless, and the flying horsemen\\n87", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncarried away the Yorkshire foot with them. Sir\\nThomas kept the ground, with a few of his troop-\\ners and a large number of Lord Balgony s Scotch\\nLancers and the Earl of Eglinton s Scotch Cui-\\nrassiers. The fugitives were followed in hot pur-\\nsuit by Goring, but part of his horse were kept in\\nhand by their commander, Sir Charles Lucas,\\nwho, wheeling to the right, charged the flank of\\nthe Scotch foot, who had formed the Parliament-\\nary centre, and who had now crossed the ditch\\nand were attacking the Royalists in front. The\\nScotch fought with stubborn valor, repulsing Lu-\\ncas again and again, but suffering so heavily them-\\nselves that it became evident that they could not\\nlong stand the combined front and flank attack.\\nWhile disaster had thus overtaken the Parlia-\\nmentary right, on the left Cromwell had com-\\npletely the upper hand. His steel-clad troopers\\ncrashed into Rupert s horsemen at full speed. The\\nfight was equal for some time, neither stubborn\\nRoundhead nor gallant Cavalier being able to\\nwrest the mastery from the other. But Rupert,\\nwho always depended upon one smashing blow,\\nand put his main force into his front line, did not,\\nlike Cromwell, understand how best to use a re-\\nserve. Cromwell s reserve the Scotch cavalry\\ncame up and charged home, and the Royalist\\nhorse were overthrown with the shock. God\\n88", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nmade them as stubble to our swords, said Crom-\\nwell.\\nSending his leading troops in pursuit, to pre-\\nvent the enemy from rallying, Cromwell instantly\\ngathered the bulk of his horse and fell on the\\nright wing of the Royalist foot already hard\\npressed by the foot of the Eastern Association.\\nThe King s men fought with dogged courage,\\nmost conspicuous among them being Newcastle s\\nown Northumbrian Regiment, the famous White-\\ncoats, who literally died as they stood in the ranks.\\nSweeping down the line the Ironsides smashed\\none regiment after another, until, in the fading\\nsummer evening, Cromwell had almost circled\\nthe Royalist army, and came to their left wing,\\nwhere he saw the Royalist horse charging the right\\nflank of the Scots and harrying the routed York-\\nshire foot. Immediately he reformed his thor-\\noughly trained squadrons almost on the same\\nground where Goring s horse stood at the begin-\\nning of the battle, and fronting the same way.\\nThe foot of the Association formed beside them,\\nand just before nightfall the Puritan cavalry and\\ninfantry made their final charge. Goring s troop-\\ners were returning from their pursuit; Lucas s\\nmen were recoiling from their last charge, in\\nwhich Lucas himself had been captured. They\\nwere scattered like chaff by the shock of the steel-", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nclad Cromwellian troopers, riding boot to boot;\\nand the remaining Royalist foot shared the same\\nfate. The battle was over just as night fell, stop-\\nping all pursuit. But there was little need of\\npursuit. As at Waterloo, the very obstinacy\\nwith which the fight had been waged made the\\noverthrow all the more complete when at last it\\ncame. Night went down on a scene of wild con-\\nfusion, with thousands of fugitives from both armies\\nstreaming off the field through the darkness for\\nthe disaster to the right wing of the Parliament-\\nary army had resulted not only in the rout of all\\nthe Yorkshire men and half of the Scotch, but\\nalso in the three Parliamentary commanding gen-\\nerals, Leven, Manchester, and Lord Fairfax, be-\\ning swept off in the mass of fugitives. The\\nfight had been won by Cromwell, not only by\\nthe valor, coolness, keen insight, and power of\\ncontrol over his men, which he had showed in the\\nbattle itself, but by the two years of careful prep-\\naration and drill which had tempered the splendid\\nweapons he used so well.\\nThis was the first great victory of the war; but\\nit produced no decisive effect; for there was no\\none general to take advantage of it. York\\nfell; but little else resulted from the triumph.\\nFairfax, Manchester, and Leven all separated to\\npursue various unimportant objects. They left\\n90", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nRupert time to recruit his shattered forces. They\\ndid not march south to help Essex, who was op-\\nposed to the King in person. Essex blundered\\nbadly, and when he marched into Cornwall was\\nout-manceuvred and surrounded, and finally had\\nto surrender all his infantry. Before this the King\\nhad already beaten the Parliamentary general,\\nWaller, at Copredy Bridge, the defeat of the Par-\\nliamentarians being turned into disaster by the con-\\nduct of the London trained-bands, who, after two\\nyears of battle, were still mere militia, insubordi-\\nnate and prone to desert. It was not with such stuff\\nthat victory over the Royalists could be obtained.\\nMere militia who will not submit to rigid disci-\\npline cannot be made the equals of regulars by\\nno matter how many years of desultory fighting.\\nIn the War of the American Revolution it was\\nthe Continentals the regulars of Washington,\\nWayne, and Greene who finally won the vic-\\ntory, while even to the very end of the struggle\\nthe ordinary militia proved utterly unable to face\\nthe red-coats. So in the English Civil War, it\\nwas the carefully drilled and trained horse and\\nfoot of the Eastern Association, and not the dis-\\norderly London trained-bands, who overthrew the\\nKing s men. Cromwell had developed his troops\\njust as Grant and Lee, Sherman and Johnston\\nlong afterward developed theirs. It is only under\\n91", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nexceptional conditions, and with wholly excep-\\ntional populations, that it is possible to forego\\nsuch careful drilling and training.\\nOne great reason for the failures of the Par-\\nliamentary forces was that their leading generals\\nno longer greatly cared for success. They were\\nPresbyterians, who believed in the Parliament,\\nbut who also believed in the throne. They hated\\nthe Independents quite as much as they hated\\nthe Episcopalians, and felt a growing distrust of\\nCromwell, who in religious matters was the leader\\nof the Independents, and who had announced that\\nif he met the King in battle he would kill him\\nas quickly as he would kill anyone else. Essex\\nwas no more capable of putting a finish to the\\nwar than McClellan was capable of overthrowing\\nthe Confederacy. The one, like the other, had\\nto make room for sterner and more resolute men.\\nThe Committee of both Kingdoms struggled\\nin vain to get their generals to accomplish some-\\nthing. At Newbury where one indecisive bat-\\ntle had already been fought they got together\\nan army nearly double the strength of the King s\\nwith no result save that another indecisive battle\\nwas fought, on October 29, 1644. It was evident\\nthat there had to be a complete change in the\\nmanagement of the war if a victory was to be\\nachieved. Accordingly Cromwell once more\\n92", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nturned from the field to the House of Com-\\nmons.\\nIn November he rose in Parliament and de-\\nnounced Manchester as utterly inefficient; and\\nthen turned his onslaught from an attack on one\\nman into a general move against all the hitherto\\nleaders of the army. On December 9th he ad-\\ndressed the House in one of his characteristic\\nspeeches, rugged in form, but instinct with the\\nman s eager, strong personality, fiery earnestness\\nand hard common-sense. He pointed out, not\\nall the truth for that was not politic but the\\nevident truth that it was not wise to have leaders\\nwho both served in Parliament and also com-\\nmanded in the army. The result was the passage\\nof the Self-denying Ordinance, by which all\\nmembers of either of the Houses were required\\nto resign their commands; so that, at a stroke,\\nthe Presbyterian and Parliamentary leaders were\\nremoved from their control of the forces. Two\\nmonths afterward it was decreed that the forces of\\nthe Commonwealth should be reorganized on the\\nNew Model. For the short-time service and\\nmilitia levy system there was substituted the New\\nModel that is, the plan under which in the Eastern\\nAssociation the Ironsides had been raised to such\\na pitch of efficiency was extended to include the\\nwhole army. Sir Thomas Fairfax was put in\\n93", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncommand, but so evident was it to everyone that\\nCromwell was the real master-mind of the Parlia-\\nmentary armies that the Self-denying Ordinance\\nwas not enforced as far as he was concerned, and\\nhe was retained, nominally as second, but in re-\\nality as chief, in command. This was not only a\\nvictory for the radical military party, but a vic-\\ntory for the Independents over the Presbyterians.\\nThe Independent strength was in the army, and\\nthey now had their own leaders.\\nDuring the period of reorganization of the\\narmy the war lagged along in its usual fashion,\\nwith Rupert as much to the fore as ever; and to\\nthe Royalists it merely seemed that their adver-\\nsaries had gotten at odds, and that the great\\nnoblemen, the experienced leaders, had been\\ndriven from their leadership. Their hopes were\\nhigh, especially as in Scotland affairs had taken\\na sudden and most unexpected turn in their favor.\\nImmediately after Marston Moor Montrose had\\nbegun his wonderful year of crowded life. Rec-\\nognizing the extraordinary military qualities of\\nthe Celtic clansmen of the Highlands, he had\\nstirred them to revolt, and had proved himself a\\nmaster of war by a succession of startling vic-\\ntories which finally put almost all Scotland at his\\nfeet. One would have to examine the campaigns\\nof Forrest to find any parallel for what he did.\\n94", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nBecause of his feats he has been compared to\\nCromwell, but his fights were on so much smaller\\na scale that the comparison is no more possible\\nthan it would be possible to compare Forrest with\\nGrant or Lee.\\nIt is a noteworthy fact that the two soldier\\ntypes which emerged from the English Civil\\nWar as victorious over all others were the Crom-\\nwellian Ironside and the Scotch Highlander.\\nThe intense religious and patriotic fervor and\\nhard common-sense of the one was in the other\\nsupplanted by a mere wild love of fighting for\\nfighting s sake. It may be questioned which was\\nmost formidable in battle, but in a campaign\\nthere was no comparison whatsoever between\\nthem and once his other foes were vanquished,\\nthe Cromwellian soldier had not the slightest dif-\\nficulty in holding down the Highlander.\\nThe victories of Montrose, the feats of Rupert,\\nand the failures of the Parliamentarians since\\nMarston Moor gave Charles every feeling of con-\\nfidence, when, on June 14, 1645, he led his\\narmy against the New Model at Naseby. As\\nusual in these battles, it is not possible to state the\\nexact numbers, but it would appear that, as at\\nMarston Moor, the Royalists troops were outnum-\\nbered, being about 10,000 as against 14,000 in\\nthe Parliamentary army. Fairfax commanded\\n95", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfor the Parliament, and the King was present in\\nperson. As usual, the infantry on each side was\\nin the centre. On the right wing of the Parlia-\\nmentarians Cromwell led his horse, while Ireton\\nhad the horse of the left. Rupert commanded\\nthe cavalry on the right wing of the Royalists,\\nand Sir Marmaduke Langdale that of the left.\\nThus Rupert was not, as at Marston Moor, pitted\\nagainst Cromwell and anyone except Cromwell\\nhe could beat. Ireton was a stout soldier, but he\\nand his cavalry were completely overthrown;\\nthen, according to their usual custom, Rupert s\\nCavaliers followed the headlong flight of their\\nopponents in an equally headlong pursuit.\\nMeanwhile, in the centre, the foot crashed to-\\ngether and fought with savage obstinacy on equal\\nterms. As at Marston Moor, the fight was de-\\ncided solely by Cromwell. He overthrew the\\nRoyalist horse as he always overthrew them, and\\nhe kept his men in hand as he always kept them.\\nLeaving a sufficient force to watch the broken\\nhostile squadrons, he wheeled the remainder and\\nfell on the Royalist infantry in flank and rear.\\nFor a moment, King Charles, stirred by a noble\\nimpulse, led forward his horse guards to do or\\ndie but the Earl of Carnworth seized his bridle\\nand stopped him, saying Will you go upon\\nyour death Had the King been indeed a\\n96", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nking, as ready to stake his own life for his king-\\ndom as he was to stake the lives of others, it\\nwould have gone hard with the man who sought\\nto halt him, for in such a case no man is stopped\\nby another unless he himself is more than willing\\nbut Charles faltered, the moment passed, and his\\narmy was overthrown in wild ruin. Rupert came\\nback and reformed his men, but when Cromwell\\ncharged home with horse and foot the Royalist\\ntroopers never waited the onslaught. There was\\nplenty of light for pursuit now, and Cromwell\\nshowed yet another trait of the great commanders\\nby the unsparing energy with which he followed\\nhis foe to complete the wreck. For twelve miles\\nthe Parliamentary horse kept touch with the fly-\\ning foe. The King s army was hopelessly shat-\\ntered from half to two-thirds of their number\\nwere slain or captured. The Parliamentary losses\\nwere also heavy a thousand of their men were\\nkilled or wounded. Ireton had been wounded,\\nand Skippon, the Parliamentary major-general of\\nfoot. Fairfax, who had behaved with his usual\\ngallantry, had had his helmet knocked off in the\\nhand-to-hand fighting. The victory was Crom-\\nwell s.\\nSo decisive was the overthrow that it prac-\\ntically ended the war. For a moment the King\\nhad hopes of what Montrose would do; but\\n97", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncarried away the Yorkshire foot with them. Sir\\nThomas kept the ground, with a few of his troop-\\ners and a large number of Lord Balgony s Scotch\\nLancers and the Earl of Eglinton s Scotch Cui-\\nrassiers. The fugitives were followed in hot pur-\\nsuit by Goring, but part of his horse were kept in\\nhand by their commander, Sir Charles Lucas,\\nwho, wheeling to the right, charged the flank of\\nthe Scotch foot, who had formed the Parliament-\\nary centre, and who had now crossed the ditch\\nand were attacking the Royalists in front. The\\nScotch fought with stubborn valor, repulsing Lu-\\ncas again and again, but suffering so heavily them-\\nselves that it became evident that they could not\\nlong stand the combined front and flank attack.\\nWhile disaster had thus overtaken the Parlia-\\nmentary right, on the left Cromwell had com-\\npletely the upper hand. His steel-clad troopers\\ncrashed into Rupert s horsemen at full speed. The\\nfight was equal for some time, neither stubborn\\nRoundhead nor gallant Cavalier being able to\\nwrest the mastery from the other. But Rupert,\\nwho always depended upon one smashing blow,\\nand put his main force into his front line, did not,\\nlike Cromwell, understand how best to use a re-\\nserve. Cromwell s reserve the Scotch cavalry\\ncame up and charged home, and the Royalist\\nhorse were overthrown with the shock. God\\n88", "height": "3168", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nmade them as stubble to our swords, said Crom-\\nwell.\\nSending his leading troops in pursuit, to pre-\\nvent the enemy from rallying, Cromwell instantly\\ngathered the bulk of his horse and fell on the\\nright wing of the Royalist foot already hard\\npressed by the foot of the Eastern Association.\\nThe King s men fought with dogged courage,\\nmost conspicuous among them being Newcastle s\\nown Northumbrian Regiment, the famous White-\\ncoats, who literally died as they stood in the ranks.\\nSweeping down the line the Ironsides smashed\\none regiment after another, until, in the fading\\nsummer evening, Cromwell had almost circled\\nthe Royalist army, and came to their left wing,\\nwhere he saw the Royalist horse charging the right\\nflank of the Scots and harrying the routed York-\\nshire foot. Immediately he reformed his thor-\\noughly trained squadrons almost on the same\\nground where Goring s horse stood at the begin-\\nning of the battle, and fronting the same way.\\nThe foot of the Association formed beside them,\\nand just before nightfall the Puritan cavalry and\\ninfantry made their final charge. Goring s troop-\\ners were returning from their pursuit; Lucas s\\nmen were recoiling from their last charge, in\\nwhich Lucas himself had been captured. They\\nwere scattered like chaff by the shock of the steel-", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nclad Cromwellian troopers, riding boot to boot;\\nand the remaining Royalist foot shared the same\\nfate. The battle was over just as night fell, stop-\\nping all pursuit. But there was little need of\\npursuit. As at Waterloo, the very obstinacy\\nwith which the fight had been waged made the\\noverthrow all the more complete when at last it\\ncame. Night went down on a scene of wild con-\\nfusion, with thousands of fugitives from both armies\\nstreaming off the field through the darkness for\\nthe disaster to the right wing of the Parliament-\\nary army had resulted not only in the rout of all\\nthe Yorkshire men and half of the Scotch, but\\nalso in the three Parliamentary commanding gen-\\nerals, Leven, Manchester, and Lord Fairfax, be-\\ning swept off in the mass of fugitives. The\\nfight had been won by Cromwell, not only by\\nthe valor, coolness, keen insight, and power of\\ncontrol over his men, which he had showed in the\\nbattle itself, but by the two years of careful prep-\\naration and drill which had tempered the splendid\\nweapons he used so well.\\nThis was the first great victory of the war; but\\nit produced no decisive effect; for there was no\\none general to take advantage of it. York\\nfell; but little else resulted from the triumph.\\nFairfax, Manchester, and Leven all separated to\\npursue various unimportant objects. They left\\n90", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nRupert time to recruit his shattered forces. They\\ndid not march south to help Essex, who was op-\\nposed to the King in person. Essex blundered\\nbadly, and when he marched into Cornwall was\\nout-manceuvred and surrounded, and finally had\\nto surrender all his infantry. Before this the King\\nhad already beaten the Parliamentary general,\\nWaller, at Copredy Bridge, the defeat of the Par-\\nliamentarians being turned into disaster by the con-\\nduct of the London trained-bands, who, after two\\nyears of battle, were still mere militia, insubordi-\\nnate and prone to desert. It was not with such stuff\\nthat victory over the Royalists could be obtained.\\nMere militia who will not submit to rigid disci-\\npline cannot be made the equals of regulars by\\nno matter how many years of desultory fighting.\\nIn the War of the American Revolution it was\\nthe Continentals the regulars of Washington,\\nWayne, and Greene who finally won the vic-\\ntory, while even to the very end of the struggle\\nthe ordinary militia proved utterly unable to face\\nthe red-coats. So in the English Civil War, it\\nwas the carefully drilled and trained horse and\\nfoot of the Eastern Association, and not the dis-\\norderly London trained-bands, who overthrew the\\nKing s men. Cromwell had developed his troops\\njust as Grant and Lee, Sherman and Johnston\\nlong afterward developed theirs. It is only under\\n91", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nexceptional conditions, and with wholly excep-\\ntional populations, that it is possible to forego\\nsuch careful drilling and training.\\nOne great reason for the failures of the Par-\\nliamentary forces was that their leading generals\\nno longer greatly cared for success. They were\\nPresbyterians, who believed in the Parliament,\\nbut who also believed in the throne. They hated\\nthe Independents quite as much as they hated\\nthe Episcopalians, and felt a growing distrust of\\nCromwell, who in religious matters was the leader\\nof the Independents, and who had announced that\\nif he met the King in battle he would kill him\\nas quickly as he would kill anyone else. Essex\\nwas no more capable of putting a finish to the\\nwar than McClellan was capable of overthrowing\\nthe Confederacy. The one, like the other, had\\nto make room for sterner and more resolute men.\\nThe Committee of both Kingdoms struggled\\nin vain to get their generals to accomplish some-\\nthing. At Newbury where one indecisive bat-\\ntle had already been fought they got together\\nan army nearly double the strength of the King s\\nwith no result save that another indecisive battle\\nwas fought, on October 29, 1644. It was evident\\nthat there had to be a complete change in the\\nmanagement of the war if a victory was to be\\nachieved. Accordingly Cromwell once more\\n92", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nturned from the field to the House of Com-\\nmons.\\nIn November he rose in Parliament and de-\\nnounced Manchester as utterly inefficient; and\\nthen turned his onslaught from an attack on one\\nman into a general move against all the hitherto\\nleaders of the army. On December 9th he ad-\\ndressed the House in one of his characteristic\\nspeeches, rugged in form, but instinct with the\\nman s eager, strong personality, fiery earnestness\\nand hard common-sense. He pointed out, not\\nall the truth for that was not politic but the\\nevident truth that it was not wise to have leaders\\nwho both served in Parliament and also com-\\nmanded in the army. The result was the passage\\nof the Self-denying Ordinance, by which all\\nmembers of either of the Houses were required\\nto resign their commands; so that, at a stroke,\\nthe Presbyterian and Parliamentary leaders were\\nremoved from their control of the forces. Two\\nmonths afterward it was decreed that the forces of\\nthe Commonwealth should be reorganized on the\\nNew Model. For the short-time service and\\nmilitia levy system there was substituted the New\\nModel that is, the plan under which in the Eastern\\nAssociation the Ironsides had been raised to such\\na pitch of efficiency was extended to include the\\nwhole army. Sir Thomas Fairfax was put in\\n93", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncommand, but so evident was it to everyone that\\nCromwell was the real master-mind of the Parlia-\\nmentary armies that the Self-denying Ordinance\\nwas not enforced as far as he was concerned, and\\nhe was retained, nominally as second, but in re-\\nality as chief, in command. This was not only a\\nvictory for the radical military party, but a vic-\\ntory for the Independents over the Presbyterians.\\nThe Independent strength was in the army, and\\nthey now had their own leaders.\\nDuring the period of reorganization of the\\narmy the war lagged along in its usual fashion,\\nwith Rupert as much to the fore as ever; and to\\nthe Royalists it merely seemed that their adver-\\nsaries had gotten at odds, and that the great\\nnoblemen, the experienced leaders, had been\\ndriven from their leadership. Their hopes were\\nhigh, especially as in Scotland affairs had taken\\na sudden and most unexpected turn in their favor.\\nImmediately after Marston Moor Montrose had\\nbegun his wonderful year of crowded life. Rec-\\nognizing the extraordinary military qualities of\\nthe Celtic clansmen of the Highlands, he had\\nstirred them to revolt, and had proved himself a\\nmaster of war by a succession of startling vic-\\ntories which finally put almost all Scotland at his\\nfeet. One would have to examine the campaigns\\nof Forrest to find any parallel for what he did.\\n94", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nBecause of his feats he has been compared to\\nCromwell, but his fights were on so much smaller\\na scale that the comparison is no more possible\\nthan it would be possible to compare Forrest with\\nGrant or Lee.\\nIt is a noteworthy fact that the two soldier\\ntypes which emerged from the English Civil\\nWar as victorious over all others were the Crom-\\nwellian Ironside and the Scotch Highlander.\\nThe intense religious and patriotic fervor and\\nhard common-sense of the one was in the other\\nsupplanted by a mere wild love of fighting for\\nfighting s sake. It may be questioned which was\\nmost formidable in battle, but in a campaign\\nthere was no comparison whatsoever between\\nthem and once his other foes were vanquished,\\nthe Cromwellian soldier had not the slightest dif-\\nficulty in holding down the Highlander.\\nThe victories of Montrose, the feats of Rupert,\\nand the failures of the Parliamentarians since\\nMarston Moor gave Charles every feeling of con-\\nfidence, when, on June 14, 1645, he led his\\narmy against the New Model at Naseby. As\\nusual in these battles, it is not possible to state the\\nexact numbers, but it would appear that, as at\\nMarston Moor, the Royalists troops were outnum-\\nbered, being about 10,000 as against 14,000 in\\nthe Parliamentary army. Fairfax commanded\\n95", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfor the Parliament, and the King was present in\\nperson. As usual, the infantry on each side was\\nin the centre. On the right wing of the Parlia-\\nmentarians Cromwell led his horse, while Ireton\\nhad the horse of the left. Rupert commanded\\nthe cavalry on the right wing of the Royalists,\\nand Sir Marmaduke Langdale that of the left.\\nThus Rupert was not, as at Marston Moor, pitted\\nagainst Cromwell and anyone except Cromwell\\nhe could beat. Ireton was a stout soldier, but he\\nand his cavalry were completely overthrown;\\nthen, according to their usual custom, Rupert s\\nCavaliers followed the headlong flight of their\\nopponents in an equally headlong pursuit.\\nMeanwhile, in the centre, the foot crashed to-\\ngether and fought with savage obstinacy on equal\\nterms. As at Marston Moor, the fight was de-\\ncided solely by Cromwell. He overthrew the\\nRoyalist horse as he always overthrew them, and\\nhe kept his men in hand as he always kept them.\\nLeaving a sufficient force to watch the broken\\nhostile squadrons, he wheeled the remainder and\\nfell on the Royalist infantry in flank and rear.\\nFor a moment, King Charles, stirred by a noble\\nimpulse, led forward his horse guards to do or\\ndie but the Earl of Carnworth seized his bridle\\nand stopped him, saying Will you go upon\\nyour death Had the King been indeed a\\n9 6", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "u\\nu", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nking, as ready to stake his own life for his king-\\ndom as he was to stake the lives of others, it\\nwould have gone hard with the man who sought\\nto halt him, for in such a case no man is stopped\\nby another unless he himself is more than willing\\nbut Charles faltered, the moment passed, and his\\narmy was overthrown in wild ruin. Rupert came\\nback and reformed his men, but when Cromwell\\ncharged home with horse and foot the Royalist\\ntroopers never waited the onslaught. There was\\nplenty of light for pursuit now, and Cromwell\\nshowed yet another trait of the great commanders\\nby the unsparing energy with which he followed\\nhis foe to complete the wreck. For twelve miles\\nthe Parliamentary horse kept touch with the fly-\\ning foe. The King s army was hopelessly shat-\\ntered from half to two-thirds of their number\\nwere slain or captured. The Parliamentary losses\\nwere also heavy a thousand of their men were\\nkilled or wounded. Ireton had been wounded,\\nand Skippon, the Parliamentary major-general of\\nfoot. Fairfax, who had behaved with his usual\\ngallantry, had had his helmet knocked off in the\\nhand-to-hand fighting. The victory was Crom-\\nwell s.\\nSo decisive was the overthrow that it prac-\\ntically ended the war. For a moment the King\\nhad hopes of what Montrose would do; but\\n97", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwhen Montrose came out of the Highlands he\\nfound that the clansmen would not march beside\\nhim for a long campaign at Philiphaugh he was\\noverwhelmed by numbers, and the Royalist party\\nin Scotland disappeared with his overthrow.\\nFairfax whipped Goring and captured Bristol.\\nCromwell took Winchester, where he dealt\\nseverely with certain of his troopers who had\\nbeen plundering. He then stormed Basing\\nHouse, an immense fortified pile, the property\\nof the Catholic Marquis of Winchester. Again\\nand again the Parliamentary generals had at-\\ntempted to take the place, bat had always been\\nbeaten. Cromwell would not be denied; after\\nthree days battering with his guns, and an\\nevening spent in prayer and in reading the\\n115th Psalm, he stormed it with a rush, and\\nthe splendid castle, its rooms and galleries filled\\nwith all the treasures of art, was left a blackened\\nand blood-stained ruin. After this it was in vain\\nthat the Royalist troops strove to make head\\nagainst their foes. If they stood in the open\\nthey were beaten; castle after castle, and fortified\\nmanor-house after manor-house, were battered\\ndown or stormed by Cromwell and his comrades\\nand in the spring of 1646 the King surrendered\\nhimself to the Scotch army.\\n98", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "Ill\\nTHE SECOND CIVIL WAR AND THE DEATH OF\\nTHE KING\\nWHEN the stout old Royalist, Sir Jacob\\nAstley, was overcome and surrendered,\\nhe exclaimed, as he gave up his sword Now\\nyou have done your work and may go play, un-\\nless you fall out among yourselves It very\\nsoon became evident that the victors would fall\\nout among themselves. Any revolutionary move-\\nment must be carried through by parties whose\\naims are so different, or whose feelings and inter-\\nests are so divergent, that there is great difficulty\\nin the victors coming to a working agreement to\\nconserve the fruits of their victory. Not only the\\nleaders, but more especially their followers that\\nis, the mass of the people must possess great\\nmoderation and good sense for this to be possible.\\nOtherwise, after much warfare of factions, some\\nstrong man, a Cromwell or a Napoleon, is forced\\nor forces himself to the front and saves the fac-\\ntions from destroying one another by laying his\\niron hand on all.\\nIrfC.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nIn the middle of the seventeenth century the\\nEnglish people, accustomed for many generations\\nto look to the monarch as their real ruler, began\\nto tumble into chaos when they wrenched them-\\nselves free from the ingrained hereditary habit\\nwhich had made loyalty to the King and orderly\\ngovernment convertible terms. They were not\\nyet fit to govern themselves unaided; such fitness\\nis not a God-given, natural right, but comes to a\\nrace only through the slow growth of centuries,\\nand then only to those races which possess an im-\\nmense reserve fund of strength, common-sense,\\nand morality. The English of the middle of the\\nseventeenth century were very much farther ad-\\nvanced along the road than were the French at the\\nend of the eighteenth. They had no such dread-\\nful wrongs to avenge as had the French people,\\nand they indulged in no such bloodthirsty antics\\namong themselves. But they had by no means\\nattained to that power of compromise which they\\nshowed forty years later in the Revolution of\\n1688, or which was displayed by their blood-kin\\nand political heirs, the American victors in the\\nstruggles of 1776 and 1861. In the English\\nRevolution that placed William on the throne, in\\nthe American Revolution, and in the American\\nCivil War, the victors passed through periods of\\ngreat danger when it seemed possible that the", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nfruits of their victory might be thrown away.\\nThey did not suffer the fate of the victors of\\n1648, chiefly because of the growth of the spirit\\nof tolerance, of the capacity for compromise,\\nwhich enabled them in part to ignore their own\\ndifferences, and in part to abide by a peaceful\\nsettlement of them.\\nIn England, by 1688, the Cromwellian move-\\nment had itself educated even those who most\\nsincerely believed that they abhorred it; and\\nthere was a far less servile spirit toward James II.\\nthan toward Charles I. There was less fanatical\\nintolerance of one another among the elements\\nthat had combined to put William on the throne\\nand William, otherwise by no means as great a\\nman as Cromwell, was yet far more willing to ac-\\ncept working compromises, and more content to\\nlet Parliament go its own way, even when that\\nway was not the wisest. After the American\\nRevolution Washington s greatness of character,\\nsound common-sense, and entirely disinterested\\npatriotism, made him a bulwark both against\\nanarchy and against despotism coming in the\\nname of a safeguard against anarchy; and the\\npeople were fit for self-government, adding to\\ntheir fierce jealousy of tyranny a reluctant and by\\nno means whole-hearted, but genuine, admission\\nthat it could be averted only by coming to an", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nagreement among themselves. Washington would\\nnot let his officers try to make him Dictator, nor\\nallow the Continental Army to march against the\\nweak Congress which distrusted it, was ungrateful\\nto it, and refused to provide for it. Unlike\\nCromwell, he saw that the safety of the people\\nlay in working out their own salvation, even\\nthough they showed much wrong-headedness and\\nblindness, not merely to morality, but to their\\nown interests; and, in the long run, the people\\njustified this trust.\\nBut Cromwell never wanted the people to de-\\ncide for themselves, unless they decided in the\\nway that he thought right; and, on the other\\nhand, the difficulty with the people was even\\ngreater; for they had neither the desire for free-\\ndom, the moderation in using freedom, nor the\\ntoleration of differences of opinion, which the\\nAmerican colonists had developed by the end of\\nthe following century. At the close of, and after,\\nthe American Civil War the differences of opin-\\nion and belief among the victors were such as\\nwould inevitably have produced further fighting\\nin Cromwell s time. The Northern Democrats\\nwere anxious to combine politically with the de-\\nfeated Southerners, and to reinstate, as nearly as\\nmight be, the old ante-bellum conditions that is,\\nto prepare for another Civil War. The Repub-", "height": "3116", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nlican Party itself showed signs of a deep division\\nbetween the Extremists and Moderates, while\\nthere were all sorts of violent little factions, just\\nas there were Anabaptists and Fifth Monarchy-\\nmen in Cromwell s time. The Garrison or dis-\\nunion Abolitionists, for instance, had formed just\\nsuch a faction, and had seen their cause triumph,\\nnot through, but in spite of, their own efforts. If\\nthe Abolitionists of the Wendell Phillips type, in-\\nstead of seeking to compass Lincoln s defeat for\\nthe Presidency in 1864 by peaceful means, had\\nthreatened armed agitation; if, instead of trying\\nto elect McClellan or Seymour at the polls, the\\nNorthern Democrats had taken the field with the\\nformer at their head if the Republicans had first\\ncrushed them by force of arms, and then had\\nfought among themselves until the extreme radi-\\ncal element got the upper hand, installed Grant\\nas perpetual President and dissolved Congress\\nwhen it became evident that the Democrats and\\nmoderate Republicans combined would outnumber\\nthe radicals we should have had a very fair anal-\\nogy to what happened in the Cromwellian era.\\nIn such a case, moreover, be it remembered\\nthat the fault would have lain less with the per-\\npetual President than with the people whose de-\\nfects called him into being. Cromwell did not\\nstand on the lofty plane of Washington; but,\\n?Q3", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmorally, he was infinitely and beyond all com-\\nparison above the class of utterly selfish and un-\\nscrupulous usurpers, of whom Napoleon is the\\ngreatest representative. At the close of the first\\nCivil War there is no reason to suppose that he\\nhad any ambition inconsistent with the highest\\ngood of his country, or any thought of making\\nhimself paramount. To all outward seeming, his\\nefforts were conscientiously directed to securing\\nthe fruits of the victory for liberty, while at the\\nsame time securing stability in the government.\\nUnfortunately, in coming to an agreement among\\nmen, no moderation or wisdom on the part of any\\none man will suffice. Something of these quali-\\nties must be possessed by all parties to the agree-\\nment. The incurable treachery of King Charles\\nrendered it hopeless to work with him and the\\nutter inability of Episcopalians, Presbyterians,\\nRoman Catholics, and indeed of all parties and\\nall creeds to act on the live-and-let-live principle,\\nrendered a really free government almost unwork-\\nable at the moment. How little Cromwell yet\\nthought of striving for a kingly position is shown\\nby his conduct in his social relations, notably by\\nthe marriages of his children, who at this time\\nsought their mates in families of his own rank.\\nThe only one of these marriages with which we\\nneed concern ourselves is that of his daughter,\\n104", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nBridget, to Ireton, a good soldier and able poli-\\ntician, who was devoted to Cromwell, and was on\\nvery close and intimate terms with him.\\nThe religious element entered into everything\\nCromwell did, mixing curiously with his hard com-\\nmon-sense and practical appreciation of worldly\\nbenefits. It appears in all his letters and speeches.\\nSuch a letter as he wrote to the Speaker of the\\nHouse after the storming of Bristol, is in thought\\nand manner more akin to the writings of some old\\nHebrew prophet than to those of any conqueror\\nbefore or after Cromwell s time. It is saturated,\\nnot merely with biblical phraseology, but with\\nbiblical feeling, all the glory being ascribed to\\nGod, and the army claiming as their sole honor\\nthat God had vouchsafed to use them in his ser-\\nvice, and that by faith and prayer they had ob-\\ntained the favor of the Most High. It is im-\\npossible for a fair-minded and earnest man to read\\nCromwell s letters and reports after action, and the\\nprayers he made and the psalms he chose to read\\nand to give out before action, and to doubt the\\nintensity of the man s religious fervor. In our day\\nsuch utterances would be hypocritical. Almost\\nthe only modern generals in whom they would\\nhave been the sincere expression of inward belief\\nwere Stonewall Jackson and Gordon; and the\\ntimes had changed so utterly that even they could\\n105", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nnot possibly give utterance to them as Cromwell\\ndid. But in Cromwell s time the most earnest\\nPuritans thought as he did, and expressed their\\nthoughts as he did. That such expression should\\nlend itself very readily to hypocrisy was inevitable\\nindeed, it was perhaps inevitable that the habitual\\nuse of such expression should breed somewhat of\\nhypocrisy in almost any user. The incessant em-\\nployment by Cromwell and his comrades of the\\nword saints, to distinguish themselves and those\\nwho thought like them, is particularly objection-\\nable in its offensive self-consciousness.\\nIn this letter about the taking of Bristol Crom-\\nwell touches upon the religious differences which\\nwere the great causes of division among the vic-\\ntors. He writes:\\nPresbyterians, Independents, all have here the\\nsame spirit of faith and prayer the same presence\\nand answer they agree here have no names of\\ndifference; pity it is it should be otherwise any-\\nwhere. And for brethren in things of\\nthe mind we look for no compulsion but that of\\nlight and reason.\\nCromwell strove earnestly to bring about har-\\nmony between the Independents of the New\\nModel army and the Presbyterians, who were\\ndominant in Parliament. Even in that day there\\nwere in private life men of high character and\\n1 06", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\ngreat intellect who believed in true religious lib-\\nerty, men who stood far ahead of Cromwell but\\nCromwell was equally far ahead of all the men\\nwho then had any real control in public life so\\nfar ahead, indeed, that he could not get any con-\\nsiderable body of public opinion abreast of him.\\nThe Ironsides, the cavalry of Cromwell, stood\\nas the extreme representatives of the spirit which\\nactuated the army. The great bulk of them were\\nmen of intense political and religious convictions.\\nHowever, many even of the cavalry, and a large\\nmajority of the rank and file of the infantry, were\\nof the ordinary military type, men of no particu-\\nlar convictions, a considerable number, indeed,\\nhaving been enlisted from among the captured\\narmies and garrisons of the King himself. Under\\nthe ties of discipline and comradeship, such men\\nwere sure to follow with entire fidelity the master-\\nful spirits among the officers and in their own\\nranks and all these masterful spirits were devoted\\nto Cromwell as the great leader who had given\\nthem victory. They were even more devoted to\\ntheir conceptions of religious and political liberty,\\nand were resolutely bent on striking down the\\nKing who embodied, in their minds, the principles\\nof religious and political oppression. These men\\nhad broken entirely with the past, and were no\\nlonger overawed by the name of hereditary power.\\n107", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nWhat, they asked, were the Lords of England\\nbut William the Conqueror s Colonels, or the\\nBarons but his Majors, or the Knights but his\\nCaptains?\\nThey believed they were indeed the Lord s\\nchosen people, and that upon them, as conquer-\\nors, there devolved the duty of safeguarding the\\ninterests of religion and of the Commonwealth.\\nThey wished to strike down the Bishops as well\\nas the King and though most of them were Con-\\ngregationalists or Baptists, they had already begun\\nto develop plenty of men whose Christianity was\\nof the most heterodox form, or who boldly an-\\nnounced that they had a right to profess any creed,\\nChristian or otherwise, if they so desired. To-\\ngether with their iron discipline as an army went\\nwide liberty of thought and discussion on all out-\\nside matters religious and political alike when\\nthey were not in the ranks. There were preachers\\nwho served with sombre fidelity as privates, but\\nwho were fanatical inciters of Republican enthu-\\nsiasm in every leisure hour, haranguing and ex-\\nhorting their fellow-soldiers about every political\\nor religious wrong.\\nTrouble was brewing between this army and\\nParliament. The Episcopalians the Royalists\\nhad left Parliament when the war broke out. The\\nPresbyterians were in complete command. Lon-\\nioS", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "iiiiiiii\\n41\\nllllllll\\nKing Charles I.\\nFrom the replica at the Dresden Gallery, by Sir Peter Lely.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\ndon, which held the purse-strings of the Parlia-\\nmentary cause, was strongly Presbyterian. Now,\\nthe Presbyterians, as the war went on, had grown\\nmore and more afraid of their allies, and, indeed,\\nof too decisive a victory over the King. They\\nwere just as much bent upon an intolerant uni-\\nformity in Church matters as was Laud, though\\nthey wished to substitute a different form of\\nChurch government, which should rest upon a\\nbroader and more popular basis. They wished to\\nmake Parliament supreme, but they had no idea\\nof dispensing with the King, and they were ex-\\nceedingly distrustful of a popular movement\\nwhich would extend liberty beyond and beneath\\nthe classes from which they drew their strength.\\nOn the contrary, the army, which represented the\\nIndependent movement, was strongly democratic\\nin its tendencies, and was filled with sullen wrath\\nagainst the King.\\nCromwell himself was no theorist in fact, he\\nwas altogether too little of one. He wished to do\\naway with concrete acts of oppression and in-\\njustice; he sought to make life easier for any who\\nsuffered tangible wrong. Though earnestly bent\\nupon doing justice as he saw it, and desirous to\\nsecure the essentials of liberty for the people as a\\nwhole, he failed to see that questions of form\\nthat is, of law in securing liberty might be them-\\n109", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nselves essential instead of, as they seemed to him,\\nnon-essential. He was reluctant to enter into\\ngeneral schemes of betterment, especially if they\\nseemed in any way visionary. But when his feel-\\nings were greatly roused over specific cases of\\nwrong-doing or oppression, he sometimes became\\nso wrought up as to advocate reform in language\\nso sweeping that he seemed to commit himself,\\nnot only to absolute religious toleration, but to\\ncomplete political equality. Thus when he broke\\nwith Lord Manchester he told him that he hoped\\nto live to see never a nobleman in England.\\nIn open Parliament he denounced monarchical\\ngovernment. He advocated entire religious\\nfreedom. In dealing with the army he declared\\nhis readiness to maintain the doctrine that the\\nfoundation and the supremacy is in the people\\nradically in them and to be set down by them\\nin their representations that is, by their repre-\\nsentatives in Parliament.\\nOf course, to make his conduct square with\\nthese various utterances, Cromwell would have\\nhad to strive for precisely such a government as\\nWashington was able to inaugurate a century\\nand a half later; a government in which there\\nshould be complete religious toleration, in which\\nall differences of rank and title should be abol-\\nished, and in which the basis of representation in", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nParliament would have to approach more or less\\nclosely to manhood suffrage. Doubtless, there\\nwere times when Cromwell ardently wished for\\nsuch a Government; but it was wholly out of\\nthe question to realize it in the middle of the\\nseventeenth century, even in England. Genera-\\ntions had to pass before men could grasp the true\\nprinciples of religious toleration and political\\nequality in all their bearings; and, like every\\nother man who actually works out great reforms,\\nwho actually does signal service in the world,\\nCromwell had to face facts as they were, and not\\nas bodies of extremists no matter how good\\nthought they ought to be.\\nThe best and most high-minded of the Puritan\\nparty were now growing to fear lest the Presby-\\nterians should try to perpetuate the old religious\\noppression under a new name. Milton with\\nbut one exception the greatest poet of the\\nEnglish tongue, a man whose political and social\\nideas were at least two centuries in advance of\\nhis time, but who had the good sense to accept,\\nno matter with what heart-burning, the best pos-\\nsible when he could not get the best Milton ex-\\npressed the convictions o^kis whole party when\\nhe said that if Presbyte^ was but Priest writ\\nlarge the people were no bette^off than before.\\nThe army began to show openly its spirit of", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfierce unrest. A very considerable portion avowed\\nextreme republican theories. The Levellers, as\\nthey were called, were looked upon in that day,\\neven by advocates of freedom like Cromwell,\\nwith great distrust, although the principles they\\nadvocated such as manhood suffrage are now\\nthe commonplaces of American politics. Of\\ncourse, then they were not commonplaces they\\nwere revolutionary ideas, for the reception of\\nwhich the mind of the English people was not\\nready, and therefore it was the duty of men who\\nsought practical reform to refuse to put these\\nschemes into operation.\\nThere were much more extreme and dangerous\\ngroups than the mere Republicans; groups of\\nmen in whom the desire for religious, political,\\nand moral reform had overstepped the broad, but\\nnot always clearly marked, border line which\\ndivides sane and healthy fervor from fanaticism.\\nIn such troublous times small sects and parties of\\nextremists swarm. Already the foundations were\\nlaid for the Fifth Monarchy men, the men who\\nbelieved that the times were ripe for the installa-\\ntion of the last great world monarchy, the mon-\\narchy of which the ^Liviour himself was to be\\nRuler; the men whWshouted for King Jesus,\\nand were ferociously opposed to everybody who\\nwould not advocate the immediate introduction\\n112", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\ninto all mundane affairs of Heaven s law, as the\\nFifth Monarchy men chose to interpret it. Of\\ncourse, men of this type are always to be found\\nin every free government, and aside from their\\npeculiar notions, they may have excellent traits.\\nIn peaceful times and places like the United\\nStates at the present day, they merely join little\\nextreme parties, and run small, separate tickets\\non election-day, thereby giving aid, comfort, and\\namusement to the totally unregenerate. In times\\nof great political convulsion, when the appeal to\\narms has been made, these harmless bodies may\\ndraft into their ranks as the Fifth Monarchy\\nmen did fierce and dangerous spirits, ever ready\\nto smite down with any weapons the possible\\ngood, because it is not the impossible best.\\nWhen this occurs they need to be narrowly\\nwatched.\\nThere are many good people who find it diffi-\\ncult to keep in mind the obvious fact that, while\\nextremists are sometimes men who are in advance\\nof their age, more often they are men who are not\\nin advance at all, but simply to one side or the\\nother of a great movement, or even lagging be-\\nhind it, or trying to pilot it in the wrong di-\\nrection.\\nThe seething unrest of the army found expres-\\nsion in the creation of a regular political organi-", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nzation to oppose the organized Parliament. The\\nofficers formed a Council, and the rank and file\\nchose delegates, two for each company or troop,\\nknown as agitators. In short, the army became\\nan organized political body whose scarcely ac-\\nknowledged function was to control or supersede\\nthe Parliament; just as, prior to the outbreak of\\nthe American Revolution, Committees of Corre-\\nspondence were formed, in the various colonies,\\nout of which there sprang the Continental Con-\\ngress, which superseded the loyalist colonial legis-\\nlatures.\\nCromwell, like every other great leader who\\nrises in a period of storm and convulsion, could\\npartly direct the forces around him, and in part\\nhad to be directed by them. He did not sym-\\npathize with the extreme position of the army\\nabout the King the man of blood, as the\\nPuritan zealots called him, whose life they already\\ndemanded; nor yet with their radical political\\naspirations. But it was the army alone through\\nwhich he could act, which gave him his strength\\nand in return he was the one man who could in\\nany way check or control it, for its loyalty to, and\\nadmiration of, the great leader at whose hands it\\nhad drained the cup of victory, were the only\\nemotions strong enough to offset its fierce zeal\\nfor its own theories of Church and State.\\n114", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nCromwell was most earnestly desirous of get-\\nting a working compromise between the King,\\nthe Presbyterian Parliament, and the Independent\\narmy a compromise which would allow the King\\nto reign, exercising such executive powers as the\\nParliament felt he should possess, and which\\nshould leave the supreme control to Parliament,\\nbut with sufficient guarantees for political and\\nreligious freedom to insure justice to the Inde-\\npendents and the soldiers. He strove so hard to\\naccomplish his purpose as to excite angry mutter-\\nings against himself among his own followers in\\nthe army; and the first steps of the impending\\nrevolution were seemingly taken by him only\\nbecause he was irresistibly pushed onward by the\\narmy itself. When, however, he had once made\\nup his mind that there was no other path possible,\\nhe trod it as a leader, with all his wonted firmness\\nand decision.\\nThe effort for reconciliation was hopeless,\\nchiefly because the King was an utterly impossi-\\nble person with whom to deal. He had many\\nbitter foes; but they could not prevail against\\nhim until he convinced some of his would-be\\nfriends that he was absolutely and utterly untrust-\\nworthy. He never for a moment entertained the\\nidea of accepting his defeat, of abandoning the\\neffort to rule as a despot, and of acting with good\\n115", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfaith toward the people. His purpose was to\\nplay off the Presbyterians, together with the\\nScotch, against the Independents; as he wrote to\\na friend, he hoped to get either the one party or\\nthe other to side with me for extirpating one\\nanother, and I shall be really King again.\\nMeanwhile, the Presbyterian Parliament was\\ndetermined not to tolerate the sectaries of the\\nCongregationalist and Baptist Churches, and was\\ndrawing closer and closer to the Scotch Covenant-\\ners, who were even more intolerant; and finally\\nit grew ready to accept the King himself on\\nalmost any terms, if it could overcome the army.\\nBut the army could not be overcome. It had\\nperfected its political organization, and had begun\\nto work through Ireton Cromwell s other self.\\nThe army was genuinely reluctant to break with\\nthe Parliament, for, after all, it was deeply per-\\nmeated with the English respect for law and\\norder and in the elections to fill the vacancies in\\nthe House, very many Independents men like\\nIreton, Fairfax, and Blake, the after-time admiral\\nhad been returned, so that there was in the\\nParliament a party which strongly sympathized\\nwith the army.\\nThe majority in Parliament, however, remained\\nsteadfast in its own views, and by its refusal to\\ngive the soldiers their arrears of pay it added a\\n116", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nvery tangible, material grievance to those of an\\nethical character. In January, 1647, me Scottish\\narmy delivered King Charles to the agents of the\\nParliament, and quitted England, having received\\npart of the sum of money due them.\\nThe most complicated and devious negotiations S\\nfollowed between the King, the Parliament, and\\nthe army. Cromwell tried to get the army in\\ntouch with the Parliament, but found the Par-\\nliament hopelessly obstinate. He tried to get it\\nin touch with the King, but found the King\\nhopelessly false. Yet, neither could the King\\nand Parliament come together. Then the army\\nthreatened mutiny, whereupon the Parliament\\nbegan to negotiate for bringing back the Scottish\\nforce to overawe the New Model, and attempted\\nthe disbandment of the latter. The army struck\\nback with great decision and sent Cornet Joyce\\nto seize the person of the King and take him\\naway from the Presbyterians. Parliament at-\\ntempted to proceed with the disbandment of the\\narmy, but was forced to abandon the effort when\\nit became evident that to pursue it meant war.\\nNo one knew quite what the outcome would be,\\nor, indeed, what his own course would be.\\nCromwell, like the rest, was drifting; he seri-\\nously thought of leaving England and going to\\nGermany to fight for the Protestant cause, as the\\n117", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThirty Years War had not yet come quite to an\\nend. To the French ambassador, who sounded\\nhim on the object of his ambition, he answered\\nNo one rises so high as he who knows not\\nwhither he is going. He was certainly at this\\ntime making the most honest efforts to come to\\nan agreement, either with the King, or the Par-\\nliament, or with both, provided only liberty of\\nconscience should be granted, the power of Par-\\nliament guaranteed against the despotism of the\\nKing, and the rights of the people guaranteed as\\nagainst the despotism of Parliament. But, when\\nParliament began to negotiate with the Scots on\\nits account, and Charles secretly sought to enter\\ninto a separate agreement with the Scots on his\\naccount, to bring about an invasion of England,\\nwhile the city mob, which was rabidly Presby-\\nterian, forced the hand of the House of Com-\\nmons and compelled its members to defy the\\narmy, it became evident that Oliver had to choose\\nhis course. Reluctantly he was pushed along the\\nroad of military revolution. The speaker and the\\nIndependent members of Parliament, in fear of\\nthe London mob, took refuge with the army,\\nwhither Cromwell himself had already gone. On\\nJune loth the army issued a manifesto, demand-\\ning a settlement of the difficulties upon terms\\nwhich it approved. Early in August it marched\\n118", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nin formidable and orderly parade through the city,\\noverawing resistance by its mere appearance, and\\nParliament submitted. This was the real begin-\\nning of the military interference which terminated\\nin the military dictatorship of one man. If Crom-\\nwell is to be blamed for what he did to the Long\\nParliament, this is the step for which he is to be\\nblamed most; yet it was a step approved by\\nMilton, Fairfax, Ireton, and the great majority\\nof the best and most high-minded believers in\\nEnglish liberty who were then alive. The con-\\nduct of the King and the Parliament had been\\nsuch that it is difficult to see how any other\\ncourse was possible.\\nCromwell did his best to stop the Revolution\\nat the point it had now reached. For months he\\nendeavored to make terms with the King on the\\nconditions outlined above and he not only put a\\nstop to the extreme democratic agitation of the\\nLevellers and refused to further the plan for a re-\\npublican commonwealth, but, with prompt sever-\\nity, repressed a mutiny that broke out under the\\ncry of England s Freedom and Soldiers Rights.\\nHe disregarded the grumbling of the army until\\nhe became convinced that Charles was incurably\\nfalse, incurably treacherous and untrustworthy,\\nand was fomenting a counter-revolution. Then\\nCromwell turned from him with loathing, and\\n1 19", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmade up his mind to trust to the sword, and to\\nstrike down anyone, even the King himself, if the\\nneed warranted it.\\nIt was high time for action. In Ireland the\\nRoyalists, the Catholics, and even the Presbyte-\\nrians, were uniting against the Parliament. The\\nScotch, under the lead of Hamilton and the Pres-\\nbyterian Royalists, declared for the King; the\\nEnglish Presbyterians were for him to the extent\\nthat they were against the army and throughout\\nEngland the Cavaliers were arming for an upris-\\ning. Dark indeed seemed the peril. It had taken\\nfour years for the English Presbyterians, the Scotch,\\nand the New Model, the army of the Indepen-\\ndents, to conquer the Royalists, and now the New\\nModel was pitted single-handed against the Scotch\\nand the Royalists, while the Presbyterians were at\\nbest lukewarm. Nevertheless, exactly as in the\\nFrench Revolution, the victory lay with the\\nMountain when it was brought face to face not\\nonly with hostile parties in France but with the\\nrest of armed Europe, so now the fierce energy of\\nthe New Model, with the greatest of Englishmen\\nat its head, was destined to prove too much for\\nits foes. The grim Ironsides rallied to their cause\\nwith the devotion of fanatics, and the well-ordered\\ndiscipline of splendid soldiers. With fierce ex-\\nhortations and sermons, with internal searchings", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "John Milton.\\nFrom the drawing in crayon by Faithorne at Bayfordbury.\\nBy permission of William Clinton-Baker, Esq., 1.1", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nof spirit, with outpourings of prayer, they made\\nready for battle, and in each dark Puritan heart\\nwelled the determination not only to put down\\narmed resistance, but to take the last great ven-\\ngeance upon the King, the cause of the blood-\\nguiltiness.\\nIn April, 1648, the Second Civil War broke\\nout. The gentry of Wales were a unit for the\\nKing, and the commonalty followed them. The\\nCavaliers rose in force in the North, and the Scotch\\nprepared to send a formidable army across the\\nborder to their aid; and there were Royalist out-\\nbreaks everywhere, even in the southern and east-\\nern counties. Berwick, Carlyle, Chester, Pem-\\nbroke, Colchester, were seized and held for the\\nKing. The Presbyterians of London were in\\ncommotion the Presbyterians in Parliament itself\\nwere half-hearted and divided; but the Indepen-\\ndents and the army had no doubts. Fairfax\\nmarched into Kent and Essex, and, after some hard\\nfighting, trampled under foot the insurrection.\\nOne Parliamentary Colonel whipped the Welsh at\\nSt. Fagan s another crushed out a Royalist rising\\nin Lancashire; General Lambert was sent to the\\nNorth, where Sir Marmaduke Langdale Oliver s\\nold foe at Naseby had raised Yorkshire for the\\nKing. Oliver himself marched to the siege of\\nPembroke, which, owing to lack of cannon, he", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncould not take until July nth. This ended the\\nWelsh War. The risings in the south and centre\\nhad been thoroughly stamped out the fleet, which\\nhad partially revolted, was for the most part\\nbrought back to loyalty and there remained only\\nto deal with the Northern Royalists and the Scotch\\narmy under the Duke of Hamilton, which had by\\nthis time crossed the border.\\nThe composition of Hamilton s army and the\\nhistory of events in both Scotland and Ireland at\\nthis moment, are alike sufficient to show the tangle\\nin which politics then were the kaleidoscopic\\nchanges in the relations of factions and parties,\\nand the seeming minuteness of the points of dif-\\nference over which these same parties waged\\nferocious and resolute war. Hamilton s cavalry\\nwas commanded by Munro, who had come over\\nfrom Ulster to take part in the invasion of Eng-\\nland. Munro and the Scotch Presbyterians of\\nUlster had, during the years immediately suc-\\nceeding the great Irish uprising, been the formi-\\ndable and merciless opponents of the Irish of the\\nNorth. But when the English Civil War was\\nfairly on, the English Royalists in Ireland Episco-\\npalians and Catholics alike gradually lost their\\nanimosity toward their Irish foes, in their greater\\nanimosity toward the Puritans, and finally the\\nPresbyterians followed suit. This resulted in the", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nrelease of Munro and a large part of the Presby-\\nterian force in Ulster, who went to the aid of\\nHamilton. Hamilton s own government was Pres-\\nbyterian and ostentatiously devoted to the Cove-\\nnant. It is very difficult for a modern observer\\nto see any essential point of difference, either in\\ntheir attitude toward the Covenant, toward the\\nKing, or toward England between the party that\\nat the moment controlled Scotland, and the party\\nwhich was soon to drive it out of power. Yet\\nthe bitterness between them was intense. The\\nbulk of the Presbyterian ministers, and the fiercest\\nand most intense Presbyterian zealots, hated Ham-\\nilton and his fellows with mortal hatred, and were\\nonly waiting their chance to rise against them.\\nCromwell advanced to the encounter with en-\\ntire confidence, and sternly anxious to get at his\\nfoes. He was a thorough Englishman at a time\\nwhen, to the thorough Englishman, the Scotch\\nwere classed with other aliens. Bitterly though\\nhe hated the P\u00c2\u00bb.oyalists, he yet acknowledged them\\nas fellow-countrymen; but he made no such ac-\\nknowledgment in the case of the Scots. He ex-\\nplained that he preferred the Cavalier interest to\\nthe Scottish interest, just as he preferred the Scot-\\ntish to the Irish and he now moved against ene-\\nmies whom he regarded not merely as enemies to\\nhis cause, but as enemies to his country.\\n123", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThere seemed every reason for the Scots to be\\nconfident. Even with their help the Parliamen-\\ntarians had been able to put down the Royalists\\nonly at the cost of four years of hard fighting\\nand now the Scotch and the Royalists were to act\\ntogether. They were to be pitted against Crom-\\nwell, the best Parliamentary commander, to be\\nsure but the Scotch had done at least as well as\\nthe average of the allies at the victory of Marston\\nMoor, and still had in mind the memory of their\\neasy successes against their English foes in the two\\nBishops Wars.\\nThe great victories of the Parliamentary army\\nhad hitherto been won when the odds in numbers\\nwere in their favor now, they were about to fight\\nwith the odds over two to one against them.\\nHamilton s army was about 21,000 strong, includ-\\ning 3,000 Yorkshire Royalists under Langdale.\\nCromwell had only some 9,000 men but the\\ngreat bulk of them were veterans, who under his\\nleadership had become the finest soldiers of the\\nage.\\nHamilton moved slowly south toward Preston,\\nhis army scattered in a long line, Langdale at the\\nhead, and Munro bringing up the rear. Crom-\\nwell abandoned his heavy baggage-train that it\\nmight not encumber his movements Lambert\\njoined him, and he marched with fiery speed to\\n124", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nstrike his foes. The Scotch, confident in their\\nnumbers, and ignorant of the movements of their\\nspeedy antagonist, advanced in loose order. On\\nAugust 17th Cromwell struck their army; by\\nwhich time Hamilton s straggling march had re-\\nsulted in Langdale s taking position to cover its\\nleft flank. The Scotch were partially aware of\\ntheir danger and were uneasily trying to concen-\\ntrate. Langdale was left to bear the shock of the\\nfirst attack single-handed. Cromwell appreciated,\\nas well as any commander that ever lived, the\\nvital element of time the need for taking full\\nadvantage of what the moment brought forth.\\nHis headlong march had resulted in some of his\\nsoldiers lagging behind the others, but he had\\ngained what he wanted he had surprised his foes\\nwhen they were unprepared to use their superi-\\nority of force, and he dashed at them as soon as\\nhis foremost men came up, determined to destroy\\nthem in detail. Langdale made a stiff fight, and\\nowing to the character of the country the fields\\nwere small, and the fences strong and high the\\ncavalry was not able to do much, so that the de-\\ncisive fighting was done by the infantry, which\\nwas not usually the case in these wars. The\\nstruggle took place about four miles from Preston,\\nnear which town, but south of the river Ribble,\\nthe bulk of the Scotch foot were gathered.\\n125", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nFor four hours Langdale s men clung to their\\nhedges and buildings, regiment after regiment of\\nthe Cromwellians fighting to dislodge them.\\nSays Cromwell Our men fought with incredi-\\nble valor and resolution often coming\\nto push of Pike, and to close Fire, and always\\nmaking the Enemy to recoil the Enemy\\nmaking, though he was still worsted, very stiff\\nand sturdy resistance. Colonel Dean s and\\nColonel Pride s, outwinging the enemy, could not\\ncome to so much share of the Action\\nthe Enemy shogging down toward the Bridge,\\nand keeping almost all in reserve that so he might\\nbring fresh commands often to fight.\\nThe Scotch sent some men and ammunition to\\nLangdale, but made no serious effort to help him,\\nand continued their march. At last he was over-\\npowered and driven into the town. As soon as\\nhis men were dislodged from the hedges and en-\\nclosures, the Cromwellian horse fell furiously\\nupon them, utterly routing and scattering them\\nat the same time, the Cromwellian foot, pushing\\nforward, drove back the Scotch foot, which had\\nbeen posted near the bridge to secure a passage\\nfor Langdale across the Ribble, and cut off the\\nfugitives from the rest of the army.\\nThe Ironsides thundered into the streets of\\nPreston at the heels of Langdale and the flying\\n126", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nremnants of his forces. Hamilton led one or two\\ncharges, and for a moment checked the pursuit,\\nbut it was now too late to retrieve matters, and\\nsoon afterward the whole of his army was again\\nin panic rout. The beaten cavalry fled north,\\ngoaded by the Cromwellian sword, until they\\nreached the rear guard under Munro. Most of\\nthe Yorkshire and Scotch infantry north of the\\nRibble were killed, captured, or scattered a few\\nonly escaped to the Scotch army south of the\\nRibble by swimming across it.\\nThe day thus ended with the defeat of part of\\nthe Scotch forces, who lost in killed or captured,\\n5,000 men, besides those who were dispersed.\\nMoreover, the Scotch army was cut in two;\\nMunro being to the north, separated from all the\\nrest, who, under Hamilton, were completely cut\\noff from their base in Scotland. Sending a few\\ntroops to harry the flying horsemen, Cromwell\\nturned to deal with the Scotch main army, which\\nwas even yet more numerous than his own.\\nBut the Scotch were cowed by the success of\\nCromwell s utterly unexpected attack. The\\nsoldiers had lost confidence in their leaders, and\\nthey were cut off from their own country, and,\\ntherefore, from all hope of supplies. A council\\nof war was held that night, and the retreat was\\ncontinued. The fagged-out Cromwellians fol-\\n127", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nlowed and harassed them. The horse, under\\nColonel Thornhaugh, rode into their rear ranks\\nand bothered and detained them, though at cost\\nof the life of the Colonel, who was shot in one of\\nthe fierce struggles. Again and again the Scotch\\nstood, but each time to be beaten the last stand\\nbeing made at Winwick church, under a little\\nspark in a blue bonnet who himself was slain.\\nHere they lined the hedges with musketeers, and\\nfilled the lane with their pikemen, and hours\\nwent by before the Puritans, under Pride, finally\\npushed their charge home, and gained possession\\nof the place which had been held so stubbornly.\\nBoth sides were utterly worn out, and it was im-\\npossible to urge the pursuit as rapidly and strong-\\nly as Cromwell hoped. Finally, leaving Lambert\\nto deal with the shattered fragments of Hamil-\\nton s command, Cromwell turned north and fol-\\nlowed Munro.\\nThe victory was overwhelming. Two thou-\\nsand Scotch and Royalists had been slain, and\\n10,000 were captured; more than Cromwell s\\nwhole force. Almost all the generals were taken\\nHamilton was afterward beheaded. The fate of\\nthe captured rank and file was hard. Through-\\nout the First Civil War, the common soldiers,\\nwhen taken, had either been exchanged or re-\\nleased, or often enough had enlisted on the side", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "The Death\\nSigned by diver Cromwell and other members of", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "MiiriuMmMiiiiiiMiifiiiHi\\nCharles I.\\ne original in the library of the House of Lords.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nof the victors; but the Puritan generals and\\nthose behind them were in no mood to take a\\nmerciful view of men whom they regarded as\\nwanton offenders, whether they were Scotchmen\\nor Englishmen. The captives of Preston battle\\nwere sold into slavery; some being sent to the\\nVirginia planters, and others to the Venetian\\nGovernment, for galley slaves. When the Puri-\\ntans could act thus toward their fellow-English-\\nmen, and toward the Scotch Presbyterians who\\nwere so nearly of their own creed, there is small\\ncause for wonder in the treatment afterward ac-\\ncorded the Irish. It was a merciless age, the age\\nof Tilly and Wallenstein, and we cannot judge\\nits great men by the canons of to-day.\\nThis was the first time that Cromwell had\\nactually been in supreme command in a great\\nvictory, and too much praise cannot be accorded\\nhim for his hardihood, energy, and skill. The\\nspeed of his motions and his prompt decision\\nhad rendered it possible for him to strike home\\nat his adversary in the flank, and to eat him up\\npiecemeal. During three days of incessant march-\\ning and fighting he halted only to do battle or to\\ntake the rest absolutely needed and at the end\\nof that time the enemy s foot had been killed,\\ncaptured, or dispersed to the last man, and his horse\\nwas a beaten rabble, flying toward the border.\\n129", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThe battle of Preston put an end to the Second\\nCivil War. Colchester capitulated to Fairfax\\nimmediately afterward. The part of the fleet\\nthat had revolted had come back under Prince\\nCharles and Rupert, to cooperate with the risen\\nRoyalists, but could do nothing; most of the\\nships in time returned to their allegiance to the\\nParliament. The indomitable Rupert, with seven\\nships, kept the sea and made a long cruise, which\\nfinally degenerated into mere buccaneering.\\nBlake, whom the Parliament made Admiral, pur-\\nsued him, captured most of his ships, and finally\\nforced him to take refuge in France. In Scotland,\\nArgyle and the Presbyterian ministers the Kirk\\nparty on the news of Hamilton s overthrow,\\npromptly rose in the so-called Whigamore raid.\\nMunro fell back, plundering right and left until\\nhe crossed the border.\\nCromwell s exertions had been so severe that\\nhe could not follow the flying Royalists with his\\nusual rapidity. The army had been long with-\\nout pay they had not a penny with which to get\\ntheir horses shod, and so many horses had been\\nslain and were lamed or done out that a large\\nnumber of the troopers were on foot, and the\\nothers could hardly spur their jaded mounts into\\na trot. Munro was not only a ruthless plunderer,\\nbut a hard fighter, and on his arrival in Scotland\\n130", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nArgyle felt doubtful as to his capacity to cope\\nwith him, and sent to Cromwell for assistance.\\nCromwell promptly invaded Scotland, being care-\\nful to pose as the ally of Argyle and the Kirk, and\\ntherefore the true friend of the Scottish nation.\\nAccording to his custom, he rigorously sup-\\npressed plundering. All resistance withered away\\nbefore him. He was received at Edinburgh as\\na powerful and honored ally, and before he re-\\ncrossed the border the Scotch were again avowed\\nsupporters, for the time being at least, of the Par-\\nliament.\\nThe enemy in arms had been defeated. It re-\\nmained to deal with the Parliament and the\\nPresbyterian party. Some had been active for\\nthe King most had been lukewarm the victory\\nhad been a victory for the army, and therefore for\\nthe Independents. Neither Cromwell nor the\\narmy was of a temper to refrain from finishing\\nmatters. Before the struggle was decided Crom-\\nwell had written Fairfax I pray God teach this\\nnation and those that are over us what\\nthe mind of God may be in all this, and what our\\nduty is. Surely it is not that the poor, godly\\npeople of this Kingdom should still be made the\\nobject of wrath and anger, nor that our God would\\nhave our necks under a yoke of bondage. For\\nthese things that have lately come to pass have\\n131", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nbeen the wonderful works of God, breaking the\\nrod of the oppressor.\\nHe was not in the least a doctrinaire Republican\\nor Parliamentarian; he believed as little in the\\ndivine right of majorities as in the divine right of\\nkings. Neither would he have admitted such a\\nright as existing in an army, or, as yet, in him-\\nself. But it was impossible to stand still. He\\nhad to act with some party, though with none was\\nhe in entire accord; for one was hostile, another\\nhopelessly undecided, the third prone to extreme\\nmeasures and representing only a minority in the\\nnation. He could only act with the last, and yet\\nthis meant an overturn of the recognized govern-\\nV mental authorities. Whether he would or notj\\nhe had to proceed along the path of revolution.\\nThe Presbyterians the men who controlled\\nParliament were halting between two burdens.\\nThey would not push far enough against the King\\nto make the Revolution a success, or to put a\\npermanent end to despotism and they would not\\neat their past words and deeds by turning wholly\\nto his support. The King himself was obstinately\\nbent on keeping the supreme power in his hands\\nand setting the people under his feet, whatever he\\nmight promise and this was the attitude of the\\nlarge Royalist and Episcopalian party, which had\\nshowed, in supporting him, either that it cared lit-\\n132", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\ntie for liberty and eagerly championed a servility\\nwhich it misnamed loyalty, or else that it feared\\ndisorder more than tyranny.\\nOn the other hand, the determined foes of Ab-\\nsolutism, the armed Independents, were even\\nmore cut off from the bulk of the nation by their\\ngood qualities than by their shortcomings. Their\\nadvocacy of toleration for every creed, their desire\\nfor legal reform, and their strong democratic tend-\\nencies, all put them so far in advance of the rest\\nof the nation as to be completely out of touch\\nwith it and they offended it even more than their\\nharshness and narrowness, and the behavior of the\\nbands of fantastic enthusiasts in their ranks. More-\\nover, the sincerity of their convictions, at a time\\nwhen the practical application of belief in the rule\\nof the majority was entirely new and strange,\\ndrove them to rely on their strong right arms, in-\\nstead of upon the votes of a people which was\\nmainly hostile or apathetic. When Cromwell\\nacted with them, heedless of what the majority\\nmight think, he was making ready for a time\\nwhen he might choose in turn to disregard the\\nmajority within their own ranks.\\nThough neither Cromwell nor the Independents\\nbelieved in the abstract in employing the army as\\nan instrument of government, they were face to\\nface with a condition of affairs in which, partly be-\\n133", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncause of their own shortcomings, but very much\\nmore because of the shortcomings of their antago-\\nnists, they were driven to adopt this as the only\\npossible course. Doubtless Cromwell was still act-\\ning as he sincerely believed the interests of the na-\\ntion demanded. In the complex tissue of motives\\nwhich go to determine a man s deeds it is rarely\\npossible to say that there is not some, and mayhap\\neven a strong, element of self-interest and of desire\\nfor personal aggrandizement yet Cromwell s con-\\nduct toward the King goes to show that he would\\ngladly have saved him had not the behavior of\\nthis typical Stuart been such as to render it im-\\npossible for an upright and far-seeing friend of\\nEnglish liberty longer to remain his ally.\\nParliament had no sooner been relieved by the\\naction of the army from all danger from the\\nKing s adherents, than in September it proceeded\\nto open negotiations with the King. These ne\\ngotiations in effect aimed at the destruction of\\nthe army by uniting Parliament and King against\\nit; among other things, they expressly excluded\\nany toleration for the sects which made up the\\nstrength of the army. It would have been inex\\ncusable folly for the men who had won the victory\\nto submit to such action. The army, headed by\\nIreton, demanded a purge of the House which\\nwould rid it of the members so treacherous to the\\n134", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\ninterests of the nation. Ireton and his followers\\nthen laid before Fairfax a remonstrance, which\\nincluded a demand that the King should be\\nbrought to justice for the treason, blood, and\\nmischief of which he had been guilty. Fairfax\\nopposed this and carried the army with him in\\nfavor of a substitute which merely requested the\\nKing to assent to a constitutional plan which\\nwould have limited his powers precisely as those\\nof Oueen Victoria are now limited, and would have\\nmade the Constitution of England what it now is.\\nA more moderate proposal was never made by\\nvictorious revolutionists, and it shows conclusively\\nthat the fault was not with Cromwell and his fol-\\nlowers when they were forced to overturn the\\nKing and the Parliament. But Charles promptly i\\nrejected the proposals and thereby signed his own\\ndeath-warrant. He had just sought, in Crom-/\\nwell s words, to vassalize us to a foreign nation,\\nand now, after having twice plunged England into\\nCivil War, and shown himself eager to submit\\nher to the power of the alien, he obstinately re-\\nfused a plan which would not merely have left\\nhim unpunished, but would have given him all\\nthe power of a constitutional monarch a power\\ngreater than that which the House of Orange at\\nthat time enjoyed in Holland.\\nThe House of Commons stood firm in its posi-\\n135", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ntion, and against the position of the army, which\\nthereupon marched into London and on Decem-\\nber 6th, Colonel Pride carried through the famous\\nPride s Purge. He stood with a military guard\\nat the door of the House, and turned back or ar-\\nrested the members who had voted for a continu-\\nation of the negotiations with the the King. This\\nwas, of course, a purely revolutionary measure,\\nwith no warrant, save as Ireton and Harrison\\nthe Republican generals had said, the height of\\nnecessity to save the Kingdom from a new War.\\nIt was but the second step the all-important one\\nhad been taken long before, when the army first\\nmarched into London to see that the Parliament\\ndid its liking.\\nCromwell still strove to save the King s life.\\nThrough the exertions of Ireton a small majority\\nof the army council resolved for mercy, and made\\na last effort to conclude a treaty with the King\\nbut the King would not listen to them, and he\\nthus put it out of their power any longer to delay\\nhis fate. On January l, 1649, tne House of\\nCommons resolved to try him for treason to the\\nkingdom. The Lords refused to pass the ordi-\\nnance, whereupon the House of Commons de-\\ncided to disregard them and to act on its own\\nauthority. On January 6th it erected a High\\nCourt of Justice for the trial of the King, on the\\n136", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "etfy--\\nPride s Purge.\\nColonel Pride, who commanded the guard stationed in the lobby of the House, had in his hand a list on\\nrich were the names of certain members, while Lord Grey, of Groby, himself a member of the House, stood\\nhis side ready to point out to him the members in question. As each one of these approached the door of\\nc Huuse he was turned back.", "height": "3153", "width": "1836", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nground that he had wickedly endeavored to sub-\\nvert the people s rights, had levied war against\\nthem, and when he had been spared had again\\nraised new commotions in order to enslave and\\ndestroy the nation. Cromwell had finally thrown\\nhis doubts to the winds, and he supported the res-\\nolution with all his vigor. When the legality of\\nthe action was questioned, he retorted I tell you\\nwe will cut off his head with the crown upon it!\\nThe grim Puritan leaders were at last to have\\ntheir will on the man of blood. On the 27th,\\nsentence of death was passed upon the King, and\\non January 30, 1649, ne was beheaded on the\\nscaffold in front of Whitehall, meeting his death\\nwith firm dignity.\\nJustice was certainly done, and until the death-\\npenalty is abolished for all malefactors, we need\\nwaste scant sympathy on the man who so hated\\nthe upholders of freedom that his vengeance\\nagainst Eliot could be satisfied only with Eliot s\\ndeath; who so utterly lacked loyalty that he\\nsigned the death-warrant of Strafford when Straf-\\nford had merely done his bidding who had made\\nthe blood of Englishmen flow like water, to estab-\\nlish his right to rule as he saw best over their lives\\nand property and who, with incurable duplicity,\\nincurable double-dealing, had sought to turn the\\ngenerosity of his victorious foes to their own hurt.\\n137", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nAny man who has ever had anything to do with\\nthe infliction of the death-penalty, or indeed with\\nany form of punishment, knows that there are sen-\\ntimental beings so constituted that their sympa-\\nthies are always most keenly aroused on behalf of\\nthe offender who pays the penalty for a deed of\\npeculiar atrocity. The explanation probably is\\nthat the more conspicuous the crime, the more\\ntheir attention is arrested, and the more acute\\ntheir manifestations of sympathy become. At the\\ntime when the great bulk even of civilized man-\\nkind believed in the right of a king, not merely\\nto rule, but to oppress, the action of the Puritans\\nstruck horror throughout Europe. Even Repub-\\nlican Holland was stirred to condemnation, and\\nas the King was the symbol of the State, and as\\ncustom dies hard, generations passed during which\\nthe great majority of good and loyal, but not par-\\nticularly far-sighted or deep-thinking men, spoke\\nwith intense sympathy of Charles, and with the most\\nsincere horror of the regicides, especially Crom-\\nwell. This feeling was most natural then. It may\\nbe admitted to be natural in certain Englishmen,\\neven at the present day. But what shall we say of\\nAmericans who now take the same view who erect\\nstained-glass windows in a Philadelphia church to\\nthe memory of the Royal Martyr, or in New\\nYork or Boston hold absurd festivals in his praise\\n138", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR\\nThe best men in England approved the execu-\\ntion of the King, not only as a work of necessity,\\nbut as right on moral grounds. Two weeks after\\nthe execution, Milton perhaps the loftiest soul\\nin the whole Puritan party, full though it was of\\nlofty souls wrote his pamphlet justifying the\\nright of the nation to depose, or, if need be, exe-\\ncute, tyrants and wicked kings. His arguments\\nnever have been, and never can be, successfully\\ncontroverted on grounds of justice and morality.\\nThere is room for greater question on the ground\\nof expediency. Some of the ablest historians and\\npoliticians have argued that the execution was a\\nmistake, as making the King a martyr, and as\\ntransferring to his son, Charles II., all the loyalty\\nthat had been his, while the hatred and distrust\\ncould not be transferred. Yet, it certainly seems\\nthat even on the score of expediency, Cromwell\\nand the regicides were right and that the event\\njustified their judgment. While Charles was alive\\nthere could have been no peace in any event and\\nduring Cromwell s lifetime Charles II. could gain\\nno foothold in England\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for there was never a\\nmember of the House of Stuart that could stand\\nin battle or in council before the stern Lord of the\\nEnglish Commonwealth. If in later years great\\nOliver could only have managed to agree with\\nthe bulk of liberty-loving Englishmen on some\\n139", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsystem of government by law, it is not probable\\nthat the memory of the King s death would have\\nprevented the perpetuation of such a government.\\nCarlyle s mind is often warped his vision often\\ndim but there are times when he speaks like an\\ninspired seer, and never more so than when dealing\\nwith the execution of the Stuart King: This\\naction of the English Regicides did in effect strike\\na damp like death through the heart of Flunkyism\\nuniversally in this world. Whereof Flunkyism,\\nCant, Cloth- Worship, or whatever ugly name it\\nhave, has gone about incurably sick ever since\\nand is now at length, in these generations, very\\nrapidly dying. The like of which action will not\\nbe needed for a thousand years again.\\nThus ends the Second Civil War. In Regicide;\\nin a Commonwealth, and Keepers of the Liberties\\nof England. In punishment of delinquents in\\nabolition of Cobwebs if it be possible in a Gov-\\nernment of Heroism and Veracity at lowest of\\nAnti-Flunkyism, Anti-Cant, and the endeavor after\\nHeroism and Veracity.\\n140", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "Interior of Westminster Hall\\nWhere Parliament sat and where King Charles I. was tried and sentenced.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "IV\\nTHE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nTHE successful Revolutionary party now en-\\nacted that the people of England and of all\\nthe dominions and territories thereunto belonging\\nwere constituted and established as a Common-\\nwealth, or Free State, to be governed by the rep-\\nresentatives of the people in Parliament and by\\nwhomsoever the Parliament should appoint as\\nofficers and ministers (the King and the House\\nof Lords being both abolished. No provision was\\nat first made by which any man should lawfully\\nbe recognized as chief in the new Commonwealth;\\nbut, as a matter of fact, there was one man, and\\none man only, who had to be acknowledged,\\nhowever unwillingly, as master and leader. There\\nwere many upright and able civil servants many\\nhigh-minded and fervent reformers many grim\\nand good captains: but waist-high above them\\nall rose the mighty and strenuous figure of\\nOliver Cromwell. It may well be that, hitherto,\\npersonal ambition had played an entirely sub-\\nordinate part in all his actions. Now, in the\\n141", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nturmoil of the Revolution, in the whirlpool of\\ncurrents which none but the strongest man could\\nbreast, he became ever more and more conscious\\nof his own great powers powers which he knew\\nwere shared by no other man. With the sense\\nof power came the overmastering desire to seize\\nand wield it.\\nThe first thing he had to do was to stop the\\nRevolution where it was. In every such Revo-\\nlution some of the original adherents of the move-\\nment drop off at each stage, feeling that it has\\ngone too far and at every halt the extremists in-\\nsist on further progress. As stage succeeds stage,\\nthese extremists become a constantly diminishing\\nbody, and the irritation and alarm of the growing\\nremainder increase. If the movement is not\\nchecked at the right moment by the good-sense\\nand moderation of the people themselves, or if\\nsome master-spirit does not appear, the extremists\\ncarry it ever farther forward until it provokes the\\nmost violent reaction and when the master-spirit\\ndoes stop it, he has to guard against both the men\\nwho think it has gone too far, and the men who\\nthink it has not gone far enough.\\nThe extreme Levellers, the extreme Republi-\\ncans, and, above all, the fierce and moody fanatics\\nwho sought after an impossible, and for the\\nmatter of that a highly undesirable, realization of\\n142", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\ntheir ideal of God s kingdom on this earth all\\nthese, together with the mere men of unsettled\\nminds and the believers in what we now call com-\\nmunism, socialism, and nihilism, were darkly\\nthreatening the new government.\\nMen arose who called themselves prophets of\\nnew social and religious dispensations and every\\nwild theory found its fanatic advocates, ready at\\nany moment to turn from advocacy to action. In\\nthe name of political and social liberty, some\\ndemanded that all men should be made free and\\nequal by abolishing money and houses, living in\\ntents, and dividing all food and clothing alike.\\nIn the name of religious reform others took to\\nriding naked in the market-place, for a sign\\nto shouting for the advent of King Jesus; or to\\nbreaking up church services by noisy controver-\\nsies with the preachers. The extreme Anabaptist\\nand Quaker agitators were overshadowed by fan-\\ntastic figures whose followers hailed them as in-\\ncarnations of the Most High.\\nBlack trouble gloomed without. The Com-\\nmonwealth had not a friend in Europe. In the\\nBritish Isles Scotland declared for Charles II. as\\nthe King, not only of Scotland, but of Great\\nBritain. In Ireland but a couple of towns were\\nheld for the Parliament.\\nIt was to the reconquest of Ireland that the\\n143", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nCommonwealth first addressed itself, and naturally\\nCromwell was chosen for the work. He was\\ngiven the rank of Lieutenant-General but before\\nhe started he had to deal with dangerous mutinies\\nand uprisings in the army. The religious sec-\\ntaries and political levellers, who had given to the\\narmy the fiery zeal that made it irresistible by\\nParliament or King, English Royalists or Scotch\\nCovenanter, had also been infected with a spirit\\npeculiarly liable to catch flame from such agita-\\ntions as were going on round-about. Here and\\nthere, in regiment after regiment, were sudden up-\\nliftings of the banner of revolt in the name of\\nevery kind of human freedom, and often of some\\nfierce religious doctrine quite incompatible with\\nhuman freedom. Cromwell acted with his usual\\nterrible energy, scattered the mutineers, shot the\\nringleaders, and reduced army and kingdom alike\\nto obedience and order. Then he made ready for\\nthe invasion of Ireland.\\nThe predominant motives for the various muti-\\nnies in the army, offer sufficient proof of its utter\\nunlikeness to any other army. At the outset of\\nthe civil wars the Ironsides were simply volun-\\nteers of the very highest type not wholly unlike, at\\nleast in moral qualities, some of those belated\\nCromwellians the Boers of to-day. They did not 1\\ntake up soldiering as a profession, but primarily to\\n144", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "General Sir Thomas Fairfax.\\nFrom the Portrait by Robert Walker at Althorp.\\nBy permission uf Earl Spencer, K.G.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3158", "width": "1800", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nachieve certain definite moral objects. Of course,\\nas the force gradually grew into a permanent body,\\nit changed in some respects but the old spirit\\nremained strong. The soldiers became in a sense\\nregulars but they bore no resemblance to regu-\\nlars of the ordinary type to regulars such as\\nserved under Turenne or Marlborough, Frederick\\nthe Great or Wellington. If in Grant s army\\na very large number of the men, including almost\\nall the forceful, natural leaders, had been of the\\nstamp of Ossawatomie Brown, we should have\\nhad an army much like Cromwell s. Such an\\narmy might usually be a power for good and\\nsometimes a power for evil; but under all circum-\\nstances, when controlled by a master hand, it was\\ncertain to show itself one of the most formidable\\nweapons ever forged in the workshop of human\\npassion and purpose.\\nMatters in Ireland were in a perfect welter of\\nconfusion. Eight years had elapsed since the\\noriginal rising of the native Irish. A murderous\\nand butcherly warfare had been carried on\\nthroughout these years, but not along the lines of\\noriginal division. On the contrary, when Crom-\\nwell landed, there had been a complete shifting\\nof the parties to the contest, every faction having\\nin turn fought every other faction, and, more ex-\\ntraordinary still, having at some time or other\\n145", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\njoined its religious foes in attacking a rival faction\\nof its own creed. The original rising was in\\nUlster, and was aimed at the English and Scotch\\nsettlers who had been planted under James in the\\nlands from which the Irish had been evicted.\\nThese plantations under James, not to speak of\\nthe scourge of Wentworth under Charles, were on\\na par with the whole conduct of the English tow-\\nard Ireland for generations, and gave as ample\\na justification for the uprising as in the Nether-\\nlands the Spaniards had given the Dutch. From\\nthe standpoint of the Irish, the war was simply\\nthe most righteous of wars for hearthstone, for\\nChurch, and for country.\\nThis first uprising was one of Celtic Catholics.\\nIn the Pale and elsewhere, here and there through-\\nout Ireland, were large numbers of Old-English\\nCatholics; these, unlike the Celts, did not wish\\nseparation from England, but did wish complete\\nreligious liberty for themselves, and, if possible,\\nCatholic supremacy. The Episcopalian and\\nRoyalist English throughout Ireland, under the\\nlead of the Earl of Ormond, favored the King.\\nThe Puritan oligarchy of Dublin favored the Par-\\nliament, and were in touch with the Scotch Pres-\\nbyterians of Ulster. The rising began to spread\\nfrom Ulster southward. The Catholics of the\\nPale were at first loyal to the King, but the Prot-\\n146", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nestant leaders, in striking back at the insurgents,\\nharried friend and foe alike, until the Pale joined\\nwith Ulster. After this, all Ireland revolted.\\nOnly a few fortified and garrisoned towns were\\nheld for the English.\\nViolent alterations of policy and of fortune\\nfollowed. Under the lead of the Roman Catholic\\nclergy the revolt was consolidated. Unswerving\\nloyalty to the King was proclaimed, war was de-\\nnounced against the Puritans, and the re-establish-\\nment of Roman Catholicism as the State religion\\nof Ireland was demanded. On the Puritan side\\nthe lords justices in Dublin nominally acknowl-\\nedged the King s authority, but really stood for\\nthe Parliament and hampered Ormond, who,\\nwhile a stanch Protestant, was an ardent Royal-\\nist. Ormond gained one or two victories over the\\ninsurgents in spite of the way in which the lords\\njustices interfered with him. Charles created him\\nmarquis, and he took command of the English\\ninterest, drove out the lords justices, and con-\\ncluded a truce for one year with the Catholic\\nparty, in September, 1643. They gave Charles a\\nfree contribution of ,\u00c2\u00a330,000, and sent over some\\nIrish troops to aid Montrose and the other Roy-\\nalist leaders in Scotland, besides setting Ormond\\nfree to transfer part of his forces to the King in\\nEngland. But Munro and the Ulster Scotch re-\\n147", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfused to recognize the armistice, took the Cove-\\nnant, and declared against the King; while, in\\nthe south, certain Protestant sea-coast towns,\\nunder the lead of Lord Inchiquin, followed suit\\nand acknowledged the Parliament. Months of\\ntortuous negotiations followed, King Charles\\nshowing the same readiness in promise, and utter\\nindifference in performance, while dealing with\\nthe Irish as while dealing with the English. The\\ntreachery of the King was made manifest by the\\ndiscovery of his secret treaty with the Irish, when\\nSligo was captured.\\nMeanwhile, the Papal nuncio, an Italian, had\\narrived, and exhorted the Irish to refuse any peace\\nwith the King except on the basis of the complete\\nreinstatement of the Catholic Church. He roused\\nwhat would now be called the ultramontanes\\nagainst the moderate Catholic party which was\\nacting with Ormond. Their wrangles caused a\\nfatal delay, for by the time the moderates tri-\\numphed the King had been made a prisoner.\\nTheir treaty of peace with the King was not\\nsigned till September, 1645, and it amounted to\\nnothing, for the adherents of the Parliament re-\\njected it on the one side, and the extreme Catholic\\nparty, the utterly intolerant and fanatical Catholics,\\nunder the nuncio, refused to be bound by it on\\nthe other. In the north the Irish were led by\\n14s", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nOwenO Neil, a member of the great Ulster house\\nof that name, and under him they had beaten\\nMunro and the Scotch. He now hurried to the\\nsupport of the nuncio. The moderate Catholic\\nleaders and Ormond fled to Dublin at his ap-\\nproach, and he was joined, after some hesitation,\\nby Preston, the leader of the Irish forces in the\\nsouth. In 1647, Ormond, at his wits end,\\nhanded over Dublin to the agents of the Parlia-\\nment, and joined the Royalist refugees in France.\\nThis for a moment eliminated the Royalists,\\nand left the party of the nuncio, the party of the bi-\\ngots and intolerant extremists, supreme among\\nthe Irish. But when Jones, the Puritan leader,\\nmarched out of Dublin and defeated Preston,\\nwhile in the south Lord Inchiquin won some\\nbutchering victories, the party of the moderates\\nagain raised its head. Then there was a new and\\nbewildering turn of the kaleidoscope. Inchiquin\\nsuddenly became offended with the Parliament,\\nmade overtures to Preston, and then to Ormond.\\nA coalition was formed between the Royalist\\nProtestants in Munster and the moderate Catholics.\\nThe nuncio threatened the moderates with ex-\\ncommunication and interdict, and fled to O Neil s\\ncamp. Preston and Inchiquin joined forces and\\nmarched against O Neil, so that civil war broke\\nout among the insurgents themselves.\\n149", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nColonel Jones, the victor over Preston, felt\\ndoubtful of his own troops, who included a num-\\nber of Royalists, and, extraordinary to relate, he\\nactually made terms with the nuncio and O Neil\\nas against the Protestant Royalists and moderate\\nCatholics the Ultramontanes so hating the moder-\\nate Catholics that they preferred to come to terms\\nwith the Puritans. Ormond now came over from\\nFrance to head the moderates, the party of the\\nRoyalist Catholics and Protestants. Peace was\\ndeclared between Ormond and the Supreme Coun-\\ncil of Dublin in the King s name.\\nBut hardly had peace been declared when news\\narrived of the King s execution. Ormond pro-\\nclaimed Charles II., at Cork; most of the Irish\\noutside of Ulster united under him, and Munro\\nand the Scotch Presbyterians joined him. The\\nnuncio fled the country in despair. The rupture\\nbetween the Presbyterians and Independents was\\ncomplete, and the Scotch became the open enemies\\nof the English. They began the siege of Derry,\\nwhich Coote held for the Parliament. At the\\nsame time they confronted O Neil and the Ulster\\nIrish, who were acting in alliance with Monk,\\nwho held Dundalk for the Parliament by order of\\nColonel Jones. Inchiquin captured Drogheda\\nfor the Confederates. Monk s garrison mutinied,\\nand he had to surrender Dundalk. Ormond be-\\n150", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\ngan the siege of Dublin, but was routed by Jones,\\none of the sturdiest of the many sturdy Puritan\\nfighters. Meanwhile, the Puritan Parliament had\\ndisavowed the alliance with O Neil and the Ulster\\nIrish, and the latter were thus forced into the arms\\nof Ormond, who found himself at the head of all\\nthe Irish and English Catholics, of the Scotch\\nPresbyterians in Ulster, and of the Royalist Prot-\\nestants elsewhere in Ireland. It was at this time\\nthat Cromwell landed.\\nThe exact condition of affairs in Ireland should\\nbe carefully borne in mind, because it is often al-\\nleged, in excuse of Cromwell s merciless massa-\\ncres, that he was acting with the same justification\\nthat the English had when they put down the\\nIndian Mutiny with righteous and proper se-\\nverity. Without a doubt, Cromwell and most\\nEnglishmen felt this way and in the case of the\\naverage Englishman, who could not be expected\\nto understand the faction-fighting, the feeling was\\njustifiable. But it was Cromwell s business to\\nknow what the parties had been doing^ As a\\nmatter of fact, the wrong of the original Ulster\\nmassacre, which itself avenged prior wrongs by\\nthe invaders, had been overlaid by countless other\\nmassacres committed by English and Irish alike,\\nduring the intervening years and the very men\\nagainst whom this original wrong had been com*\\n151", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmitted were now fighting side by side with the\\nwrong-doers, against Cromwell and the Puritans.\\nMoreover, for some time the Parliamentarians had\\nbeen in close alliance with these same wrong-doers\\nagainst the moderate Irish, who were not impli-\\ncated in the massacres in question, and against\\nthe Royalist Protestants, some of whom had suf-\\nfered from the massacres and others of whom had\\nhelped avenge them. The troops against whom\\nCromwell was to fight were in part Protestant\\nand English, these being mixed in with the\\nCatholics and Irish and at the moment the chief\\nRoyalist leaders in Ireland included quite as\\nmany English, Scotch, and Irish Protestants, as\\nthey did Irish Catholics.\\nCromwell recked but little of nice distinctions\\nbetween the different stripes of Royalists and\\nCatholics when, in August, 1649, he landed in\\nDublin, the only place in Ireland, save Derry,\\nwhich still held out for the Parliament. He\\nbrought with him the pick of his troops and soon\\nhad at Dublin some 10,000 foot and 5,000 horse.\\nThey were excellently disciplined they included\\nthe Ironsides, the veterans of the New Model\\ngrim Puritans for the most part, inflamed with\\nthe most bitter hatred against Catholics, Irish, and\\nRoyalists. They had been welded into one for-\\nmidable mass by Cromwell s rigid discipline, and\\n152", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nyet were all aflame with religious and political\\nenthusiasm. There could not be gathered in all\\nIreland an army capable of meeting in the open\\nfield that iron soldiery, under such a leader as\\nCromwell and this the Irish chiefs well knew.\\nCromwell, therefore, had to deal with a numer-\\nous and individually brave but badly disciplined\\nenemy, formidable in guerilla warfare, because\\ntheirs was a wild country of mountain and bog,\\nand resolute in defence of their walled towns, but\\nnot otherwise to be feared by such troops as the\\nIronsides. His first care was to put an end to the\\nplundering and licentiousness which had hitherto\\nmarked the English no less than the Irish armies.\\nHe completely stopped outrages upon the peas-\\nantry and non-combatants generally, besides pro-\\ntecting all who lived quietly in their homes.\\nIn September he marched against Drogheda,\\ninto which Orrnond had thrown 3,000 picked\\nmen, largely English, under Sir Arthur Aston.\\nCromwell had with him some 8,000 men when\\nhe sat down to attack it. He brought up a siege-\\ntrain, beating back the sallies of the garrison with\\nease, and meanwhile maintaining his strict disci-\\npline, and putting down pillage by the summary\\nprocess of hanging the plunderers.\\nWhen his batteries were ready he summoned\\nthe Governor to surrender, but the summons was\\n153", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nrefused. For two days the guns kept up their\\nfire, and then in the afternoon the assault was de-\\nlivered. The defenders met the stormers in the\\nbreaches the fight was hot and stiff; the English\\nwere once repulsed, but came forward again and\\ncarried the breach only to be once more driven\\nout by a fierce rally.\\nWhen Cromwell saw his men driven down the\\nbreach, he placed himself at the head of the re-\\nserve, and in person led it with the rallied men of\\nthe broken regiments, back to the breach. This\\ntime the stormers would not be denied. They\\ncarried the breach, the church which was\\nstrongly held by the Irish and finally the pali-\\nsaded intrenchments of Mill Mount, in which Sir\\nArthur Aston had taken refuge. The horse fol-\\nlowed close behind the foot, and speedily cleared\\nthe streets of the hostile cavalry and infantry.\\nThe victorious Puritans pressed on and a terrible\\nslaughter followed. Cromwell forbade them to\\nspare any that were in arms in the town, and they\\nput to the sword over 2,000 men. Nearly 1,000\\nwere killed in the great Church of St. Peter s.\\nAll the priests found, says Cromwell, were\\nknocked on the head promiscuously but two,\\nboth of whom were killed next day. Sir Ar-\\nthur Aston, Verney, the son of the King s stand-\\nard-bearer at Edgehill, and all the officers were\\n154", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nput to the sword. Two towers held out until\\nnext day, when they submitted their officers\\nwere knocked on the head, says Cromwell.\\nOne tower fought hard; there every tenth man\\nof the soldiers was killed; the rest, and all the\\nsoldiers in the other tower, were shipped to the\\nwhite slavery of the Barbadoes. Of the assail-\\nants, about a hundred were slain and several hun-\\ndred wounded.\\nSaid Cromwell We put to the sword the\\nwhole number of the defendants. This\\nhath been a marvellous great mercy. I wish that\\nall honest hearts may give glory of this to God\\nalone, to whom indeed the praise of this mercy\\nbelongs. I am persuaded that this is a\\nrighteous judgment of God upon these barbarous\\nwretches who have imbrued their hands in so\\nmuch innocent blood, and that it will tend to\\nprevent the effusion of blood for the future, which\\nare the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which\\notherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.\\nThe officers and soldiers of this garrison were\\nthe flower of their army.\\nCromwell s defenders say simply that he acted\\nfrom a fervent belief in the righteousness of what\\nhe was doing, and, further, that the terrible ven-\\ngeance he took here and at Wexford upon all\\nwho withstood him in arms cowed the Irish and\\n155", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nprevented further resistance. Neither defence is\\ntenable. If on the ground of their sincerity the\\ndeeds of Cromwell and his soldiers at Drogheda\\nand Wexford can be defended, then we cannot\\nrefuse the same defence to Philip and Alva and\\ntheir soldiers in the Netherlands. Of course, we\\nmust always remember that under Cromwell\\nthere was no burning at the stake, no dreadful\\ntorture in cold blood and, therefore, at his worst,\\nhe rises in degree above Philip and Alva. But\\nin kind, his deeds in Ireland were the same as\\ntheirs in the Netherlands and though the Puri-\\ntan soldiers were guiltless of the hideous licen-\\ntiousness shown by the Spaniards, or by the\\narmies of Tilly and Wallenstein, yet the merci-\\n/less butchery of the entire garrisons and of all the\\npriests accompanied by the slaughter of other\\nnon-combatants, in at least some cases leave\\nDrogheda and Wexford as black and terrible\\nstains on Cromwell s character. Nor is there any\\njustification for them on the ground that they put\\na stop to resistance. The war lingered on for\\ntwo or three years in spite of them and in any\\nevent the outcome was inevitable. It does not\\nseem to have been hastened in any way by this\\ndisplay of savagery. There had been many such\\nbutcheries during the war, before Cromwell came\\nto Ireland, without in any way hastening the\\n156", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nend. Cromwell and his lieutenants put down the\\ninsurrection and established order because they\\ngained such sweeping victories, not because Crom-\\nwell made merciless use of his first victories. It\\nwas the righting of the Puritan troops in the bat-\\ntle itself which won, and not their ferocity after\\nthe battle and it was Cromwell who not merely\\ngave free rein to this ferocity, but inspired it.\\nSeemingly quarter would have been freely given\\nhad it not been for his commands. Neither in\\nmorals nor in policy were these slaughters justifi-\\nable. Moreover, it must be remembered that the\\nmen slaughtered were entirely guiltless of the\\noriginal massacres in Ulster.\\nImmediately after Drogheda, Cromwell sent\\nforces to Dundalk, which was held by the Irish,\\nand to Trim, which was held by the Scotch but\\nthe garrisons deserted both places at the approach\\nof the Cromwellians. In October, Cromwell him-\\nself advanced on Wexford and stormed the town.\\nVery little resistance was made, but some 2,000\\nof the defenders were put to the sword. This\\ntime the soldiers needed no order with reference\\nto refusing quarter they acted of their own ac-\\ncord, and many of the townspeople suffered with\\nthe garrison. Practically, the town was depopu-\\nlated, not one in twenty of the inhabitants being\\nleft.\\n157", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThen Cromwell moved to Ross. In spite of\\nthe slaughter which he made in the towns he\\nstormed, he exercised such strict discipline over\\nhis army in the field, and paid with such rigid\\npunctuality for all supplies which the country\\npeople brought in, that they flocked to him as\\nthey feared to do to their own armies, and in con-\\nsequence his troops were better fed and able to\\nmarch more rapidly than was the case with the\\nIrish. He soon took Ross, allowing the garrison\\nto march out with the honors of war, and gave\\nprotection to the inhabitants. When asked to\\nguarantee freedom of religion he responded\\nFor that which you mention concerning liberty\\nof conscience, I meddle not with any man s con-\\nscience. But, if by liberty of conscience, you\\nmean liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best\\nto use plain dealing, and to let you know, where\\nthe Parliament of England have power, that will\\nnot be allowed of.\\nThree months after he landed, Cromwell had\\npossession of almost all the eastern coast. One\\nof the remarkable features of his campaign had\\nbeen the way in which he had used the army and\\nthe fleet in combination. He used his admirals\\njust as he had used his generals and colonels, and\\nthey played a very important part in the opera-\\ntions against Wexford and Ross, and in securing\\ni 5 3", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "St. Lawrence s Gate, Drogheda.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nthe surrender of both. When he moved away\\nfrom the coast his task was very difficult; there\\nwere no roads, the country had been harried into\\na wilderness, and was studded with castles and\\nfortified towns, every one held by an Irish garri-\\nson. Ormond and O Neil were in the field with\\na more numerous force than his and though they\\ndared not fight a pitched battle, they threatened\\nhis detachments. The service was very wearing,\\nand in December Cromwell went into winter\\nquarters, the weather being bad, and his men\\ndecimated by fever. The triumphs won by his\\nterrible soldiership rendered the conquest of the\\nwhole island only a question of time.\\nHaving now a little leisure, Cromwell pub-\\nlished, for the benefit of the Irish, a Declara-\\ntion, as an answer to a polemic issued in form of\\na manifesto at Kilkenny by the high Irish eccle-\\nsiastics. In this Declaration, which is very curi-\\nous reading, he exhorted the Irish to submit, and\\nanswered at great length the arguments of their\\nreligious leaders, with all the zeal, ingenuity, and\\nacrimony of an eager theological disputant, and\\nwith an evident and burning sincerity to which\\nmany theological disputants do not attain. The\\nreligious side of his campaigns was always very\\nstrong in his mind, and no Puritan preacher more\\ndearly loved setting forth the justification of his\\n159", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nreligious views, or answering the arguments of his\\nreligious opponents, whether Catholics or Cove-\\nnanters.\\nSo far as Puritanism was based upon a literal\\nfollowing of the example set in the Old Testa-\\nment, it had a very dark, as well as a very exalted\\nside. To take the inhuman butcheries of the\\nearly Jews as grateful to Jehovah, and therefore\\nas justification for similar conduct by Christians,\\ncould lead only to deeds of horror. When Crom-\\nwell wrote from Cork, justifying the Puritan zeal\\nwhich he admitted could not be justified by rea-\\nson if called before a jury, he appealed to the\\ncase of Phineas, who was held to have done the\\nwork of the Lord, because he thrust through the\\nbelly with his javelin the wretched Midianitish\\nwoman. No such plea can be admitted on be-\\nhalf of peoples who have passed the stage of\\nmere barbarism.\\nDrogheda and Wexford could not be excused\\nby pointing out that the priests of the Jews of old\\nhad held it grateful to the Lord to kill without\\nmercy the miserable women and children of the\\ntribes whom the Israelites drove from the land.\\nSuch a position was in accord with the mediaeval\\nside of Cromwell s character, but was utterly out\\nof touch with his thoroughly modern belief in\\njustice and freedom for all men. Oueer contra-\\n1 60", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\ndictions appear in the above-mentioned Declara-\\ntion, written, as he phrased it, For the unde-\\nceiving of deluded and seduced people. He\\nshowed that he was a leader in the modern move-\\nment for social, political, and religious liberty,\\nwhen he wrote Arbitrary power men begin to\\ngrow weary of, in Kings and Churchmen; their\\njuggle between them mutually to uphold civil\\nand ecclesiastical tyranny begins to be transpar-\\nent. Some have cast off both and hope by the\\nGrace of God to keep so. Others are at it.\\nBut when he came to reconcile his own declara-\\ntions for religious liberty with his previous refusal\\nto permit the celebration of the mass, he was\\nforced into a purely technical justification of his\\nposition. He announced that he would punish,\\nwith all the severity of the law, priests seducing\\nthe people, or, by any overt act, violating the\\nla ,vs established, but added As for the people\\nwhat thoughts they have in matters of religion in\\ntheir own breasts, I cannot reach but shall think\\nit my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably,\\nnot to cause them in the least to suffer for the\\nsame. In other words, Catholics could believe\\nwhat they wished, but were not allowed to pro-\\nfess their beliefs in the form that they desired, or\\nto have their teachers among them. To our\\nAmerican eyes such a position is so wholly un-\\n161", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ntenable, so shocking to the moral sense, that it\\nrequires an effort to remember that it was in ad-\\nvance of the position taken in the next century\\nby the English toward the Irish through their\\nPenal Laws, and of the position taken in France\\ntoward the Protestants during the latter part of\\nthe reign of Louis XIV. and all the reign of\\nLouis XV., while of course it was infinitely be-\\nyond the theory upon which the temporal and\\nspiritual authorities of Spain acted.\\nWhile the Irish campaign was at its height, the\\nScotch, who had declared for Charles II., made\\nready for war, and the English Parliament de-\\nmanded Cromwell s return. For some months,\\nhowever, he remained in Ireland, capturing Kil-\\nkenny and various other towns and castles and\\nconstantly extending the area of English sway,\\ndriving the Irish westward. His campaign was\\na model for all military operations undertaken in\\na difficult country, covered by a network of for-\\ntified places, and held by masses of guerillas or\\nirregular levies, backed by the whole population.\\nAfter Clonmel was taken he handed over the com-\\nmand to I re ton; the heavy work had been done,\\nand what remained to do was tedious and harass-\\ning rather than formidable, while the Scotch busi-\\nness could no longer wait.\\nIn May, 1650, Cromwell landed in England,\\n162", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\ntook his seat in the House of Commons, and was\\nmade Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief\\nof the forces, Fairfax having refused to take part\\nin any offensive campaign against the Covenant-\\ners. It is recorded that when Cromwell entered\\nLondon, greeted by surging multitudes, someone\\ncalled his attention to the way the people turned\\nout to do him honor for his triumph whereupon\\nhe dryly answered that it was nothing to the way\\nthey would turn out to see him hanged.\\nThe refusal of Fairfax to march against the\\nScotch left Cromwell the only hope of the Com-\\nmonwealth. It cannot too often be repeated that,\\nwhether in the end Cromwell s ambitions did or\\ndid not obscure the high principles with which\\nthey certainly blended, yet he rose to supreme\\npower less by his own volition than by the irresist-\\nible march of events, and because he was a man\\nof the mighty days, and equal to the days. In\\nthis world, in the long run, the job must necessa-\\nrily fall to the man who both can and will do it\\nwhen it must be done, even though he does it\\nroughly or imperfectly. It is well enough to de-\\nplore and to strive against the conditions which\\nmake it necessary to do the job but when once\\nface to face with it, the man who fails either in\\npower or will, the man who is half-hearted, reluc-\\ntant, or incompetent, must give way to the actual\\n163", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndoer, and he must not complain because the doer\\ngets the credit and reward. President Buchanan\\nutterly disbelieved in the right of secession, but\\nhe also felt doubts as to its being constitutional or\\npossible to coerce a sovereign state, and there-\\nfore he and those who thought like him had to\\ngive place to men who felt no such doubts. It\\nmay be the highest duty to oppose a war before\\nit is brought on, but once the country is at war,\\nthe man who fails to support it with all possible\\nheartiness comes perilously near being a traitor,\\nand his conduct can only be justified on grounds\\nwhich in time of peace would justify a revolution.\\nThe whole strength of the English Commonwealth\\nwas in the Independents. Royalists, Episcopa-\\nlians, Presbyterians, extreme Levellers, were all\\nagainst it. When the Scotch declared for Charles\\nII. as King, not only of Scotland but of England,\\nthey rendered it necessary that either England or\\nScotland should be conquered. Fairfax declared\\nthat he was willing to defend the English against\\nthe Scotch attack, but not to attack Scotland.\\nThe position was puerile a fact which should be\\nborne in mind by the excellent persons who at the\\npresent day believe that a nation can be somehow\\narmed for defence without being armed for attack.\\nNo fight was ever yet won by parrying alone hard\\nhitting is the best parry the offensive is the only\\n164", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "Cromwell Leading the Assault on Drogheda.\\ner the batteries had made a breach in the walls an attempt was made to take the town by storm. Crom-\\neing his men driven back, placed himself at the head uf the column, and, rallying the troops, soon had\\nj possession of the place. His soldiers were ordered to give no quarter to those carrying arms, and it is\\nmore than two thousand of the defenders were put to the sword.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nsure defensive. To refuse to attack the Scotch\\nwas merely to give them a great initial advantage\\nin the inevitable struggle. Cromwell was far too\\nclear-sighted and resolute to suffer from over-\\nsentimental scruples in the matter. Accordingly\\nhe undertook the task did it with his accustomed\\nthoroughness; and from that moment became,\\nnot merely the first man in the Kingdom, but\\na man without a second or a third, without a rival\\nof any kind.\\nCharles had landed in Scotland and been pro-\\nclaimed King, but was forced not merely to take\\nthe Covenant but to make degrading professions\\nof abandonment and renunciation of his father s\\nacts and principles. He was, after all, to be a\\nKing only in name, if the dominant party in Scot-\\nland could have its way. Dour as Dopper Boers,\\nthe Covenanters were determined that the govern-\\nment should be, though in form royal, in essence\\na democratic theocracy, where the men of the\\nstrictest Calvinistic sect should all have their say\\nin an administration marked by the most bitter in-\\ntolerance of every religious belief which differed\\nby even a shade from their own. To get real\\nreligious liberty in those days one had to go to\\nRhode Island or Maryland but at least the Eng-\\nlish Puritans were, in this respect, far in advance\\nof the men against whom they were pitted.\\n165", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThere was also a Royalist party in Scotland,\\nwhich had scant sympathy with the Covenanters*\\nbut was only allowed to exist at all by their suf-\\nferance. When at this time Montrose landed to\\nhelp the King, the Presbyterian friends of the\\nKing promptly overcame and slew him. The\\nKirk was supreme, and in the army which it gath-\\nered to meet Cromwell it made zeal for the Cov-\\nenant the all-important requirement for a com-\\nmission. It would not even permit places of\\ncommand to be given to the officers who had\\nmarched with Hamilton s army. The Royalists\\naround the King complained bitterly that the\\ncommissions were most apt to go to sons of min-\\nisters, and if not, then to men whose godliness\\nand religious enthusiasm were but poor substitutes\\nfor training and skill in arms. Cromwell s sol-\\ndiers possessed all of these qualities. Devotion to\\ncountry or to religion adds immensely to the effi-\\nciency of a soldier, but is a broken reed by itself.\\nOfficers whose only qualifications are religious or\\npatriotic zeal, are better than officers who seek\\nservice to gratify their vanity, or who are appointed\\nthrough political favor but until they have really\\nlearned their business, and unless they are eager\\nand able to learn it, this is all that can be said of\\nthem.\\nCromwell marched north to the walls of Edin-\\n166", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nburgh, where David Leslie lay with the Covenant-\\ning army of the Kirk. Leslie had fought under\\nGustavus Adolphus, and beside Cromwell at\\nMarston Moor, where the Scotch insisted that\\nthey had saved the Cromwellians from defeat.\\nNow the two sides were decisively to test the\\nquestion of supremacy. But the contest was really\\nutterly unequal. Cromwell had a veteran army,\\none which had been kept under arms for years.\\nLeslie had an army which had been brought to-\\ngether for this particular war. He was, therefore,\\nunder the terrible disadvantage which rests on any\\nman who, with raw volunteers, confronts well-\\ntrained, well-led veterans. There were under him\\nplenty of officers and men with previous military\\nexperience though, as the Royalist above quoted\\nremarked, too many of the officers were sancti-\\nfied creatures who hardly ever saw or heard of\\nany sword but that of the Spirit yet the regi-\\nments were all new, and the men had no regi-\\nmental pride or confidence, no knowledge of how\\nto act together, no trust in one another or in their\\ncommanders while Cromwell s regiments were\\nold, and the recruits in each at once took their\\ntone from the veterans around them.\\nAlthough Leslie s force was twice that of Crom-\\nwell s, he knew his trade too well to risk a stricken\\nfield on equal terms, when the soldiers were of\\n;67", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsuch unequal quality. He accordingly intrenched\\nin a strong position covering Edinburgh, and there\\nawaited the English attack. Cromwell was a born\\nfighter, always anxious for the trial of the sword;\\na man who habitually took castles and walled\\ntowns by storm, himself at need heading the\\nstormers, and who won his pitched battles by the\\nshock of his terrible cavalry, which he often led\\nin person, and which invariably ruined any foe\\nwhom he had overthrown. He now advanced\\nwith too much confidence and found himself in a\\nvery ugly situation his men sickening rapidly,\\nwhile Leslie s army increased in numbers and dis-\\ncipline. Like every great commander, Cromwell\\nrealized that the end of all manoeuvring is to fight\\nthat the end of strategy should be the crushing\\noverthrow in battle of the enemy s forces. On\\nthis occasion his eagerness made him forget his\\ncaution and all his masterly skill was needed to\\nextricate him from the position into which he had\\nbeen plunged by his own overbearing courage and\\nthe wariness of his opponent.\\nFor some time he lay before Edinburgh, unable\\nto get Leslie to fight, and of course unwilling to\\nattack him in his intrenchments. Sickness and\\nlack of provisions finally forced him to retreat.\\nHe believed that this would draw Leslie out of\\nhis works, and his belief was justified by the event.\\n168", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nThe English now mustered some 11,000 men;\\nthe Scotch, 22,000. Leslie was still cautious about\\nrighting, but the ministers of the Kirk, who were\\nwith him in great numbers, hurried him on. He\\nfollowed Cromwell to Dunbar, where he cut off\\nthe English retreat to England. But his army was\\non the hills and was suffering from the weather.\\nHe thought that the discouraged English were\\nabout to embark on their ships. The ministers\\nfiercely urged him to destroy the sectaries\\nwhom they so hated, and in the afternoon of De-\\ncember 2d he crowded down toward the lower\\nground, near the sea.\\nCromwell saw with stern joy that at last the\\nScotch had given him the longed-for chance, and\\ntrue to his instincts he at once decided to attack,\\ninstead of waiting to be attacked. Leslie s troops\\nhad come down the steep slopes, and at their foot\\nwere crowded together so that their freedom of\\nmovement was much impaired. Cromwell be-\\nlieved that if their right wing were smashed, the\\nleft could not come in time to its support. He\\npointed this out to Lambert, who commanded his\\nhorse, and to Monk, the saturnine tobacco-chew-\\ning colonel, now a devoted and trusted Cromwel-\\nlian. Both agreed with Cromwell, and before\\ndawn the English army was formed for the on-\\nslaught, the officers and troopers praying and ex-\\n169", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhorting loudly. Their cry was The Lord of\\nHosts that of their Presbyterian foes The\\nCovenant It was a strange fight, this between\\nthe Puritan and the Covenanter, whose likeness\\nin the intensity of their religious zeal and in the\\ngreat features of their creeds but embittered their\\nantagonism over the smaller points upon which\\nthey differed.\\nDay dawned, while driving gusts of rain swept\\nacross the field, and the soldiers on both sides\\nstood motionless. Then the trumpets sounded\\nthe charge, and the English horse, followed by\\nthe English foot, spurred against the stubborn\\nScottish infantry of Leslie s right wing. The\\nmasses of Scotch cavalry, with their lancers at the\\nhead, fell on the English horse disordered by the\\ncontest with the infantry and pushed them back\\ninto the brook but they rallied in a moment, as\\nthe reserves came up, and horse and foot again\\nrushed forward to the attack. At this moment\\nthe sun flamed red over the North Sea, and Crom-\\nwell shouted aloud, with stern exultation Let\\nGod arise and let His enemies be scattered, and\\na few moments later They run I profess they\\nrun for now the Scottish army broke in wild\\nconfusion, though one brigade of foot held their\\nground, fighting the English infantry at push of\\npike and butt-end of musket, until a troop of the\\n170", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nvictorious horse charged from one end to the\\nother, through and through them.\\nCromwell was as terrible in pursuit as in battle.\\nHe never left a victory half-won, and always fol-\\nlowed the fleeing foe, as Sheridan followed the\\nConfederates before Appomattox. The English\\nhorse pressed the fleeing Scotch, and their defeat\\nbecame the wildest rout, their cavalry riding\\nthrough their infantry. Cromwell himself rallied\\nand re-formed his troopers, who sang as a song of\\npraise the hundred and seventeenth Psalm; and\\nthen he again loosed his squadrons on the foe.\\nThe fight had not lasted an hour, and Cromwell s\\nvictory cost him very little but of the Scotch,\\n3,000 were put to the sword, chiefly in the pur-\\nsuit, and 10,000 were captured, with 30 guns and\\n200 colors. Leslie escaped by the speed of his\\nhorse. Never had Cromwell won a greater tri-\\numph. Like Jackson in his Valley Campaigns,\\nthough he was greatly outnumbered, he struck\\nthe foe at the decisive point with the numbers all\\nin his own favor, and by taking advantage of\\ntheir error he ruined them at a blow. Like most\\ngreat generals, Cromwell s strategy was simple,\\nand in the last resort consisted in forcing the\\nenemy to fight on terms that rendered it possible\\nthoroughly to defeat him and like all great gen-\\nerals, he had an eye which enabled him to take\\n171", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nadvantage of the fleeting opportunities which\\noccur in almost every battle, but which if not\\ninstantly grasped vanish forever.\\nThe ruin of the Kirk brought to the front the\\nCavaliers, who still surrounded Charles and were\\nresolute to continue the fight. Both before and\\nafter Dunbar, Cromwell carried on a very curious\\nseries of theological disputations with the leaders\\nof the Kirk party. The letters and addresses of\\nthe two sides remind one of the times when\\nByzantine Emperors exchanged obscure theolog-\\nical taunts with the factions of the Circus. Yet\\nthis correspondence reveals no little of the secret\\nof Cromwell s power of his intense religious en-\\nthusiasm which was both a strength and a weak-\\nness his longing for orderly liberty, and his half-\\nstifled aspirations for religious freedom.\\nHe was on sound ground in his controversy\\nwith the Scottish Kirk. He put the argument for\\nreligious freedom well when he wrote to the\\nGovernor of Edinburgh Castle, concerning his\\necclesiastical opponents They assume to be\\nthe infallible expositors of the Covenant (and of\\nthe Scriptures), counting a different sense and\\njudgment from theirs Breach of Covenant and\\nHeresy no marvel they judge of others so author-\\nitatively and severely. But we have not so learned\\n*Slightly condensed.\\n172", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "a\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nj= c\\no o\\nu au\\n/i o", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nChrist. We look at Ministers as helpers of, not\\nLords over, God s people. I appeal to their con-\\nsciences whether any man trying their doctrines\\nand dissenting shall not incur the censure of\\nSectary And what is this but to deny Chris-\\ntians their liberty and assume the Infallible Chair?\\nWhat doth (the Pope) do more than this\\nThere is profitable study for many people of\\nto-day in the following Your pretended fear\\nlest error should step in is like the man who would\\nkeep all the wine out of the country, lest men\\nshould be drunk. It will be found an unjust and\\nunwise jealousy to deprive a man of his natural\\nliberty upon a supposition he may abuse it.\\nWhen he doth abuse it, judge. If a man speak\\nfoolishly, ye suffer him gladly, because ye are wise.\\nStop such a man s mouth by sound words which\\ncannot be gainsayed. If he speak to the disturb-\\nance of the public peace, let the civil magistrate\\npunish him.\\nAfter Dunbar, Cromwell could afford to in-\\ndulge in such disputations, for, as he said The\\nKirk had done their do. All that remained was\\nto deal with the Cavaliers. There is, by the way,\\na delightful touch of the Trust in the Lord, and\\nkeep your powder dry type in one of his\\nletters of this time, when he desired the Com-\\nmander at Newcastle to ship him three or four\\n173", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nscore masons, for we expect that God will sud-\\ndenly put some places into our hands which we\\nshall have occasion to fortify.\\nThe fate of the prisoners taken at Dunbar was\\ndreadful. War had not learned any of its modern\\nmercifulness. Cromwell was in this, as in other\\nrespects, ahead, and not behind, the times. He\\nreleased half of the prisoners for the most part\\nhalf-starved, sick, and wounded and sent the\\nrest under convoy southward, praying that hu-\\nmanity might be exercised toward them but no\\ncare was taken of them, and four-fifths died from\\nstarvation and pestilence.\\nMeanwhile, a new Scotch army was assembling\\nat Stirling, consisting for the most part of the\\nLowland Cavaliers, with their retainers, and the\\nRoyalist chiefs from the Highlands, with their\\nclansmen. Before acting against them, Cromwell\\nbroke up the remaining Kirk forces, put down\\nthe moss-troopers and plunderers, and secured the\\nsurrender of Edinburgh. Winter came on, and\\noperations ceased during the severe weather.\\nIn the spring of 1651, he resumed his work,\\nand by the end of summer he had the Royalists\\nin such plight that it was evident that their only\\nchance was to abide the hazard of a great effort.\\nEarly in August Charles led his army across the\\nborder into England, to see if he could not retrieve\\n174", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "THE IRISH AND SCOTCH WARS\\nhis cause there, while Cromwell was in Scotland;\\nbut Cromwell himself promptly followed him,\\nwhile Cromwell s lieutenants in England opposed\\nand hampered the march of the Royalists. There\\nwas need of resolute action, for Charles had the\\nbest Scotch army that had yet been gathered to-\\ngether. There was no general rising of the Eng-\\nlish to join him, but, when he reached Worcester,\\nthe town received him with open arms. This was\\nthe end of his successes. Cromwell came up,\\nand after careful preparation, delivered his attack,\\non September 3d. Charles had only some 15,000\\nmen; Cromwell, nearly 30,000, half of whom,\\nhowever, were the militia of the neighboring\\ncounties, who were not to be compared either\\nwith Cromwell s own veterans, or with their\\nRoyalist opponents. The fight was fierce, Crom-\\nwell s left wing gradually driving back the enemy,\\nin spite of stubborn resistance; while, on his\\nright, the Cavaliers and Highlanders themselves\\nvigorously attacked the troops to which they were\\nopposed. It was as stiff a contest for four or\\nfive hours as ever I have seen, wrote Cromwell\\nthat evening but at last he overthrew his foes,\\nand, following them with his usual vigor, frightful\\ncarnage ensued. The victory was overwhelming.\\nCharles, himself escaped after various remarkable\\nadventures, but all the nobles and generals of note\\n175\\nL", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwere killed or taken. Nearly 11,000 men were\\ncaptured, and practically all the remainder were\\nslain.\\nThis was, as Cromwell said, the crowning\\nmercy. It was the last fight of the Civil War\\nthe last time that Cromwell had to lead an army\\nin the field. From now till his death there never\\nappeared in England a foe it was necessary for\\nhim to meet in person.\\nThe Sword used by Cromwell in his Irish Campaign.\\n176", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "V\\nTHE COMMONWEALTH AND PROTECTORATE\\nAFTER the battle of Worcester, the au-\\nthority of the Commonwealth was supreme\\nthroughout the British Islands. This authority\\nas yet reposed, wholly in form, largely in sub-\\nstance, with the remnant of the Long Parliament.\\nThis remnant, derisively called the rump, dif-\\nfered as widely in power and capacity from the\\nParliament led by Pym and Hampden, as the\\nContinental Congress that saw the outgoing of\\nthe Revolutionary War differed from that which\\nsaw its incoming. Defections and purgings,\\nexclusions first of whole-hearted Episcopalian\\nRoyalists and then of half-hearted Presbyterian\\nRoyalists, had reduced it to being but the repre-\\nsentative of a faction. It had submitted to the\\nsupremacy of the army by submitting to the ex-\\nclusion of those members to whom the army\\nobjected. Then it had worked for some time\\nhand in hand with the army; but, now that war\\nwas over, the Parliamentary representatives or\\nthe Independents feared more and more the\\n177", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsupremacy of the military, or Cromwellian, wing\\nof their party. It was the army, and not the Par-\\nliament, that had won the fight that had killed\\none king, and driven another, his son, into exile\\nthat had subdued Scotland and Ireland, and\\nstamped out the last vestige of Royalist resistance\\nin England. Yet it was the Parliament, and not\\nthe army, which in theory was to fall heir to the\\nroyal power.\\nMoreover, Parliament, thanks to its past his-\\ntory, had become as little as the army the legal\\nembodiment of the power of England and what\\nwas more important, there was even less general\\nacceptance of it as the proper representative of\\npower, than there was general acceptance of the\\narmy. The army, even where hated, was feared\\nand respected the Parliament was beginning to\\nexcite no emotion save an angry contempt.\\nThere were men of honor, of note, and of ability\\nstill left in the Parliament but its vital force was\\ndying.\\nConscious of its own weakness before the peo-\\nple, the Parliament was most reluctant to face a\\ndissolution most eager to devise means by which\\nits rule could be perpetuated. The army, no less\\nconscious of the hostility felt for it by the Parlia-\\nment, was just as determined that there should be\\na dissolution and an election of a new Parliament.\\n178", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nIn the approaching conflict the army had an im-\\nmense advantage, for, while the Parliament was\\nlosing its grip upon the Independents, without in\\nany way attracting strength from the Royalists,\\nthe great mass of the Independents still firmly\\nregarded Cromwell as their especial champion.\\nThis was the case, not only in England, but\\nelsewhere. One of Cromwell s letters of about\\nthis time is to the New England clergyman, John\\nCotton, in answer to one which showed the keen\\ninterest taken in Cromwell s triumph by his fel-\\nlow-Puritans, who, across the Atlantic, had begun\\nthe upbuilding of what is now the giant republic\\nof the New World. The letter is marked by the\\ncontinuous use of scriptural phrases and protesta-\\ntions of humility, so ostentatious and overstrained\\nas to convey an uncomfortable feeling of hypoc-\\nrisy yet, without doubt, there was a base of gen-\\nuineness for these expressions. Beyond question,\\nCromwell felt that he was doing the Lord s work\\nand was sustained through the tremendous hours\\nof labor and peril by the sense of battling for jus-\\ntice on this earth, and in accordance with the Eter-\\nhal Will of Heaven.\\nIn dealing with Cfbmwell and the Puritan\\nRevolution it must ever be kept in mind, before\\njudging too harshly the actors, that the era saw\\nthe overlapping of two systems, both in religion\\n179\\nI", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand in politics and many incongruities resulted.\\nIt was the first great stride toward the practica\\nachievement of civil rights and individual liberty\\nas we now understand them. It was also the en\\nin which the old theological theory of the all-\\nimportance of dogma came into sharp conflict\\nwith the now healthily general religious belief in\\nthe superior importance of conduct. Of course,\\nas is invariably the case in real life, the issues\\nwere not sharply drawn at all points, and at some\\nthey were wholly obscured by the strong passions\\nand ambitions which belong, not to any particu-\\nlar age, but to all time.\\nAfter Worcester, when Cromwell had returned\\nto London, he one day summoned a conference,\\nat Speaker Lenthall s house, of the leaders of the\\nParliamentary army to decide how the national\\ndestiny was to be settled. He hoped that they\\nwould be able to form a policy among them-\\nselves; but the hope proved fruitless. Some of\\nthe members wished an absolute republic some\\nwished a setting-up of what we would now call a\\nlimited monarchy, with one of the late king s sons\\nrecalled and put at the head.\\nNothing came of the conference, and Parlia-\\nment went its way. It had at last waked to the\\nfact that it must do something positive in the\\nway of reform, or else that its days were num- r\\n1 80", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nbered. It began with great reluctance to make a\\nj pretence of preparing for its own dissolution, and\\nI strove to accomplish some kind of reform in the\\ndaws. At that time the law of England had been\\nfor generations little more than a mass of ingen-\\nious technicalities, and the Court of Chancery had\\nbecome the synonym for a system of interminable\\ndelay, which worked as much injustice as out-\\nright spoliation. (_ Even now there is a tendency\\nin the law toward the deification of technicalities,\\nthe substitution of the letter for the spirit a ten-\\ndency which can only be offset by a Bench, and,\\nindeed, a Bar, possessing both courage and com-\\nmon-sense. At that time, the condition of affairs\\nwas much worse, and the best men in England\\nshared the popular feeling of extreme dislike for\\nlawyers, as men whose trade was not to secure\\njustice, but to weave a great web of technicalities\\nwhich completely defeated justice. However,\\nreform in the methods of legal procedure proved\\nas difficult then as it ever has proved, and all that\\neven Cromwell could do was to make a begin-\\nning in the right direction. The Rump was\\nquite unable so much as to make this beginning.\\nThe Parliament obtained a momentary respite\\nby creating a diversion in foreign affairs, and\\nbringing on a war with the Dutch. Throughout\\nthe first half of the seventeenth century, the\\n181\\nI", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nDutch were the leading mercantile and naval\\npower of Europe, surpassing the English in trade\\nand in colonial possessions. Unfortunately for\\nthem, their home authorities did not believe in\\npreparedness for war; and the crushing defeats\\nwhich the boldness and skill of their sailors had\\nenabled them to inflict on the Spaniards, lulled\\nthem into the unwholesome faith shared at\\ntimes by great modern mercantile communities\\nthat, by simple desire for peace, they could avert\\nwar and that if war came, they could trust to\\ntheir riches and reserve strength to win. Accord-\\ningly, in time of peace they laid up their warships\\nand never built a fighting navy in advance, trust-\\ning to the use of armed merchant-vessels and im-\\nprovised war-craft to meet the need of the hour.\\nEngland, on the contrary, had a large regular\\nnavy, the ships being superior in size and arma-\\nment to the Dutch, and the personnel of the navy\\nbeing better disciplined, although none of the\\nEnglish Admirals, save Blake, ranked with\\nTromp and De Ruyter.\\nThe cause of the quarrel was the Navigation\\nAct, passed by England for the express purpose\\nof building up the English commercial marine at\\nthe expense of the Dutch. The latter were then\\nthe world s carriers on the ocean. They derived\\nan immense profit from carrying the goods of\\n182", "height": "3137", "width": "1836", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nother countries, in their own bottoms, from these\\nother countries to England. The Navigation\\nAct forbade this, allowing only English bottoms\\nto be used to carry goods to England, unless the\\ngoods were carried in the ships of the country\\nfrom which they came. This is the kind of\\nmeasure especially condemned by the laissez-faire\\nschool of economists, and its good results in this\\ncase have always puzzled them; while, on the\\nother hand, its success under one set of conditions\\nhas been often ignorantly held to justify its appli-\\ncation under entirely different conditions. In\\nother words, like the system of protective tariffs,\\nit is one of those economic measures which may\\nor may not be useful to a country, according to\\nchanges in time and circumstances. In the Crom-\\nwellian period it benefited the English as much as\\nit hurt the Dutch, and laid the foundation of Eng-\\nlish commercial supremacy. Another cause of\\nwar was the insistance by the English upon their\\nright to have their flag saluted by the Dutch as\\nwell as by other foreign powers.\\nThere followed a bloody and obstinate struggle\\nfor the mastery of the seas. Battle after battle\\nwas fought between the Dutch and English fleets.\\nThe latter were commanded by Blake, Monk,\\nDean, and other officers, who had won distinction\\nashore for the process of differentiation between\\n183", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmilitary service on land and on the sea was far\\nfrom complete. The fighting was most deter-\\nmined, and the Dutch won two or three victories\\nbut they were defeated again and again, until\\nfinally beaten into submission. The war was one\\nundertaken purely from motives of commercial\\ngreed, against the nation which, among all the\\nnations of continental Europe, stood closest to\\nEngland in religious belief, in form of govern-\\nment, in social ideas, and in its system of politi-\\ncal liberty. Cromwell hated the thought of the\\ntwo free Protestant powers battling one another\\nto exhaustion, while every ecclesiastical and po-\\nlitical tyranny looked on with a grin of approba-\\ntion. He wished the alliance, not the enmity, of\\nHolland and though, when the war was once on,\\nhe and those he represented refused in any way to\\nembarrass their own government, yet they were\\nanxious for peace. The Parliament, on the other\\nhand, hailed the rise of the Navy under Blake as\\na counterpoise to the power of the army under\\nCromwell. One effect of this Dutch War was to\\npostpone the question of the dissolution of Parlia-\\nment another, to cause increased taxation, which\\nwas met by levying on the estates of the Royalist\\nDelinquents, so-called.\\nBy March, 1653, the Dutch were evidently\\nbeaten, and peace was in sight but before peace\\n184", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "Admiral Robert Blake.\\nFrom the portrait at Wadham College, Oxford.\\nBy permission ot the Master of Wadham.", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\ncame, there was an end of the Rump Parliament.\\nThe discontent in the army had steadily in-\\ncreased. They wished a thorough reform in\\ngovernmental methods and with the character-\\nistic Puritan habit of thought, wished especially\\nto guarantee the safety of the Godly interests\\nby a complete new election. On the other hand,\\nthe Parliament was scheming how to yield in\\nname only, and not in fact, and had hit on the\\ndevice of passing a bill which should continue\\nall the members of the existing Parliament with-\\nout reelection and, moreover, should constitute\\nthem a general committee, with full power to\\npass upon the qualifications of any new members\\nelected. This, of course, amounted to nothing,\\nand the army would not accept it.\\nMany conferences of the leaders of the two\\nsides were held at Cromwell s house, the last on\\nthe evening of April 19, 1653, y oun g Sir Harry\\nVane, formerly one of Cromwell s close friends,\\nbeing among the number of the Parliamentary\\nleaders. Cromwell, on behalf of his party,\\nwarned them that their bill could not be ac-\\ncepted or submitted to, and the Parliamentary\\nleaders finally agreed that it should not be\\nbrought up again in the House, until after fur-\\nther conference. But they either did not or\\ncould not keep their agreement. The members\\n185", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof the House were obstinately resolved to keep\\ntheir places many of them from corrupt mo-\\ntives, for they had undoubtedly made much\\nmoney out of their positions, through the taxing\\nof delinquents and otherwise. In short, they\\nwished to perpetuate their government, to have\\nEngland ruled by a little self-perpetuating oli-\\ngarchy. Next morning, April 20th, Parliament\\nmet and the leaders began to hurry the Bill\\nthrough the House.\\nThey reckoned without their host. Cromwell,\\nsitting in his reception-room, and waiting the\\nreturn of the conferees of last evening, learned\\nwhat was going on, and just as he was clad, in\\nplain black clothes and gray worsted stockings,\\nfollowed by a few officers and twenty or thirty\\nstark musketeers, he walked down to the House.\\nThere he sat and listened for some time to the\\ndebate on the Bill, once beckoning over Harri-\\nson, the Republican general, his devoted follower.\\nWhen the question was put as to whether the\\nBill should pass, he rose and broke in with one\\nof his characteristic speeches. First, he enumer-\\nated the good that had been done by Parliament,\\nand then began to tell them of their injustice,\\ntheir heed to their own self-interests, their delay\\nto do right. One among his eager listeners\\ncalled him to order, but no appeal to Parlia-\\n186", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "Cromwell Dissolving the Long Parliament.\\ning commanded the soldiers to clear th*. h-,11 u u- i\\nto be locked, he depa^TcJ Z^sToA SgiSg^", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nmentary forms could save the doomed House.\\nCome, come answered Oliver, we have had\\nenough of this I will put an end to your prat-\\ning With that he clapped on his hat, stamped\\non the floor with his feet, and began to rate the\\nCommons as if they were disobedient school-boys.\\nIt is not fit that you should sit here any longer\\nyou have sat too long for any good that you have\\nbeen doing lately; you shall now give place to\\nbetter men And Harrison called in the mus-\\nketeers. Oliver then continued, enumerating the\\nsins of the members, some of whom were drunk-\\nards, some lewd livers, some corrupt and unjust.\\nThe house was on its feet as he lifted the mace,\\nsaying What shall we do with this bauble\\nTake it away and gave it to a musketeer and\\nthen, turning toward the Speaker Fetch him\\ndown and fetched down he was. Gloomily\\nthe members went out, while Cromwell taunted\\nSir Harry Vane with breaking his promise, end-\\ning with The Lord deliver me from thee, Sir\\nHarry Vane So ended the Long Parliament\\nand, asserted Oliver, We did not hear a dog\\nbark at their going.\\nTomes have been written to prove whether\\nOliver was right or wrong in what he did at this\\ntime but the Rump Parliament had no claim to\\nbe, either in law or fact, the representative of the\\n187", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nEnglish people, or of any part of them that really\\ncounted. There was no justification for its con-\\ntinuance, and no good whatever could come from\\npermitting it to exist longer. Its actions, and es-\\npecially its obstinate determination to perpetuate\\nits own rule, without warrant in law, without the\\neven higher and more perilous warrant of justice\\nand national need, rendered it necessary that it\\nshould be dissolved. At the time Cromwell, with-\\nout doubt, intended that it should be replaced by\\na genuinely representative body; and if he had\\npossessed the temper, the self-control, the far-\\nsighted patriotism, and the personal disinterested-\\nness which would have enabled him to carry out\\nhis intentions in good faith, without thinking of\\nhis own interests, he would have rendered an in-\\nestimable public service and might have advanced\\nby generations the movement for English liberty.\\nIn other words, if Cromwell had been a Wash-\\nington, the Puritan Revolution might have been\\nmade permanent. His early acts, after the disso-\\nlution of the Long Parliament, showed a sincere\\ndesire on his part, and on the part of those whose\\nleader he was, to provide some form of govern-\\nment which should secure justice and order, with-\\nout leaving everything to the will of one maa\\nHis first effort was to summon an assembly of the\\nPuritan notables. In the interim he appointed a", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nnew Council of State, with himself, as Captain-\\nGeneral, at its head. The fleet, the army, and\\nthe Independents generally, all hastened to pledge\\nhim their support, and England undoubtedly ac-\\nquiesced in his action, being chiefly anxious to\\nsee whether or not the new Assembly could for-\\nmulate a permanent scheme of government. If\\nthe Assembly and Cromwell together could have\\ndone this that is, could have done work like that\\nof the great Convention which promulgated the\\nConstitution of the United States all would have\\ngone well.\\nIn criticising Cromwell, however, we must re-\\nmember that generally in such cases an even\\ngreater share of blame must attach to the nation\\nthan to the man. Free government is only for\\nnations that deserve it and they lose all right to\\nit by licentiousness, no less than by servility. If\\na nation cannot govern itself, it makes compara-\\ntively little difference whether its inability springs\\nfrom a slavish and craven distrust of its own\\npowers, or from sheer incapacity on the part of its\\ncitizens to exercise self-control and to act to-\\ngether. Self-governing freemen must have the\\npower to accept necessary compromises, to make\\nnecessary concessions, each sacrificing somewhat\\nof prejudice, and even of principle, and every\\ngroup must show the necessary subordination of", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nits particular interests to the interests of the com-\\nmunity as a whole. When the people will not\\nor cannot work together when they permit\\ngroups of extremists to decline to accept anything\\nthat does not coincide with their own extreme\\nviews or when they let power slip from their\\nhands through sheer supine indifference then\\nthey have themselves chiefly to blame if the power\\nis grasped by stronger hands. Yet, while keeping\\nall this in mind, it must not be forgotten that a\\ngreat and patriotic leader may, if the people have\\nany capacity for self-government whatever, help\\nthem upwards along their hard path by his wise\\nleadership, his wise yielding to even what he does\\nnot like, and his wise refusal to consider his own\\nselfish interests. A people thoroughly unfit for\\nself-government, as were the French at the end of\\nthe eighteenth century, are the natural prey of a\\nconscienceless tyrant like Napoleon. A people\\nlike the Americans of the same generation can be\\nled along the path of liberty and order by a Wash-\\nington. The English people, in the middle of\\nthe seventeenth century, might have been helped\\nto entire self-government by Cromwell, but were\\nnot sufficiently advanced politically to keep him\\nfrom making himself their absolute master if\\nhe proved morally unequal to rising to the\\nWashington level though doubtless they would\\n190", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "Oliver Cromwell.\\nFrom the painting at Althorp by Robert Walker.\\nBy permission of Earl Spencer, K.C.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nnot have tolerated a man of the Napoleonic\\ntype.\\nThe Assembly gathered in July, 1 653. It was\\ncalled the Barebones Parliament in derision,\\nbecause one of its members a Puritan leather-\\nmerchant was named Praise-God Barbon.\\nThe members were men of high character, of in-\\ntense religious fervor, and, for the most part, of\\ngood social standing. They were actuated by\\nsincere conviction, but they had no political train-\\ning whatever. They were not accustomed to\\nmake government move they were theorists,\\nrather than doers. Religious fervor, or mere fer-\\nvor for excellence in the abstract, is a great main-\\nspring for good work in politics as in war, but it\\nis no substitute for training, in either civil or mil-\\nitary life and if not accompanied by sound com-\\nmon-sense and a spirit of broad tolerance, it may\\ndo as much damage as any other mighty force\\nwhich is unregulated.\\nOn July 4th, Cromwell opened the Assembly\\nwith a long speech, which, toward the end, be-\\ncame a true Puritan sermon a speech which had\\nin it a very high note of religion and morality,\\nbut which showed a growing tendency in Oliver s\\nmind to appeal from the judgment of men to\\nwhat he esteemed the judgment of Heaven,\\nwhenever he thought men were wrong. Now, it\\n191", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nis very essential that a man should have in him\\nthe capacity to defy his fellows if he thinks that\\nthey are doing the work of the Devil, and not the\\nwork of the Lord but it is even more essential\\nfor him to remember that he must be most cau-\\ntious about mistaking his own views for those of\\nthe Lord and also to remember that as the\\nLord s work is accomplished through human in-\\nstruments, and as these can only be used to ad-\\nvantage by remembering that they are human,\\nand, therefore, imperfect, in the long run a man\\ncan do nothing of permanence, save by joining\\nhis zeal to sound judgment, moderation, and the\\ndesire to accomplish practical results.\\nThe Assembly of Puritan notables was no\\nmore competent to initiate successful self-gov-\\nernment in England than a Congress of Aboli-\\ntionists, in i860, would have been competent to\\ngovern the United States. They did not lack in\\nlofty devotion to their ideals, but their methods\\nwere impractical. Cromwell professed to have\\nresigned his power into their hands, and they\\nwent at their work in a spirit of high religious\\nenthusiasm. The instrument, under which\\ntheyfcpere summoned, had provided that their\\nauthority should be transferred to another assem-\\nbly elected under their directions in other words,\\nthey were to form a constitutional Convention.\\n192", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nThey undertook a host of reforms, largely in the\\nright direction. Among other things, they pro-\\nposed the abolition of the Court of Chancery, the\\nestablishment of civil marriage, the abolition of\\ntithes, and of lay patronage. The clergy and the\\nlawyers were cast into a frenzy of alarm over these\\nproposals, and the landed proprietors became very\\nuneasy lest some of their own unjust vested in-\\nterests should suffer.\\nNow, all this was most excellent in point of\\nmoral purpose, just as it would have been abso-\\nlutely right, from the abstract ethical standpoint,\\nif the Constitution of 1789, or the Republican\\nConvention of i860, had declared for the aboli-\\ntion of slavery in all the States. Of course, if the\\nConstitution had made such a declaration, it\\nwould never have been adopted, and the English-\\nspeaking people of North America would have\\nplunged into a condition of anarchy like that of\\nthe after-time South American Republics while,\\nif the Republican platform of i860 had taken\\nsuch a position, Lincoln would not have been\\nelected, no war for the Union would have been\\nwaged, and instead of slavery being abolished, it\\nwould have been perpetuated in at least one of\\nthe confederacies into which the country would\\nhave been split. The Barebones Parliament was\\ntoo far ahead of the times, too indifferent to re-\\n193", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsuits, and too impatient of the limitations and\\nprejudices of its neighbors. Its members were\\nreformers, who lost sight of the fact that a reform\\nmust be practicable in order to make it of value.\\nThey excited the utmost suspicion in the com-\\nmunity at large, and Cromwell, whose mind was\\nin many respects very conservative, and who was\\nan administrator rather than a constructive states-\\nman, shared the general uneasiness. He shrank\\nfrom the acts of the Barebones Parliament just as\\nhe had shrunk from the levelling tendencies of\\nthe Republicans. The leaders of both had gone\\ntoo far in the direction of speculative reform.\\nCromwell erred on the other side, and did not go\\nfar enough. It is just as necessary for the practi-\\ncal man to remember that his practical qualities\\nare useless, or worse than useless, unless he joins\\nwith them that spirit of striving after better things\\nwhich marks the reformer, as it is for this same\\nreformer to remember that he cannot give effec-\\ntive expression to his desire for a higher life save\\nby following rigidly practical ways.\\nCromwell, in his opening address to the Con-\\nvention, had been carried away by his religious\\nenthusiasm, and in a burst of strange, rugged elo-\\nquence had bid his hearers remember that they\\nmust hold themselves accountable to God\\nonly must own their call to be from Him, and\\n194", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nmust strive to bring about God s rule upon earth.\\nWhen they took his words literally he became\\nheartily uneasy, as did the great bulk of English-\\nmen for, of course, there were limitless interpre-\\ntations to be put as to the proper way of being\\nowned by God, and Oliver was not in the\\nleast inclined to accept the interpretation adopted\\nby the Barebones Parliament. He wished ad-\\nministrative reform in Church and State, but he\\nhad little sympathy with what he deemed revolu-\\ntionary theories, whether good or bad.\\nThe Convention gradually grew conscious that\\nit had no support in popular sympathy, and dis-\\nsolved of its own motion, after having named a\\nCouncil of State, which drew up a remarkable\\nConstitution under the name of the Instrument\\nof Government. This Instrument was adopted\\nby Cromwell and the Council of Officers, and un-\\nder it a new Parliament was convened. Even\\nyet, Cromwell, and at least the majority of the\\narmy, shrank from abandoning every effort at\\nconstitutional rule in favor of the naked power of\\nthe sword. Nevertheless, Cromwell had even less\\nfondness for the rule of a Parliament elected un-\\nder any conditions he was able to devise. He\\nrealized that the majority of the nation was against\\nhim, and dreaded lest it might take steps toward\\nthe rehabilitation of the monarchy. In his ad-\\n195", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndress to the Barebones Convention he had dwelt\\nwith special emphasis upon the fact that a Par-\\nliament elected merely by the majority might not\\nbe nearly so suitable for doing the Lord s work as\\nsuch an assembly as that he had convened.\\nIn short, all his qualities, both good and bad,\\ntended to render the forms and the narrowly lim-\\nited powers of constitutional government irksome\\nto him. His strength, his intensity of conviction,\\nhis delight in exercising powers for what he con-\\nceived to be good ends; his dislike of speculative\\nreforms and his inability to appreciate the neces-\\nsity of theories to a practical man who wishes to\\ndo good work; his hatred of both King and\\noligarchy, while he utterly distrusted a popular\\nmajority his tendency to insist upon the superi-\\nority of the moral law, as he saw it, to the laws of\\nmankind round about him all these tendencies\\nworked together to unfit him for the task of help-\\ning a liberty-loving people on the road toward\\nfreedom.\\nThe Instrument of Government was a very re-\\nmarkable document. It was a written constitu-\\ntion. Cromwell and his soldiers desired, like\\nWashington and his fellow-members of the Con-\\nstitutional Convention which framed the govern-\\nment of the United States, to have the funda-\\nmental law of the land put in shape where it\\n196", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nwould be accessible to all men, and where its\\nterms would not be open to doubt. Such a\\ncourse was absolutely necessary if a free govern-\\nment, in the modern sense, was to be established\\non radically new lines. It has not been ren-\\ndered necessary in the free England of to-day,\\nbecause, very fortunately, England has been able\\nto reach her freedom by evolution, not revolu-\\ntion.\\nThe Instrument of Government confided the\\nexecutive power to a Lord Protector and Coun- f\\ncil Cromwell was named as the first Protector.\\nThe legislative power was assigned without re-\\nstriction to a Parliament elected by constituencies\\nformed on a new and equitable franchise, there\\nbeing a sweeping redistribution of seats. Parlia-\\nment could pass a Bill over the Protector s veto,\\nand was to meet once in three years, for at least\\nfive months; but it had little control over the\\nexecutive, save that with it rested the initiative in\\nfilling vacancies in the Council. The Protector\\nwas allotted a certain fixed sum, which made him\\nlargely independent of the Parliament s action.\\nNevertheless, the Protector was under real con-\\nstitutional control. Religious liberty was secured\\nfor all congregations which did not admit pa-\\npacy or prelacy, the Episcopalians and Roman\\nCatholics being excluded from this right just as\\n197", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthey were excluded from the right of voting,\\nrather as enemies to the Commonwealth than\\nbecause of their mere religious beliefs. They\\nwere regarded as what would now be called, in\\nthe political terminology of continental Europe,\\nirreconcilables and the mass and the Prayer-\\nBook were both prohibited. Until the first Par-\\nliament met, which was to be on the anniversary\\nof the Battle of Dunbar, on September 3, 1654,\\nthe Protector and Council were to issue ordi-\\nnances with the force of law.\\nThe Constitution thus had very many points of\\ndifference from that under which the United\\nStates grew into a great nation. Yet it ranks\\nwith it, rather than with the system of Parliamen-\\ntary supremacy which was ultimately adopted in\\nEngland. It was, of course, less popular, in the\\ntrue sense, than the government of either the\\nUnited States or Great Britain at the present mo-\\nment. Oliver, later on, insisted on what he called\\nthe Four Fundamentals, which answered to\\nwhat we now style Constitutional Rights. His\\nposition was strictly in accord with the Ameri-\\ncan, as opposed to the English, theory of embody-\\ning, by preference in some written document,\\npropositions which neither the law-making body\\nnor the executive could modify. It was not to\\nbe expected that he should hit on the device of a\\n198", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nSupreme Court to keep guard over these propo-\\nsitions.\\nOn December 16, 1653, Oliver was installed\\nat Westminster, as Lord Protector. The judges,\\nthe army, the fleet, the mass of Independents, and\\nthe bulk of well-to-do citizens, concurred in the\\nnew departure for the Protectorship gave stability,\\nand the election of the new Parliament the assur-\\nance of liberty. There were plenty of opponents,\\nhowever. The Royalists were implacable. The\\nexiled House of Stuart, with a baseness of which\\ntheir great opponent was entirely incapable, sought\\nto compass his assassination. They could in no\\nother way hope to reach the man whom they\\ndared not look in the face on the field of battle.\\nPlot after plot was formed to kill the Protector,\\nbut the plotters were invariably discovered and\\nbrought to justice while every attempt at open\\ninsurrection was stamped out with the utmost\\nease. To the Royalist malcontents were added\\nthe extreme fanatics, the ultra-reformers of every\\ntype religious, political, and social. These were,\\nat the time, more dangerous than the Royalists,\\nfor they numbered supporters in the army, includ-\\ning some who had been prominent friends of\\nCromwell up to this time, like General Harrison.\\nIt was necessary, therefore, to arrest some of\\nthe most turbulent agitators, including preachers,\\n1 99", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand to deprive certain officers of their commis-\\nsions.\\nThe Protector and his Council acted wisely\\nin their ordinances, redressing in practical shape\\nmany grievances. The Barebones Parliament had\\nstriven to abolish the Court of Chancery outright,\\nand to hand its power over to the judges of the\\nCommon Law, which would merely have aggra-\\nvated the existing hardships by checking the\\ngrowth of the principle of equity. Oliver acted\\nmore conservatively in fact, altogether too con-\\nservatively but still he did something. In the\\nChurch government, also, a good deal was accom-\\nplished by the appointment of commissioners of\\ngood character to supervise the ministers, while\\nallowing each to organize his congregation on any\\nlines he chose Presbyterian, Congregationalist, or\\nBaptist. Dissenters were permitted to form sepa-\\nrate congregations gathered churches in the\\nphrase of the day if they so desired. Of course,\\nthis was not by any means complete religious\\ntoleration, but it was a nearer approach to it than\\nany government in Europe, with the possible ex-\\nception of the Dutch, had yet sanctioned, and it\\nwas so far in advance of the general spirit of the\\ntime that the new Parliament a really represent-\\native body took sharp exception to it. In\\npoint of religious toleration Oliver went just as\\n200", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "the; commonwealth\\nfar as the people of his day would let him far-\\nther than any other ruler of the century was will-\\ning to go, save only Henry IV. of France and\\nHenry IV. really believed in nothing, and so could\\neasily be tolerant, while Cromwell s zealous faith\\nwas part of the very marrow of his being.\\nCromwell also concluded peace with the Dutch.\\nBefore the Long Parliament was dissolved it had\\nbecome evident that the navy would ultimately\\nconquer this peace for England but the stubborn\\nDutch had to undergo several additional defeats\\nbefore they would come to terms. Blake, the\\ngreat admiral, had no particular admiration for\\nCromwell, but finally threw in his lot with him\\non the ground that the fleet had no concern with\\npolitics, and should limit itself strictly to the effort\\nto keep foreigners from fooling us. Monk was\\nthe admiral most in view in the later stages of the\\nDutch War. When it was over, he was sent\\nback to keep the Highlands in order, which he\\nand his fellow-Cromwellians did, with a thorough-\\nness not afterward approached for a century.\\nScotland was now definitely united to England.\\nThe new Parliament consisted of 400 members\\nfrom England, 30 from Scotland, and 30 from\\nIreland. They were elected by a general suffrage,\\nbased on the possession of property to the value\\n^200. The Parliament thus gathered was rep-\\n301", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nresentative in a very wide sense. Nearly two\\nhundred years were to elapse before any other as\\ntruly representative was to sit in England. The\\nclasses whose inclusion would certainly have made\\ntrouble were excluded and, while the suffrage\\nhad been extended, and gross inequalities of rep-\\nresentation abolished, there had been no such rev-\\nolutionary action as suddenly to introduce masses\\nof men unaccustomed to the exercise of self-gov-\\nernment. Indeed, the house had arbitrarily erased\\nfrom its roll of membership the names of a few\\nultra- Republicans. It was chiefly Cromwell s own\\nfault that he failed to get along with this Parlia-\\nment, and, therefore, failed to put the government\\non a permanent basis of orderly liberty.\\nAt the beginning, everything seemed to go\\nwell. He opened the Parliament with one of\\nthose noteworthy speeches of which some seven-\\nteen have been preserved speeches in the proper\\nsense, unquestionably better when spoken to listen-\\ners than when read by critics, but instinct with the\\nrough power of the speaker, permeated with relig-\\nious fervor and sincere striving after the right and\\neven where the reasoning is most wrong-headed,\\ncontaining phrases and sentiments which show the\\nkeenest insight into the needs of the moment, and\\nthe needs of eternity as well. The sentences are\\noften very involved, it being quite evident that", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nthe speeches were not written out, not even delib-\\nerately thought out, in advance for Oliver, even\\nas he spoke, kept dropping and rejecting such of\\nhis half-finished utterances as did not give suffi-\\nciently accurate or vehement expression to his\\nthought. Yet they contain abundance of the lof-\\ntiest thought, expressed in language which merely\\ngains strength from its rude, vigorous homeliness.\\nFor generations after Cromwell s death, the pol-\\nished cynics and dull pedants, who abhorred and\\nmisunderstood him, spoke of his utterances with\\nmixed ridicule and wrath Hume hazarding the\\nopinion that if his speeches, letters, and writings,\\nwere gathered together they would form one of\\nthe most nonsensical collections the world had\\never seen. We could far better afford to lose\\nevery line Hume ever wrote than the speeches of\\nCromwell.\\nIn his opening address he pointed out that\\nwhat the nation most needed was healing and\\nsettling; and in a spirit of thoroughly English\\nconservatism, denounced any merely revolutionary\\ndoctrines which would do away with the security\\nof property, or would give the tenant as liberal\\na fortune as the landlord. In religious matters\\nalso, he condemned those who could do nothing\\nbut cry Overturn Overturn Overturn\\nand together with his praise of what had been\\n203", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndone, and of the body to which he spoke, he min-\\ngled much advice, remarking I hope you will\\nnot be unwilling to hear a little again of the sharp\\nas well as of the sweet. He exhorted them to\\ngo to work in sober earnest to remedy in practi-\\ncal shape any wrongs, and to join with him in\\nworking for good government. Unfortunately,\\nhe made the mental reservation that he should be\\nhimself the ultimate judge of what good govern-\\nment was.\\nEqually unfortunately, there was in the House\\na body of vehement Republicans who at once de-\\nnied the legal existence of either Council or Pro-\\ntector, on the ground that the Long Parliament\\nhad never been dissolved. Of course such an ar-\\ngument was self-destructive, as it told equally\\nagainst the legality of the new Parliament in which\\nthey sat. Parliament contented itself with recog-\\nnizing the Instrument of Government as only of\\nprovisional validity, and proceeded to discuss it,\\nclause by clause, as the groundwork of a new Con-\\nstitution. It was unanimously agreed that Crom-\\nwell should retain his power for five years, but\\nParliament showed by its actions that it did not\\nintend to leave him in a position of absolute su-\\npremacy. Instantly Oliver interfered, as arbitra-\\nrily as any hereditary King might have done.\\nHe first appeared before the Parliament, and\\n204", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nin an exceedingly able speech announced his\\nwillingness to accept a Parliamentary constitu-\\ntion, provided that it contained four funda-\\nmentals not to be overturned by law. The fun-\\ndamentals were, first, that the country was to be\\ngoverned by a single person, by a single execu-\\ntive, and a Parliament; second, that Parliaments\\nwere not to make themselves perpetual; third,\\nthat liberty of conscience should be respected;\\nfourth, that the Protector and Parliament should\\nhave joint power over the militia.\\nAll four propositions were sound. The first\\ntwo were agreed to at once, and the third also,\\nthough with some reluctance, the Parliament\\nbeing less liberal than the Protector in religious\\nmatters. Over the control of the soldiers there\\nwas irreconcilable difference.\\nCromwell was not content with arguments.\\nHe would not permit any member to enter the\\nHouse without signing an engagement not to\\nalter the government as it had been settled;\\nthat is, every member had to subscribe to the\\njoint government of the Protector and the Par-\\nliament. A hundred members refused to sign.\\nThree-fourths of the House did sign, and went\\non with their work.\\nUntil the assembling of this Parliament, every\\nstep that Oliver had taken could be thoroughly\\n205", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\njustified. He had not played the part of a\\nusurper. He had been a zealous patriot, work-\\ning in the interests of the people and he had\\nonly broken up the Long Parliament when the\\nLong Parliament had itself become an utterly\\nunrepresentative body. He had then shown his\\ngood faith by promptly summoning a genuinely\\nrepresentative body. It is possible to defend\\nhim even for excluding the hundred members\\nwho declined to subscribe to his theory of the\\nfundamentals of government. But it is not pos-\\nsible to excuse him for what he now did. Par-\\nliament, as it was left after the Extremists had\\nbeen expelled, stood as the only elective body\\nwhich it was possible to gather in England that\\ncould in any sense be called representative, and\\nyet agree to work with Cromwell. Had Crom-\\nwell not become cursed with the love of power;\\nhad he not acquired a dictatorial habit of mind,\\nand the fatal incapacity to acknowledge that\\nthere might be righteousness in other methods\\nthan his own, he could certainly have avoided a\\nbreak with this Parliament. His splitting with\\nit was absolutely needless. It agreed to confirm\\nhis powers for five years, and, as it happened, at\\nthe end of that time he was dead. Even had he\\nlived there could be no possible excuse for refus-\\ning such a lease of power, on the ground that it\\n206", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "vW J Y\\nThe Great Hall, Hampton Court.\\nla this room the state dinners were given under the Protectorate.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nwas too short for it was amply long enough to\\nallow him to settle whatever was necessary to\\nsettle.\\nCromwell, and later his apologists, insisted that,\\nby delay and by refusing to grant supplies until\\ntheir grievances were considered, the Parliament\\nwas encouraging the spirit of revolt. In reality\\nthe spirit of re vole was tenfold increased, not by\\nthe Parliament s action, but by Cromwell s, in\\nseizing arbitrary power. If he had shown a\\ntenth of the forbearance that Washington\\nshowed in dealing with the various Continental\\nCongresses, he would have been readily granted\\nfar more power than ever Washington was\\ngiven. He could easily have settled affairs on a\\nconstitutional basis, which would have given him\\nall the power he had any right to ask; for his\\ndifficulties in this particular crisis were nothing\\nlike so great as those which Washington sur-\\nmounted. The plea that the safety of the people\\nand of the cause of righteousness depended upon\\nhis unchecked control, is a plea always made in\\nsuch cases, and generally, as in this particular\\ncase, without any basis in fact. The need was\\njust the other way.\\nContrast Cromwell s conduct with that of Lin-\\ncoln, just before his second election as President.\\nThere was a time in the summer of 1864 when it\\n207", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nlooked as if the Democrats would win, and elect\\nMcClellan. At that time it was infinitely more\\nessential to the salvation of the Union that Lin-\\ncoln should be continued in power, than it was to\\nthe salvation of the Commonwealth, in 1654, that\\nCromwell should be continued in power. Lin-\\ncoln would have been far more excusable than\\nCromwell if he had insisted upon keeping con-\\ntrol. Yet such a thought never entered Lin-\\ncoln s head. He prepared to abide in good faith\\nthe decision of the people, and one of the most\\ntouching incidents of his life is the quiet and\\nnoble sincerity with which he made preparations,\\nif McClellan was elected, to advise with him\\nand help him in every way, and to use his own\\npower, during the interval between McClellan s\\nelection and inauguration, in such a manner as\\nwould redound most to the advantage of the lat-\\nter, and would increase, as far as possible, the\\nchance for the preservation of the Union. It was\\nat this time of Cromwell s life that, at the parting\\nof the ways, he chose the wrong way. Great\\nman though he was, and far though the good\\nthat he did out-balanced the evil, yet he lost the\\nright to stand with men like Washington and\\nLincoln of modern times, and with the very,\\nvery few who, like Timoleon, in some measure\\napproached their standard in ancient times.\\n20S", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH\\nAs the Parliament continued in session, the\\nattitude of the Protector changed from sullen\\nto fierce hostility. It was entitled to sit five\\nmonths. By a quibble he construed this to\\nmean five lunar months. On January 22, 1655,\\nhe dissolved it, after rating it in a long and angry\\nspeech. With its dissolution it became evident\\nto the great mass of true liberty-lovers that all\\nhope of real freedom was at an end, and the\\nforces that told for the restoration of the King\\nwere increased tenfold in strength. Neverthe-\\nless, some of the purest and most ardent lovers of\\nliberty, like Milton, still clung despairingly to\\nthe Protector. They recognized that, with all\\nhis faults, and in spite of his determination to\\nrule in arbitrary fashion, he yet intended to se-\\ncure peace, justice, and good government, and,\\nalike in power and in moral grandeur, towered\\nabove his only possible alternative, Charles II.,\\nas a giant towers above a pigmy.\\n209", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "VI\\nPERSONAL RULE\\nWHEN Cromwell, in January, 1655 dis-\\nmissed the first Protectorate Parliament,\\nhe left himself nothing to do but to establish his\\nown personal rule in other words, he became a\\ntyrant. Of course the word cannot be used in\\nthe sense we use it in describing Ivan the Ter-\\nrible, or Agathokles. As each country must,\\nsooner or later, obtain exactly that measure of\\npolitical freedom to which it is entitled, so, when\\nit falls under a tyranny, the tyranny must be\\nstrictly conditioned by the character of the peo-\\nple. Cromwell ruled over Englishmen, not Rus-\\nsians or Greeks, and no Englishman would have\\ntolerated for twenty-four hours what was groan-\\ningly borne by Muscovites, who had lost every\\nvestige of manhood beneath the Tartar yoke, or\\nby Syracusans, in the days of the rapid decadence\\nof the Hellenistic world. Cromwell s govern-\\nment was a tyranny because it was based on his\\nown personal rule, his personal decision as to\\nwhat taxes should be levied, what ordinances", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nissued, what police measures decreed and carried\\nout, what foreign policy adopted or rejected.\\nHe was influenced very much by public opinion,\\nwhen public opinion found definite expression in\\nthe action of a body of legislators or of an assem-\\nbly of officers; but even in such cases he was\\nonly influenced, not controlled. In other words,\\nhe had gone back to the theory of government\\nprofessed by the man he had executed, and by\\nthat man s predecessors. There was, however,\\nthe tremendous and far-reaching difference, that,\\nwhereas the Stuart kings clung to absolute power\\nfor the sake of rewarding favorites and of carry-\\ning out policies that were hostile to the honor\\nand interest of England, Cromwell seized it with\\nthe sincere purpose of exalting the moral law at\\nhome and increasing the honor of England s\\nname abroad. Moreover, he was in fact what\\nno Stuart was, in anything but name a king\\namong men, and his mighty strength enabled\\nhim, at least partially, to realize his purpose.\\nCromwell doubtless persuaded himself that he\\nwas endeavoring to secure what, would now be\\ncalled a constitutional government one which,\\nin his own words, should avoid alike the ex-\\ntremes of monarchy and democracy. He was\\ndesirous of paying heed to the wishes of those\\nwhom he esteemed the wisest and most honest", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\namong the people. He had somewhat of that\\ngift for personal popularity which was so marked\\na feature of Queen Elizabeth seemingly the\\nonly sovereign whom he admired, among all his\\npredecessors. To the last he kept stirring\\nvaguely for a constitutional system and he sin-\\ncerely disliked merely arbitrary rule.\\nBut by the time he became Lord Protector he\\nwas too impatient of difference of opinion, too\\ndoggedly convinced of his own righteousness and\\nwisdom, to be really fit to carry on a free gov-\\nernment. He had sought to introduce the reign\\nof the saints; but when, in the Barebones Parlia-\\nment, he gathered together the very men whom\\nhe deemed their arch-representatives, it was only\\nto find, as was of course inevitable, that he and\\nthey could not agree as to the method of realizing\\nthe reign of the saints in this very material world.\\nThen he sought to secure a government by the\\nrepresentatives of the people only to find that he\\ngot along even less well with them than with the\\nsaints. In short, while he had kept his nobility\\nof purpose, his whole character had grown less\\nand less such as to fit him to found a government\\nof the kind toward which his race was dimly\\nstriving.\\nHe made varied experiments for the control of\\nEngland. After the first Protectorate Parliament\\n212", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nhad been abolished, he established the govern-\\nment of the major-generals, or in other words,\\npurely military rule dividing England into a\\ndozen districts, with a major-general over each as\\nthe ultimate authority. The prime function of\\nthe major-generals was to keep order, and they\\ncrushed under their iron heels every spark of\\nRoyalist insurrection, or of Leveller and Anabap-\\ntist uprising. They interfered in civil matters\\nalso, and were especially required to see to the\\nrigid observance of the Sabbath, and to suppress\\nall cock-fighting, horse-racing, and kindred sports,\\nas well as to shut up doubtful ale-houses. There\\ncertainly never was a more extraordinary despot-\\nism than this; the despotism of a man who\\nsought power, not to gratify himself, or those\\nbelonging to him, in any of the methods to which\\nall other tyrants have been prone but to estab-\\nlish the reign of the Lord, as he saw it. Here\\nwas a tyrant who used the overwhelming strength\\nof his military force to forbid what he considered\\nprofane amusements, and to enforce on one day\\nof the week a system of conduct which was old-\\nJewish in character. Of course the fact that he\\nmeant well, and that his motives were high, did\\nnot make it any the easier for the people with\\nwhose pleasures and prejudices he thus irritat-\\ningly interfered.\\n213", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThe Puritan passion for regulating, not merely\\nthe religion, but the morals and manners of their\\nneighbors, especially in the matter of Sunday ob-\\nservance and of pastimes generally, was peculiarly\\nexasperating to men of a more easy-going nature.\\nEven nowadays, the effort for practical reform in\\nAmerican city government is rendered immeasur-\\nably more difficult by the fact that a considerable\\nnumber of the best citizens are prone to devote\\ntheir utmost energies, not to striving for the fun-\\ndamentals of social morality, civic honesty, and\\ngood government, but, in accordance with their\\nown theory of propriety of conduct, to preventing\\nother men from pursuing what these latter regard\\nas innocent pleasures while, on the other hand, a\\nlarge number of good citizens, in their irritation\\nat any interference with what they feel to be\\nlegitimate pastimes, welcome the grossest corrup-\\ntion and misrule rather than submit to what they\\ncall Puritanism. When this happens, before\\nour eyes, we need not wonder that in Cromwell s\\nday the determination of the Puritans to put down\\nale-houses and prohibit every type of Sunday pas-\\ntime, irritated large bodies of the people to the\\npoint of longing for the restoration of the Stuarts,\\nno matter what might be the accompanying evils\\nof corruption and tyranny.\\nThe experiment of governing by the major-\\n214", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\ngenerals provoked such mutterings of discontent\\nthat it had to be abandoned. Another parliament\\nwas summoned, and out of this Oliver arbitrarily\\nkept any man whom he did not think ought to\\ncome in. It was anything but a radical body,\\nand after declaring against the rule of the major-\\ngenerals, it offered Oliver the kingship, an offer to\\nwhich the army objected, and which Oliver, there-\\nfore, refused but even with this subservient as-\\nsembly Oliver could not get along, and it finally\\nshared the fate of its predecessor. The objection\\nof the army to the kingship, was partly due to the\\npresence of so many Republican zealots in its\\nranks but probably the main reason for the ob-\\njection was that the army, more or less consciously,\\nrealized that its own overmastering importance in\\nthe commonwealth would vanish as soon as the\\nman it had made supreme by the sword was\\nchanged into a constitutional king.\\nOne by one almost all of Oliver s old comrades\\nand adherents left him, and he was driven to put\\nhis own kinsfolk into as many of the higher\\nplaces, both in the State and the army, as possi-\\nble less from nepotism than from the need of\\nhaving in important positions men who would do\\nhis will, without question. Eventually he had to\\nabandon most of the ideas of political liberty\\nwhich he had originally championed, and, fol-\\n215", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nlowing the path which the Long Parliament had\\nalready trod, he finally established a rigid censor-\\nship of the press.\\nYet, though it must be freely admitted that in\\nits later years the government of Cromwell was\\nin form and substance a tyranny, it must be no\\nless freely acknowledged that he used with wis-\\ndom and grandeur the power he had usurped.\\nThe faults he committed were the faults of the\\nage, rather than special to himself, while his sin-\\ncerity and honesty were peculiarly his own.\\nHe fairly carried out his pledge of healing and\\nsettling, and he put through a long series of ad-\\nministrative reforms. In England and Wales his\\ninternal administration undoubtedly told for what\\nwas of moral and material advantage to the coun-\\ntry; and if there was heavy taxation, at least it\\nproduced visible and tangible results, which was\\nnever the case under the Stuarts, before or after\\nhim. Yet his rule could not but produce discon-\\ntent. In the first place, the Royalists were not\\nwell treated. In that age the beaten party was\\nexpected to pay heavily for its lack of success,\\nboth in purse and in body and it was not to be\\nexpected that the victorious Puritans should show\\ntoward their defeated foes the generosity displayed\\nby Grant and his fellow-victors in the American\\nCivil War. In the American Revolution, the\\n216", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "Sir William Waller.\\nFrom the Portrait by Sir Peter Lely at Goodwood.\\nBy permission ot the Duke of Richmond and Gordon, K.C..", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nTories were at first followed with much the same\\nvindictiveness that the Royalists were followed\\nafter King Charles had been brought to the block.\\nBut Washington and all the leading American\\nstatesmen disapproved of this, and after the first\\nheat of passion was over the American Royalists\\nwere allowed precisely the same civil and political\\nrights as their neighbors. On the contrary, in\\nEngland, under the Commonwealth, the Royalists\\nwere kept disfranchised, and taxation was arranged\\nso as always to fall with crushing weight upon\\nthem, thus insuring their permanent alienation.\\nAs regards the rest of the people, while there was\\nconsiderable interference with political and relig-\\nious liberty, it was probably only what the times\\ndemanded, and was certainly much less than oc-\\ncurred in almost any other country. Episcopa-\\nlians were denied the use of the Prayer-Book, and,\\nlike the Catholics, were given liberty of con-\\nscience only on condition that they should not\\npractise their faith in public. Irritating though\\nthis was, and wrong though it was, it fell infin-\\nitely short of what had been done to Protestants,\\nunder Oueen Mary, by the temporarily victorious\\nCatholics, or to Puritans and Catholics under\\nQueen Elizabeth, or of what was to be done to\\nthe Covenanters of Scotland, under the victorious\\nEpiscopalians but such considerations would not\\n217", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhave altered the discontent, even had the discon-\\ntented kept them in mind. When provocation is\\nsufficient to drive a man into revolution, it mat-\\nters little in practical politics how much beyond\\nthis point it is carried. The breaking-point is\\nreached sooner in some nations than in others\\nbut in all strong nations persecution will cause\\nrevolt long before it takes the terrible form given\\nit by Spaniards and Turks and, once the war is\\non, the men who revolt hate any persecutor so\\nmuch that there is scant room for intensification\\nof the feeling. Moreover, instead of the Crom-\\nwellian government growing more, it grew less\\ntolerant of Catholicism and Episcopacy as time\\nwent on.\\nThe people at large were peculiarly irritated\\nby what were merely the defects inevitably inci-\\ndent to the good features of Puritanism in that\\nage. When faith is very strong and belief very\\nsincere, men must possess great wisdom, broad\\ncharity, and the ability to learn by experience, or\\nelse they will certainly try to make others live up\\nto their own standards. This would be bad\\nenough, even were the standards absolutely right\\nand it is necessarily worse in practice than in the-\\nory, inasmuch as mixed with the right there is\\ninvariably an element of what is wrong or foolish.\\nThe extreme exponents and apologists of any\\n218", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nfervent creed can always justify themselves, in the\\nrealm of pure logic, for insisting that all the world\\nshall be made to accept and act up to their stand-\\nards, and that they must necessarily strive to\\nbring this about, if they really believe what they\\nprofess to believe. Of course, in practice, the\\nanswer is that there are hundreds of different\\ncreeds, or shades of creeds, all of which are\\nbelieved in with equal devoutness by their fol-\\nlowers, and therefore in a workaday government\\nit is necessary to insist that none shall interfere\\nwith any other. Where people are as far ad-\\nvanced in practical good-sense and in true relig-\\nious toleration as in the United States to-day, the\\ngreat majority of each creed gradually grows to\\naccept this position as axiomatic, and the smaller\\nminority is kept in check without effort, both by\\nlaw and by public opinion.\\nIn Cromwell s time, such law did not obtain in\\nany land, and public opinion was not ripe for it.\\nHe was far in advance of his fellow-Englishmen.\\nHe described their attitude perfectly, and indeed\\nthe attitude of all Europe, when he remarked\\nEvery sect saith, Oh, give me liberty but,\\ngiven it and to spare, he will not yield it to any-\\none else. Liberty of conscience is a natural\\nright, and he that would have it ought to give it.\\nI desire it from my heart I have prayed\\n219", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfor it I have watched for the day to see union\\nand right understanding between the Godly peo-\\nple Scots, English, Jews, Gentiles, Presbyter-\\nians, Independents, Anabaptists, and all.\\nThe whole principle of religious toleration is\\nsummed up in these brief sentences. In his\\nhigher and better moments, and far more than\\nmost men of his generation, Cromwell tried to\\nlive up to them. When Mazarin, the great\\nFrench cardinal, in responding to Cromwell s call\\nfor toleration of the Vaudois, asked toleration for\\nEnglish Catholics, Cromwell answered, truly, that\\nhe had done all he could in face of the hostile\\nspirit of the people, and more than had before\\nbeen done in England. Of course the position\\nof the English Catholics was beyond all compari-\\nson better than that of the Vaudois; but in such\\na controversy the ugly fact was that neither side\\nwould grant to others what it demanded for itself.\\nTo the most persecuted of all peoples Cromwell\\ndid render a signal service. He connived at the\\nsettlement of Jews in London, after having in\\nvain sought to bring about their open toleration.\\nIn Scotland, the rule of the Protector wrought\\nunmixed good. There was no persecution and\\nno interference with religious liberty, save in so\\nfar as the restraint of persecution and intolerance\\ncould itself be called such. Monk, and Dean,\\n220", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "Henry Cromwell,\\nSon of the Protector, and Governor of Ireland.\\nFrom the miniature by S. Cooper at Palmerstown.\\nBy permission of the K.irl of Mayo.", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nafter him, as Cromwell s lieutenants, did excel-\\nlent work, and even cautiously endeavored to\\nmitigate the horrors of the persecutions for\\nwitchcraft for these horrible manifestations of\\nsuperstition were then in full force in Scotland,\\neven more than in either old or New Eng-\\nland.\\nOn the whole, then, England and Scotland\\nfared well under Oliver Cromwell Old Noll,\\nas he was affectionately called by his mainstay,\\nthe army. In Ireland, the case was different.\\nMaterially, even in Ireland, the conditions greatly\\nimproved during the Protectorate, because order\\nwas rigidly preserved and law enforced and any\\nsystem which secured order and law was bound\\nto bring about a temporary bettering of condi-\\ntions when contrasted with the frightful anarchy\\nwhich had preceded it. Anarchy always serves\\nsimply as the handmaiden of despotism, as those\\nwho bring it about should know. But the relig-\\nious element in the Irish problem rendered it in-\\nsoluble by the means then adopted for its solu-\\ntion. Cromwell was not responsible for introduc-\\ning the methods known by his name. They\\nwere the methods then universally in use by the\\nrepresentatives of every victorious nationality or\\nreligion, in dealing with a beaten foe. The only\\ndifference was that Cromwell s immense energy", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand power enabled him to apply them with\\ndreadful effectiveness.\\nIn England, Cromwell stood for religious tol-\\neration, so far as he was able. Fanatics who\\nthought themselves incarnations of the Saviour,\\nor prophets of a new dispensation, or who in-\\ndulged in indecent or seditious conduct, or who\\ndisturbed the public peace by breaking into reg-\\nular churches, of course had to be suppressed.\\nNowadays, most offenders of this type would be\\nignored, and, if not, they would simply be ar-\\nrested by the police, in the course of the ordinary\\nexercise of the police power, just as any other\\ndisturbers of the peace are arrested. In those\\ndays, however, such offenders would have been\\npunished with death in Spain, Italy, or Austria\\nand, indeed, in most continental countries. In\\nthe England of Cromwell, they were merely tem-\\nporarily imprisoned. The attitude of mind, both\\nof the public generally and of the best and most\\nreligious people, toward Unitarians, Socinians,\\nand those who would nowadays be called Free-\\nThinkers, was purely mediaeval and even Crom-\\nwell could only moderate the persecution to\\nwhich they were subjected. But these were minor\\nexceptions. For the majority of the people in\\nEngland, there was religious liberty and for the\\nbulk of the minority, though there was not com-", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nplete religious liberty, there was a nearer approach\\nto it than obtained in Continental Europe.\\nIn Ireland, on the other hand, the public exer-\\ncise of the faith of the enormous majority was\\nprohibited, and their religious teachers expelled.\\nThere is a popular belief that under Cromwell all\\nIrishmen were expelled from three-fourths of the\\nisland, and driven into Connaught, their places\\nbeing taken by English and Scotch immigrants.\\nWhile exceedingly cruel, this would have been\\nan understandable policy, and would have resulted\\nin the substitution of one race and one creed for\\nanother race and another creed throughout the\\nmajor part of the island. What was actually\\ndone, however, combined cruelty with ultimate\\ninefficiency; it caused great immediate suffering,\\nwhile perpetuating exactly the conditions against\\nwhich it was supposed to provide. The Catholic\\nlandholders were, speaking generally, driven into\\nConnaught, and the priests expelled, while the\\npeasants, laborers, and artisans were left as they\\nwere, but of course deprived of all the leadership\\nwhich could give them a lift upward. In Ulster\\nthere had been a considerable substitution of one\\nrace for the other, among the actual tillers and oc-\\ncupiers of the soil. Under Cromwell, the change\\nelsewhere consisted in the bringing in of alien\\nlandlords. In other words, to the already existing\\n223", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nantagonism of race, creed, and speech, was added\\nthe antagonism of caste. The property-holder,\\nthe landlord, the man of means, was an English-\\nman by race and speech, and a Protestant by faith\\nwhile the mass of the laborers roundabout him\\nwere Catholic Celts who spoke Erse. Ultra ad-\\nmirers of Cromwell and the Puritans have actu-\\nally spoken as if this plan, provided only that it\\nhad been allowed to work long enough, would\\nhave produced a Puritan Ireland. There was\\nnever the remotest chance of its producing such\\nan effect. The mass of the Irish, when all their\\nnative teachers were removed, did gradually tend\\nto adopt English as their tongue, but their devo-\\ntion to their own faith, and their hatred of English\\nrule, were merely intensified while the course of\\nthe governing race was such as absolutely to in-\\nsure the land troubles which have riven Ireland\\nup to the present day. The very unedifying in-\\ntolerance of the Protestant sects toward one an-\\nother was manifested as strongly in Cromwell s\\ntime as later. It must be said for him that he did\\nnot, like his successors for generations, shape Eng-\\nlish policy toward Ireland on the lines of Spain s\\npolicy toward her own colonies, and oppress the\\nProtestant descendants of the English in Ireland\\nonly less than the native Irish themselves but\\nthe great central fact remains that his Irish policy\\n224", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nwas one of bitter oppression, and that the abhor-\\nrence with which the Irish, to this day, speak of\\nthe curse o Crummle, is historically justifiable.\\nIt is a relief to turn from the Cromwellian policy\\ni n Ireland to the Cromwellian policy in foreign\\naffairs. England never stood higher in her rela-\\ntions with the outside world than she stood under\\nCromwell a height all the more noteworthy be-\\ncause it lay between the two abysses marked by\\nthe policy of the earlier and the later Stuart kings.\\nThe French biographer of the great Turenne, du\\nBuisson, Major of the Regiment de Verdelin,\\nwriting in the days of Charles II., when England\\nwas despised rather than hated on the Continent,\\nspoke with a mixture of horror and fear of Crom-\\nwell, as the man who apres V attentat le plus enorme\\ndont on a jamais out parler, avoit trouve le secret de se\\n/aire cralndre, non seulement des Anglois, mats encore\\ndes Princes voisins This was written as express-\\ning the attitude of the power with which he was\\nin alliance, and from it may be gathered how those\\nfelt who were opposed to him.\\nCromwell s strong religious feelings and mili-\\ntary instincts, alike bade him meddle in the policy\\nof the Continent. The era of the great religious\\nwars was closed. More than a century was to\\npass before the era of religious persecution was to\\ncease, but the time had gone by when one Chris-\\n225", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ntian country would try, by force of arms, to con-\\nquer another for the purpose of stamping out its\\nreligious belief. Cromwell, however, did not see\\nthis, and he naturally chose as his special oppo-\\nnent the power which itself was equally blind to\\nthe fact that is, Spain. Beyond a question, he\\nwas influenced partly by the commercial and\\nmaterial interests of England in the policy he\\npursued, but the religious motive was uppermost\\nin his own mind, and he neve\u00c2\u00abr could get over the\\nfeeling that it ought to be uppermost in the\\nminds of everyone else. The very able Swedish\\nKing, Charles X., was then pursuing the fatal\\npolicy of the Swedish kings of that century, and\\nwas endeavoring to conquer territory at the ex-\\npense of the Danes and North Germans, instead\\nof establishing, to the east and southeast of the\\nBaltic, a dominion which could hold its own\\nagainst Russia. Cromwell selected the Swede as\\nthe natural enemy of Antichrist, and wished to\\nback him in a general religious war. He was\\namusingly irritated with the English, because they\\nwould not feel as he did, and even more with the\\nDutch, Danes, and Brandenburgers for declining\\nto let themselves be made the tools of the north-\\nern king s ambition.\\nThe great European struggle of the day, how-\\never, was that between Spain and France, and for\\n226", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nsome time Cromwell hesitated which side to take.\\nHe has often been blamed for not striking against\\nFrance, the rising power, whose then youthful\\nking was at a later day to threaten all Europe, and\\nonly to be held in check by coalitions in which\\nEngland was the chief figure. But, though\\nFrance persecuted the Huguenots more or less,\\njust as England did the Irish Catholics, she was\\nfar more advanced than Spain, which was the\\nmost bigoted and reactionary power of Europe,\\nboth in religion and in politics. The Spanish\\nempire was still very great. Though her power\\non sea had gone, on land she had on the whole\\nheld her own against the French armies, and, with\\nEngland as her ally, she might for the time being\\nhave remained the leading power of the Conti-\\nnent. This would have been a frightful calam-\\nity, and Cromwell was right in throwing the\\nweight of his sword on the other side of the\\nscale.\\nHis decision enabled him to do one of the\\nmost righteous of his many righteous deeds. It\\nwas at this time that the Duke of Savoy, under\\necclesiastical pressure, indulged in dreadful per-\\nsecutions of the humble Protestants of the Vau-\\ndois valleys; persecutions which called forth the\\nnoblest of Milton s sonnets. Oliver interfered,\\nwith fiery indignation, on behalf of the Vaudois,\\n227", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthreatening that if the persecutions continued he\\nwould not only bring the pressure of the English\\narms to bear, but would hire a great force of mer-\\ncenaries among the Protestant Swiss to invade\\nthe territory of the Duke of Savoy. Largely\\nthrough the influence of Mazarin he succeeded\\nin having the wrong partially undone and later,\\nin the middle of the operations against the Span-\\nish armies, he again interfered, effectively, with\\nthe Cardinal-Statesman on behalf of his obscure\\nand helpless co-religionists in the remote moun-\\ntain valleys. This action was purely disinter-\\nested and those who are loudest in their denun-\\nciation of Cromwell would do well to remember\\nthat, if the European rulers at the end of the\\nnineteenth century had possessed his capacity for\\ngenerous indignation on behalf of the oppressed,\\nthe Armenian massacres either would never have\\ntaken place, or would have been followed by\\nthe immediate expulsion of the Turk from\\nEurope.\\nOliver s first contest with the Spaniards was\\ncarried on by sea, the great Puritan Admiral,\\nBlake, winning renown by his victory over the\\nforts at Santa Cruz, as he had already won re-\\nnown by the way in which he crushed the forces\\nof Tunis, and for the first time taught the Moors\\nto respect English arms. An expedition against\\n228", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nSan Domingo by Penn and Venables failed, the\\nEnglish leaders being treacherous and inefficient,\\nbut it resulted in the capture of Jamaica and\\nthe founding of English power in the West\\nIndies. On land, as the result of the convention\\nwith France, the English fleet deprived the Span-\\niards in the Netherlands of assistance from the\\nsea, while an English force of 6,000 troops, clad\\nin the red uniform which has since become dis-\\ntinctive of the British army, was sent to serve\\nunder Turenne. They overthrew the flower of\\nthe Spanish infantry, and won the heartiest praise\\nfrom the great French leader. The help given\\nby Cromwell was decisive the Spaniards were\\nbeaten and forced to make peace. By this peace\\nFrance became the first power on the Continent,\\nbut a power heartily afraid of England while\\nCromwell lived, and obliged to yield him Dun-\\nkirk as the price of his services. The possession\\nof Dunkirk put a complete stop to the piracy\\nwhich had ravaged British commerce, and gave\\nto Cromwell a foothold on the Continent which\\nrendered him able to enforce from his neighbors\\nwhatever consideration the honor and interest of\\nEngland demanded.\\nMeanwhile, the tone of his Court was a model\\nof purity and honesty. Alone among the Courts\\nof Europe in that age, under Cromwell no man\\n229", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncould rise who was profligate in private life, or\\ncorrupt in public life. How he had risen socially\\nis shown by the fact that his remaining daughters\\nnow married into the nobility. His domestic re-\\nlations were exceptionally tender and beautiful,\\nand his grief at the loss of his mother and his fa-\\nvorite daughter his favorite son was already dead\\nwas very great. His letters to and about his\\nsons are just what such letters should be. He\\nexplains that he does not grudge them laudable\\nrecreations nor honorable carriage in them, nor\\nany legitimate expense, but that he does em-\\nphatically protest against pleasure and self-\\nsatisfaction being made the business of a man s\\nlife.\\nThe time had now come, however, when\\nOliver was to leave alike the family for whom he\\nhad so affectionately cared, and the nation he\\nhad loved and ruled, and go before the God to\\nwhom he ever felt himself accountable. When\\n1658 opened, peace and order obtained at home,\\nand the crown had been put to England s glory\\nabroad by the victories in Flanders and the ces-\\nsion of Dunkirk. There was not the slightest\\nchance of Cromwell s hold on the nation being\\nshaken. So far as human eye could see, his pol-\\nicy was sure to triumph, as long as he lived but\\nhe was weakened by his hard and strenuous life,\\n230", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nand the fever, by which he had been harassed\\nduring his later campaigns, came on him with\\nrenewed force. Even his giant strength had\\nbeen overtaxed by the task of ruling England\\nalone, and, as he conscientiously believed, for\\nher highest interest. Supreme though his tri-\\numph seemed to outsiders, he himself knew\\nthat he had failed to make the effects of this\\ntriumph lasting, though he never seems to have\\nsuspected that his failure was due to his in-\\ncapacity to subordinate his own imperious will\\nso that he might work with others. He saw\\nclearly the chaos into which his death would\\nplunge England, and he did not wish to die;\\nbut as he grew weaker he felt that his hour\\nwas come, and surrendered himself to the in-\\nevitable.\\nI would be willing to live to be further ser-\\nviceable to God and His people, muttered the\\ndying ruler, showing, as ever, his strange mixture\\nof belief in himself and trust in the Most High\\nbut my work is done Yet God will be with\\nHis people\\nSeptember came in with a terrible storm, the\\nlike of which had rarely been known in England,\\nand as it subsided, on September 3d, the day\\nwhich had witnessed the victories of Dunbar and\\nWorcester, the soul of the greatest man who has\\n231", "height": "3148", "width": "1789", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nruled England, since the days of the Conquest,\\npassed quietly away. 1\\nWith his death came the chaos he had fore-\\nseen, though he had not foreseen that it could be\\naverted only by the substitution of some form of\\nself-government by the people, for the arbitrary\\nrule of one man however great and good that\\nman might be. For a few months his son Rich-\\nard, ruled as Protector in his stead, but, the Pro-\\ntectorate having become in effect a despotism, it\\nwas sure to slip from any but Oliver s iron grasp.\\nRichard called a Parliament, but Parliaments had\\nbeen hopelessly discredited by Oliver s method of\\ndealing with them. The army revolted, forced\\nthe dismissal of the Parliament, and then the ab-\\ndication of Richard. Richard s abler brother,\\nHenry, who was governing Ireland as deputy, re-\\nsigned also, and the Cromwells passed out of\\nhistory.\\nFor some months there was confusion worse\\nconfounded, and the whole nation turned toward\\nCharles II., and the reestablishment of the Stuart\\n1 In the queer little weekly paper The Commonwealth Mercury,\\nof the issue From Thursday September 2d to Thursday September\\n9th, 1658, which contains an account of Cromwell s death and of his\\nson s installation, it happens that there is also an advertisement of a\\npamphlet: A few sighs from Hell, or the Groans of a damned\\nSoul: By that poor servant of Jesus Christ, John Bunyan. Crom-\\nwell, Milton, Bunyan what can non- Puritan England, of their day,\\nshow to match these three names\\n232", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "Richard Cromwell.\\nPainter unknown.\\nBy permission of Sir Chules Hartopp, Bart.", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nkingship. Monk, the ablest of Cromwell s gen-\\nerals, a soldier who cared little for forms of civil\\ngovernment, who had already fought for the Stu-\\narts against the Parliament, and who would have\\nstood by Richard had Richard possessed the\\nstrength to stand by himself, threw his weight\\nin favor of the exiled king, and thereby\\nprevented the slightest chance of opposition.\\nCharles II. returned, greeted with transports of\\nfrantic delight by seemingly almost the whole\\npeople.\\nThe King and his followers then took revenge\\non the dead body of the man whose living eyes\\nthey had never dared to face. The bones of\\nCromwell, of his mother, and of Ireton, were dis-\\ninterred and thrown into a lime-pit; and the head\\nof the great Protector was placed on a pole over\\nWestminster Hall, there to stand for twenty\\nyears.\\nThe skull of the mighty crown-grasper, before\\nwhose untamable soul they had shuddered in ter-\\nror, was now set on high as a target for the jeer-\\ning mockery of all who sang the praises of the\\nline of libertines and bigots to whom the English\\nthrone had been restored. For twenty-eight\\nshameful years the Restoration lasted; years of\\nmisgovernment and persecution at home, of\\nweakness abroad, of oppression of the weak, and\\n233", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nobsequious servility to the strong; years when\\nthe Court of England devoid of one spark of\\ntrue greatness of any kind was a scene of tawdry\\nand obscene frivolity. Then, once again, the\\nprinciples for which, in the last analysis, Cromwell\\nand the Puritans stood, triumphed; the Dutch\\nstadtholder came over the narrow seas to ascend\\nthe throne of England and once more the cur-\\nrent of her national life set toward political,\\nintellectual, and religious liberty.\\nCromwell and the Puritans had gone too far,\\nand the reaction against them had been so vio-\\nlent that those who called William of Orange\\ninto England dared not invoke the memory of\\nthe mighty dead lest they should hurt the cause\\nof the living. Nevertheless, the Revolution of\\n1688 was in reality but the carrying on of the\\nwork which had been done in the middle of the\\ncentury. James II. could never have been de-\\nposed had not Charles I. been executed. The\\nmen of the second Revolution had learned the\\nmoderation which the men of the first had lacked.\\nThey were careful not to kill the king of whom\\nthey wished to rid themselves; for though, by\\nevery principle of equity, a tyrant who has\\ngoaded his people into Revolution like the\\nleader of an unjustifiable rebellion should suffer\\nthe fate which he has brought on so many others,\\n234", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nyet, as a matter of fact, it is often unwise to treat\\nhim as he deserves, because he has become a\\nsymbol to his followers, each of whom identifies\\nhimself with the man whose cause he has been\\nsupporting, and in whose name he has been fight-\\ning, and resents, with passionate indignation, any\\npunishment visited upon his chief as a wrong in\\nwhich he personally shares. The men of 1688\\nwere, as a whole, actuated by far less lofty mo-\\ntives than the men of 1648; but they possessed\\nthe inestimable advantages of common-sense, of\\nmoderation, of readiness to accept compromises.\\nThey made no attempt to realize the reign of the\\nsaints upon earth and therefore they were able\\nto work a permanent betterment in mundane\\naffairs, and to avoid provoking a violent reaction.\\nWilliam, both by position and by temper, was\\nfar better fitted than great Oliver to submit to in-\\nterference with his plans, to get on with represent-\\native bodies of freemen, and to make the best\\nhe could out of each situation as it arose, instead\\nof indignantly setting his own will above law and\\nabove the will of the majority, because for the\\nmoment the result might be better for himself\\nand the nation. Speaker Reed once said, that\\nin the long run, the average sense of the many\\nis better for the many than the best sense of any\\none man and this is undoubtedly true of all\\n235", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\npeople sufficiently high in the scale to be fit for\\nself-government.\\nOliver surely strove to live up to his lights as\\nhe saw them. He never acted in levity, or from\\nmere motives of personal aggrandizement, and he\\nsaw, with sad, piercing eyes, the dangers that\\nrolled around the path he had chosen. He acted\\nas he did because he conscientiously felt that only\\nthus could he meet the needs of the nation. He\\nsaid to the second Protectorate Parliament I\\nam a man standing in the place I am in; which\\nplace I undertook, not so much out of hope of\\ndoing any good, as out of a desire to prevent mis-\\nchief and evil which I did see was imminent on\\nthe nation (for we were running along into con-\\nfusion and disorder, and would have necessarily\\nrun into blood).\\nWe are often told that the best of all possible\\ngovernments would be a benevolent despotism.\\nOliver s failure is a sufficient commentary upon\\nthis dictum of the parlor doctrinaires. There\\nnever has been, and probably never will be, an-\\nother despotism where the despot so sincerely\\nstrove to do, for a people capable of some meas-\\nure of freedom, better than they themselves would\\nhave done with that freedom. The truth is, that\\na strong nation can only be saved by itself, and\\nnot by a strong man, though it can be greatly\\n236", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "n be\\nc.S\\no\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a 5\\n^w\\n=3 S\\ng E\\nO 5\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2I s-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j*r\u00c2\u00a7\\n-\u00e2\u0096\u00a0a\\naj\\nJ3\\nu H\\na!\\nS v c\\n4\\n6. a", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\naided and guided by a strong man. A weak\\nnation may be doomed anyhow, or it may find its\\nsole refuge in a despot a nation struggling out\\nof darkness may be able to take its first steps only\\nby the help of a master hand, as was true of\\nRussia, under Peter the Great; and if a nation,\\nwhether free or unfree, loses the capacity for self-\\ngovernment, loses the spirit of sobriety and of\\norderly liberty, then it has no cause to complain\\nof tyranny; but a really great people, a people\\nreally capable of freedom and of doing mighty\\ndeeds in the world, must work out its own des-\\ntiny, and must find men who will be its leaders\\nnot its masters. Cromwell could, in all probabil-\\nity, have been such a leader at the end as he was\\nduring his early years of public life; and when he\\npermitted himself to fall from the position of a\\nleader among free men, to that of a master over\\nmen for whose welfare he sincerely strove, but in\\nwhose freedom he did not believe, he marred the\\ngreat work he had done. Nevertheless, it was a\\nvery great work. There are dark blots on his\\ncareer especially his Irish policy but on the\\nwhole he was a mighty force for good and against\\nevil, and the good that he did, though buried for\\nthe moment with his bones, rose again and has\\nlived for ever since, while the evil has long with-\\nered, or is now withering. The English-speak-\\n237", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ning peoples are free, and for good or for ill hold\\ntheir destinies in their own hands.\\nThe effect of the attitude which not only the\\nPuritans, but all other Englishmen of every\\ncreed, assumed toward Ireland from the days of\\nOueen Mary to the days of King George the\\nFourth, was such as to steep the island in centu-\\nries of misery, and to leave in her people a bitter\\nand enduring hatred against England. Yet this\\nattitude has produced one result of the most un-\\nforeseen kind. Had the Irish remained a Celtic\\nnation, separate in speech and government from\\nGreat Britain, they could have had no share in\\nthe expansion of the English race, or at least\\ncould have played only a very subordinate part.\\nAs it is, in the great English-speaking common-\\nwealths that have grown up in North America\\nand Australasia, the descendants of the Irish now\\nstand on an exact equality with those of the\\nScotch and English, and furnish their full propor-\\ntion of leadership in the government of the com-\\nmunities; while in all these English-speaking\\ncountries the Catholic Church has become one of\\nthe leading churches and has had its course of\\ndevelopment determined by the fact that the con-\\ntrolling force within it has been Irish. The Eng-\\nlish Protestants failed to impress their creed upon\\nIreland, but they did impress their language, and\\n238", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\ndid bring Ireland under their own government.\\nThe strange outcome has been that the creed they\\nhated now flourishes side by side, on equal terms,\\nwith the creeds they professed, in the distant con^\\ntinents held in common by their children and by\\nthe children of those against whom they warred.\\nIn these new continents all, Catholics and Prot-\\nestants alike, are wedded to the principles of po-\\nlitical liberty for which the Puritans fought, and\\nhave grown to extend to all creeds the principles\\nof religious liberty in which only the best and\\nmost advanced Puritans believed. Let us most\\nearnestly hope that, while avoiding the Puritan\\nfanaticism and intolerance, the Puritan lack of\\ncharity and narrowness, we may not lose the Puri-\\ntan loftiness of soul and stern energy in striving\\nfor the right, than which no nation could ever\\nhave more precious heritages.\\nWith Oliver s death his memory passed under\\na cloud, through which his greatness was to be\\nbut dimly seen until generations of men had lived\\nand died. He left many descendants, and there\\nare now in England, and also in America, and\\npossibly Australia, very many men and women,\\nin all ranks of life, who have his blood in their\\nveins though in the direct line his name has\\ndied out. Even during the present century,\\nwhen among the English upper classes it was still\\n239", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncustomary to speak of him with horroi, his very-\\ndescendants in certain families felt keen shame\\nfor the deeds of their great forefather. With a\\nchildishness in no way above that of a Congo\\nsavage, it was actually the fashion in some of\\nthese families to make the children do penance\\non the anniversary of the death of Charles II., as\\na kind of atonement for the deeds of Cromwell.\\nThe grotesque nature of this performance is\\nadded to by the fact that in that very society a\\npeculiaily high place of honor was accorded to\\nthe titled descendants of Charles II. and his mis-\\ntresses. One hardly knows whether to be most\\namused or indignant at such fantastic incapacity\\nto appreciate what was really noble and what\\nreally ignoble. The men among whom such\\nfalse conventions obtained could not be expected\\nto see in its true proportions the form of mighty\\nOliver, looming ever larger across the intervening\\ncenturies. Sooner or later, justice will be done\\nhim sooner or later, he will be recognized, not\\nonly as one of the greatest of all Englishmen, and\\nby far the greatest ruler of England itself, but as\\na man who, in times that tried men s souls, dealt\\nwith vast questions and solved tremendous prob-\\nlems a man who erred, who was guilty of many\\nshortcomings, but who strove mightily toward the\\nlight as it was given him to see the light a man\\n240", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "Oliver Cromwell.\\nFrom the bust by Bernini, presented to the House of Commons by\\nCharles Wertheimer, Esq.\\nFrom a photograph, by permission of the donor.", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL RULE\\nwho had the welfare of his countrymen and the\\ngreatness of his country very close to his heart,\\nand who sought to make the great laws of right-\\neousness living forces in the government of the\\nworld.\\nTHE END.\\n241", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAbolition, in United States, 193\\nAbolitionists, 103, 192\\nAdamses, the, 36\\nAgathokles, 210\\nAle-houses, suppressed under Pro-\\ntectorate, 213, 214\\nAlva, 156\\nAmerica, Protestants and Catho-\\nlics in, 12 freedom from militar-\\nism in eighteenth century, 19\\npower of compromise after Revo-\\nlution, 100 true greatness of,\\n179 city government in, 214\\nCromwell s descendants in, 239\\nAmerican Civil War, compared\\nwith English Civil Wars, 5, 6,\\n61, 62; citizen soldiers in, 64;\\nWest Point in, 67 cavalry in,\\n70 compromises after, 102\\ngenerosity of victors, 216\\nAmerican Revolution, War of the,\\ncomparisons with English Revo-\\nlution of 1688, 6 with English\\nCivil Wars, 61 its citizen sol-\\ndiers, 64; regular soldiery, 91;\\ncompromises after, 100 Wash-\\nington, 101 events preceding,\\n114 Continental Congress in,\\n177 clemency following, 217\\nAmericans, majority rule natural\\nto, 25 regicide sentimentalists\\namong, 138 religious toleration,\\n161 character of, in eighteenth\\ncentury, 190\\nAnabaptists, 77, 103, 143, 213, 220\\nAnglican Church, its Presbyterian\\ntrend under Elizabeth, 23 its\\ninfluence on Charles I. s Third\\nParliament, 29\\nAntichrist, 226\\nAppomattox, Sheridan at, 171\\nArgyle, joins Whigamore raid, 130;\\nally of Cromwell, 131\\nArmenian massacres, 228\\nArmmianism, in Holland, 12\\nArminius, 12\\nArmy, the Cavalier, 64\\nArmy, American Continental, 102\\nArmy, the English, in Civil Wars,\\ncomposition of, 60 first raised\\nby nobles, 63 reorganization of\\nParliamentary forces, 94 char-\\nacter in Charles I. s time, 107;\\ndissensions, 108, m et seq. its\\nstrength against the Parliament,\\n116 its struggles with the King\\nand Parliament, 117 et seq. its\\nspirit, 121 odds against it in\\nSecond Civil War, 124 Charles\\nI. s negotiations with, 134 march\\ninto London, 136 revolt sup-\\npressed by Cromwell, 144 its\\ndistinctive character, 145 its in-\\nfluence in Long Parliament, 177\\net seq. offset by navy, 184 re-\\njects Parliamentary measures,\\n185 supports Cromwell, 189\\nattitude under Protectorate, 199\\nprotests against Cromwell s ac-\\ncepting Kingship, 215 serves\\nunder Turenne, 229 revolts\\nagainst Richard Cromwell, 232\\nArmy, the Scottish, gives up\\nCharles I., 117\\nArtillery, chief means of assault\\nin Cromwell s time, 59\\nAssembly, formed under Protec-\\ntorate, 189, 191 et seq.\\nAssociations, of counties, 63 as-\\nsessed for Parliamentarians, 79.\\nSee also Eastern Association\\nAstley, Sir Jacob, quoted, 99\\nAston, Sir Arthur, at Drogheda,\\n153, 154\\nAtlantic Ocean, the, 179\\nAustralasia, 238 English expan-\\nsion there, 238\\nAustralia, Cromwell s descendants\\nin, 239\\nAustralians, in South Africa, 67\\nBalgony, Lord, at Marston\\nMoor, 88\\nBaltic Sea, the, 226\\n243", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nBaptists, the, origin under James\\nI. 23 tolerated by Cromwell,\\n78 army sentiment toward, 108\\nParliamentary hatred of, 116\\nunder the Protectorate, 200\\nBarbadoes, Irish sent as slaves\\nthere, 153\\nBarbon, Praise-God, 191\\nBarebones Parliament, forma-\\ntion of, 191, 193 et seq. attacks\\nCourts of Chancery, 200, 212\\nBasing House, capture of, 98\\nBaxter, 74\\nBeard, Thomas, Cromwell s tutor,\\n44\\nBedford, Earl of, 45\\nBench and bar, courage in, 181\\nBerwick, seized by Royalists, 121\\nBishops, the, attitude of, toward\\nThirty Years War, 30 Parlia-\\nmentary resolutions against, 31\\narmy sentiment toward, 108\\nBishops Wars, the cause of, 40\\nScotch share in, 124\\nBlake, Admiral, in Parliament,\\n116 defeats Prince Rupert,\\n130 his great fame, 182, 183,\\n184 his indifference toward\\nCromwell, 201 his victory at\\nSanta Cruz, 228\\n.xBoers, as soldiers, 67 belated\\nCromwellians, 144 compared\\nwith Covenanters, 165\\nBorder, the, in Civil Wars, 55, 84,\\n130, 131, 174\\nBoston, U. S. A., regicide senti-\\nmentalism in, 138\\nBoston Harbor, tea thrown over-\\nboard in, 35\\nBouchier, Elizabeth, wife of Oliver\\nCromwell, 43\\nBrandenburghers, 226\\nBreast-pieces, 60\\nBristol, capture of, 98 Cromwell s\\nletter from, 105, 106\\nBritish Islands, the Commonwealth\\nin, 177\\nBuchanan, President, his views on\\nsecession, 164\\nBuckingham, Duke of, his corrupt\\nministry, 26 his assassination,\\n28\\nBuff coats, uniform of Parliamen-\\ntarians, 6o, 64 worn by Royal-\\nists at Winchester, 83\\nBuisson, de, quoted, 225\\nBunyan, John, 69, 232, note\\nBureau of Intelligence, Chief of.\\nSee Scout-?naster\\nBurleigh House, taken by Parlia-\\nmentarians, 81\\nByzantine Emperors, 172\\nCadiz, Charles I. s expedition\\nagainst, 26\\nCalvin, his zeal for righteousness, 7\\nCalvinism, in Holland, 12 its in-\\nfluence in England, 29; in Scot-\\nland, 165\\nCalvinists, their intolerance of Ro-\\nman Catholics, 13\\nCambridge, University of, Crom-\\nwell s residence there, 42, 43 its\\nplate seized by Cromwellians, 70\\nCanadians, in South Africa, 67\\nCannon, Cromwell s lack of, at\\nPembroke, 22\\nCaptain-General, Cromwell s of-\\nfice of, 163, 189\\nCarbines, 60 discarded by Crom-\\nwellians, 79\\nCarlyle, taken by Royalists, 121\\nCarlyle, Thomas, his opinion of\\nCromwell, 1, 2 of Puritanism,\\n2 on regicide, 140\\nCarnsworth, Earl of, 96\\nCasques, 64\\nCatholic Church, its recognition in\\nIreland demanded by the Pope,\\n148 modern greatness of, 238\\nCatholics, aimed at by Third Par-\\nliament, 31 unite with Royal-\\nists and Presbyterians in Ireland,\\n120, 122 character of, in Ireland,\\n146 aid of, for Charles II., 147\\ndissensions in Ireland, 146-149\\nCromwellian hatred of, 152, 161\\npersecutions of, 217, 218 Maz-\\narin s plea for them in England,\\n220 as landholders in Ireland,\\n223 their share in British ex-\\npansion to-day, 239. See also\\nRoman Catholics\\nCavaliers, dress of, 64 at Grant-\\nham, 79, 80; at Marston Moor,\\n88 at Naseby, 96 rising against\\narmy, 120 support Charles I.\\nin the North, 121 Cromwell s\\nopinion of, 123 allegiance to\\nCharles II. in Scotland, 172 at\\nStirling, 174 at Worcester, 175\\nCavalry, its superiority to infan-\\ntry- 59i 60 among the Royal-\\nists, 70 horse the true weapon\\n244", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nof, 79 at Gainsborough, 82\\nScotch at Marston Moor, 87, 88\\nNaseby, 96 Ironsides spirit in,\\n107 Hamilton s, 122 at Pres-\\nton, 127\\nCavendish, Lord, at Gainsborough,\\n81, 82\\nCeltic, 16, 224\\nCelts, the, 16, 146, 224\\nCensorship of press, established\\nunder Protectorate, 216\\nCharles I., his ignoble peace, 19\\nhis private character, 25 help-\\nlessness of English arms under\\nhis rule, 26 his Third Parlia-\\nment, 27 yields to Petition of\\nRight, 28 his dissolution of his\\nThird Parliament, 31 rejects\\nPetition of Right, 32 embarks\\non Bishops Wars, 40; his attitude\\ntoward the Long Parliament, 51\\nbetrays Strafford, 52 makes\\nterms with the Scotch, 55 im-\\nprisons Puritan leaders, 57 his\\nadherents in the Commons, 61\\nmarches on London, 71 turn of\\ntide in his favor, 79 makes\\novertures to the Irish, 84 de-\\nfeats Waller at Copredy Bridge,\\n91 his army at Newbury, 92\\nat Naseby, 95-97 surrenders\\nto Scotch army, 98 English\\nservility toward him, 101 his\\ntreachery, 104 supported by\\nPresbyterians, 109; the man\\nof blood, 114; his non-accept-\\nance of his defeat, 115 negoti-\\nates with the army and Parlia-\\nment, 117 et seq. Cromwell\\nattempts terms with him, 119\\nYorkshire support for, 121\\nScotch attitude toward him, 123;\\nhis tenacity, 132 negotiations\\nwith the army, 134 he rejects\\nFairfax s proposals, 135 his\\ntrial for treason. 136 beheaded,\\n137 his character, 137-140 his\\npolicy in Ireland, 146; Cath-\\nolic allegiance to him, 147 his\\nimprisonment, 148 effect of his\\nexecution on Ireland, 150 his\\ndeath due to Parliamentarians,\\n178 his execution, 217 anni-\\nversary oi his death observed,\\n240\\nCharles II., the fleet loyal to him,\\n130; proclaimed King at Cork.\\n150 the Scotch declare for him,\\n162 lands in Scotland, 165 et\\nseq. supported by Scotch Cava-\\nliers, 172 crosses into England,\\n174 his escape from Worcester,\\n175 his exile, 178 influences\\nfor his restoration, 209 England\\nin his time, 225 his re-estab-\\nlishment, 232 his mistresses, 240\\nCharles X., of Sweden, 226\\nChester, seized by Royalists, 121\\nnegotiations there, 148\\nChristianity, heterodoxy in Parlia-\\nmentary, 108\\nChurch and State, Puritan theo-\\nries of, 114 reform in, 195\\nChurchmen, arbitrary power of,\\n161\\nCivil War. See American Civil\\nWar\\nCivil War, First English, the fiery\\nordeal of, 20 begun by Charles,\\n57 its chief leaders cavalrymen,\\n60 its blunders contrasted with\\nAmerican Civil War, 62 English\\nsoldiery in, 91 its slow progress,\\n94; type of its generals, 95;\\npractically ends at Naseby, 97,\\nits effects on Cromwell, 104\\nIrish share in, 122 exchange of\\nprisoners, 128\\nCivil War, Second English, its be-\\nginning, 121 ended at Preston,\\n130 results, 131 Carlyle s opin-\\nion of, 235\\nClergy, 78, 92 threatened by\\nProtectorate Assembly, 193\\nClonmel, capture of, 162\\nClubmen, peasant organization,\\n62\\nCock-fighting, suppressed under\\nProtectorate, 213\\nColchester, seized by Royalists,\\n121 capitulation of, 130\\nColonial policy, Spain s, 224\\nColonial possessions, Spanish, 227\\nDutch, 17, 18, 182\\nCommercial policy, Cromwell s, in\\nwar against Spain, 226\\nCommittee of Both Kingdoms, the,\\n8 5 92\\nCommittee of Correspondence, in\\nAmerican Revolution, 114\\nCommittee of the Eastern Associa-\\ntion, 85\\nCommon law, the, under the Pro\\ntectorate, 200\\n245", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nCommons, House of, declares\\nagainst tonnage and poundage,\\n31 triennial meetings, 54 fa-\\nvored by London, 57 its adhe-\\nrents of the King, 61 Cromwell s\\nshare in, 93 the Independents,\\n116 defies the army, 118,\\n135 disregards Lords in the\\nKing s trial, 136; Parliamenta-\\nrian leaders, 185 Republicans,\\n204 agreement with Crom-\\nwell, 205. See also Parliament\\nLong Parliament, etc.\\nCommonwealth, established, 6\\nreorganizes its forces, 93 its\\nsupremacy, 139 its character,\\n141 European attitude against\\nit, 143 Cromwell its main sup-\\nport, 163 authority, 177 its\\nreligionist enemies, 198 civil\\nrights under it, 217\\nCommonwealth Mercury, The, 232,\\nnote\\nCompromise, Parliamentary inca-\\npacity for, ioi after American\\nCivil War, 102\\nConlederacy, the, of American\\nSouthern States, 72, 92\\nConfederates in Ireland, 150\\nCongregationalists, origin under\\nElizabeth, 23 identified with In-\\ndependent party, 49 tolerated\\nby Cromwell, 78 in Parliament,\\n108 Parliamentarian hatred of,\\n116 under the Protectorate, 200\\nCongress, the American Conti-\\nnental, compared with Crom-\\nwellian Parliaments, 102, 103,\\n4, 177\\nConnaught, 223\\nConquest, the [Norman], 232\\nConstitution, the American, 189\\n193, 196, 198\\nConstitution, English, 135 under\\nthe Assembly, 195, 198 under\\nthe Protectorate, 205\\nConstitution-mongers, Carlyle s\\nsneer at, 5\\nContinent, the, character of its\\narmies, 60; Cromwell s interest\\nin its politics, 225 the power of\\nFrance on, 229\\nContinental Army, the American,\\n102\\nConvention, Constitutional, in U.\\nS., 189 in English Assembly,\\n192-195\\nCoote, holds Derry for Parliamen-\\ntarians, 150\\nCopredy Bridge, Battle of, 91\\nCork, Charles II. proclaimed King\\nthere, 150 Cromwell s letter\\nfrom there, 160\\nCornwall, neutrality of, 63\\nCotton, John, Cromwell s letter\\nto, 179\\nCouncil of Officers, in English As-\\nsembly, 195, 197 ct sea.\\nCouncil, the, in Parliamentary\\narmy, 114\\nCouncil of State, the, 189, 195\\nCourt, purity of Cromwellian, 229\\ndisgracefulness under Restora-\\ntion, 230\\nCourts of Chancery, English, 181,\\n192, 200\\nCovenant, National, of Scotland,\\nthe, 39 taken by Parliamenta-\\nrians, 78 by English troopers,\\n84 Hamiltonian devotion to,\\n123 taken by Ulster Scotch,\\n148 Fairfax declines campaign\\nagainst, 163 oath taken by\\nCharles II., 165 Cromwell s ex-\\nposition of, 172 et sea.\\nCovenanters, the Scotch, defeat-\\ned by Cromwell, 75 intoler-\\nance of sectaries, 116; treat-\\nment of Charles II., 165; op-\\npose Puritans at Dunbar, 170\\npersecuted by Episcopalians,\\n217\\nCreed, in United States, 2, 9 in\\nIreland, 224, 239\\nCromwell, Bridget, daughter of\\nOliver, married to Ireton, 105\\nCromwell, Elizabeth Steward,\\nmother of Oliver, 42, 233\\nCromwell, Henry, son of Oliver,\\n232\\nCromwell, Oliver, his fame, 1\\nforces which produced him, 7\\nyouth and early manhood, 14;\\nseat in Long Parliament, 41\\nparentage and birth, 42 his\\nmarriage, 43 his Puritanism,\\n43 hatred of Church of Rome,\\n44, 56 removes to Ely, 45\\nsupports Petition of Rights, 45\\nhis indifference to political\\ntheory, 46 his piety, 47 his\\nreligion, 48; personality, 50;\\nimpatience of system, 53 his\\nsuspicion of the Episcopacy, 56\\n246", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\ncaptain in 67th Regiment, 58\\nhis kinsmen at the battle of Not-\\ntingham, 58 his troops, 65 his\\nmilitary genius, 68 his troop of\\nhorse, 70, 72, 73-75 promoted\\nto a colonelcy, 74 his letters,\\n76 his tolerant spirit, 77 bear-\\ning toward Episcopalians, 78 as\\ncavalry commander, 79 dubbed\\nIronsides by Rupert, 81 his re-\\nlief of Gainsborough, 82 at\\nWinceby, 83 his generalship,\\n84 member of Committee of\\nBoth Kingdoms, 85 at Marston\\nMoor, 87-90 his training of\\ntroops, 91 distrusted by Pres-\\nbyterians, 92 the real head of\\nthe army, 94 Montrose not com-\\nparable with him, 95 at Nase-\\nby, 96 et seq. takes Winches-\\nter, 98 his rule after First Civil\\nWar, 99 compared with Will-\\niam III., 101 et seq. his un-\\ncompromising spirit, 102 his\\nchildren s marriages, 104 his\\nreligious spirit, 105 his letters\\nand speeches, 105, 106 on re-\\nconstruction, 109 et seq. not ex-\\ntreme against Charles, 114 ef-\\nforts toward agreement with\\nKing and Parliament, 118 favors\\narmy against Parliamentarians,\\n119 at Pembroke, 121 his view\\nof the Scotch, 123 his reception\\nat Edinburgh, 131 his position\\nat close of Civil Wars, 132 mo-\\ntives for joining Independents,\\n133-135 favors the regicide,\\nI 37i I 39 _I 4\u00c2\u00b0 his ambition, 142\\nhis army, 145 his Irish cam-\\npaign, 151 et seq. his cruelty at\\nDrogheda, 155 Wexford, 158\\ncontradictions of his character;\\n159 et seq. letter to John Cot-\\nton, 160 excellent conduct of\\nIrish campaign, 162 summoned\\nfrom Ireland by Parliament, 163\\nadvances on and retreats from\\nEdinburgh, 167 et seq. at Dun-\\nbar, 170-172 his dispute with\\nthe Kirk party, 172 et seq. his\\nclemency, 174 attacks Charles\\nII. at Worcester, 175 cham-\\npions Independents, 179 policy\\ntoward Parliamentarians, 180 et\\nseq. his views on Dutch War,\\n184 defeats non-reelection bill,\\n186; his statesmanship, 188 el\\nseq. his sermon to the Assem-\\nbly, 91 et seq. despotism, 195\\nfirst Protector, 197, 199 his\\npeace with the Dutch, 201 his\\nconflict with Parliament, 202 et\\nseq. his government a tyranny,\\n210 et seq. suppresses the ale-\\nhouses, 213, 214 declines the\\nKingship, 215 his views on lib-\\nerty, 219 interferes in Conti-\\nnental affairs, 225 et seq. re-\\nvenges Vaudois massacres, 227,\\n228 contests Spain on the sea,\\n228 his court, 229 last illness,\\n230, 231 death, 232 desecra-\\ntion of his remains by Restora-\\ntionists, 233 compared with\\nWilliam III., 235 political\\nideals, 236 et seq. cruelty of his\\nIrish policy, 237 posthumous\\nreputation, 239\\nCromwell, Richard, son of Oliver,\\nas Protector, 232\\nCromwell, Robert, father of Oli-\\nver, 42 his death, 43\\nCrummle, the curse o 225. See\\nCromwell, Oliver, and Ireland\\nCuirassiers, use in Parliamentary\\narmy, 60 at Winceby, 83 the\\nScotch at Marston Moor, 88\\nCzars, the, 9\\nDanes, the, Charles X. s war\\nagainst, 226\\nDean, Colonel, at Preston, 126 in\\nDutch War, 183 his rule in Scot-\\nland, 221\\nDeath penalty, a cause of senti-\\nmentalism, 137, 138 its justice\\non tyrants, 234, 235\\nDeclaration, Cromwell s, in Ire-\\nland, 159, 161\\nDemocracy, Cromwell s bearing\\ntoward, 211\\nDerry, siege of, 150 supports\\nParliamentarians, 152\\nDe Ruyter, 182\\nDespotism, under republics, 22\\nunder the Stuarts, 28 under\\nCromwell, 213 a subject of doc-\\ntrinaire notions, 236\\nDiscipline, a military necessity, 91\\na source of soldiers ties, 107\\nrigidly enforced by Cromwell,\\n152\\nDissenters, persecuted under Eliz-\\n247", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nabeth, 23 aimed at by Third\\nParliament, 31 position under\\nthe Protectorate, 200\\nDragoons, 60, 79 Royalists at\\nWinceby, 83\\nDrake, 14, 18\\nDreyfus case, the, 22\\nDrilling, excellence of Cromwell s\\ntroops at Winceby, 83\\nDrogheda, siege of, 41, 48, 150\\nParliamentarian atrocities there,\\n153 et seq., 160\\nDublin, Puritan rule there, 146,\\n147 surrendered to Parliamen-\\ntarians, 149 Supreme Council\\nof, 150 siege of, 151 Crom-\\nwell s troops there, 152\\nDuke, Basil, 70\\nDunbar, Leslie engages the Eng-\\nlish there, 169 et seq., 172, 173\\nfate of Scotch prisoners captured\\nthere, 174 anniversary of, 198,\\n231\\nDundalk, surrender of, 150 gar-\\nrisoned by Cromwell, 157\\nDunkirk, ceded to English, 229,\\n230\\nDutch, the, their sailors in wars\\nwith Spain, 14 oppressions un-\\nder Spain, 36 Parliamentarian\\nwar with, 181 et seq. commer-\\ncial supremacy, 184 religious\\ntoleration, 200 peace with Eng-\\nland, 201 war with Charles X.\\n226\\nEastern Association, the, 63;\\nthe Ironsides in, 81 committee\\nof, 85 its infantry at Marston\\nMoor, 86-89 I its training, 91 the\\npattern for the New Model, 93.\\nSee also Associations\\nEdgehill, battle of, 71-73 Charles\\nI. s standard-bearer there, 154\\nEdinburgh, Laud s attempt to in-\\ntroduce the Prayer-Book there,\\n39 Cromwell s reception there,\\n131 besieged by Cromwell, 167\\nsurrendered to Cromwell, 174\\nEdinburgh, Governor of, 172\\nEglinton, Earl of, at Marston\\nMoor, 88\\nEliot, Sir John, character of, 27;\\nhis leadership in Parliament, 30,\\n31 his imprisonment, 32; death,\\n33; Charles I. s vengeance on,\\n^37\\nElizabeth, Queen, her absolutism,\\n8 her bearing toward Anglican\\nChurch, 9 yields to the mo-\\nnopolies, 10 her veiled despot-\\nism, 22 persecutes Dissenters,\\n23 her war with Spain on the\\nsea, 58 compared with Crom-\\nwell, 212 Puritan persecutions\\nin her reign, 217\\nEly, home of Cromwell s mother,\\n42, 45\\nEly Cathedral, Cromwell s inter-\\nference there, 78\\nEngland, champion of religious\\nliberty, 15, 21 overlordship in\\nIreland, 15, 16 peace under\\nJames I., 19 rural and agricult-\\nural population, 58 military\\nexperience, 59 political inca-\\npacity in Cromwell s time, 111\\nrelation with Scotland in Sec-\\nond Civil War, 123 pitted\\nagainst Scotland under the Com-\\nmonwealth, 164 law of, 181\\nher carrying trade in Dutch War,\\n183 her commercial greed, 184\\nself-government, 192 political\\nfreedom, 197 Parliamentarian\\nsupremacy in, 198 representa-\\ntive government, 206 condition\\nunder the Protectorate, 211 et\\nseq. 216, 221 et seq. 225 her Irish\\npolicy, 227 foreign fame, 230\\ncondition after Cromwell, 231 ct\\nseq. Cromwell s descendants\\nin, 239\\nEngland s Freedom and Soldiers\\nRights, cry of, 119\\nEnglish, the, as sailors in the Span-\\nish wars, 14 their excellence as\\nmilitary material, 58 love of\\nsports, 59; serve as troops in\\nIreland, 84 at Marston Moor,\\n86 character of, in seventeenth\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2century, 100 et seq. in India,\\n151 their treatment of the Irish,\\n162 capacity for self-govern-\\nment, 190, 220 immigrants into\\nIreland, 223 in West Indies,\\n229 expansion of, 238\\nEnglish Presbyterians, for the\\nKing against the army, 120\\nEpiscopacy rejected by the\\nScotch, 38-40 abolition of, de-\\nmanded by Long Parliament,\\n56 under Cromwell s govern-\\nment, 218\\n248", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nEpiscopalian Royalists, 177\\nEpiscopalians, 78 clergy hated by\\nPresbyterians, 92 their intoler-\\nance, 104; Parliament deserted\\nby them, 108 with the Royal-\\nists in Ireland, 122, 132, 146\\nunder the Protectorate, 197 the\\nPrayer-Book denied them by the\\nCommonwealth, 217\\nErse, 224\\nEssex, Earl of, leader of Parlia-\\nmentary forces, 57 his Guards,\\n63, 64 at Northampton, 69 his\\nblunders, 91 compared with\\nMcClellan, 92\\nEssex, Fairfax in, 121\\nEurope, armed against French\\nRevolutionists, 120 effect of\\nregicide on, 138 Dutch posi-\\ntion in, 182, 184 religious tol-\\nerance, 200 liberty, 219 strug-\\ngles of Spain and France, 226,\\n227 Turks in, 228 profligacy in\\nseventeenth century, 230\\nEvolution, of English political free-\\ndom, 197\\nExecutive, English and American,\\ncompared, 198\\nExpansion, English, 237-239\\nExtremists, in English Parliament,\\n113, 206\\nFairfax, Sir Thomas, his friend-\\nship with Cromwell, 79 at\\nWinceby, 83 at York, 85\\nMarston Moor, 86, 87 in com-\\nmand of Parliamentarians, 93 at\\nNaseby, 96, 97 captures Bristol,\\n98 returned to Parliament, 116;\\napproves Cromwell s joining\\narmy party, 119 his march into\\nKent, 121 takes Colchester,\\n130 Cromwell s letter to, 131\\ncounsels moderation toward the\\nKing, 135 declines campaign\\nagainst Covenanters, 163 his\\nindecision, 164 et scq.\\nFalkland, Lord, 57\\nFanaticism, consequent on Eng-\\nlish Revolution, 143\\nFifth Monarchy, 103 principles of,\\n112, 113\\nFlag, English, Dutch salute in-\\nsisted on, 183\\nFlanders, English victories in, 230\\nFleet, English, supports Parlia-\\nmentarians, 122 deserts to\\nRoyalists, 130 its share in\\nDutch wars, 183 supports Crom-\\nwell, 189 under the Protector-\\nate, 199\\nFoot, in seventeenth-century war-\\nfare, 59 Parliamentarians at\\nGainsborough, 82 Scots at\\nMarston Moor, 88. See also In-\\nfantry\\nForrest, General, his inferiority to\\nGrant, 68 compared with Mon-\\ntrose, 94\\nFortescue, Sir Faithful, deserts\\nParliamentarians at Edgehill, 71\\nFour Fundamentals, the, 205\\nFrance, serfs of, 59 Prince Ru-\\npert in, 130 Royalist refugees\\nin, 149 Protestants, 162 in\\nwars with Spain, 226, 227 con-\\nvention with England, 229\\nFranchise, the, redistribution of,\\nunder the Protectorate, 197\\nFrederick the Great, 145\\nFree State, the, 141. See also\\nCommonwealth.\\nFrench, character of the, in eigh-\\nteenth century, 100, 190\\nFrench Revolution, the, 120\\nFrobisher, 14\\nGainsborough, siege of, 81\\nGalley slaves, English prisoners\\nas, 129\\nGarrison, American Abolitionist,\\n103\\nGeddes, Jenny, at Edinburgh, 39\\nGeneva, 12\\nGentiles, 220\\nGentlemen, Cromwell s opinion of,\\n76\\nGentry, English, 59 against\\nCharles I., 61 support of the\\nKing in Wales, 121\\nGeorge III., his Government re-\\njected by American Continental\\nCongress, 36\\nGeorge IV., 238\\nGermany, English adventurers in,\\n58 serfs of, 59\\nGermans, the, Charles X. aggres-\\nsions against, 226\\nGladstone, early writings of, 49\\nGolden Rule, the, 47\\nGood government, Cromwell s no-\\ntion of, 204\\nGordon, piety of, compared with\\nCromwell s, 105\\n249", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nGoring, General, at Marston Moor,\\n87, 88, 89 defeated by Fairfax,\\n98\\nGovernment, its development in\\nGreat Britain, 198 Cromwell s\\npractice of, 211\\nGrand Remonstrance, the, against\\nCharles I., 56, 57\\nGrant, General, his volunteer sol-\\ndiery, 65 his development of\\ntroops, 91 his superiority to\\nForrest, 95 his political sup-\\nporters, 103 his soldiers, 145\\nhis generosity, 216\\nGrantham, Cromwell at, 79\\nGreat Britain, Charles II. declared\\nKing of, by the Scotch, 143 gov-\\nernment of, 198 expansion of,\\n238\\nGreeks, the, under Agathokles, 210\\nGreene, General, 91\\nGuards, of Lord Essex, buff coats\\nadopted by them as uniform, 64\\nof Charles I., 64\\nGunpowder, its use in Cromwell-\\nian times, 59\\nGunpowder Plot, the, 44\\nGustaphus Adolphus, his cam-\\npaign against Spain, 14 his ca-\\nreer, 39, 167\\nHamilton, Duke of, 120; his cam-\\npaigns in Second Civil War,\\n122-124 J at Preston, 127 be-\\nheading of, 128 Kirk attitude\\ntoward him, 166\\nHampden, John, Carlyle s opinion\\nof, 3 originality of type of, 5\\nhis tolerance, 5 refuses to pay\\nShip Money, 35, 45 his relations\\nwith Cromwell, 46 his Puritan-\\nism defined, 50 compared with\\nCromwell, 53 his imprisonment,\\n57 a cousin of Cromwell, 58\\nuniform of his regiment, 64 at\\nEdgehill, 72 Cromwell s opin-\\nion of his troops, 73 his death,\\n80 in Parliament, 177\\nHapsburg, House of, in Spain and\\nAustria, 17\\nHarrison, English Republican gen-\\neral, 136 his devotion to Crom-\\nwell, 186 calls musketeers into\\nParliament, 187 his fanaticism,\\n199\\nHawkins, Admiral, in Spanish\\nwars, 14, 18\\nHein, Piet, Dutch admiral in Span-\\nish wars, 210\\nHelmets, carried by Cromwellian\\ncavalry, 60\\nHenrietta Maria, wife of Charles\\nI., 25\\nHenry, Patrick, compared with\\nPym, 36\\nHenry VIII., King of England,\\nhis bearing toward the Reforma-\\ntion, 7 his dealings with lower\\nclasses, 8 with the Anglican\\nChurch, 9 his career impossible\\nunder a Long Parliament, 11\\nhis oppressions, 22\\nHigh Court of Justice, Charles I.\\ntried by, 136\\nHighlanders, the Scotch, in the\\nCivil Wars, 95 their chiefs at\\nStirling, 174 at Worcester, 175\\nHighlands, the, General Monk\\nin, 201\\nHofer s Tyrolese, 67\\nHolland, her stand against Spain,\\n15 her colonial empire, 17\\nHouse of Orange in, 135 effect\\nof regicide on, 138 alliance\\nwith, desired by Cromwell, 184\\nHorse (cavalry), of the Parliamen-\\ntarians, 57 at Edgehill, 71\\nWinceby, 83 of the Parliamen-\\ntarians at Marston Moor, 87, 88\\nmanoeuvres with, at Marston\\nMoor, 89 use of, at Naseby, 96\\nin retreat at Preston, 127, 128\\nservice at Dunbar, 170 et seq.\\nHorse-racing, suppressed under\\nthe Protectorate, 213\\nHoward, English admiral, 14\\nHuguenots, Charles I. s feeble\\nmove against them, 26 perse-\\ncuted in France, 227\\nHume, his opinion of Cromwell s\\nspeeches, 203\\nHuntingdon, birthplace of Crom-\\nwell, 41, 42, 44, 45\\nImmigration of the English and\\nScotch into Ireland, 223\\nInchiquin, Lord, Parliamentarian\\nleader in Ireland, 148, 149; capt-\\nures Drogheda, 150\\nIndependent Movement, the so-\\ncalled, under Elizabeth, 23\\nIndependents, English political\\nparty, 49 Cromwell at head of,\\n49 bearing toward the Presby-\\n250", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "terians, 80 real source of their\\npower the Ironsides, 81 hated\\nby the Presbyterians, 92 their\\nstrength in the army, 94 their\\nspirit commended by Cromwell,\\n106 their proposed reconcilia-\\ntion with Parliamentarians, 115;\\nCharles I. s designs on them,\\n116 they take refuge in the\\narmy, 118 conquerors of the\\nRoyalists, 120 their prompt ac-\\ntion in Second Civil War, 121\\ntheir political isolation, 133\\nrupture with Irish Presbyterians,\\n150; their strength in the Com-\\nmonwealth, 164 in Parliament,\\n177 et seq. support of Cromwell\\nin the Rump Parliament, 189;\\nunder the Protectorate, 199, 220\\nIndian Mutiny, compared with\\nstate of Ireland under Cromwell,\\n151\\nInfantry, Parliamentarians at Not-\\ntingham, 57 use of, in Crom-\\nwell s time, 59, 60 in action at\\nMarston Moor, 87 at Naseby,\\n96; its importance at Preston,\\n127; at Dunbar, 170; Spanish,\\ndefeated by British in the Neth-\\nerlands, 229\\nInquisition, the, in Spain, 14 the\\nhandmaid of tyranny, 17 relig-\\nious aspects of, 48\\nInstrument of Government, the,\\n195 et seq. recognized by Par-\\nliament, 204\\nInsurgents, the Irish, 147 et seq.\\nIreland, England s treatment of,\\n15, 16 priesthood loyal to its\\npeasantry, 17 Protestantism in,\\n17 its prosperity under Straf-\\nford, 36 revolts against Charles\\nl. s government, 56; English\\ntroops in, 84 unites against the\\nParliament, 120 complex po-\\nlitical conditions, 122 its loy-\\nalty, 143 invaded by Cromwell,\\n144 et seq. Cromwellian atroci-\\nties, 156; subjugation by Parlia-\\nmentarians, 178 discontent un-\\nder the Protectorate, 221 under\\nRichard Cromwell s rule, 232\\nits misery under English reigns,\\n238\\nIreton, Henry, character of, 6;\\ncaptain of troop in Sixty-seventh\\nRegiment, 58 at Naseby, 96,\\n97 marriage with Bridget Crom-\\nwell, 105 his leadership of the\\narmy, 116; approves Cromwell s\\njoining the army party, 119 re-\\nmonstrates against the King,\\n135 counsels mercy toward\\nCharles I., 136; desecration of\\nhis remains, 233\\nIrish, the, Charles I. sovertures to,\\n84 Puritan cruelty toward, 129\\nCatholics treaty with Charles\\nII., 148; troops at Dundalk,\\n157 English treatment of, 162,\\n227, 238\\nIronsides, the, real power of the\\nIndependents, 80 in action at\\nMarston Moor, 87, 89 member-\\nship in Eastern Association, 93\\ntype of, 95 their army spirit,\\n107; support the army party, 120;\\nat Preston, 126; as volunteers,\\n144 veterans in Ireland, 152\\nIrreconcilables, 198\\nIssues, political, not always sharp-\\nly drawn, 180\\nIvan the Terrible, 210\\nJackson, Andrew, his backwoods-\\nmen, 67\\nJackson, Stonewall, resem-\\nblance to Cromwell and Ireton,\\n6 his piety, 105 his strategy\\ncompared with Cromwell s, 171\\nJamaica, taken by the English,\\n229\\nJames L, his ignoble peace, 21;\\nhis belief in despotism, 22; his\\nweak policy toward Parliament,\\n23 absolutism in Church and\\nState, 25; his policy in Ireland,\\n146\\nJames II., compared with James I.,\\n101, 234\\nJehovah, invoked in massacres,\\n160\\nJews, massacres of, compared with\\nPuritans 160 their settlement\\nin London, 220\\nJohnston, American general, de-\\nvelopment of his troops com-\\npared with Cromwell s, 91\\nJones, Colonel, Puritan leader, de-\\nfeats Preston near Dublin, 149\\nmakes terms with Irish Papal\\nparty, 150 routs Ormond at\\nDublin, 151\\nJoyce, Cornet, 117\\n251", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "Judges, under the Protectorate,\\n199\\nKent, Fairfax in, 121\\nKentucky, neutrality of, in Ameri-\\ncan Civil War, 62\\nKerne, the, in Ireland, 16 Queen\\nMary s expulsion of the, 16\\nKilkenny, Cromwell s manifesto\\nthere, 162\\nKing Jesus, cry of, 112, 143\\nKings, their divine right, 21 Eng-\\nlish belief in, 100 office of, abol-\\nished by the Commonwealth,\\n141 arbitrary power of, 161\\nKingship, offered to Cromwell, 215\\nKirk party, in Scotland, 130, 131\\nCromwell s dispute with, 172, 173\\nKirk, the, in Scotland, 166, 167\\nits leaders urge Leslie on at\\nEdinburgh, 169, 172 it3 forces\\nbroken, 174\\nKnox, John, his influence on\\nScotch Calvinism, 18\\nLaissez-faire economists, 183\\nLambert, Puritan general, sent to\\nthe North, 121 in action at Pres-\\nton, 124-128\\nLancashire, Presbyterian rising\\nthere, 121\\nLancers, 60 the Scots at Mars-\\nton Moor, 87 at Dunbar, 170\\nLanded proprietors, interests of,\\nthreatened under the Protecto-\\nrate, 193 English, in Ireland,\\n223, 224\\nLangdale, Sir Marmaduke, Crom-\\nwell s foe at Naseby, 121 his\\ncommand at Preston, 124-126\\nLaud, his hostility to Protestants,\\n30 his ecclesiastical absolutism,\\n33 becomes archbishop, 34 his\\nthorough policy, 35 attempts\\nto introduce ceremonials at Edin-\\nburgh, 38 supports Charles I.\\nagainst Short Parliament, 41\\nimprisoned by the Parliamenta-\\nrians, 52 his execution, 80 his\\nintolerance compared with Pres-\\nbyterians 109\\nLaws, English, considered by Par-\\nliamentarians, 181\\nLawyers, Cromwell s dislike of,\\n181, 193\\nLee, American Confederate gen-\\neral, his volunteer soldiery, 65\\ndevelopment of his troops, 91\\nhis generalship compared with\\nCromwell s, 95\\nLegislative power under the Pro-\\ntectorate, 197\\nLenthall, Speaker of House of\\nCommons, 180\\nLeslie, David, Scottish leader, his\\nservice under Gustaphus Adol-\\nphus, 167 his defence of Edin-\\nburgh, 167 et seq. operations at\\nDunbar, 169-172\\nLevellers, the, English Parliamen-\\ntary party, distrusted by Crom-\\nwell, 112; their agitation, 119;\\ntheir threatening attitude toward\\nCromwell, 143 against the Com-\\nmonwealth, 164 suppressed un-\\nder the Protectorate, 213\\nLeven, Earl of, Scottish leader, be-\\nsieges York, 85 at Marston\\nMoor, 86\\nLiberty, political and religious,\\nunder the Stuarts, 24 Crom-\\nwell s views on, 79, 107 under\\nthe Protectorate, 197\\nLieutenant-general, Cromwell s\\nrank of, 144\\nLife Guards, Charles I. s, 64\\nLincoln, American President, his\\ncandidacy in 1864, 103 his first\\nelection, 193; compared with\\nCromwell, 207-208\\nLondon, its sympathy with the\\nCommons, 57 unification of the\\nParliamentary troops there, 64;\\nits troops at Copredy Bridge,\\n91 Presbyterians of, 109 its\\nmobs in the army party, 118;\\nPresbyterian commotions there,\\n121 the army s march into, 136\\nCromwell s return to, 163, 180\\nJewish settlement in, 220\\nLong Parliament, spirit of the,\\n5 men of, 11 its grievances\\ncompared with American Conti-\\nnental Congress s, 36 meets at\\nWestminster, 41 Cromwell s\\nissue with army party against it,\\n119; the remnant of, 177; its\\ndissolution, 187, 188, 201, 204,\\n206; comparison with the Pro-\\ntectorate, 216. See also Parlia-\\nment, Rump, etc.\\nLord Protector, position of, 197\\nCromwell as, 212\\nLords, House of, in Charles l. s\\n252", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "trial for treason, 136; abolished\\nunder the Commonwealth, 141\\nLouis XIV., 162\\nLouis XV., 162\\nLower classes in England, their\\ndiscontent under theTudors, 10\\nincapacity for political combina-\\ntion, 10\\nLucas, Sir Charles, repulsed by\\nScotch at Marston Moor, 88, 89\\nLuther, his zeal for righteousness, 7\\nLutherans, intolerant spirit ot, 13\\nLynch law, occasional need of, 54\\nMacaulay, Lord, his opinion of\\nCromwell, 1\\nMcClellan, American general,\\ncompared with Essex, 92 atti-\\ntude of Abolitionists toward,\\n103 Democratic support of, 208\\nMajor-generals, government ot,\\nunder the Protectorate, 213, 215\\nManchester, Earl of, Parliamen-\\ntary leader, 58 commands East-\\nern Association, 85 at Marston\\nMoor, 86 denounced by Crom-\\nwell in Parliament, 93; Crom-\\nwell s speech to, no\\nMarlborough, Duke of, 145\\nMarriage, civil, proposed under\\nthe Protectorate, 193\\nMarston Moor, Battle of, 86-90,\\n94, 95, 96 Scotch share in, 124\\nDavid Leslie at, 167\\nMary, Queen, her expulsion of the\\nIrish kerne, 16 her treatment of\\nProtestants, 217 Irish policy, 238\\nMaryland, 165\\nMass, the, denied to Irish by\\nCromwell, 158 prohibited un-\\nder the Protectorate, 198\\nMaurice ot Orange, 14\\nMazarin, French Cardinal, 17\\nCromwell s reply to, 220; co-op-\\nerates with Cromwell, 228\\nMiddle classes in England, power-\\nful under the Tudors, 10;\\nstrength among Parliamentari-\\nans, 69\\nMidianitish woman, the, 160\\nMilitarism, English avoidance ot,\\nunder James I., 19\\nMilitary rule, Cromwell s, 213\\nMilitary service, not differenti-\\nated on land and sea in seven-\\nteenth century, 184\\nMilitary type, the, in Cromwellian\\narmy, 107; influenced by relig-\\nious zeal, 191\\nMilitia, compared with regular\\nsoldiery, 66 at Copredy Bridge,\\n91 levy system of, 93\\nMill Mount, 154\\nMilton, his contempt of political\\ndreamers, 21 his Puritanism,\\n50; his political ideas, in; ap-\\nproves Cromwell s joining with\\narmy party, 119 his views on\\nthe regicide, 139 supports the\\nProtectorate, 209 sonnet on the\\nVaudois, 227 his greatness, 232,\\nnote\\nMinisters, their position under the\\nProtectorate, 200\\nModerate party, the, in the Long\\nParliament, 55\\nMonarchy, Cromwell s dread of,\\n195, 211\\nMonasteries, Cromwell s ancestors\\nbenefited by their spoliation, 44\\nMonk, General George, 84; at Dun-\\ndalk, 150 as naval commander,\\n183, 201 his rule in Scotland,\\n221 supports Charles II., 233\\nMonopolies, under Elizabeth, 10\\nMontrose, Earl of, not a profes-\\nsional soldier, 69 his victories\\nin Scotland, 94, 95 defeated at\\nPhiliphaugh, 98 aided by Irish\\ntroops, 147 his death, 166\\nMoors, defeated by Blake at Tu-\\nnis, 228\\nMorgan, American Confederate\\ncommander, his cavalry, 70\\nMountain, the, see French Revolu-\\ntion, 120\\nMunro, commands Hamiltonian\\ncavalry, 122 at Ulster, 123\\nmoves toward Preston, 124 re-\\ntreats across the border, 130\\nbearing toward Charles II., 148,\\n150\\nMunster, Royalist Protestants in,\\n149\\nMuscovites, 210\\nMusketeers, clumsiness of their\\nweapons, 59 tactical uses ot,\\n60 at Winwick Church, 128\\ntheir appearance in the House\\not Commons, 187\\nNantes, fildict of, 39\\nNapoleon, 99; his unscrupulous-\\nness, 104, 190\\n253", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "Naseby, Battle of, 95 Sir Mar-\\nmaduke Langdale at, 121\\nNavigation Acts, 182, 183\\nNavy, the English, its growth, 182,\\n184 in Dutch wars, 201. See\\nalso Fleet\\nNetherlands, the, British adven-\\nturers in, 58 oppressions there\\ncompared with the Irish, 146,\\n156 English and Spanish in, 229\\nNeutrality, in English Civil Wars,\\n63 in Kentucky, 62\\nNewburn, Battle of, 41\\nNewbury, Battle of, 92\\nNewcastle, Cromwell s letter to the\\nCommandant there, 174\\nNewcastle, Lord, besieges Gains-\\nborough, 81, 82 his defence of\\nYork, 85; at Marston Moor, 87-\\n89\\nNew England, 179\\nNew Model, the, in Cromwellian\\narmy, 63, 93, 95 strained re-\\nlations with Independents, 106\\nattempted disbandment of, 117\\nresults in Independents army,\\n120 its veterans in Ireland, 152\\nNew World, the, America s po-\\nsition in, 179\\nNew York, regicide sentimental-\\nlsm in, 138\\nNorth America, 193, 238\\nNorth of England, the, Royalist\\nrising in, 121\\nNorthampton, Essex assembles\\ntroops there, 69\\nNorthumbrian Regiment, New-\\ncastle s, 89\\nNottingham Castle, scene of be-\\nginning ot Civil Wars, 57 Roy-\\nalists there, 69 held by Crom-\\nwell, 81\\nOffenck, the best defence of na-\\ntions, 164\\nOld-English Catholics, in Ireland,\\n146\\nOld Noll, 221\\nOld Testament, the, Puritanism in,\\n160\\nO Neil, Irish Catholic leader, 149,\\n150; joins Ormond, 151; his\\ntroops in Ireland, 159\\nOrange, House of, 135\\nOrmond, Earl ot, leader of loyal\\nIrish, 146-148 surrenders Dub-\\nlin, 149 heads moderate Irish\\nCatholics, 150 his supporters\\nin Ireland, 151 his troops\\nat Drogheda, 153 in Ireland,\\n159\\nOssawatomie Brown, 145\\nPale, the, in Ireland, 146, 147\\nPapacy, the, Henry VIII. s attitude\\ntoward, 7; papacy or prelacy,\\n197\\nPapal nuncio, in Ireland, 148\\nParliament, Pym s view of gov-\\nernment by, 5 growing powers\\nunder Elizabeth and James, 22;\\nCharles I. s third, 27 its strug-\\ngles with the King, 29 Cove-\\nnant taken by, 78 Cromwell s\\nspeech against the generals as\\nmembers in, 93 Cromwell s at-\\ntitude toward, 101 factions af-\\nter First Civil War, 106, 108 et\\nseq. army majority in, 116;\\nnegotiations with King and army,\\n117; Irish coalition against, 120;\\nmakes Blake admiral, 130;\\nCromwell s dealings with, alter\\nSecond Civil War, 131 plans of\\nunion with King against army,\\n134 Irish support of, 143 aided\\nby Coote in Ireland, 150 sum-\\nmons Cromwell from Ireland,\\n162 heirship to royal powers,\\n178 conflict with army alter\\nScotch wars, 178 et seq. law re-\\nform, 181 Dutch Wars, 181\\nnon-reelection bill, 185-187 its\\nrule distasteful to Cromwell, 195\\nunder the Protectorate, 198\\nrepresentation under the Protec-\\ntorate, 201 et seq. dissolution\\nof the Rump, 209 Second, un-\\nder the Protectorate, 215 sum-\\nmoned by Richard Cromwell,\\n232 Cromwell s speech to Sec-\\nond Protectorate Parliament, 236.\\nSee also Barebones Commons\\nRump Long Parliament, etc.\\nParliamentarians, military forces\\nof, 57 strength of, 61 in Corn-\\nwall and Yorkshire, 63 mili-\\ntary leaders, 68 resources, 69\\nweakness of their cavalry, 73\\noperations at Gainsborough,\\n81 aided by the Scotch, 84 at\\nYork, 85 at Marston Moor, 88\\nat Copredy Bridge, 91 leader,\\nremoved by Cromwell, 93 re-\\n254", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\norganization of army, 94 re-\\nverses alter Marston Moor, 95\\noutnumber Royalists at Nase-\\nby, 95 et seq. dissensions of,\\nafter First Civil War, 99 et\\nseq. opposition to Moderate\\nIrish party, 152\\nPeace, slothfulness of, under James\\nI., 21; desire for, by mercantile\\ncommunities, 182\\nPeasantry, in England, 61\\nPembroke (Ireland), capture of, by\\nRoyalists, 121\\nPenal laws, English enforcement\\nof, in Ireland, 162\\nPenances, observed by Royalists\\non anniversaries of Charles I. s\\ndeath, 240\\nPenn, at San Domingo, 229\\nPeter the Great, 237\\nPeters, Hugh, chaplain to Crom-\\nwell, 71\\nPetition of Right, becomes law,\\n28 disregarded by the King,\\n32 supported by Cromwell, 45\\nPhiladelphia, church to Royal Mar-\\ntyr there, 138\\nPhilip of Spain, bigotry of, 15\\nmerciless to persons of his own\\nfaith in other nationalities, 16,\\n156\\nPhiliphaugh, Battle of, 98\\nPhilippines, the, American volun-\\nteers in, 67\\nPhillips, Wendell, American Aboli-\\ntionist, 103\\nPhineas, 160\\nPikemen, their function in seven-\\nteenth-century war, 59 tactical\\nposition of, 60 at Winwick\\nChurch, 128\\nPistols, use of, by seventeenth-\\ncentury cavalry, 60\\nPlantations, English, in Ireland,\\n16, 146\\nPlatform, American Republicans\\nin i860, 193\\nPlundering, suppressed by Crom-\\nwell, 75 punishments for, at\\nWinchester, 98 Cromwell s sup-\\npression of, in Scotland, 131, 153\\nPolicy, necessity of adjusting a\\nnation s foreign and domestic,\\n20 Cromwell actuated by, 93\\nPolitics, as influenced by religious\\nfeeling, 19\\nPope, the, Cromwell s view of, 173\\nPortuguese, the, \\\\6\\nPrayer-Book, the, Laud s at-\\ntempted introduction of, at Edin-\\nburgh, 39 prohibited under the\\nProtectorate, 198 denied to\\nEpiscopalians under the Com-\\nmonwealth, 217\\nPreachers, arrest of, under the Pro-\\ntectorate, 199\\nPresbyterian Church, in Scotland,\\n18\\nPresbyterian English, natural al-\\nlies of Scotch, 55\\nPresbyterian ministers, in Scot-\\nland, 130\\nPresbyterian Royalists, against the\\narmy, 120 in Parliament, 177\\nPresbyterianism, its growth in the\\nAnglican Church under James\\nI., 23; sympathy with Scottish\\nrevolt, 40 orthodoxy of, 80\\nPresbyterians, in Parliamentarian\\narmy, 76 in Civil Wars, 92\\ngenerals in House of Commons,\\n93) 94 intolerance of, 104\\nfaith of, 106 ascendancy of, in\\nParliament, 108 their intoler-\\nance compared with Laud s, 109\\nfeared by Puritans, ill; efforts\\nat reconciliation with Parliamen-\\ntarians, 115; take issue with the\\nKing against the army, 116, 120\\ncommotion of, in London, 121\\nat Ulster, 122 cruel treatment of,\\nas Puritan prisoners, 126 in Par-\\nliament after Second Civil War,\\n131 et seq. in touch with Ul-\\nster Irish, 146 rupture with In-\\ndependents, 150 stand against\\nCromwell, 164 position under\\nthe Protectorate, 200, 220\\nPresbyter but Priest writ large,\\nin\\nPresidency, the American, Lin-\\ncoln s candidacy for, 103\\nPreston, Battle of, 124 et seq.\\nSecond Civil War ended by, 130\\nPreston, Irish leader, 149\\nPride, Colonel, Parliamentary\\nleader, 76 at Preston, 126 at\\nWinwick Church, 128 in the\\nCommons, 136\\nPride s Purge, 136\\nPriests, loyalty of, to peasants in\\nIreland, 17 Milton s view of,\\nm; slaughter of, at Drogheda,\\n154 persecuted in Ireland, 223\\n255", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "Xi.T| XJCjA.\\nPrisoners, cruel treatment of, by\\nPuritans, 129, 155, 174\\nProperty, threatened under the\\nProtectorate, 203\\nProtective tariffs, 183\\nProtector, the, office of, 197 et seq.\\nProtectorate, the, 197 et seq.; rule\\nof, in Ireland, 221-225\\nProtectorate Parliament, dismissed\\nby Cromwell, 210, 212, 213\\nProtestantism, height of, in Eng-\\nland, 9; European sects, 11;\\nmodern individual results of, 12\\nthe creed of liberty, 17\\nProtestants in Ireland, Parliament\\nrecognized by, 148 Royalist, in\\nIreland, 150, 152 war of Protest-\\nant powers, 184 position of, un-\\nder Queen Mary, 217 in Ireland\\nunder the Protectorate, 224\\namong the Swiss, 228 influence\\nof, in Ireland, 238, 239\\nPsalm-singing, by Puritans, at\\nWinceby, 83 at Marston Moor,\\n87 Basing House, 98 Dunbar,\\n171\\nPublic opinion, Cromwell influ-\\nenced by, 211\\nPuritanism, Carlyle s opinion of, 3\\nbeginning of the modern epoch,\\n4; growth under James I., 23;\\nnot widespread under Charles\\nI., 29; character of, in Scotland,\\n38; characteristics of, i6oetseq.;\\napologists for, 218 et seq.\\nPuritans, sympathy of, with Scot-\\ntish revolt, 40 their suspicions\\nof the Episcopacy, 56 psalm-\\nsinging at Winceby, 83 forces\\nof, in army, 85 at Marston Moor,\\n87; phraseology of, in Cromwell s\\ntime, 106 Presbyterians feared\\nby, in hatred of Charles I.,\\n114 desire for vengeance on the\\nKing, 121 opposed by the Irish,\\n122 at Winwick Church, 128\\ncruel treatment of prisoners,\\n129; justice of their punish-\\nment of the King, 139 dis-\\navow Irish alliance, 151 cruel-\\nties at Drogheda, 154 et seq.\\ntoleration, 165 opposed to Cov-\\nenanters at Dunbar, 170 in New\\nEngland, 179 passion for re-\\nligious regulation, 214; lack of\\ngenerosity to foes, 216 rule of,\\nin Ireland, 224; great names\\namong, 232 attitude toward Ire-\\nland, 238 true greatness of, 239\\nPym, Carlyle s opinion of, 3 orig-\\ninal type of, 5 tolerance of,\\n5 leadership in Parliament, 30\\nfirst modern leader, 31;\\nspeech on imprisonment of\\nStrafford, 51, 52 imprisonment\\nof, 57 death, 80 his Parlia-\\nment, 177\\nQuakers, 143\\nReed, Speaker, quoted, 235\\nReform, attempted by Parliament,\\n181 by Rump Parliament, 185\\nin the Assembly, 193 practica-\\nbility necessary in, 194\\nReformation, the, in England, 7\\nEuropean results of, 8 in Scot-\\nland, 8\\nReformed Church, influence of, in\\nEuropean politics, 7\\nReformers, contradictions of, 13\\nfanaticism of, under the Pro-\\ntectorate, 199\\nRegicides, the, 139\\nRegulars (soldiery), advantages of,\\n65, 69 discipline of, 91 Iron-\\nsides as regulars, 145 ordinary\\ntype of, 145\\nReligious liberty, under the Pro-\\ntectorate, 197 Cromwell s view\\nof, 220; incompleteness of, in\\nIreland, 223\\nRepublican Convention (U. S. 1,\\ni860, 193\\nRepublicanism in Parliamentary\\narmy, 108; Cromwell s, 131\\nRepublicans in England, not ex-\\ntremists, 112; after the Revo-\\nlution, 142 under the Protec-\\ntorate, 202 in the Commons,\\n204 in Second Protectorate\\nParliament, 215\\nRepublicans (U. S.), after Civil\\nWar, 103\\nRepublics, in South America, 193\\nRestoration, the, 214, 232 dis-\\ngraceful effects of, 233\\nRevolution of 1688, 6, ico com-\\npared with Civil Wars, 234, 235\\nRevolution, Puritan, Cromwell s\\nattempt to check it, 119 Pres-\\nbyterian support of, 132 Crom-\\nwell s attitude toward it, 142,\\n179 impermanent effects of.\\n256", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n1 88. See also American J? ev-\\nolution French Revolution, etc.\\nRhode Island, 165\\nRibble, river, 125, 127\\nRichelieu, 17\\nRitual, Cromwell s suppression of,\\nat Ely, 78\\nRochelle, Charles I. s expedition\\nagainst, 26, 27\\nRoman Catholicism identified with\\nSpain in English opinion, 14;\\nliberality of, in France, 17\\nCromwell s intolerance of, 77\\ndemanded for State religion by\\nIrish, 147\\nRoman Catholics, intole r ance of,\\n104 Irish revolt supported by,\\n147 position of, under the Pro-\\ntectorate, 197\\nRome, 12\\nRoot and Branch party, the, 56\\nRoss, capture of, by Cromwell, 158\\nRoundhead, term of reproach\\nin Parliamentary army, 75\\nRoundhead army, 64 its foot, 73\\nat Marston Moor, 88\\nRoyal Martyr, the, churches dedi-\\ncated to, 138\\nRoyalist Delinquents, 184\\nRoyalist Protestants in Ireland,\\n149, 152\\nRoyalists, at Nottingham, 57. 58\\nstrength of, 61 driven out of\\nCornwall, 63 military leaders\\nof, 68 natural taste for war, 69\\nestates fined by Cromwell, 79;\\nat Grantham, 80; defeated by\\nCromwell at Nottingham and\\nBurleigh, 81 stand at Gains-\\nborough, 82 defeated at Wince-\\nby, 83 forces in Civil Wars unes-\\ntimated, 86; at Marston Moor,\\n86 et seq, Copredy Bridge, 91\\nhope of, in Scotland, 94 out-\\nnumbered at Naseby, 95 et seq.\\nend of, in Scotland, 98 surren-\\nder in 1646, 98 union with Cath-\\nolics and Presbyterians against\\nParliament, 120 united in Ire-\\nland, 146 in Irish wars, 149 et\\nseq. opposed to the Common-\\nwealth, 164; dissensions in Scot-\\nland, 166 Scottish reverses,\\n174 their end in England, 178\\nposition under the Protectorate,\\n199, 213, 216 penances done by,\\non anniversary of regicide, 240\\nRoyalists in American Revolution,\\n217\\nRump, the, 177, 181 dissolution,\\n185, 187\\nRump Parliament, 185, 187, 188\\nRupert, Prince, Royalist leader,\\nmilitary training, 68 at Powick,\\n71 his charge at Edgehill, 72 at\\nGrantham, 80; dubs Cromwell\\nOld Ironsides, 80; his brilliant\\ntactics, 84 marches to relieve\\nYork, 85, 86; against Cromwell\\nat Marston Moor, 87, 88, 91\\nhis activity, 94, 95 at Naseby,\\n96, 97 in Parliament, 108 his\\nbuccaneering cruise, 130\\nRussia, 9 majority rule unnatural\\nto, 25; Charles X. s policy\\ntoward, 226 under Peter the\\nGreat, 237\\nRussians, the, under Ivan the Ter\u00c2\u00ab\\nrible, 210\\nSabbath, observance of, under\\nthe Protectorate, 213\\nSailors, fame of English, in seven-\\nteenth century, 14 the Dutch\\nas, 182\\nSt. Bartholomew, Massacre of, 39\\nSt. Fagan s, Welsh defeat at, 121\\nSt. Ives, Cromwell s farm at, 45\\nSt. John, Oliver, Cromwell s cousin\\nby marriage, 45, 46.\\nSt. Peter s, Drogheda, 154\\nSan Domingo, English expedition\\nagainst, 229\\nSanta Cruz, Blake s victory over\\nthe Spanish there, 228\\nSavoy, Duke of, his persecutions\\nof the Vaudois, 227, 228\\nScotch, defeat Charles I. s forces in\\nBishops Wars, 41 adventurers\\nin the Netherlands, 58 relations\\nwith Parliamentarians, 78 they\\naid the Parliamentarians, 84\\nbesiege York, 85 at Marston\\nMoor, 86, 87 their military\\nqualities, 94 Charles I. s sur-\\nrender to, 98 relations with\\nCharles I. in Parliament, 116;\\ndeclare for King against army,\\n120 they aid the cavaliers, 121\\nin Second Civil War, 122 Pres-\\nbyterians at Ulster, 122 union\\nwith Royalists, 124 at Preston,\\n125-128 Puritan treatment of,\\n129 support Parliament after\\n257", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nSecond Civil War, 131 in touch\\nwith Ulster, 146; share in Irish\\nwar, 147 at Trim, 157 declare\\nfor Charles II., 162, 164; losses\\nat Dunbar, 171 assemble at\\nStirling, 174, 220 immigrants\\ninto Ireland, 223 their share in\\nBritish expansion, 238\\nScotch Highlanders, military type\\nof, in Civil Wars, 95\\nScotch Presbyterians, support\\nCharles II., 150\\nScotland, character of, 18 Episco-\\npacy rejected there, 38, 40 de-\\nmands indemnity after Bishops\\nWars, 41 its claims paid by the\\nLong Parliament, 54 makes\\nterms with Charles I., 55 brawls\\nin, 58 league with Parliamen-\\ntarians, 80 Royalist hope of,\\n94 end of Royalist party there,\\n98 complex political condi-\\ntions, 122, 123 Royalists and\\nCovenanters, 165, 166 subdued\\nby Parliamentarians, 178 defini-\\ntive union with England, 201\\nrule under the Protectorate,\\n220, 221\\nScout-master, 84\\nSea power, Spanish, in sixteenth\\ncentury, 227\\nSecession, right of, in American\\nStates, 62\\nSectaries, Parliamentarian intoler-\\nance of, 116; hatred of the Kirk\\nfor, 169\\nSelf-denying Ordinance, the, 93, 94\\nSelf-government, qualities of, 235\\nServing men and tapsters, 73\\nSevern, river, 71\\nSeymour, American Vice-Presi-\\ndent, 103\\nSheridan, American cavalry com-\\nmander, 70; compared with\\nCromwell in pursuit, 171\\nShip Money, 34 payment of, re-\\nfused by Hampden, 35, 45 de-\\nclared illegal by Long Parlia-\\nment, 54\\nShort Parliament, hostility of, to\\nCharles I., 41. See also Parlia-\\nment\\nSixty-seventh Regiment, Crom-\\nwell s captaincy in, 58\\nSkippon, Parliamentarian major-\\ngeneral, wounded at Naseby, 97\\nSlavery, prisoners of Puritans sold\\ninto, 129, 153 in the United\\nStates, 193\\nSligo, captured, 148\\nSmithfield, 39\\nSoldiers, citizen and regular types\\ncompared, 64-69 veterans at\\nMarston Moor, 87 pay neglect-\\ned by Parliament, 116 Scotch at\\nPreston, 128 their ready changes\\nof allegiance, 129; religion not\\nalways a cause of efficiency\\namong them, 166\\nSouth Africa, volunteers in, 67\\nSouth American republics, 193\\nSoutherners, in the United States,\\n102\\nSpain, feared by England in six-\\nteenth century, 14 supremacy\\nof, 14 her barbarities compared\\nwith those of Turkey, 15 nat-\\nural foe of France, 17 sea power\\ncrushed by the Dutch admirals,\\n18 oppressions of the Dutch,\\n36, 14b her cruelties, 162 her\\ncolonial policy, 224 Cromwell s\\ninterference with, 226; war with\\nFrance, 226, 227 defeated by\\nEngland in the Netherlands,\\n229\\nSpaniards, English victories over\\nthem on the sea, 182 their\\ncruelty, 218\\nSpeaker of the House, Cromwell s\\nletter to, 105\\nSpeeches, character of Cromwell s,\\n202, 205\\nStar Chamber, the, 28 its subser-\\nviency to the King, 32 Crom-\\nwell s hatred of, 53 abolished\\nby Long Parliament, 54\\nStates rights, doctrine of, in the\\nUnited States, 62 in English\\ncounties, 63\\nSteward. See Cromwell, Eliza-\\nbeth S.\\nStirling, assembling of Scotch\\nforces there, 174\\nStrafford, Lord, minister of Charles\\nI., his jealousy of Buckingham,\\n27 his abetting of the King, 33\\nraised to the Peerage, 34 his\\nrule in Ireland, 35, 36; returns\\nfrom Ireland, 41 his impeach-\\nment and defence, 51 death,\\n53 the King s treachery to him,\\n137\\nStrategy, lack of, in 1643, 79; Crom-\\n258", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nwell s principles of, i6 8 Stone-\\nwall Jackson s and Cromwell s\\ncompared, 171\\nStuart, American Confederate\\ncavalry commander, 70\\nStuart, House of the, 139 its weak-\\nness against the Commonwealth,\\n139; re-establishment of, 233\\nStuarts, the English Kings, 7\\nEngland under their rule, 3\\ntheir supposed spiritual suprem-\\nacy, 9 their ignorance of their\\npeople, 11 weakness of their\\ndomestic and foreign policy, 20\\ntheir belief in the divine right of\\nkings, 21 reactionary type of,\\n24 their power curtailed by Pe-\\ntition of Right, 28 Charles I.\\nthe type of, 134 their bearing\\nin exile, 199 comparisons with\\nCromwell, 211 their Restora-\\ntion, 214 taxation during their\\nreigns, 216, 225\\nSuffrage, manhood, advocated by\\nthe Levellers, 112 under the\\nProtectorate, 201\\nSunday, observance of, 214\\nSupreme Council of Dublin, the,\\n150\\nSweden, champion of the Reforma-\\ntion, 26\\nSwiss mercenaries, hired by Crom-\\nwell, 228\\nSwords, use of, by cavalry, 60\\nSyracusans, the, oppressions of,\\n210\\nTactics, shock and fire compared,\\n59 at Marston Moor, 86 Scots\\nat Preston, 125\\nTartar yoke in Russia, the, 210\\nTaxation, in England, by Parlia-\\nment, 184 under the Protec-\\ntorate, 216 under the Common-\\nwealth, 217\\nTen Commandments, the, 46\\nThirty Years War, the, France s\\nshare in, 17 in Germany, 26\\nits height at death of Gustaphus,\\n39 its influence on Cromwell,\\n44 soldiery in, 65 Cromwell s\\ninclination to take part in it, 118\\nThornhaugh, Colonel, Parliamen-\\ntary leader of horse, 128\\nTilly, 129, 156\\nTimoleon, 208\\nTithes, 193\\nTolerance, in the modern world,\\n12 falseness of, in seventeenth\\ncentury, 19. See also Catholics\\nCromwell Puritans, etc.\\nTonnage and poundage, 29 dec-\\nlaration against its pay without\\nParliamentary consent, 31 de-\\nclared illegal by Long Parlia-\\nment, 54\\nTories, in America, 217\\nTower of London, the, Eliot s im-\\nprisonment there, 32 Laud s, 52\\nTrade, in Europe, in the seven-\\nteenth century, 182\\nTrim (Ireland), captured by Par-\\nliamentarians, 157\\nTromp, the elder, in the Spanish\\nwars, 18, 182\\nTudors, English sovereigns, un-\\narmed despots, 10, 11 their re-\\nlations with English commercial\\nclasses, 10 with middle class, 10\\nTunis, Blake at, 228\\nTurenne, regular soldiers under,\\n145 service of British troops\\nunder, 229\\nTurks, cruelty of, 218, 228\\nTyranny, English intolerance of,\\n11 Cromwell s tyranny defined,\\n210 et seq., 216; Charles I. s, 234\\nUlster, Scotch Presbyterians at,\\n122 Irish rising there, 146\\ncaptured by Parliamentarians,\\n150 massacres by Cromwell-\\nians there, 151, 157 under the\\nProtectorate, 223\\nUltramontanes, the, 148, 150\\nUniforms, variety of, in Parliamen-\\ntary army, 64 origin of present\\nEnglish, 229\\nUnion, War o f the, in the United\\nStates, 193 its salutary effects,\\n208. See also American Civil\\nWar\\nUnitarians, 78\\nUnited States, the, religious toler-\\nance of, compared with Crom-\\nwell s England s, 49 political\\ntheorists, 113 Abolitionists, 192\\nConstitution of, 196 government\\nof, 198 practical good sense of,\\n219\\nVallky Campaigns, Stonewall\\nJackson s, 171\\nVane, Sir Harry, 185, 187\\n259", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nVan Heemskirk, his prowess\\nagainst Spain, 18\\nVaudois, the, persecutions of, 220,\\n227\\nVenahles, at San Domingo, 229\\nVenetian government, Puritans\\nprisoners sold to, 129\\nVerdelin, Regiment of, 225\\nVerney, 154\\nVeto, the Protector s, 197\\nVictoria, Queen, 135\\nVirginia, Puritans prisoners there,\\n129\\nVolunteers (soldiery), in American\\nCivil War, 65 compared with\\nregulars, 66-69 Ironsides as,\\n144 rawness of, 167\\nWales, Royalist rising there in\\nSecond Civil War, 121 Crom-\\nwell s administration there, 216\\nWallenstein, 129, 156\\nWaller, Parliamentary general, at\\nCopredy Bridge, 91\\nWar-ships, Dutch, 182\\nWashington, compared with Pym\\nand Hampden, 5, 36 his supe-\\nriority over Cromwell, 53 his\\nregular soldiery, 91 character\\nof, 101 disinclination to dicta-\\ntorship, 102 his lofty plane,\\n103 his judicious government,\\nno; his statesmanship, 188, 190\\nhis influence on the United\\nStates Constitution, 196 his\\nforbearance, 207\\nWaterloo, Battle of, compared\\nwith Marston Moor, 90\\nWayne, American Revolutionary\\ngeneral, 91\\nWellington, 145\\nWelsh War, 121, 122\\nWentworth, Sir Thomas, 27 char-\\nacter of, 33. See also Strafford\\nWest Indies, English rule in, 229\\nWestminster, Long Parliament\\nmeets there, 41 Cromwell in-\\nstalled there, 199\\nWestminster Hall, Cromwell s\\nhead exposed there by Restora-\\ntionists, 233\\nWest Point, advantages of its\\ntraining, 67\\nWexford, Cromwellian atrocities\\nthere, 155 Cromwell s storming\\nof, 157, 158, 160\\nWhigarnore Raid, the, in Scot-\\nland, 130\\nWhitehall, Palace of, 42, 57\\nCharles I. beheaded there, 137\\nWhitewarts, the, at Marston Moor,\\n89\\nWilliam the Conqueror, his Lords,\\n108\\nWilliam III., English King, 100;\\nhis ability, 101 the real succes-\\nsor of Cromwell, 234, 235\\nWilliams, original name of the\\nCromwells, 42\\nWilloughby, Lord, Parliamenta-\\nry general, at Gainsborough, 81,\\n82 Cromwell s charges against,\\n85\\nWilson, American cavalryman, 70\\nWinceby, Battle of, 83\\nWinchester, occupied by Crom-\\nwell, 98\\nWinchester, Marquis of, Royalist\\nleader, 98\\nWinwick Church, the Scotch at.\\n128\\nWorcester, Battle of, 175, 177, 180;\\nanniversary of, 231\\nWord of the Lord, the, 46, 47\\nYeomanry, in England, 59, 61\\nYork, the siege of, 85 fall of, 90\\nYorkshire, neutrality of, 63 its\\ntroops at Marston Moor, 86 el\\nseq. rising for Charles I. there,\\n121 troops in Second Civil\\nWar, 124; at Preston, 127", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "5 1 lesi", "height": "3163", "width": "1587", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "S S\\nOS t\\n*o\\nv58Bf v\\naV\\n\u00c2\u00abM\\n^d\u00c2\u00ab\\nOS *S r\\nw \\\\4\\n?Ss o\\nK\\nC\\nA\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2V /A v. w\\ni ^raH^vS 1 z 7/7/ a ^.v\\n~0?\\nV u..\\n.0?\\n5", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "Ha\\nQ\\n9?. o-\\nV.,%", "height": "3132", "width": "1830", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\nIII\\nll 1 1 Ml II\\n7 252 831 1", "height": "3258", "width": "1872", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00roos_0376.jp2"}}