{"1": {"fulltext": "IP\\n1\\nM!!mi !i!\\ni;! ip liiilniii\\niflPHf i J .i p!!\u00e2\u0084\u00a2\\n(iip lite\\niiijiiiiiii\\nlllii i\\nmm\\nI", "height": "3773", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "b\\n-^r\\ni^ ^9%\\nr Z o\\no-\\n,0^\\nv^^\\nK^^^.\\n(\\\\V N G\\ni ^^^L\\n^IW,\\nA\\nsc* V^^ W f\\n/v-^^ 6^\\n0\\n4^.\\nXs\\nv..\\nc*^", "height": "3544", "width": "2160", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "4\\nH\\nCP H\\noo^\\noo^\\n9 M\\n0^ V#\\ni I-\\ny I-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2V\\n,c,\\n\\\\1/ o\\n81\\n8 1 A\\n,0 o\\nV\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a20^\\ns^\\nav\\no^^\\nc,^\\nV-\\n-o^\\nb 0^\\nx\\nA", "height": "3544", "width": "2160", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3544", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3544", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "SOURCE-BOOK\\nOF\\nENGLISH HISTORY", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3544", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "SOURCE-BOOK\\nOF\\nENGLISH HIST,ORY\\nLEADING DOCUMENTS\\nTOGETHER WITH\\nILLUSTRATIVE MATERIAL FROM CONTEMPORARY\\nIVRITERS\\nAND A\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES\\nBY\\nGUY CARLETON LEE, PH.D.\\nOF JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY\\nNEW YORK\\nHENRY HOLT AND COMPANY\\n1900", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "46208\\nL-ibr ry of jc*rt^fC9a\\n^WU Cl P \u00e2\u0082\u00aci^ Ktct /ED\\nSEP 12 1900\\nsicom COPY.\\n0\u00c2\u00abl wonif to\\nOROiH DIVISION,\\nOCT 9 1900\\ny^h2 i^^\\nCopyright, tgoo,\\nBY\\nHENRY HOLT CO.", "height": "3544", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "I dedicate this volume, by his kind permission, to\\nXLbc *RiQbt IRevcrcnO CClUUam Stubbs\\nLORD BISHOP OF OXFORD\\nIn appreciation of his contributions to\\nhistorical literature", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3544", "width": "2133", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nIn editing this volume I have differed from the plan\\nof selection adopted by Bishop Stubbs, in that I have in-\\ncluded illustrative material not strictly documentary\\nand I have departed from the method of Professor Hart\\nfrom whom I have borrowed the name, source-book\\nin that I have included the great constitutional and legal\\ndocuments which furnish the framework of the history\\nof national development.\\nThough I have differed in details of editing from these\\nlearned scholars, to whom students and teachers of his-\\ntory are under great obligations, yet I have striven for\\nthe same result that they have so successfully attained,\\nin that their works are not only useful tools for the class-\\nroom and authoritative reference works for the library\\nbut are interesting to the general reader.\\nThe scope of this collection of sources is such as to\\nmake it available for use with any text-book upon Eng-\\nlish History. It extends from the first mention of Britain\\nby ancient historians to the last great treaty with the\\nBoers of South Africa. Thanks to the liberality of my\\npublishers, who have regarded the work from the educa-\\ntional rather than the commercial point of view, I have\\nbeen enabled to add to its usefulness by including much\\nillustrative material hitherto inaccessible to most stu-\\ndents.\\nThe first part of the volume is devoted to a working\\nbibliography of sources. An attempt has been made to\\ncite nearly every important collection by title; and,\\nwhere an omission has been found to be necessary, the\\nstudent is furnished with such bibliographical informa-\\nvii", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "Vlll\\nPREFACE\\ntion as will enable him to find material for the epoch\\nunder consideration. I desire to express my obligations\\nin this department to the erudite and invaluable works of\\nProfessor Charles Gross and of the late Sir Thomas\\nDuff us Hardy to them the student must always turn for\\nbibliographical detail.\\nIn editing this volume I have in most cases modern-\\nized the spelling, punctuation, and capitalization of the\\nexcerpts, believing that documents are most useful in\\ntheir most readable form. I have, however, preserved\\nthe original style when necessary to bring out the full\\neffect of the selections. In selecting matter from printed\\ntexts I have sought to excerpt from the most approved\\neditions without reference to date of their publication.\\nIn choosing from reprints I have preferred the official\\neditions. In deciding upon translations I have selected\\nand edited those which in my opinion most faithfully\\npresent the meaning of the best manuscripts. The senti-\\nments expressed in the selections are those of the respect-\\nive authors; I am obliged to disclaim any responsibility\\nfor them.\\nI desire to express my gratitude to authors and pub-\\nlishers for the use of much valuable material. I have\\ntaken pains to acknowledge special obligations by indi-\\ncating my sources at the close of each selection. I am\\nespecially grateful for the many privileges and kind-\\nnesses which I have received from Philip R. Uhler, Pro-\\nvost of the Peabody Library, and his assistants, all of\\nwhom have been untiring in their efforts to aid me in my\\nwork,\\nI shall be under obligations to my fellow-labourers in\\nthe field of history if they will advise me of any sins of\\nomission or commission which they may note.\\nG. C. L.\\nHistorical Department\\nJohns Hopkins University\\nMay, 1900", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nPART I\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES\\nChapter I Historians, Catalogues and Collections\\nSECTION PAGE\\n1. The Historians 3\\n2. Catalogues of Sources 5\\n3. Great Collections of Materials 9\\nChapter II Sources Arranged by Epochs\\n4. Pre-Norman Period 26\\n5. From the Conquest to the Charter 31\\n6. From the Charter to the Reformation 34\\n7. The Tudor Period 40\\n8. The Struggle for Constitutional Government 49\\n9. The Hanoverian Period 55\\n10. Nineteenth Century 61\\nPART II\\nTHE PRE-NORMAN PERIOD\\n{circa 425 B.C. to 1066 a.d.)\\nChapter III The Britain of the Ancients\\n11. First Mention of the Islands afterwards called British 65\\n12. First Mention of the Islands by Name 65\\n13. Evidence of Increasing Interest in the British Islands 66\\n14. First Roman Invasion of Britain 66\\n15. Description of the Britons 68\\n16. Characteristics of the Britons 69\\n17. The Tin Mines of Britain 70\\n18. Phases of the Roman Occupation 72\\n19. Consequences of the Withdrawal of the Romans 76\\n20. The Power of Britain revives 77\\nix", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "X CONTENTS\\nChapter IV The Birth of the English Nation\\nSECTION PAGE\\n21. The Ancient Germans 79\\n22. Coming of Hengist and Horsa 8o\\n23. England becomes One Kingdom 82\\n24. Reestablishment of Christianity 84\\nChapter V Anglo-Saxon Laws\\n(The Dooms of the Kings Alfred, Athelstan, and Edgar)\\n25. Of a Man s Eye- Wound and of various other Limbs 87\\n26. Of Lordless Men 88\\n27. Of Landless Men 88\\n28. Of the Doom concerning Hot Iron and Water 88\\n29. Of Wer-Gilds 89\\n30. Of People s Ranks and Law 90\\n31. How the Hundred shall be held 91\\n32. Ordinance of King Edgar Church-Scots 92\\n2,2,- Tithes 92\\n34. Hearth Penny 92\\n35. Festivals and Fasts 93\\n2,^. Secular Ordinance 93\\nChapter VI The Danes in England\\n2,7- Danish Invasions 96\\n38. Alfred at Athelney 97\\n39. Alfred and Guthrum s Peace 98\\n40. Second Period of Danish Invasion 99\\n41. Laws of Canute loi\\n42. Charter of Canute 103\\n43. Letter of Canute to his People 105\\nPART III\\nFROM THE CONQUEST TO THE CHARTER\\n(1066 to 1215)\\nChapter VII The Norman Rule\\n44. Invasion of England m\\n45- Coronation Oath of William the Conqueror 117\\n46. Administration of William I17\\n47- Character of William Il8\\n48. Doomsday Survey .119", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS 3d\\nSECTION PAGE\\n49. A Doomsday Manor 121\\n50. Letter of William I. to Gregory VII 121\\n51. Royal Supremacy 122\\n52. Separation of Spiritual and Lay Courts 122\\n53. First Charter of the City of London 123\\n54. Exactions of William Rufas 124\\n55. Charter of Liberties of Henry 1 124\\n56. Charter of the City of London (from Henry I.) 127\\n57. The Investiture Controversy 128\\nChapter VIII The Early Angevins\\n58. Henry II. and Thomas a Becket at the Council of\\nWoodstock 130\\n59. The Council of Westminster 131\\n60. The Constitutions of Clarendon 133\\n61. The King s Rash Words and Becket s Death 137\\n62. The Assize of Clarendon 138\\n6^. Constitution of the King s Household 141\\n64. The First Coronation of Richard 1 147\\n65. Levying a Feudal Aid 149\\nPART IV\\nFROM THE CHARTER TO THE REFORMATION\\n(1215 to 1529)\\nChapter IX The Papal Authority Triumphant\\n66. The Struggle between John and Innocent HI 155\\n67. England under the Interdict 156\\n68. John Excommunicated by Name 157\\n69. The Pope deposes the King 158\\n70. The Papal Legate in England 159\\n71. The Repentance of the King 160\\n72. John resigns Crown and Kingdom to the Pope 160\\n72. John does Homage to the Pope 162\\n74. Declaration of Laws and Rights 164\\nChapter X The Winning of the Charter\\n75. Rising of the Barons 165\\n76. Conference held by the Barons 165\\n77. Demands of the Barons 166", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "Xll\\nSECTION\\nCONTENTS\\nPAGB\\n78. London given up to the Barons 168\\n79. Meeting at Runnymede 168\\n80. The Magna Charta 169\\nChapter XI The Growth of Law\\n81. Summonses to Parliament 181\\n82. Confirmation of the Charters 184\\n83. Ecclesiastical Sanction of the Confirmation of the\\nCharters 186\\n84. De Tallagio Non Concedendo 186\\n85. Law of Mortmain 187\\n86. Freedom of Parliament 189\\n87. Taxation of Religious Houses 189\\n88. The Statute of Quia Emptores 193\\n89. Coronation Oath of Edward II I95\\n90. A Statute of Provisors (1352) I95\\n91. First Statute of Treasons 196\\n92. Second Statute of Provisors 198\\n93. Great Statute of Praemunire 199\\nChapter XII The Black Death\\n94. Spread of the Plague 203\\n95 Statute of Labourers 206\\nChapter XIII Lollardy\\n96. Wycliffite Conclusions 209\\n97. Bull of Pope Gregory XL against Wycliffe 211\\n98. Reply of Wycliffe to a Summons from the Pope 212\\n99. De Hseretico Comburendo 214\\n100. Henry V. to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London 217\\nloi. Henry V. to the Sheriff of Kent 219\\n102. Henry VI. to the Abbot of St. Edmondsbury 220\\n103. Mandate for the Burning of a Heretic 222\\nPART V\\nTHE TUDOR PERIOD\\n(1509 to 1603)\\nChapter XIV The Divorce Question\\n104. Henry Attempts to secure the Aid of the Church 227\\n105. Speeches at the Trial 229", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS xiii\\nSECTION PAGE\\nio6. Divorce Proceedings announced to the House of Com-\\nmons 231\\nChapter XV Henry VHI and the Church\\n107. Payment of Annates to the Pope Forbidden 234\\n108. Appeals to Rome Prohibited 236\\n109. Henry s Attitude toward Heretics 237\\nno. Submission of the Clergy 239\\n111. Act of Supremacy 243\\n112. Denial of the Authority of the Pope 244\\n113. Dissolution of the Monasteries 244\\n114. Confession made with the Surrender of a Monastery 247\\n115. Directions for Visitations of Monasteries 247\\n116. Letters concerning the Suppression of the Monasteries 256\\n117. Summons to the Pilgrimage of Grace 263\\n118. Lancaster Herald s Mission to the Insurgents 263\\n119. The Six Articles 267\\n120. The Bible in the English Churches 269\\n121. Church Services to be in English 271\\nChapter XVI The Reign of Edward VI\\n122. Regulations concerning the Sacrament of the Lord s\\nSupper 273\\n123. Act of Uniformity 274\\n124. Against Books and Images 277\\n125. Journal of Edward VI 279\\nChapter XVII The Reaction against Protestantism\\n126. Lady Jane Grey s Claim to the Throne 281\\n127. Execution of Lady Jane Grey 285\\n128. Mary s Claim to the Throne 286\\n128a Reply of the Council 287\\n129. Mary s Status as Queen 289\\n130. Mary attempts to restore Church Lands 291\\n131. Mary s Orders for the Execution of John Hooper 292\\n132. The Burning of Ridley and Latimer 293\\nChapter XVIII Elizabeth\\n133. Classes of the People in the XVIth Century 298", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "xiv CONTENTS\\nSECTION PAGE\\n134. The Anglican Standpoint 300\\n135. The Presbyterian Position 302\\n136. Whitgift s Articles touching Preachers and other Or-\\nders for the Church 304\\n137. Puritan Demands 3^5\\n138. Privileges of Parliament 306\\n139. Elizabeth and Mary Stuart 307\\n140. Defeat of the Spanish Armada 309\\n141. Armada Speech of Elizabeth 310\\n142. Execution of Margaret Qitherow 312\\n143. Death of Elizabeth 313\\nChapter XIX Elizabethan Seamen\\n144. Hawkins Third Voyage 316\\n145. Drake s Famous Voyage 319\\n146. Frobisher s First Voyage 325\\n147. The Beginnings of American Colonization 327\\nPART VI\\nTHE STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERN-\\nMENT\\n(1603 to 1688)\\nChapter XX The Reign of James I.\\n148. Coronation Oath of James 1 335\\n149. Crown above the Courts 336\\n150. King is above the Law 337\\n151. Millenary Petition 338\\n152. Levying a Feudal Aid 341\\n153. Benevolences 342\\n154. James I. and the Commons 344\\nChapter XXI The Puritan Revolution\\n155. The Petition of Right 348\\n156. First Writ of Ship-Money 352\\n157. Ship-Money declared Illegal 355\\n158. Charles I. and Strafford 357\\n158a Charles I. to the House of Lords in behalf of the\\nEarl of Strafford 358\\n158b Parliament considers King s Letter 359\\n159- A Summary of Grievances 360", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS XV\\nSECTION PAGE\\ni6o. The Charge against the King 364\\n161. Charles refuses to Plead 366\\n162. The Sentence of the King 368\\n163. The Death Warrant of Charles 1 372\\nChapter XXII England a Commonwealth\\n164. Act abolishing the Office of King 273\\n165. House of Lords Abolished S7^\\n166. England declared to be a Commonwealth 376\\n167. Instrument of Government 377\\n168. Cromwell disciplines his first Parliament 387\\n169. Cromwell and the Kingship 389\\n170. Richard Cromwell becomes Lord Protector 392\\nChapter XXIII The Restoration\\n171. Declaration of Breda 394\\n172. Reception of the Declaration of Breda by Parliament 396\\n173. Commons thank Sir John Grenville 397\\n174. Resolutions of Parliament urging the King to Return 398\\n175. Beginning of Cabinet Government 398\\n176. Opinion of French Court concerning Members of Cabal 398\\n177. Habeas Corpus Act 400\\n178. James II. and the Catholics 409\\n179. The Last Appeal 412\\nPART VII\\nENGLAND A CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY\\nChapter XXIV The Glorious Revolution\\n180. Memorial from the Church of England to the Prince\\nof Orange 417\\n181. The Prince of Orange reorganizes the Government 418\\n182. The Lords invite William to undertake the Government 419\\n183. The Manner of Summoning Parliament 419\\n184. Answer of the Prince to the Suggestions of the Lords 420\\n185. William of Orange to the Commons 421\\n186. The Commons answer the Prince 421\\n187. The Prince s Address to Parliament 422\\n188. The Parliamentary Title of the Sovereign of England 423\\n189. The Bill of Rights 424\\n190. Act of Settlement 431", "height": "3544", "width": "2095", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "xvi CONTENTS\\nSECTION\\nPAGB\\n191. Jesuits in England under William 436\\n192. Dissenters in the Eighteenth Century 438\\nChapter XXV Union between England and Scotland\\n193. Queen Anne s Speeches on Union of England and Scot-\\nland 443\\n194. Union between England and Scotland 445\\nChapter XXVI The Jacobite Rebellions\\n195. The Proclamation of James III 456\\n196. Landing of the Young Pretender 458\\n197. Escape of Prince Charles at Moy Hall 460\\n198. After Culloden 462\\n199. Bond given by the Young Pretender 464\\n200. Execution of the Rebel Lords 464\\nChapter XXVII John Wilkes\\n201. No. 45 of the North Briton 467\\nChapter XXVIII American Independence\\n202. Question of Taxation 474\\n203. Policy of Conciliation 475\\n204. Right to Tax 477\\n205. Character of the Colonists 480\\nChapter XXIX Union of Great Britain and Ireland\\n206. The Union Advocated 483\\n207. Grattan Opposes the Union 485\\n208. Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland 487\\nPART vm\\nTHE NINETEENTH CENTURY\\nChapter XXX Emancipation\\n209. No-Popery Riots 497\\n210. Speech of King George on Catholic Emancipation 500\\n211. Speech of the Attorney General against the Catholic\\nEmancipation Bill 501\\n212. Speech of Lord Plunkett for the Emancipation Bill 504", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS xvii\\nSECTION PAGE\\n213. The Duke of Wellington on Emancipation 511\\n214. End of Jewish Disability 509\\n215. Oaths Act 510\\n216. Jewish Relief Act 513\\n217. End of the Slave Trade 515\\nChapter XXXI Parliamentary Reform\\n218. Speech on the First Reform Bill 519\\n219. Prorogation of the Anti-Reform Parliament 523\\n220. Passage of the First Reform Bill 527\\nChapter XXXII Chartism and Corn Law Repeal\\n221. First National Petition 531\\n222. Presentation of the National Petition 537\\n223. Suffering of the Lower Classes 537\\n224. Repeal of the Corn Law 539\\nChapter XXXIII Australia\\n225. Establishment of the Colony 542\\n226. First Penal Settlement 545\\n227. Discovery of Gold 549\\n228. Result of the Finding of Gold 551\\nChapter XXXIV The Indian Empire\\n229. English at Surat and Bombay 554\\n230. Letter of Warren Hastings 557\\n231. Cession of India to the English Crow^n 562\\n232. Victoria, Empress of India 565\\nChapter XXXV England and the Transvaal\\n2: Sand River Convention 583\\n234. Convention of Pretoria 571\\n235. Convention of London 580\\nBibliographical Index 587\\nSubject Index 603", "height": "3539", "width": "2068", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "PART I\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES", "height": "3539", "width": "2068", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I\\nHISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, AND COLLECTIONS\\nSECTION 1. THE HISTORIANS\\nThe student of history should be able to recall without\\neffort the names of the principal historians of his chosen\\nfield. With the names should be associated in his memory\\nthe important works of those historians, and of these works\\nthe scope and value should be known. As study becomes\\nmore intensive and the field of research narrower or more\\nthoroughly explored, his bibliography of the subject should\\nattain a comprehensiveness that includes all available\\nmaterial.\\nBibliographies are too often mere collections of names,\\nseries of titles which form a catalogue whose value varies\\nwith the knowledge possessed as to each item. Such in-\\nsufficiency of equipment more often results from lack of a\\ntrue conception on the part of the student of his needs than\\nfrom unwillingness to gain the requisite knowledge.\\nThe most extended and minute knowledge of authors and\\ntheir works is incomplete is, we may say, of little worth\\nunless it includes a valuation of the items of evidence\\nwhich bibliography furnishes. This appraisement must be\\nthe work of the student himself, and by his success must be\\nmeasured his understanding of history. To acquire the\\npower of correctly gauging the weight of this or that his-\\ntorian is by no means easy; but it is not impossible. The\\nwork of critics and essayists will give views worthy of most\\nrespectful consideration but such work is too often special\\npleading, and in the last instance the student must, as did\\nthe critic, investigate for himself the personality, the environ-\\nment, and the opportunities of the writer whose work is\\nunder examination. Until a knowledge of these is gained,\\neven a study of original materials fails to reveal the mean-\\ning and purport of history.\\n3", "height": "3539", "width": "2068", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "4 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nI\\nBOSTON, JOHN (b. d. 1410) Catalogus Scriptorum\\nEcclesicB.\\nValuable for its account of the libraries of England in the\\nfourteenth century. Of slight worth in accounts of individual\\nauthors. The Catalogus has been reprinted in part in No.\\nVII. Boston is the first of the English Bibliographers.\\nII\\nLELAND, JOHN (b. 1506; d. 1552) De Rebus Britannicis\\nCollectanea, ed. T. Hearne. Oxford, 171 5. Reprinted\\nLondon, 1770. Commentarii de Script orihus Britannicis,\\ned. A. Hall. Oxford, 1709. (A continuation of De Re-\\nbus, etc.)\\nLeland has been called the Father of English Antiqua-\\nries. He was the librarian of Henry VIII., and as King s\\nantiquary was commissioned to search for records and\\nmanuscripts in all cathedrals, colleges, abbeys and priors\\nof England. He was successful in his search, and his\\nworks, of which the two principal ones are noted above, are\\nof great value. Although Boston (No. I) antedates Leland,\\nyet the latter s work was the first important English con-\\ntribution to bibliographical knowledge and was the foun-\\ndation for future publications of similar character.\\nIll\\nBALE, JOHN (b. 1495; d. 1563): Illustrium Majoris Bri-\\ntannia^ Scriptorum, hoc est, Anglice, Cambricu ac Scotia,\\nSummarium. First published Ipswich, 1549. Then in\\nseveral editions at London. Notably the first ed. 1559,\\nunder title Illustrium Majoris Britannice Scriptorum Cata-\\nlogus, a Japheto sanctissimi Noah filio ad An. Dom. 1559.\\nBale was educated in the Catholic faith. He became a\\nProtestant and a most zealous partisan. His life was a\\nstormy one, and his writings reflect the bitterness engendered\\nby the religious controversies in which he was actively en-\\ngaged. Despite his bias and bitterness against all writers\\nnot of his faith, his work is yet of great value because of\\nthe minuteness with which it describes Protestant writers\\nnot elsewhere mentioned.\\nIV\\nPITS, JOHN (b. 1560; d. 1616) Relationum Historicarum\\nde Rebus Anglicis, Tomus primus. Paris 1619. This work\\nis also known as De Illustribus Anglice Scriptoribus. This\\nis the fourth volume of Pits work. The first three vol-.\\numes have never been published. The manuscript is at\\nVerdun, in the library of the collegiate church.", "height": "3523", "width": "2085", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 5\\nPits was a violent Catholic partisan. His work furnishes\\nthe antithesis to that of Bale (No. III.) It is marred by the\\nsame suppressions, exaggerations and misrepresentations in\\nfavour of the Catholics as occur in the work of Bale in\\nbehalf of the Protestants. But the book is of value for its\\ncareful and comprehensive accounts of Catholic writers and\\ntheir works.\\nV\\nCAVE, WILLIAM (b. 1637; d. 1713) Scriptorum Ec-\\nclesiastic or iim Hist or ia Litter aria a Christ o nato usque\\nad Scrcuhmt XIV. First published 1688. The best edition\\nis that of the Clarendon Press, 1740-1743. This contains\\nmany additions by Cave and a continuation by Wharton\\nand Grey bringing the v;^ork down to 15 17.\\nThe work is in the main trustworthy. (See contra, Le-\\nclerc, in Bibliotheque universelle.) Cave was careful, ac-\\ncurate, and able to avail himself of existing sources. The\\nvolume is of especial value in its field of Church History.\\nVI\\nWARE, SIR JAMES (b. 1594; d. 1666) De Scriptorihus\\nHibernice. 1639.\\nThe first of the great bibliographies of Irish History. It\\nis fair, but limited in scope and lacking in detail. Superseded\\nby No. VII.\\nVII\\nTANNER, THOMAS (b. 1674; d. 1735): Bihliotheca Bri-\\ntannic o-Hibernica. London, 1748, ed. D. Wilkins.\\nOn all questions connected with the early literature of\\nour nation. Tanner s Bibliothcca, notwithstanding its many\\nomissions, defects and redundancies, is still the highest au-\\nthority to which the inquirer can refer. See Hardy in No.\\nVIII. The Bibliothcca is based on original research, and yet\\ndue regard was paid to the work of Leland, Bale and Pits.\\nFor details regarding later historians consult Allibone, S.\\nA., Critical Dictionary of English Literature, w^ith supple-\\nment by J. F. Kirk Lee s Dictionary of National Biography,\\nand other cyclopaedic works.\\nSECTION 2. CATALOGUES OF SOURCES\\nCatalogues of Sources are indispensable to the student.\\nTheir uses are varied. The student who is acquainted with\\nthe name of an author or editor turns to the catalogues for", "height": "3539", "width": "2068", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nan enumeration of his works, their contents, and a synopsis\\nof particulars regarding editions, times and places of publi-\\ncation, and reviews, comments, and criticisms; or the name\\nof the work is taken as a basis of research and the same\\nresults are obtained. Again, the investigator may desire\\nto obtain an estimate of the critical value of a work, in a con-\\ndensed form and apart from the point of view of essays and\\nreviews. Lastly, the student may desire to gain a knowledge\\nof the literature upon a given subject, and this is to be found\\nin the catalogues. I have below given references to the most\\nuseful works in this field; but the student should supplement\\nthese and keep abreast of current literature by reference to\\nthe Annual Annotated Bibliography of English History,\\nedited by W. D. Johnston. This has been published in both\\ncard and pamphlet form by the American Library Associa-\\ntion. It will henceforth be found in the Annual Report of\\nthe American Historical Association. Knowledge of the\\nvaluable contributions upon present historical questions may\\nbe obtained by reference to Poole and Fletcher s Index to\\nPeriodical Literature, and also to the Cumulative Index.\\nThe student, however, must not rest content with these\\nsources of information. They will serve for the preparation\\nof the skeleton bibliography, the construction of which should\\nalways precede serious historical investigation; but this\\nframework must be clothed from the references to be found\\nin footnotes and bibliographical lists attached to works upon\\nhis chosen field. Information thus obtained is more directly\\nreferred to its proper place, and assigned its exact value and\\napplication, than is possible in any general catalogue.\\nVIII\\nHARDY, THOMAS DUFFUS: A Descriptive Catalogue\\nof Manuscripts relating to the History of Great Britain\\nand Ireland. Published 1862-1891 in the Rolls Series\\n(No. XXXI) in 3 volumes. Vol. I (2 pts.), 1066;\\nVol. II, 1066-1200; Vol. Ill, 1200-1327. Vol. I, pt. 2, con-\\ntains a catalogue of printed source material up to date of\\npublication.\\nThis catalogue is of the greatest value. It furnishes in\\nconcise form a mass of indispensable data. It is, and must\\nfor years remain, the basis of bibliographical study in early\\nEnglish history. A supplement to Vol. I, Part 2, is needed,\\nbut the student can without difficulty supply the break from\\n1862 to this present date.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 7\\nIX\\nWATT S BIBLIOTHECA BRITANNICA: A General In-\\ndex to British and Foreign Literature, ed. R. Watt. Edin-\\nburgh, 1824.\\nThis catalogue is a mine of information. It is indexed\\nby authors and subjects.\\nX\\nLOWNDES, WILLIAM THOMAS (b. 1800; d. 1843):\\nThe Bibliographer s Manual of English Literature, ed. H.\\nG. Bohn. London, 1864.\\nThis series (11 vols. i2mo) is of great value. Its scope\\nis indicated by the sub-title An Account of rare, curious,\\nand useful books, published in or relating to Great Britain\\nand Ireland, from the invention of printing with biograph-\\nical and critical notices, collations of the rarer articles and\\nthe prices at which they have been sold in the present cen-\\ntury. The appendix volume is especially useful it contains\\nAn Account of books issued by literary and scientific so-\\ncieties and printing clubs books printed at private presses\\nprivately printed series; and the principal literary and scien-\\ntific serials.\\nXI\\nTHE ENGLISH CATALOGUE of Books published from\\n18^5 to January 186^. Comprising the Contents of the\\nLondon and the British Catalogues, etc., etc. London,\\n1864.\\nThis series has been continued to date. Although it leaves\\nmuch to be desired, it is invaluable. Its appendix continues\\nthe work of Lowndes (No. X) in cataloguing publications\\nof learned societies. It thus bridges the gap between\\nLowndes and the Official Year Book of the Scientific and\\nLearned Societies, which was begun in 1884. The scope of\\nthis series is shown by the sub-title of its continuations\\nAn Alphabetical List of Works published in the United\\nKingdom and of the Principal Works published in America.\\nWith dates of Publication, Indications of Size, Price, Edi-\\ntions and Publishers names. For earlier record of printed\\nbooks see the catalogues of Maunsell (1595) A Catalogue\\nof certaine books (1631), London (1658), Clavell (1666-\\n1695), Bent s General Catalogue (1786), London Catalogue\\n(1811-1855) continued by No. XI. See also The American\\nCatalogue.\\nXII\\nGROSS, CHARLES Bibliography of British Municipal\\nHistory, including Gilds and Parliamentary Representa-\\ntion. Published in Harvard Historical Studies, 1897.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nThis is the most modern, the most illuminating, and with-\\nal the most satisfactory work within its chosen field. The\\nscope of the work is even more extensive than indicated by\\nits title.\\nIn addition to the class of w^orks included above, there are\\na number of most helpful volumes upon modern historians.\\nThese do not pretend to be as scientific in treatment or as\\ninclusive in scope as those numbered from I to XII and yet\\nshould be within access of students. Among them I v^^ould\\nenumerate\\nXIII\\nADAMS, C. K. Manual of Historical Literature. New\\nYork, I J\\nThis work comprises brief descriptions of the most im-\\nportant histories. It is a helpful work, and from it may\\nbe obtained impartial and accurate estimates of historical\\nvalues.\\nThe Manual was first published in 1882. No thorough re-\\nvision has been made. The revision of 1888 was not a com-\\nplete one. A new edition of this valuable book is needed.\\nXIV\\nSONNENSCHEIN, W. S. Best Books. A Reader s Guide\\nto the choice of the Best Available Books in every depart-\\nment of Science, Art, and Literature (about ^0,000 titles)\\ndown to i8po, with prices and numerous notes. London,\\n1889. Also, by same editor, A Reader s Guide to Con-\\ntemporary Literature being the first supplement to Best\\nBooks. London, 1894.\\nThese volumes are of the greatest value. They are not\\nonly useful for historical purposes, but furnish a wealth of\\nbibliographical information upon the multitude of questions\\narising in the study of history. Such knowledge is in-\\ndispensable to the thorough student. The student should\\nknow Brunet, J. C. Manuel du Libraire, Paris also Ebert,\\nF. A.: Allgemeines bibliographisches Lexikon, Leipzig,\\n1821-30.\\nThe student will find much biographical information in\\na book whose title would seem to limit it to a particular\\nlibrary, but whose application is not so confined. It is\\nHand-list of Bibliographies, classified Catalogues and In-\\ndexes placed in the Reading Room of the British Museum\\nfor Reference. See also Richard Sims Hand-Book to the\\nlibrary of the British Museum.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS\\nSECTION 3.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 GREAT COLLECTIONS OF MATERIALS\\nThe manuscript sources of English history for the periods\\nafter the Norman Conquest are abundant and valuable.\\nThrough the labours of scores of scholars, working, not for\\ngain, but for the advancement of historical science, the\\nstudent has at his disposal critical editions of a large part of\\nthe most important sources. These texts have been prepared\\nwith an erudition and exhaustiveness that is unsurpassed,\\nperhaps unequalled, in like critical work. The texts have in\\nmany cases been issued in collections and series, and it is my\\npurpose in this section to give a general statement of the\\ncharacters of the most important, and to indicate where de-\\ntailed information concerning them can be found. The\\nedited texts and single translations are enumerated in sec-\\ntions 4 to 10 inclusive. Certain students may shrink from\\nan examination of untranslated sources and I think it in\\nplace to encourage them by the statement that the most ele-\\nmentary knowledge of Latin can because of the simplicity\\nof style, the limitations of vocabulary, and the copious notes\\nand special glossaries of the edited texts easily master the\\nmaterials which are not in English.\\nXV\\nABBOTSFORD CLUB PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis club was instituted at Edinburgh, 1835. Its purpose\\nis the publication of miscellaneous works, illustrative of\\nhistory, literature and antiquities. Its field of work is Scot-\\nland. For list of publications, see Nos. VIII and X and so-\\ncieties catalogues. These latter should be consulted in look-\\ning up every reference herein given to publications of learned\\nsocieties; also No. XI (appendix) and the Official Year\\nBook for work of existing societies.\\nXVI\\nACTA SANCTORUM: quotquot toto orhc coluntnr, vel a\\ncatholids scriptoribus celehrantnr, ex Latinis et Grcrcis;\\naliarumqtie gentium antiquis monnmentis collecta, digesta,\\nnotisque illustrata ab J. Bollando et al. Antwerp, 1643-\\n1794.\\nThis gigantic work is a mine of information upon the\\nlives of the saints, but it is chiefly valuable to the secular\\nhistorian for the light thrown upon the times of the charac-\\nters described. For catalogue of British saints discussed in\\nNo. XVI, see No. VIII under title Acta Sanctorum.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "10 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nXVII\\n^LFRIC SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted in London, 1843, for the pur-\\npose of publishing Anglo-Saxon and other literary monu-\\nments, both civil and ecclesiastical, tending to illustrate the\\nearly state of England. See Nos. VIII and X.\\nXVIII\\nANGLIA SACRA: sive collectio Historiarum, partim anti-\\nquitus, partim recenter scriptarum, de Archiepiscopis et\\nEpiscopis AnglicB, a prima Fidei ChristiancB susceptione\\nad annum MDXL, ed. H. Wharton. London, 1691.\\nFor the contents of this set, whose scope is explained by\\nits title, see No. VIII.\\nXIX\\nARCH^OLOGIA. Published by the Society of Anti-\\nquaries.\\nThe society probably developed from a society which was\\nfounded in 1572. Its publications are valuable and chiefly\\nrelate to the early and middle period of English history.\\nThe catalogue of this series will be found in No. VIIL This\\nseries must not be confounded with the publications of\\nthe scores of Archaeological Societies that exist in Great\\nBritain. Many of these series are of great value. See No. X.\\nXX\\nBALUZE, S. Miscellanea, novo ordine digesta et non pan-\\ncis ineditis monnmentis opportunisque animadversionibus\\naucta, opera ac studio Joannis Dominici Mansi, Lucensis.\\nLucae, 1761.\\nContains various documents not elsewhere so readily ac-\\ncessible. Has been superseded by later works for which see\\nNo. VIIL\\nXXI\\nBANNATYNE CLUB PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis club was organized at Edinburgh, 1823, with the\\nobject of printing rare works illustrative of Scottish history,\\ntopography, etc. Club was dissolved, 1861. Its publications\\nare of value. For catalogue, see Nos. VIII and X.\\nXXII\\nBOUQUET: Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la\\nFrance, ed. M. Bouquet. Paris, 1738-1855.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS ii\\nThe recora of early Gaul and France and England as\\ntraced by contemporary and early historians. Valuable for\\ntexts of chronicles and histories by English and Norman\\nauthors. For contents relating to England, see No. VIII.\\nThis series is sometimes cited as Rerum Gallicarum et Fran-\\ncicarum Scriptores.\\nXXIII\\nBRITISH RECORD SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was founded, in 1898, for the purpose of fur-\\nnishing such information as well as rendering the records\\nmore accessible. Publications of value. See note to No. XV.\\nXXIV\\nCALENDARS OF STATE PAPERS.\\nThe State Papers spring from three great and original\\nsources namely, the offices of the Secretaries of State for\\nthe Foreign, the Colonial, and the Home Departments. In\\nthe State Paper office they are classified under their several\\ndenominations, those emanating from the Home Depart-\\nment being technically called the Domestic Papers. The\\nmultitude of State Papers presents a vast field of valuable\\nmaterial. The student, to whom the papers were accessible,\\nwould without a guide be lost in their mazes. Such a\\nguide is to be found in the valuable Calendars of State Pa-\\npers. These catalogue the documents and abstract their con-\\ntents with a completeness that relieves the ordinary student\\nfrom the task of examining the manuscripts themselves. The\\ncalendars commence with the reign of Henry VIII. They\\nextend, though in broken sequence, to the close of the\\neighteenth century.\\nXXV\\nCAMDEN: Anglica, Hihernica, Normannica, Camhrica, a\\nveterihus scripta, etc. etc., ed. W. Camden. 1602.\\nThis set, as also No. XVIII, has been in part superseded\\nby No. XXXI but it is still of great value to those to whom\\nNo. XXXI is not accessible. For contents of No. XIX,\\nsee No. VIII.\\nXXVI\\nCAMDEN SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was Instituted in London, 1838, for the pur-\\npose of perpetuating and rendering accessible whatever is\\nvaluable, but at present little known, amongst the materials\\nfor the civil, ecclesiastical or literary history of the United\\nKingdom. The work of this society is of great value. Its\\nscope has, since the projection of the Rolls Series (No.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "12 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nXXXI), been devoted to the materials of the i6th, 17th and\\ni8th centuries. Its publications contain a mass of informa-\\ntion not elsewhere accessible. See lists of the society s publi-\\ncations and Descriptive Catalogue of the First series (1838\\nto 1870) ed. J. G. Nichols, Nos. VIII and X. Do not\\ncatalogue the series beyond 1862-64. See XIV, Supplement,\\nand Official Year Book. Also No. XL\\nXXVII\\nCANISIUS: Thesaurus Monumentorum Ecclesiastic ovum et\\nHistoricorum, sive Henrici Canisii Lectiones Antiques, ad\\nSceculorum Ordinem digestce, variisque opusculis auctcu,\\nquibus Prcefationes Historicas, Animadversiones criticas,\\net Notas in singulos auctores, adjecit Jacobus Basnage;\\ncum Indicibus locupletissimis. Antuerpice, apud Rudol-\\nphum et Gerhardum Wetstenios. 1725.\\nThis work in the above, or in the Ingoldstat edition of\\n1601-1604, is of value where more modern texts are inacces-\\nsible; it has, however, been superseded by them. For con-\\ntents, see No. VIII.\\nXXVIII\\nCAXTON SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted in London, 1845, for the pur-\\npose of publishing the chronicles and literature of the\\nMiddle Ages. Its publications have not equaled those of No.\\nXXIII in critical value, but they are useful and in the main\\naccurate. For contents, see No. VIII and note to No. XV.\\nXXIX\\nCHETHAM SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS\\nThis society was instituted at Manchester, 1843, for the\\npurpose of publishing the- historical and literary remains\\nconnected with the Palatine Counties of Lancaster and\\nChester. In its chosen field the publications of the society\\npossess unique value. For contents, see No. VIII and note\\nto No. XV.\\nXXX\\nCOBBETT, WILLIAM: The Parliamentary History of\\nEngland from the earliest period to the year 180^.\\nThis work supersedes (a) Parliamentary or Constitutional\\nHistory .by several hands. London, 1751-61, as well as\\nall previous collections dealing with proceedings on Parlia-\\nment. Yet where Cobbett s work is inaccessible the early\\ncollections are of great importance. Of these the student\\nshould in any case be familiar with {b) D Ewes Journals", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 13\\nof the Parliaments of Queen Eli:;abeth. (c) Chandler and\\nTimberland s Debates, (d) Grey s Debates of the House\\nof Commons from 1667 to 1694. (e) Almons Debates, (f)\\nDebrett s Debates, (f) Parry s The Parliaments and Coun-\\ncils of England. See for other early debates No. X,\\nThe work of Cobbett is continued by No. XLII.\\nXXXI\\nCHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS: Chronicles and\\nMemorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle\\nAges.\\nThis collection is usually cited as the ROLLS SERIES.\\nIt is of the highest value. Its contents see VIII and Lists\\nof series are of such scholarly rank as to possess the\\nhighest authority, and the texts therein contained supersede\\nall previous editions. The scope of the series extends from\\nthe invasion of the Romans to the end of the reign of\\nHenry VII. The texts have been edited after the following\\nplan Texts not to be mutilated or abridged, accepted text\\nto be formed from collation of most authentic manuscripts.\\nAccompanying the texts are valuable introductions, in which\\nmay be found an account of the manuscripts, their peculiari-\\nties, account of the life and times of the author, as well as\\nremarks explaining the chronology.\\nXXXII\\nCOLGANUS, Acta Sanctorum Hihernice, per Joannem\\nColganum edit a. Lovanice, 1645-47.\\nOf considerable interest in its field. For contents, see\\nNo. VIII.\\nXXXIII\\nCOLLECTAN^ ADAMANT.^A\\nThis small series, begun by E. Goldsmith, Edinburgh, in\\n1884, reproduces a number of rare texts they are in most\\ncases translated as well as edited.\\nXXXIV\\nCOUNCILS AND ECCLESIASTICAL DOCUMENTS\\nUnder this head seven series are included because of their\\nespecial importance.\\n(A) CARDWELL, E. Documentary Annals of the\\nReformed Church of England, being a Collection of In-\\njunctions, Declarations, Orders, Articles of Inquiry, etc.\\netc., from 1546 to 17 16. Oxford, 1839.\\nSee also Sparrow s Collection. London, 1661, and later\\neditions.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "14 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n(B) CARDWELL, E. Synodalia, a Collection of Ar-\\nticles of Religion, Canons and Proceedings of Convoca-\\ntions in the Province of Canterbury from 1547 to 1717,\\nwith notes historical and explanatory. Oxford, 1842.\\nInvaluable for history of convocations.\\n(BB) GIBSON S CODEX: Codex Juris Ecclesiastici\\nAnglicani, or the Statutes, Constitutions, Canons, Ru-\\nhricks and Articles of the Church of England, etc., etc., etc.\\nEd. E. Gibson. London, 1703.\\nA valuable work.\\n(C) HADDAN, A. W., and STUBBS, W.: Councils\\nand Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain\\nand Ireland. Oxford, 1869 et seq.\\nThis series is most valuable within its scope, which ends\\n870, for the British Church. With 1295 for the Welsh and\\n1072 for the Cornish.\\n(D) JOHNSON, J.: A Collection of the Laws and\\nCanons of the Church of England from its first Foundation\\nto 1519. Translated into English with explanatory notes.\\nLondon, 1720. Oxford, 1850.\\nThough not entirely satisfactory, this series bridges the\\ngap between XXXIV (C) and XXXIV {A) and {B). Con-\\ntains Lynwood s notes.\\n{E) LYNWOOD, W. Provinciale seu Constitutiones\\nAnglice, continens Constitutiones Provinciales XIV archi-\\nepiscoporum Cantuariensium, vis. a Stephano Langtono ad\\nHenricum Chichle ium. Oxford, 1470-80. Best edition,\\ncui adiicuntur constitutiones Legatince Dom. Othonis et\\nOthotonis [John of Actona s Gloss]. Oxford, 1679.\\nOnly complete view of Ecclesiastical Jurisprudence before\\nthe Reformation in England.\\n{F) SPELMAN, H. Concilia, Decreta, Leges, Consti-\\ntutiones, in re Ecclesiarum Orbis Britannici ab initio\\nChristiance ibidem Religionis ad nostram usque cetatam.\\n1st vol. London, 1669. Ild vol. ed. C. Spelman, London,\\n1664.\\nThe scope of this work extends to 1530. It is not only\\nvaluable in itself, but should be used in conjunction with the\\ntranslated documents in XXXIV A, B, D.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 15\\n(G) WILKINS, D. Concilia magnce Britannico et Hi-\\nbernicr. Accedunt constitutiones et alia. London, 1737-\\nStill valuable.\\n(H) JAFFE, P.: Rcgesta Potitificum Romanorum.\\nLeipzig, 1885.\\nPapal Letters from 64-1198.\\nPOTTHAST, A.: Regesta Pontificum Romanorum.\\nBerlin, 1873-75.\\nPapal Letters from 1 198-1304.\\nXXXV\\nD ARCHERY, D. L. Spicilegium sive Collectio veterum\\naliquot Scriptorum qui in Gallia Bihliothecis delituerant,\\netc., etc. Paris, 1723.\\nOf interest because of the rare letters it contains. For\\ncontents, see No. VIII. This manuscript is supplemented\\nby Vetera Analecta; see No. VIII for title and contents.\\nXXXVI\\nDUGDALES MONASTICON: Monasticon Anglicanum,\\nWilliam Dugdale, ed. Caley, Bandinel and Ellis. London,\\n1817-1830.\\nThis work is indispensable to a study of the ecclesiastical\\nhistory of England and Wales. It covers the period from\\nthe institution to the dissolution of the monasteries. See\\nnote to No. XV.\\nXXXVII\\nEARLY ENGLISH TEXT SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was founded, in 1864, for the purpose of edit-\\ning and reprinting the texts of early English writers. The\\npublications of the society are useful. See note to No. XV.\\nXXXVIII\\nENGLISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted in 1837 for the purpose of\\npublishing the results of bibliographical and chronological\\ninvestigations. Before its dissolution the society issued\\nseveral texts, which are valuable when other editions are un-\\nprocurable. For contents, see No. X and note to No. XV.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "i6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nXXXIX\\nEXCERPT A HISTORIC A; or Illustrations of English\\nHistory, ed. S. Bentley. London, 1831.\\nContains a variety of interesting documents which, though\\nof secondary importance, are of value as illustrating phases\\nof history. For contents, see No. VIII.\\nXL\\nFASTI ECCLESLE ANGLICANS; or, a Calendar of\\nthe Principal Dignitaries in England and Wales, and of\\nthe chief Officers in the University of Oxford and Cam-\\nbridge from the eariest times to the year 1715, ed. John\\nLe Neve. Ed. and cent, by T. D. Hardy. Oxford, 1854.\\nAn indispensable work of reference in its field. See also\\nFasti Ecclesice Hibernice, ed. Cotton. London, 1858.\\nXLI\\nHAKLUYT SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was organized in London, 1846, for the pur-\\npose of publishing rare and valuable voyages, travels and\\ngeographical records. Its purpose has been well carried out.\\nIts publications are of the highest value and should be known\\nto every student. See Nos. VIII, X and note to No. XV.\\nXLII\\nHANZARD, T. C. Parliamentary Debates, from the year\\n180^ to the present time: forming a continuation of the\\nwork entitled The Parliamentary history of England\\nfrom the earliest period to the year 180 f [No. XXX].\\nLondon, 1812-20. Nev^ Series, London, 1820-30. Third\\nSeries, London, 1831-91. Fourth Series, London, 1892-96.\\nFifth Series, now in course of publication.\\nThis series, and that numbered XXX, are invaluable.\\nParliamentary history can best be followed in their volumes.\\nSee also No. XLVII.\\nXLIII\\nHARLEIAN MISCELLANY: a collection of scarce, en-\\nrious and entertaining tracts, ed. Oldys and Park. London,\\n1808.\\nThese volumes contain a mass of material of varying value\\nyet of uniform interest. The student will find much that\\nwill be helpful. These volumes should not be confounded\\nwith those issued by the Harleian Society, which was in-\\nstituted for the publication of inedited manuscripts relating\\nto genealogy, family history and heraldry.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 17\\nXLIV\\nHENRY BRADSHAW SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was founded, in 1890, for the purpose of\\nprinting and editing rare liturgical texts. Its work is im-\\nportant. See note to No. XV.\\nXLV\\nIMPERIAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNITED KINGDOM,\\nTHE COLONIES AND INDIA PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was founded, in 1887, for the purpose of col-\\nlecting and publishing, both by lectures and books, informa-\\ntion regarding the Empire. The work of the society is valu-\\nable for contemporaneous record and future possibilities.\\nSee note to No. XV.\\nXL VI\\nIRISH HISTORICAL SOCIETIES.\\nThe work of the numerous societies is of value, and the\\nstudent should consult No. X for the publications of the\\nIberno-Celtic Society (bibliographical), the Irish Archae-\\nological, and the Irish x\\\\rchaeological and Celtic Societies,\\nboth devoted to the publication of materials for the study of\\nIrish History, See also No. LVI and note to No. XV.\\nXL VII\\nJOURNALS: (a) House of Commons; (b) House of Lords.\\n(a) Journals of the House of Commons. London.\\n(b) Journals of the House of Lords. London.\\nThese extremely valuable series extend from 1547 to date.\\nThey are indexed and in some instances calendared for de-\\ntails, see No. IX. They should be consulted in connection\\nwith Nos. XXX and XLII.\\nXLVIII\\nLAWS AND STATUTES.\\n(A) Anglo-Saxon Period. See No. XCI.\\n(B) Norman Period. In addition to volumes numbered\\nCIV, CV, and CVI, see The Sources of the Law of Eiii^-\\nland, by H. Brunner, trans. W. Hastie. Edinburgh, 1888.\\n(C) From 1215.\\n(a) Statutes of the Realm, ed. A. Luders, T. E.\\nTomlins and others. London, 1810-22.\\nStatutes from 1215 to 1713. Preceded by several\\nearlier charters. Contains valuable introduction on le-\\ngal bibliography.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "i8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n(b) Statutes at Large from Magna Charta, ed. O.\\nRuff head and others. London, 1 763-1800.\\nFrom 1215 to 1800.\\n(c) Statutes at Large of the United Kingdom of\\nGreat Britain and Ireland, ed. T. E. Tomlins and\\nothers. London, 1804-69.\\nFrom 1801-1869.\\n{d) Public General Statutes.\\nFrom 1 830- 1 887.\\n{e) Public General Acts. Published by Authority.\\n1888 and following.\\nFrom these editions may be studied the sequence of legis-\\nlation and the detail of acts from the earliest records to the\\npresent annual publications. In addition to the series men-\\ntioned there are series of Revised Statutes published by-\\nauthority. These are not as valuable for historical research,\\nas they do not contain obsolete statutes. Abridgments and\\nother private editions of the laws are of even less value from\\nthe historical standpoint. The series named are well in-\\ndexed and see for this Gross, Bibliography of Municipal\\nHistory, No. IX as well as works therein mentioned on page\\n13 et seq.\\nThe student should make himself familiar with the prin-\\ncipal series of reports and also with accounts of trials in\\nthe various courts.\\nXLIX\\nLETTERS.\\nVarious important collections of letters have been made.\\nSee the titles in chapter II, also No. VIII.\\nL\\nMABILLON Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Sancti Benedicti in\\nScBculorum Classes distributa Paris, 1688-1701. Venice\\n(reprint), 1733.\\nThis Avork is of value. VIII does not give full list of the\\nlives of the British saints in L, but the exclusion is judicious,\\nas all lives not based upon manuscript sources are excluded.\\nLI\\nMAITLAND CLUB PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis club was instituted at Glasgow in 1828 for the pur-\\npose of printing works illustrative of the antiquities, liter-\\nature and history of Scotland. See Nos. VIII, X and so-\\ncieties catalogues. See also Wodrow Society Publications\\ncatalogue in No. X and No. VIII.\\n4", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "HIST0RIA.\\\\ S, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 19\\nLII\\nMANX SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis societ} was instituted at Douglas, Kle of Man, in\\n1858, for the purpose of pubHshing materials for the history\\nof Soder and Man. The publications afford valuable light\\nin an obscure field.\\nLIII\\nMESSINGHAM, THOMAS: Florilegiiim Lnsiilcr Sancto-\\nrum sen Vitcc et Acta Sanctorum Hibernicc.\\nFor contents, see VIII. For additional lives of the saints\\nand from such writings much of the detail of early his-\\ntory may be obtained see Capgrave s Notq Lcgcnda Anglicc\\n(see No. VIII, p. 736 and note). See Pinkerton s Vita:\\nAntiqucu Sanctoniui Scotice (contents stated in No. VIII).\\nLIV\\nMIGNE, L ABBE: Patriologice Cnrsiis Complctus. Paris,\\n1844-1855. Part of this set exists in a French translation.\\nThis monumental series contains well edited texts of the\\nworks of the early English writers, and also valuable cor-\\nrespondence. See No. VIII for contents.\\nLV\\nMONUMENTA HISTORICA BRITANNICA, or Materials\\nfor the History of Britain, ed. H. Petrie and J. Sharpe.\\nLondon, 1848.\\nA valuable work. Of particular interest because of the\\nmaterial bearing upon earliest British history.\\nLVI\\nOSSIANIC SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted at Dublin, 1853, for the purpose\\nof preserving and of publishing manuscripts in the Irish\\nlanguage illustrative of the Fenian period of Irish history\\nwith literal translations and notes. The publications are of\\ngreat interest. See No. X. See also No. XLVI and note\\nto No. XV.\\nLVII\\nPARKER SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted at Cambridge. 1840. for the\\npurpose of reprinting without abridgment, alteration, and\\nomission, of the best works of the Fathers and early writers\\nof the Reformed English Church, published in the period\\nbetween the accession of King Edward VI. and the death of\\nQueen Elizabeth. See Nos. VIII, X, and note to No. XV.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "20 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nLVIII\\nPARLIAMENTARY WRITS and zvrits of military sum-\\nmons relating to the suit and service due and performed\\nto the King s high court of Parliament and the councils of\\nthe realm, or affording evidence of attendence given at\\nParliaments and councils, ed. F. Palgrave. No. XXX\\nLondon, 1827- 1834.\\nIt\\nf\\nOf this work Professor Gross well says The most elabo\\nrate source for the study of parliamentary history in the\\nreigns of Edward I. and Edward II. See also W. Prynne s\\nA brief register, kalendcr, and survey of the several kinds\\n[and] forms of all parliamentary zvrits. London, 1659-64.\\nExamples extend to 1483. In connection with Parliamentary-\\nWrits, see Parliamentary Papers. 1878, vol. Ixii, parts i-iii.\\nLondon, 1878, for a Return of the name of every member\\nof the lower house of the Parliaments of England, Scotland,\\nand Ireland, with name of constituency represented, and date\\nof return, from 1213 to 1874. Also Parliamentary Papers,\\n1890-91, vol. Ixii, London, 1891, which contains the foregoing\\nto 1885. See also the critical examination of above compila-\\ntions by W. W. Bean in the Parliamentary Returns\\nLondon, 1883.\\nLIX\\nPIPE ROLL SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted in London, in 1883, for the\\npurpose of publishing the Great Rolls of the Exchequer,\\ncommonly called the Pipe Rolls, and other documents prior\\nto the year a.d. 1200. The rolls begin in 2 Hen. II., and ex-\\ntend with but two breaks (i Hen. III. and 7 Hen. IV. this\\nbreak is filled by other records to 1833. The Rolls are\\nof great value. One not in sequence, that of 31 Hen. I., is\\nthe oldest national document, except Doomsday book, now\\nin existence. The student should make himself familiar with\\nthe Charter, Close, Hundred, Patent, Plea, and other Rolls.\\nSee Nos. VIII and X (p. 22 et seq.), and note to No. XV.\\nLX\\nRECORD COMMISSION PUBLICATIONS.\\nUnder the term Records Messrs. Gardiner and Mul-\\nlinger, in their exceedingly valuable little text-book English\\nHistory for Students, include (i) Inrolments which are\\nintended to be official and authentic records of lawful acts\\nmade by the proper officer of any court upon rolls, or, in\\nsome case, in official entry-books of the same court; (2)\\nMemorandum of acts or instruments brought into the proper\\noffice of any court by parties interested therein (or by their\\nagents) eitlier in the form of rolls or otherwise, and pre-", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 21\\nserved in bundles or on files; (3) Books of entries, contain-\\ning memorandum of acts, etc., entered by officers of the\\ncourt; (4) State papers, which form a distinct branch of the\\nrecords.\\nThe publications of the Commission include The Corre-\\nspondence of Henry VIII. (abstracted in No. XXII), The\\nStatutes of the Realm (No. XLVIII, C, a), The Doomsday\\nBook (No. XCI, D), Ancient Lazvs and Institutes (No.\\nXCI, A), and various other important publications, notably\\nindexes, catalogues, and transcripts. See Record Com-\\nmission Catalogue (Macmillan Co. will send on request).\\nSee Handbook to the Public Records, ed. F. S. Thomas,\\nLond. 1853, and Guide to Principal Classes of Documents\\npreserved in Public Record office, ed. R. S. Bird.\\n(ROLLS SERIES. See No. XXX.)\\nLXI\\nROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was founded in London, in 1868. Its publi-\\ncations are varied in subject and of unequal value. They\\nfurnish, however, much information of importance that is\\nnot elsewhere obtainable. Consult the publications of the\\nRoyal Society (not to be confounded with No. LXI) for\\nhistory of the progress of science. See note to No. XV,\\nLXII\\nSCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted, in 1886, at Edinburgh for the\\npurpose of discovering and printing, under selected editor-\\nship, unpublished documents illustrative of the civil, religious,\\nand social history of Scotland. Its publications are valuable.\\nSee note to No. XV.\\nLXIII\\nSCRIPTORES\\nThe items under this head are numerous. In the various\\nseries may be found, with scant exceptions, all the texts of\\nthe writers of the pre-printing epoch in English history. The\\nstudent should be informed as to the contents of the various\\nseries and their critical value. See No. VIII. The names\\nof the principal sets are here given.\\n(a) Scriptores post Bedam, ed. Savile. London, 1596.\\nFrankfort, 1601.\\n(6) Scriptores Decern, Hist or ice Anglicancc, ed. Twys-\\nden. London, 1652.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "22 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n1\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0(c) Scriptorcs Reriim AngUcarum, ed. Fulman. Ox\\nford, 1684.\\n{d) Scriptores XV, Historicc Britanmcce, Saxonicce, An-\\nglo-Daniccr, ed. Gale. Oxford, 1691.\\n(e) Scriptures Varii, Historic Anglicance, ed. Sparkes.\\nLondon, 1723.\\nScriptores Vetnstiores, Reriim Britannicarum, id\\nest Anglice, Scoticu, vicinarumque insiilarum ac regionum,\\ned. Commelin. Heidelberg, 1587.\\n(g) Scriptores N^ormannice, ed. Duchesne. Paris, 1619.\\n(h) Scriptores Veteres reriim Hibernicarum, ed. O Con-\\nor. Buckingham, 1804- 1806.\\n(i) Scriptores Rerum Danicarum Medii JSvi, ed.\\nLangebek. Hafiniae, 1772.\\nLXIV\\nSELDEN SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was founded, in 1887, for the purpose of en-\\ncouraging the study and advancing the knowledge of the\\nhistory of English Law. Its objects in detail are the print-\\ning of manuscript and of new editions and translations of\\nbooks having an important bearing on English legal history\\nthe collection of materials for dictionaries of Anglo-French\\nand of law terms; the collection of materials for a history of\\nEnglish law, etc. etc. The works of the society are of the\\nhighest importance. See note to No. XV.\\nLXV\\nSPALDING CLUB PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis Club was instituted at Aberdeen, 1839, for the pur-\\npose of printing the historical, ecclesiastical, genealogical,\\ntopographical, and literary remains of the North-Eastern\\ncounties of Scotland. See Nos. VIII, X, and the society\\ncatalogues. In connection with Scottish history, see the\\nScottish Burgh Record Society (note to No. XV).\\nLXVI\\nSURTEES SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS.\\nThis society was instituted at Durham, 1834, for the pur-\\npose of publishing inedited manuscripts illustrative of the\\nintellectual, the moral, the religious, and the social condition\\nof those parts of England and Scotland included on the East\\nbetw^een the Humber and the Firth of Forth, and on the West\\nbetween the Mersey and the Clyde the ancient kingdom of\\nNorthumbria. The publications of this society are interest-\\ning and of peculiar value within its chosen field. See Soc.\\nCatgs., also Nos. VIII and X, and note to No. XV.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS, CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 23\\nLXVII\\nTHESAURUS NOVUS ANECDOTORUM: Complectens\\nRe gum ac Principum, aliorumque Virorum illustrium Epis-\\ntolas et Diplomata bene multa. Prodiit nunc primimi studio\\net opera Domni Edmundi Martene et Domni Ursini Du-\\nrand 1717.\\nContains much interesting material. For catalogue, see\\nNo. VIII, also No. LXIX.\\nLXVIII\\nTREATIES AND CONVENTIONS\\n(A) RYMER S FCEDERA: Fecdera, Conventiones,\\nliterce, et cujiiscnmque generis Acta Pnhlica, inter Reges\\nAngUcc et alios quosvis Imperatores, Reges, Pontifices,\\nPrincipcs, vel coiiiniuuitates ed. T. Rymer (14 vol.s.),\\nR. Sanderson (last 6 vols.). London, 1704-35. Several\\nother editions. The best is that edited by A. Clarke and\\nothers for Record Commission. The Series is indexed\\nand commented upon in Syllabus of Documents in Rymer s\\nFa^dera, ed. T. D. Hardy. No. XXXI. 1869-85.\\nRymer s Foedera commences with iioi and concludes with\\n1654. It is invaluable in its chosen field, which, as stated in\\nthe instructions to Thomas Rymer. the historiographer royal,\\nwas: the transcription and publication of all leagues, treaties,\\nalliances, capitulations, and confederacies which had at any\\ntime been made between the crown of England and other\\nkingdoms. The last volume of Foedera is not full, and the\\nwork must be supplemented by No. LXVIII. B.\\n(B) DUMONT S: Corps Universel Diplomatique du\\nDroit des Gens: Contenant un Recueil des Trailer d Al-\\nliance, de Paix, de Treve, de Neutralite, de Commerce,\\nd Echange, etc., etc., depuis le Regne de VEmpereur Charle-\\nmagne jusqiies a present, par J. Dumont. Continued by\\nBarbeyrac and Rousset. Amsterdam, 1739.\\nThis work continues the record of treaties from 315 to\\n1730. Then consult No. LXVIII, C. See also Histoire des\\nTraites de Paix et autrcs negotiations du dix-septieme sieclc,\\ndepuis la paix de Veruins jusqu a la paix de Nimigue, Am-\\nsterdam, 1725. Also Negotiations Secretes, The Hague,\\n1725-1726.\\n(C) WENCK S: Corpus Juris Gentium Recentissimi e\\ntabulariorum exemplorumque fide dignorum monumentis", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "24 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncompositus Fred. Aug. Gid. Wenkii .Tomus Primus\\ncontinens diplomata hide ah anno MDCCXXXV usque ad\\nannum MDCCXLII. Lipsce, MDCCLXXXI. [II, 1743\\nto 1753. Ill, 1753 to 1772.]\\nThe student will next consult No. LXVIII, D.\\n(D) MARTEN S RECUEIL and continuations: Re-\\ncueil de Traites d Alliance, de Paix, de Trcve, de Neutra-\\nlite, de Commerce, de Limites, d Echange, etc., et plnsieurs\\nautres actes servant a la connaissance des relations etran-\\ngeres des Puissances et cfats de I Europe tant dans leiir\\nrapport mutuel que dans celui envers les Puissances et\\netafs dans d autres parties du Globe depuis I/61 jusqu a\\npresent [770^]^ par Geo. Fred, de Martens. Second e edi-\\ntion, revue et augmentce. Gottingen, 1817.\\n{E) Nouveau Recueil depuis 1808 jusqu a present\\nI18/4] .Martens [to 1817 continuations by Murhard,\\nSamwer and Hopfe.\\n(F) Nouveau Supplements an Recueil de Traites, by\\nMurhard [covers 1761-1839].\\n(G) Nouveau Recueil General Continuation du\\nGrand Recueil [that of Martens et al.] Deuxieme\\nSerie [by Samwer, Hopfe and Stoerk]. Gottingen and\\nLeipzig, 1876 et seq. Covers period from 1853 to date and\\nstill in progress.\\nFull indexes and extensive supplements accompany these\\nvolumes (D) to (G) inclusive.\\n(H) HERTSLET S COMMERCIAL TREATIES: A\\nComplete Collection of the Treaties and Conventions and\\nReciprocal Regulations at present subsisting between Great\\nBritain and Foreign Pozuers and of the Lazvs, Decrees and\\nOrders in Council concerning the same as far as they relate\\nto Commerce and Navigation, to the Repression and Aboli-\\ntion of the Slave Trade and to the Privileges and Interests\\nof the subjects, of the high contracting parties. Compiled\\nfrom authentic documents by Lezvis Hertslet, Librarian and\\nKeeper of the Papers, foreign office. London, 1840- 1885.\\nThis important series has a full double index, arranged\\nby subjects and by dates. Various other series of treaties\\nhave been published see note in Encyclopedia Britannica,\\n9th edition. At present, all treaties, not secret, are pub-\\nlished in the London Gazette and in Parliamentary reports.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "HISTORIANS. CATALOGUES, COLLECTIONS 25\\nLXIX\\nVETERUM SCRIPTORUM et Monumentorum, Histori-\\ncorum, Dogmaticorum, Moralium, Amplissima Collect io.\\nComplectcns Regiun et Principum alioriimque virormn\\nillitstriiim Epistolas et Diplomata bene multa. Prodiit\\nnunc primiiin stiidco et opera Domni Edmnndi Martcne,\\net Domni Ursini Durand, presbyterorum et monachonim\\nBenedictinornm e Congrcgratione S. Mauri. Paris, 1724.\\nContains a mass of material. See No. LXVII. For con-\\ntents, see No. VIII.\\nLXX\\nWELSH MANUSCRIPTS.\\nThe four principal societies for the publication of Welsh\\nmanuscripts are\\n(a) Cambrian Archaeological Association, inst. 1846.\\n{b) Cambrian Institute, inst. 1853.\\n(c) Cymmrodorion or Metropolitan Cambrian Institute,\\n1751, revived 1820.\\n(rf) Welsh Manuscripts Society, inst. 1837.\\nDuring the activity of these societies they published many\\nvaluable works. See No. VIII and No. X. For publica-\\ntions, see note to No. XV.\\nLXXI\\nYear Books Les reports des cases argue et adjudge\\nLondon, 1678-80.\\nThe scope of this series extends from Edw. II. to Hen.\\nVIII. For year books antedating Edw. II., see No. XXXI.\\nIn this series also appear various Year Books of Edw. III.\\nIn addition to the series and collections given, the stu-\\ndent is referred to the additional series and to the publica-\\ntions of private presses, catalogued in Lowndes Bibliog-\\nrapher s Manual (No. X), Hardy s Descriptive Catalogue\\n(No. VIII), Watt s Bibliotheca Britannica (No. IX), The\\nEnglish Catalogue (No. XI), and the Official Year Book\\nof the Scientific and Learned Societies of Great Britain and\\nIreland. London, ann. since 1884.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nSOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS\\nIn the sections which follow an attempt has been made to\\ngroup the most important and most accessible sources by\\nepochs. The great collections given in section 2 and 3 are,\\nwith few exceptions, to be found at the university centres\\nof the United States. The sources under sections 4 to 9\\ninclusive are, in most cases, even more readily available.\\nA\u00c2\u00a5hile no attempt has been, or could have been, made to\\nrender source material complete for any epoch, yet the student\\nwill find ample working bibliographies, and by consulting the\\nvolumes mentioned in sections i and 2, the lists given can be\\nmade exhaustive.\\nSECTION 4. THE PRE-NORMAN PERIOD\\nLXXII\\nMATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF BRITAIN:\\nMonumenta Historica Britannica, ed. H. Petrie and J.\\nSharpe. London, 1848. Only one volume published.\\nIndispensable for reprints of references to Britain in early\\nGreek and Latin writers. Greek excerpts are translated.\\nContains copies of ancient inscriptions referring to Britain.\\nAlso ancient British and Roman coins, facsimiles of MSS,\\nmaps. Also texts of Gildas, Nennius, Bede, Short Chronicle\\nof Northumberland, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Asser, Chron-\\nicle of Eathelward, Florence of Worcester, Simeon of Dur-\\nham, Ecclesiastical Register, Henry of Huntingdon, Cam-\\nbrian Annals, Geoffrey Gaimer, Chronicle of the Prince of\\nWales, Song of the Battle of Hastings. Full indices.\\nLXXIII\\nC^SAR, Commentaries on the Gallic War Commentarii\\nde hello Gallico. Many editions of both original text\\nand its translation.\\n26", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 27\\nCaesar s invasions of Britain, description of island and its\\ninhabitants, accounts of the early Germans. For the latter\\nsubject, see also Tacitus, Germania.\\nLXXIV\\nTACITUS, Life of Agricola Agricolcc vita. As of Csesar,\\nmany editions of this work and its translation are acces-\\nsible.\\nActivities of Agricola, Roman occupation of Britain, de-\\nscriptions of island and its inhabitants, supplements Caesar.\\nLXXV\\nGILDAS De Excidio Britannice. Text in Nos. LXXII,\\nLIV, LXIX, XXXVIII, 1838, etc. Translations. Most\\naccessible in Six Old English Chronicles. Bohn Library.\\nTwo parts: ist 55 B.C. to circa 383; 2nd to middle of sixth\\ncentury. The work of Gildas forms the basis of early Eng-\\nlish History.\\nLXXVI\\nBEDE, Ecclesiastical History of the English People His-\\nt erica Ecclesiastica Gent is Anglorum. Of the texts, a\\nnumber of editions are accessible; I prefer edition in No.\\nLXXII and in No. XXXVII. Of the several translations\\nthat by T. Miller in No. XXXVII is useful.\\nCovers period from 55 B.C. to middle of eighth century.\\nFor this period the book is indispensable.\\nLXXVII\\nTHE ITINERARY OF ANTONIUS: Itinerarium Anto-\\nnini August i et Hieroslymitanum, ed. G. Parthey and M.\\nPinder. Berlin, 1848.\\nEnumerates the towns and stations of Roman Britain with\\nintervening distances.\\nLXXVIII\\nTHE OFFICIAL LIST OF THE EMPIRE: Notitia Digni-\\ntatuni et Administrationum omniiun taut Civilium quam\\nMilitarium in Partibus Orientis et Occidentis. Several\\nedit, of texts; see that of O. Seeck. Berlin, 1876.\\nOrganization of Britain under Roman government.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "28 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nLXXIX\\nNENNIUS HISTORY OF BRITAIN: Eulogium BrittanicB\\nsive Historia Britonum, auctore Nennio. Texts in Nos.\\nLXIII; LXXII; XXXVIII. Also in several other edits.\\nTrans. J. A. Giles. Six Old English Chronicles. London,\\n1848.\\nValuable for Welsh history. Ends 688. For a discussion\\nas to value of this work, see Nennius Vindicatus, H. Zim-\\nmer, Berlin, 1893.\\nLXXX\\nICELANDIC SAGAS, and other Historical Documents re-\\nlating to the Settlements and Descents of the Northmen in\\nthe British Isles. Vols, iii-iv, G. W. Dasent, in No.\\nXXXI.\\nA collection of historical documents referring to descents\\nand settlements of Northmen in Britain. See XIV First\\nSupplement.\\nLXXXI\\nANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE: Various valuable editions\\nof text, notably those of Tr. Gurney, Norwich, 1819; In-\\ngram, London, 1823 Fetrie in No. LXXII Thorpe in No.\\nXXXI; J. Earle, Oxford, 1865.\\nThis most valuable of national records extents from i a.d.\\nto 1 1 54. Especially valuable from sixth century to close of\\nNorman Conquest.\\nLXXXII\\nASSER S LIFE OF ALFRED Annales Rerum Gestarum\\nAlfredi Magni, Auctore Asserio Menevensi. Text, ed.\\nWise. Oxford, 1722. Also in Nos. LXXXII LXII D, etc.\\nTr. Six Old English Chronicles. London, 1848.\\nChronicle from 851-887. Events of Alfred s life.\\nLXXXIII\\nETHELWERD S CHRONICLE: Chronicon ^thehveardi\\nah Incarnatione Domini ad annum gy^. Text, Nos. LXIII\\na; LXXII B. Tr. in Six Old English Chronicles. Lon-\\ndon, 1848.\\nOf some value for tenth century.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 29\\nLXXXIV\\nEMMA, QUEEN OF THE ENGLISH: Emmce Anglorum\\nRegincc, Ricardi I. Ducis N ormannonim Filice, Enconium.\\nAuthor unknown. Text, No. LIV and elsewhere. See\\nNo. vni.\\nVakiable for period from 1012 to 1040.\\nLXXXV\\nEDWARD THE CONFESSOR: Vita ^dnuardi Regis qui\\napud W cstnionastcriuui requiescit, cd. H. R. Luard in\\nXXXL For other lives see same series, Lives of Edward\\nThe Confessor, and No. VHI.\\nLives of the Confessor; valuable for his period.\\nLXXXVI\\nALCUIN S LETTERS Beafi Flacci Albini sen Alcuini\\nEpistolcc. These are printed in many collections as well\\nas by themselves. See No. VHL\\nRelations between England and the Continent in eighth and\\nninth centuries.\\nLXXXVII\\nSIMEON OF DURHAM S HISTORY OF THE KINGS\\nOF ENGLAND Sinieonis Diinelmensis Opera ct Collec-\\ntanea, ed. T. Arnold, in No. XXXL Texts also in No.\\nLXXII.\\nValuable for tenth century, particularly for events in\\nNorthumbria. Stops at 1130,\\nLXXXVIII\\nHENRY OF HUNTINGDON: Hcnrici Archidiaconi Hun-\\ntindoniensis Historicu Angloruni, ed. T. Arnold. No. XXXL\\nText also in Nos. LXlfla: LIV: XXXV, iii. 503; also\\nLXXII. Trans., T. Forester. London (Bohn).\\nBallads and traditions not otherwise preserved. Details\\nof history not elsewhere found. Ends with middle of twelfth\\ncentury.\\nLXXXIX\\nWILLIAM OF MALMESBURY: Willielmi Monachi Mat-\\nmesbnriensis de Gestis Re gum Anglorum, libri V et His-\\ntoricu Novellcc. Texts also in Nos. XXXVIII LIV, 179,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "30 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n959; XVIII, ii., pp. 1-49, vi. 77; LXIII a; XV, pp. 337-81\\nXXXI, and elsewhere. See No. VIII. Trans., J. Sharpe\\nLondon (Bohn).\\nHigh authority for Anglo-Norman period. Gives history\\nof English bishops and monasteries from 597 to 1123 a.d.\\nXC\\nFLORENCE OF WORCESTER: Florentii Wigornensis\\nMonachi Chronic on ex Chronicis ah Adventu Hengesti et\\nHorsi in Britanniam usque ad Annum iii/, ed. B. Thorpe.\\nNo. XXXVIII, 1848. Text also in several editions. Por-\\ntion from 450 to 1066 in No. LXXII. Trans., T. Forester.\\nLondon.\\nOf considerable value. Ends 11 16.\\nXCI\\nLAWS AND LEGAL DOCUMENTS.\\n(A) Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. B.\\nThorpe, for Record Commission. No. LX.\\nComplete collection of laws and legal documents of Anglo-\\nSaxon Period. Invaluable.\\nAncient Charters, royal and private, prior to A.D. 1066.\\nSee Rec. Comm. No. LX and Pipe Roll Soc. Publications\\nNo. LIX.\\n(B) Codex Diplomaticus ^vi Saxonici, ed. J. M.\\nKemble. For No. XXXVII.\\nA valuable collection of charters of Anglo-Saxon Period.\\n(C) Cartularium Saxonicum, ed. W. de G. Gray. Lon-\\ndon, 1883.\\nA collection of charters. The critical estimate of authen-\\nticity of documents is to be found in last volume. It is\\nvaluable.\\n{D) Doomsday Book. Sen Liber Ccnsualis Willielmi\\nPrimi, ed. A. Farley and others. London, 1783-1816.\\nThis work is valuable. It should be consulted in connec-\\ntion with Prof. Maitland s erudite work, Doomsday Book\\nand Beyond.\\n(E) Die Gesetse der Angelsachsen. R. Schmid. Leip-\\nzig, 1858. Supplemented by Liebermann, Zu den Gesetsen\\nder Angelsachsen in Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung,\\nvol. V. Weimar, 1885. Germ. Abtheilung, pp. 198 ff.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 31\\nThe documents are given in their original language. Ger-\\nman translation, critical explanations of value, and copious\\nglossary is given.\\n(F) Handbook to the Land-Charters and other Saxonic\\nDocuments, ed. J. Earle. Oxford, 1888.\\nUseful book by a careful scholar.\\n{G) Select Charters and other Illustrations of English\\nConstitutional History, from the Earliest Period to the Reign\\nof Edw. I., ed. W. Stubbs. Oxford, 1870, etc.\\nThe most valuable of the small collections.\\n{H) Autotype Facsimiles of the Ancient Charters in\\nBritish Museum, ed. E. A. Bond. London, 1873-78.\\nThese are interesting and suggestive volumes, and the\\nmost important of a class of works with which the student\\nshould become familiar.\\nEcclesiastical Documents, Laws, Councils, etc. See\\nNo. XXXIV.\\nThe student should consult Nos. XI, XIV, for late publi-\\ncations in this and succeeding periods. Much valuable biblio-\\ngraphical material is to be found in periodicals, particularly\\nof the class of v^hich the American Historical Magazine and\\nEnglish Historical Magazine are types.\\nSECTION 5. FROM THE CONQUEST TO THE\\nCHARTER\\nXCII\\nBAYEUX TAPESTRY. Engraved facsimile, with notes\\nby G. C. Bruce. The Society of Antiquaries.\\nA valuable record of episodes in the life and times of\\nWilliam the Conqueror. See also Carmen de Bella Hastin-\\ngensi, Guy of Amiens text in No. XXXII.\\nXCIII\\nEADMER S HISTORY: Eadmeri Monachi Cantuariensis\\nHistorice Novorum sive sui scccidi Lihri VL London, 1623.\\nAuthority for career of Lanfranc and Anselm. Important\\nfor reigns of first two Norman kings.\\nXCIV\\nORDERICUS VITALIS ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY:\\nOrder ici Vitalis Angligence, cccnobii Uticensis monachi,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "32 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nHistoric^ EcclesiasticcE, libri XIII. Ed. Prevost. Paris,\\n1838. Also in Nos. LIV and LXIII g. Also Vitalis His-\\ntoire de Normandie. Text, ed. Guizot. Paris, 1825-27.\\nEng. Trans, of both works, T. Forester. London (Bohn).\\nPeriod of the Conquest and the early Norman Kings. Ex-\\ntremely valuable for relations of Normandy and England,\\nNorman history.\\nxcv\\nWILLIAM OF POITIERS LIFE OF WILLIAM THE\\nCONQUEROR: Gesta Guillelmi Diicis N ormannorum et\\nRegis Anglorwu, a Guileliiio Pictavensi Lexoviorum,\\nArchidiacono contemporanco scripta. Text in No.\\nLXIII b, and No. LIV, vol. 149, p. 1216.\\nFor life of William I., 1036- 1067. There are several other\\naccounts of the life of the Conqueror. See Scriptorcs Rerum\\ngestarum Wilhclmi Conquestoris, etc., ed. J. A. Giles, London,\\n1845.\\n(WILLIAM OF MALMESBURY S NEW HISTORY. Cf.\\npreceding section; deals with period 1126-42. It favours\\nthe cause of Matilda. Translation.)\\nXCVI\\nLIFE OF KING STEPHEN Gesta Stephani Regis Anglo-\\nrum et Ducis Normannoniin. Author unknown, ed. R.\\nHewlett. Text in No. XXXI, also in No. XXXVIII, 1846.\\nTrans., T. Forester. London, 1853 (Bohn). Bound with\\nChronicle of Henry of Huntingdon.\\nOf limited value.\\nXCVII\\nTHE HEXHAM CHRONICLES Historia Johannis Prio-\\nns Hagiistaldensis Ecclesicc XXV. anno rum. Text ed.\\nR. Howlett. No. XXXI, vol. iii. Historia pice meniorice\\nRicardi Prioris Plagiistaldensis, de Gestis Regis Stephani\\net de Bello Standardii. Text ed. R. Howlett. No. XXXI,\\nvol. iii. Translation of both Chronicles in The Church\\nHistorians of England, vol. iv, pt. i. The Chronicle of\\nMelrose will be found in same collection of translations.\\nReign of Stephen.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS ZZ\\nXCVII\\nWILLIAM OF NEWBURY: Historia a Nonnannorum in\\nAngliam ingrcssu usque ad aniiuin up/. Several editions\\nof text, among them that of Hearne, Oxford, 1719. Trans.\\nin Church Historians of England, vol. iv, pt. 2.\\nCovers 1066-1198. Especially valuable for Reign of*Henry\\nXCIX\\nBENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH: Bencdictus Abbas\\nPctroburgcnsis de vita et gcstis Hcnrici H ct Ricardi L,\\ned. Hearne. Oxford, 1735. Trans, and ed., W. Stubbs.\\nNo. XXXI. 1867. This work was probably written by\\nRichard Fitz-Neal.\\nIndisputably the most important chronicle of the time.\\nThe preface to the edition by Bishop Stubbs is valuable.\\nC\\nROGER OF HOVEDEN: Rogeri de Hoveden Annalimn,\\npars prior et posteriori. Text in Nos. LXIII a; XXIII;\\nXXXI. 1868-71, etc. Trans. H. T. Riley. London, 1853\\n(Bohn).\\nCovers period from 732-1201. From 1170-1201 it is of the\\ngreatest importance.\\nCI\\nRALPH OF DICETO: Radulfi de Diceto Decani Londe-\\nniensis Opera Historica, ed. W. Stubbs for No. XXXI,\\n1876. Text also in No. LXIII, a, b; also No. XVIII.\\nReigns of Hen. II and Ric. I. Valuable.\\nCII\\nRICHARD OF DEVIZES: Chronicon Ricardi Divisiensis\\nde Rebus gestis Ricardi Prinii, Regis Anglicc, ed. J. A.\\nGiles. No. XXXVIII. 1841.\\nCovers period 1 189- 1 192. Supplements preceding works.\\ncm\\nGIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS: Topographia Hibernia^; sive\\nde Mirabilibus Hibcrnicr auctore Silvestro Gcraldo Cani-\\nbrense.. .Expugnatio PHbernicc, sive Historia vaticinalis", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "34 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nSilvestris Giraldi Cambrensis. Iteriarium CambricB; Cam-\\nbria Descriptio. Texts in Nos. XVJII, XXXI, etc. Trans.\\nT. Forester, R. C. Hoare. T. Wright. London (Bohn).\\nValuable authority in fields covered.\\nCIV\\nGLANVILL: Tractatus de Legibus ct Consuetudinibus\\nregni Anglicp, tempore Regis Henrici Secundi compositus.\\nText in various editions, e.g., ed. J. Rayner, London, 1780,\\nand in No. LXIV. Trans. J. Beames. London, 1812,\\nThe first book on English Law.\\nCV\\nDIALOGUES ON THE EXCHEQUER Dialogiis de Scac-\\ncario, by Richard, Bishop of London. Text in Madox s\\nHistory of the Exchequer; Stubbs Constitutional Docu-\\nments.\\nAn extraordinary mass of information on every important\\npoint in the development of constitutional principles before\\nthe great Charter.\\nCVI\\nSTATUTES OF THE REALM from Original Records and\\nAuthentic Manuscripts Printed by Command of His Ma-\\njesty King George the Third. London, 1810. See\\nXLVIII C a.\\nBegin to be of value in this period.\\n(THE FGEDERA: See Treaties No. LXVIII^.)\\nSECTION 6. FROM THE CHARTER TO THE\\nREFORMATION\\nCVII\\nROGER OF WENDOVER S FLOWERS OF HISTORY:\\nRogeri de Wendover Chronica, sive Flores Historiarum,\\ned. H. R. Luard in No. XXXI, also in No. LXIII A.\\nTrans. J. A. Giles. London, 1849 (Bohn).\\nSource for period of Magna Charta, 1214-1235.\\nCVIII\\nMATTHEW PARIS: Matthcoi Parisiensis Monachi Sancti\\nAlbani, Chronica Majora, ed. H. R, Luard. No. XXXI.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 35\\n1872-80. Matthcci Parisicnsis Historia Anglorum, sive, nt\\nz ltlgo dicitur, Historia Minor, ed. F. Madden. No. XXXI.\\n1866-69. Trans, of period from 1235-73. J. A. Giles.\\nLondon, 1852. From 1259 the work is by an author as to\\nwhose name authorities disagree.\\nContinues Roger of Wendover. Source for 1235- 1273.\\nax\\nWILLIAM RISHANGER S CHRONICLE: Wilhelmi\\nRishanger Chronica et Annates, ed. H. T. Riley. No.\\nXXXI. Also under title Contimiatio Matthcci ah anno\\nJ2^p ad usque annum 12/2 in Watt s adition of M. Paris.\\nSee also De Bellis Lezves et Eversham, or the Chronicle of\\nWilliam de Rishanger of the Baron s Wars. J. O. Halli-\\nwell for No. XXVI. 1840. Translation. Continuation in\\nMatthew of Paris.\\nSource for period 1259-1306.\\nCX\\nNICHOLAS TRIVET S ANNALS: Annates sex Regum\\nAnglicc qui a comitibus Andegavensihiis originem traxe-\\nrunt, ed. T. Hog. No. XXXVIII. 1845.\\nContemporary source for reign of Edward I.\\nCXI\\nCHRONICA MONASTERII, .S. Atbani, ed. H. T. Riley.\\nNo. XXXI. London, 1863-76.\\nThese chronicles contain valuable historical material of\\nwhich the most important is contained in Vol. I, Walsing-\\nham s Historia Anglicana, 1272-1422 (valuable from 1377 to\\n1395); II, Rishanger s Chronica et Annates, 1259-1307; III,\\nTrokelowe and Blaneforde, Chr. et Ann., 1259-1296,1307-1324,\\n1392-1406; IV, Gesta Abbatum, 793-1411,\\nCXII\\nMONASTIC ANNALS: Annates Monastici, ed. H. R.\\nLuard. No. XXXI. 1864-69.\\nValuable sources. Covers period 1004-1432. Particularly\\nrefer to the reigns of John, Henry III., and Edward I.\\nCXIII\\nWALTER HEMINGFORD: Ctironica Walteri de Heming-\\nburg, ed. H. C. Hamilton. No. XXXVIII. Text also in\\nNo. LXIII A also edition by Hearne, Oxon. 1731.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "26 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nExtends from 1066 to 1346. Extremely valuable for last\\nhundred years, covered partly by Walter, partly by other\\nhands.\\nCXIV\\nCHRONICLES OF LONDON. Various chronicles; con-\\nsult No. XXVI for 1844, 1846, 1858; also No. XXXI for\\nMunimenfa GildhaUce Londoniensis, ed. H. T. Riley.\\nThis contains laws, regulations, etc., as well as city trans-\\nactions. Valuable from a political, economical, and social,\\nas well as legal standpoint.\\ncxv\\nBRACTON: De Legihns et Consnetndinihus Anglicr, ed. T.\\nTwiss. No. XXXI. 1878-83. Also several other texts.\\nTranslation.\\nIndispensable for law of the thirteenth century.\\nCXVI\\nBRACTON S NOTE BOOK. Ed. by T. W. Maitland.\\nLondon, 1887.\\nThis work is of great importance, not only because of its\\nbeing the first book on case-law, but for the light it throws\\non the life of the thirteenth century.\\nCXVII\\nCORRESPONDENCE Royal and other Historical Letters\\nillustrative of the reign of Henry IIL, ed. W. W. Sherley.\\nNo. XXXI. 1862-66. Of the reign of Henry IV., ed. F.\\nC. Hingeston: No. XXXI. i860. Edward IV., Richard\\nIII., and Henry VII., ed. J. Gairdner: No. XXXI.\\nLetters of Bishop Grosseteste, illustrative of the Social\\nCondition of his Time, ed. H. R. Luard No. XXXI.\\nPapal Letters are in several editions. See No. XXIV, H, I.\\nCXVIII\\nMO.NUMENTA BRITANNICA ex Antographis Romano-\\nnun Pontificitm. Covers period 1216-1759; ed. by Marini.\\nThese letters are extremely valuable. They present infor-\\nmation not elsewhere obtainable.\\nCXIX\\nROBERT OF AVESBURY: Roherti de Aveshiiry, Historia\\nde mirabilis gestis Edzvard Tertii, ed. Hearne, Oxen. 1720.\\nEspecially good for relations of England with France prior\\nto the battle of Crecy.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 37\\ncxx\\nHIGDEN S POLYCHRONICON: Polychronicon Ranulphi\\nHigdcni, ed. C. C. Babington. No. XXXI. Translation\\nby Trevisa, ed. by Babington, Churchill, and Liimby, ac-\\ncompanies text. Text also in No. LXIII d.\\nContemporary source for first half of the fourteenth cen-\\ntury.\\nCXXI\\nCAPGRAVE S CHRONICLE: The Chronicle of England\\nfrom the Creation to 141/, by John Cap grave, ed. F. C.\\nHingeston. No. XXXI. 1858.\\nVery valuable for period 1328- 1388.\\nCXXII\\nTHE BOOK OF THE NOBLE HENRYS: Johannis Cap-\\ngrave Liber de Illnstribus Henricis, ed. F. C. Hingeston.\\nNo. XXXI. 1858. Translation by same ed.\\nThe work is valuable for its later portion only.\\nCXXIII\\nADAM OF USK S CHRONICLE: Chronicon Adcc de Usk\\ned. with Translation by E. M. Thompson. London, 1876.\\nServiceable for 1377- 1404.\\nCXXIV\\nTHOMAS ELMHAM S LIFE OF HENRY V.: Thomce de\\nElmham Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti, Anglorum Regis, ed.\\nT. Hearne. 1732. Also in No. XXXI. For other lives\\nconsult No. XXXVITI, 1846, also Titi Livii Foro-Juliensis.\\nl^ita Henrici Quinti, Regis Anglicr, ed. by Hearne. 1716.\\nOf some value for period.\\ncxxv\\nTHE CONCORDANCE OF HISTORIES: The New\\nChronicle of England and France, in tzvo parts, by Robert\\nFabyan, ed. H. Ellis. 181 1.\\nValuable for history of London during War of the Roses.\\nCXXVI\\nJOHN AMUNDESHAM S ANNALS: Johannis Amundes-\\nham, Monachi Monasterii S. Albani, tit videtur, Annates,\\ned. Riley in No. XXXI.\\nFor period 1421-1440.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "38 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCXXVII\\nJOHN WHETHAMSTEDE S REGISTER: Registrum\\nAhhatice Johannis Whethamstede, Ahbatis Monasterii\\nSancti Albani, iterum susceptcs, ed. Riley in No. XXXI.\\n1452- 1461. The time of the War of the Roses.\\nCXXVIII\\nLetters and Papers illustrative of the Wars of the English\\nin France during the Reign of Henry VI, ed. J. Stevenson.\\nNo. XXXI. 1861, 1864. This collection includes the An-\\nnals and Collections of William of Worcester, the Chron-\\nicle of Jean le Bel; the collection is continued by the same\\neditor in Narratives of the Expulsion of the English from\\nNormandy. 1449-50. No. XXXI. 1863.\\nValuable source. The French text is translated.\\nCXXIX\\nFROISSART S CHRONICLES: Chroniques, qui traitent\\ndes merveilleuses emprises en France, Angleterre, Bre-\\ntaigne, Burgogne, Escosse, Espagne, Portingal et cs\\nAutres Parties, ed. J. A. C. Buchon. Paris, 1835. Many\\ntranslations and editions.\\nMost interesting. Covers period 1326-1400.\\ncxxx\\nMONSTRELET S NARRATIVES Chroniques d Enguer-\\nrand de Monstrelet, ed. J. A. Buchon. Paris, 1826, Sev-\\neral translations, one by T. Johnes. London, 1849 (Bohn).\\nBegins where Froissart ends. Terminates 1467.\\nSee also Robert Blondel in No. XXXI, 1863.\\nCXXXI\\nHISTORIE OF THE ARRIVAL OF EDWARD IV. in\\nEngland and the Finall Reconcrye of his Kingdomes from\\nHenry VI., ed. J. Bruce. No. XXVI. 1838.\\nValuable contemporary account.\\nCXXXII\\nPASTON LETTERS. Ed. by J. Gairdner. 1872-75. Other\\neditions.\\n1422-1509. Light on social life of period. Overrated\\nsource. The prefaces of the editor are more valuable than\\nthe sources.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 39\\nCXXXIII\\nCONTINUATION OF THE CROYLAND CHRONICLE:\\nPetri Blesensis continuatio ad Historiam Ingulphi. Gale,\\nFell and Fulman s Scriptures; also elsewhere. Transla-\\ntions. H. T. Riley. London, 1854 (Bohn).\\nImportant for reign of Edward IV. Not to be confounded\\nwith the Ingufian forgery.\\nCXXXIV\\nPECOCKS REPRESSOR: The Repressor of over much\\nBlaming of the Clergy, ed. C. Babington. No. XXXI.\\ni860.\\nThis work indicates the theological movement of the fif-\\nteenth century.\\ncxxxv\\nLITTLE BUNDLE OF TARES: Fasciculi Zizaniorum\\nMagistri Johannis Wyclif cum Tutico, ascribed to T.\\nNetter; ed. W. W. Shirley. No. XXXI. 1858.\\nThe contemporary account of the rise of Lollardy.\\nStrongly anti-Lollard.\\nCXXXVI\\nWYCLIF S WORKS. These have appeared in many edi-\\ntions and by various editors. Among them. Select English\\nWorks, ed. T. Arnold. 1871. The English Works of\\nWyclif hitherto unprinted, ed. F. D. Matthew. No.\\nXXXVII. 1880.\\nCXXXVII\\nMORE S EDWARD V AND RICHARD III: Historic of\\nthe pitifull life and unfortunate death of Edzvard the Fifth.\\nAlso, The History of Richard the Third. In various edi-\\ntions also in Kennett s Complete History of England.\\nLondon, 171 9.\\nConsidered by S, R. Gardiner as a contemporaneous ac-\\ncoimt.\\nCXXXVIII\\nGrants, etc. From the Crown during the Reign of Edzvard\\nThe Fifth from the Original Docket-Book and Two\\nSpeeches for Opening Parliament, ed. J. G. Nichols. 1854.\\nOf some value for a period not well illustrated.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "40 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nSECTION 7. THE TUDOR PERIOD\\nCXXXIX\\nMATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF\\nHENRY VIL, ed. W. Campbell. No. XXXI. 1873, 1877.\\nFrom original documents. Furnishes valuable material for\\nthe study of the reign.\\nCXL\\nPOLYDORE VIRGIL: Polydori Vergilii Urhinatis Angli-\\ncce Histori Lihri Vigintiseptem. Basel, 1534. Also in\\nNo. XXVI. Translation, first VIII books, in No. XXVI.\\nVery high authority from the time of Henry VI., where\\ncontemporay record becomes scanty. Somewhat biassed,\\nviolently opposed to Wolsey, but otherwise accurate. Should\\nbe read in connection with No. CXLVIII.\\nCXLI\\nBERNARD ANDRE: Historia Regis Henrici Septimi a\\nBernardo Andrea Tholosate conscript a, necnon alia quce-\\ndam ad eundem re gem spectantia, ed. J. Gairdner. No.\\nXXXI. 1858.\\nBest contemporary record of reign of Henry VII. It is to\\nbe found in Memorials of Henry VII, ed. J. Gairdner. No.\\nXXXI, 1847. This work contains other valuable material.\\nCXLII\\nVENETIAN RELATION: A Relation, or rather a true\\naccount, of the Isle of England; with sundry particulars\\nof the customs of these People and of the Royal Revenues\\nunder Kng Henry the Seventh about the year 1500. Trans-\\nlation. No. XXVI. 1847.\\nPolitical, commercial, financial data of reign of Hen. VII.\\nCXLIII\\nSTATE PAPERS OF THE TUDOR PERIOD. The col-\\nlection of manuscripts is extremely large. It has been in-\\ndexed and epitomized in the various Calendars which have\\nbeen issued by the Record Commission under the following\\ntitle: Calendar of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Do-\\nmestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Calendar of State\\nPapers, Domestic Series, of the Reigns of Edzvard VI.,\\nMary, Elisabeth, and James Calendar of State Papers,", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 4t\\nForeign Series, of the Reign of Edzvard VI.; Calendar of\\nState Papers, Foreign Series, of the ReigJi of Mary; Calen-\\ndar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the Reign of Eliza-\\nbeth; Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts relating\\nto English Affairs preserved in the Archives of Venice\\nand other Libraries of Northern Italy, 1202-i^Qi; Calendar\\nof Letters, Despatches and State Papers dealing zvith the\\nNegotiations between England and Spain, preserved in the\\nArchives of Simancas and elsezvhere, 148^154^. Selec-\\ntions from the State Papers of Henry VIII. have been\\nissued by the Record Commission under the following\\ntitles Domestic Correspondence; Correspondence Relating\\nto Ireland; Correspondence Relating to Scotland; Cor-\\nrespondence between England and other Courts. See No.\\nXXV.\\nCXLIV\\nHARPSFIELD S TREATISE: The Pretended Divorce be-\\ntween Henry VIII. and Catharine of Aragon, by Nicholas\\nHarpsfield. No. XXVI, 1878, ed. N. Pococke.\\nWritten from the Catholic point of view. Consult also\\nReginald Pole s treatise de Unitate Ecclesice.\\nCXLV\\nRECORD OF THE REFORMATION. Oxford, 1870, ed.\\nby N. Pococke.\\nValuable material for period 1527- 1533.\\nCXLVI\\nMORE S UTOPIA: A truteful and pleasannt worke of the\\nbeste State of a publyque weale, and of the nezve yle called\\nUtopia: Written in Latine by Syr Thomas More Knyght,\\nand translated into Englyshe by Ralphe Robynson Citizein\\nand Goldsmythc of London, at the procurement and earnest\\nrequest of George Tadlozve Citizein and Haberdassher of\\nthe same city. London, 1551. Arbers English Reprints\\n1869, also other editions.\\nSocial and political evils and abuses of first half of the\\nsixteenth century.\\nCXLVII\\nSTARKEY S ENGLAND in the reign of King Henry the\\nEighth, ed. S. J. Herrtage. No. XXXVII. 1878.\\nSocial and political evils and abuses of the sixteenth cen-\\ntury.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "42 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCXLVIII\\nHALL S CHRONICLE: Containing the History of England\\nduring the Reigti of Henry the Fourth and the succeeding\\nMonarchs to the End of the Reign of Henry the Eighth, in\\nwhich are particularly described the Manners and Customs\\nof these Periods. Various editions. 1548, 1550, 1809.\\nShould be considered with the work of Polydore Virgil,\\nupon which it is very largely based. Virgil is bitterly op-\\nposed to Woolsey and his partisans Hall flatters them.\\nThese books well illustrate the opposing parties of the reign\\nof Henry VHL for which period they are contemporary\\nsources.\\nCXLIX\\nHOLINSHED S CHRONICLES of England, Scotland and\\nIreland. Various edits. First in 1557, 1586.\\nVarious Chronicles. Valuable sources. Last edition\\nbrings record to 1586. First edition contains passages sup-\\npressed in succeeding editions but printed separately in 1723.\\nSTOW, JOHN\\n(a) A Summarie of the Chronicles of England dili-\\ngently collected, abridged, and continued unto this present\\nyear of Christ 1604. London, 1604.\\n(h) Annales or a Generall Chronicle of England. Be-\\ngun by John Stow: Continued and augmented zvith mat-\\nters Foreign and Domestique, Ancient and Moderne, unto\\nthe end of this present yeere, 16^1. By Edmund Howes,\\nGent. London, 1631.\\n(c) A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminister\\nand the Burough of Southwark. Containing the Original,\\nAntiquity, Increase, present State and Government of those\\nCities. Written at first in the Year i6p8 by John Stow,\\nCitizen and Native of London. Corrected, improved, and\\nvery much enlarged in the Year 1/20 by John Strype,\\nM. O. A native also of the said City. The Survey and\\nHistory brought down to the present time by careful hands.\\nWith an appendix. London, 1754. Several other edits.\\nThese works of Stow are extremely valuable. Stow was\\nunbiassed, well informed, and accurate in description.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 43\\nCLI\\nFOXE S BOOK OF MARTYRS: History of the Acts and\\nMonuments of the Church, by John Foxe. Many editions.\\namong them that edited by J. Cummings. London, 1861.\\nCovers Reformation period to 1559. Although strongly\\nanti-Catholic, the history is valuable as a source.\\nCLII\\nZURICH LETTERS. Ed. by H. Robinson. No. LVIL\\nVol. I contains from the Reformation to 1557; II, 1558-\\n1579; III, 1558-1602. These letters have as their originals\\nthe Epistolcc Tigurina, so often cited by Froude.\\nCLIII\\nCHRONICLES OF THE GREY FRIARS OF LONDON.\\nEd. J. G. Nichols. No. XXVI. 1852.\\nValuable as source for religious tendencies of time.\\nCLIV\\nTHREE CHAPTERS OF LETTERS relating to the Sup-\\npression of the Monasteries. Edited from the Originals\\nin the British Museum. Ed. T. Wright. No. XXVT.\\n1843-\\nThese letters possess interest as a contemporary private\\ndescription of the suppression of the monasteries.\\nCLV\\nNARRATIVES OF THE DAYS OF THE REFORMA-\\nTION, chiefly from the manuscripts of John Foxe the\\nMartyrologist, zvith tzvo contemporary biographies of\\nArchbishop Cranmer, ed. J. G. Nichols. No. XXVI. 1859.\\nInteresting and occasionally valuable.\\nCLVI\\nLITERARY REMAINS OF KING EDWARD THE\\nSIXTH, edited from his Autograph Manuscripts, zvith\\nhistorical notes and a biographical memoir, by J. G.\\nNichols. Roxburghe Club. 1857.\\nEspecially interesting as containing the private journal of\\nthe young king.\\nBIOGRAPHIES. For this period there are a number of\\nvaluable contemporary biographies of the principal per-\\nsons of the day, notably of More, W^olsey, Carew, Eliza-\\nbeth. Consult catalogues under surname of person whose\\nbiography is desired.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "44 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCLVII\\nTHE CHRONICLE OF QUEEN JANE and of Two Years\\nof Queen Mary, and especially of the Rebellion of Sir\\nThomas Wyat, written by a resident in the Tower of\\nLondon, edited with illustrative documents and notes by\\nJ. G. Nichols. No. XXVL 1850.\\nThe Authority for the days of Jane the Queen.\\nCLVIII\\nTHE HISTORY OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND by Mr.\\nDavid Calderwood some time minister of Crailing, edited\\nfrom the original manuscript preserved in the British\\nMuseum by T. Thomson. The Wodrow Society. Edin-\\nburgh, 1 842- 1 849. Various editions.\\nCovers period 15 14-1625. Strongly anti-episcopal. Whole\\nwork tinged with prejudice.\\nCLIX\\nHISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND, begin-\\nning the Year of Our Lord 20^ and continued to the end\\nof the reign of King James VI. By the Right Rev. John\\nSpottiswoode, Archbishop of St. Andrew, and Lord Chan-\\ncellor of Scotland, ed. M. Russell. Spottiswoode Society.\\nEdinburgh, 1847.\\nFrom beginning of 14th century it is most valuable as a\\nsource. It is moderate and fair in tone.\\nCLX\\nHARDWICKE PAPERS: Miscellaneous State Papers, ed.\\nby Earl of Hardwicke. Front i^oi to 1/26. London, 1778.\\nThese papers are of great interest and value. In matters\\npolitical they give a side light of great service to the student.\\nCLXI\\nTHE COMPLEAT AMBASSADOR, or tzvo Treaties of\\nthe intended marriage of Queen Elisabeth of Glorious\\nMemory; comprised in Letters of Negotiation of Sir\\nFrancis Walsingham, her Resident in France. Together\\nwith the Answers of the Lord Burleigh, the Earl of\\nLeicester, Sir Tho. Smith, and others. Wherein, as in\\na clear Mirror, may be seen the Faces of the two Courts\\nof England and France, as they then stood, with many re-\\nmarkable passages of State, not at all mentioned in any his-\\nX", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 43\\ntory. Faithfully Collected by the truly Honourable Sir\\nDudley Deggs, Knight, late Master of the Roll. London,\\n1655-\\nValuable as giving the personal expressions of some of the\\ngreatest men of the time.\\nCLXII\\nCABALA SIVE SCRINIA SACRA Mysteries of State and\\nGovernment, in Letters of Illiistrious Persons, and Great\\nMinisters of State, as zvell Foreign as Domestick, in the\\nReigns of King Henry the Eighth, Queen Elizabeth, King\\nJames, and King Charles. Wherein such secrets of Em-\\npire, and Publick Affairs as zvcre then in Agitation are\\nclearly Represented; and many remarkable Passages faith-\\nfully collected. To zvhich is added in this Third Collection,\\na Second Part, consisting of a choice collection of Original\\nLetters and Negotiations, never before published. London,\\n1691.\\nAn interesting collection of correspondence.\\nCLXIII\\nTHE SOMERS TRACTS A Collection of Scarce and Valu-\\nable Tracts, on the most Interesting and Entertaining Sub-\\njects; but chiefly such as relate to the History and Con-\\nstitution of these Kingdoms. Selected from an infinite\\nnumber in Print and Manuscript, in the Royal, Cotton,\\nSion, and other Public as zvell as Private Libraries, par-\\nticularly that of the Late Lord Somers. The Second Edi-\\ntion Revised, Augmented, and Arranged, by Walter Scott.\\nLondon, 1809.\\nPrincipally valuable for the seventeenth century. Very\\nextensive.\\nCLXIV\\nD EWES JOURNALS of the Elizabethan Parliaments:\\nThe Journals of all the Parliaments during the reign of\\nQueen Elizabeth, both of the House of Lords and House\\nof Commons. Collected by Sir Simons D Ezves of Stozv-\\nHall in the Country of Suffolk, Knight and Baronet. Re-\\nvised and Published by Paul Bozves, of the Middle Temple\\nLondon, Esq. London, 1682.\\nInteresting and valuable. Incorporated in Cobbett (No.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "46 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCLXV\\nTOWNSHEND S HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS: His-\\ntorical Collections: An Exact Account of the Proceedings\\nof the Four Last Parliaments of Queen Elizabeth of Fa-\\nmous Memory. Wherein is contained the Compleat Jour-\\nnals both of the Lords and Commons, Taken from the\\nOriginal Records of their Houses, as also the m,ore par-\\nticular Behaviours of the Worthy Members during all\\nthe last notable Sessions; comprehending the Motions,\\nSpeeches, and Arguments of the Renowned and Learned\\nSecretary Cecill, Sir Francis Bacon, Sir Walter Razvleigh,\\nSir Edw. Hobby, and divers other eminent Gentlemen.\\nTogether with the most considerable Passages of the His-\\ntory of those times Faithfully and Laboriously collected,\\nby Heywood Townshend Esq., a Member in those Parlia-\\nments. The like never Extant before. London, 1680.\\nExhaustive account of proceedings of parliaments named\\nin title.\\nCLXVI\\nBURLEIGH PAPERS: {A) A Collection of State Papers\\nRelating to Affairs in the reigns of King Henry VIII.,\\nKing Edward VI., Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth,\\nFrom the Year 1542 to 1570. Transcribed from Original\\nLetters and other Authentick Memorials, Never before\\npublished. Left by William Cecill Lord Burghley, and now\\nremaining at Hatfield House, in the Library of the Right\\nHonourable the present Earl of Salesbury, by Samuel\\nHaynes, A. M. Rector of Hatfield in Hertfordshire.\\nLondon, 1740. {B) A Collection of State Papers Relating\\nto Affairs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth from the year\\ni^yi to 1596. Transcribed from Original Papers and other\\nAuthentic Memorials never before published, left by Wil-\\nliam Cecil Lord Burghley and Reposited in the Library\\nat Hatfield House. By William Murdin, B. D. Rector\\nof Morrow and Vicar of Shalford in Surrey. London,\\n1759-\\nValuable for period 1542- 1596.\\nCLXVII\\nGRANVELLE PAPERS: {A) Papiers d Etat du Cardinal\\nde Granvelle d apres les manuscrits de la Bibliotheque de\\nBesangon, ed. C. Weiss. Paris, 1841. {B) Correspon-", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 47\\ndance du Cardinal de Granvelle, 156^ to 1586, by various\\neditors, in Documents inedits sur I Histoire de France.\\n1877-1894. Bruxelles.\\nVery important source for foreign relations during six-\\nteenth century.\\nCLXVIII\\nTHE FRENCH DISPATCHES: (A) Inventaire Chrono-\\nlogique des Documents Relatifs a I Histoire d Ecosse, ed.\\nJ. B. A. T. Teulet. Abbottsford Club. Edinburgh, 1839.\\n{B) Relations Politiques de la France et de I Espagne avec\\nVEcosse ail XVI Siecle, ed. A. Teulet. Paris, 1862. Other\\neditions.\\nValuable for accounts of negotiations between France and\\nScotland.\\nCLXIX\\nTHE NOAILLES DISPATCHES: Amhassades de Mes-\\nsieurs de Noailles en Angleterre, Vertot. Leyden, 1763.\\nContain accounts of plots against Queen Mary.\\nCLXX\\nLETTRES, INSTRUCTIONS ET MEMOIRES DE\\nMARIE STUART, Reine d Ecosse; piiblie sur les origi-\\nnaux et les manuscrits du State Paper office de Londres\\net des Principales Archives et Bibliotheques de I Europe,\\net accompagnees d lin resuuie chronologique par le Prince\\nAlexandre Lahanoff. London, 1844. There are many\\neditions of the letters of Mary Queen of Scots. Also sev-\\neral collections of historical materials.\\nThrow much light on the character of the Queen of Scots.\\nCLXXI\\nLETTRES, INSTRUCTIONS ET MEMOIRES DE\\nas regular, and of other Catholics, of both Sexes, that have\\nsuffered death in England on Religions accounts from the\\nyear of Our Lord ij/j to 1684, by R. Challoner. First pub.\\n1741. Reprint, 1878, Edinburgh.\\nThis, and the work that follows, should be read in con-\\nnection with Foxe s Book of Martyrs. Persecution and\\ndeath was not the lot of one sect alone in the years of the\\nTudor Dynasty.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "4.8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCLXXII\\nRECORDS OF THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF THE\\nSOCIETY OF JESUS Historic Facts illustrative of the\\nLabours and Sufferings of its Members in the Sixteenth\\nand Seventeenth Centuries, ed. H. Foley. London, 1877.\\nThe Jesuit view of the religious persecutions.\\nCLXXIII\\nTHE TROUBLES OF OUR CATHOLIC FORE-\\nFATHERS, related by themselves, ed. J. Morris. Lon-\\ndon, 1872.\\nSetting forth the sufferings of the Catholics in Protestant\\nEngland.\\nCLXXIV\\nWINWOOD S MEMORIALS: Memorials of Affairs of\\nState in the Reigns of Queen Elisabeth and K. James I.\\nCollected (chiefly) from the Original Papers of the Right\\nHonourable Sir Ralph Winwood, Kt. Sometime one\\nof the Principal Secretaries of State. Comprehending\\nlikewise the negotiations at the Courts of France and\\nSpain and in Holland, Venice, etc., ed. E. Sawyer. 1725.\\nChiefly valuable upon foreign relations, 1 596-161 3.\\nCLXXV\\nSELECT STATUTES AND OTHER CONSTITUTION-\\nAL DOCUMENTS, illustrative of the Reigns of Elisa-\\nbeth and James I., ed. G. W. Prothero. Oxford, 1894.\\nThe best handy collection for the period covered. Profes-\\nsor Prothero has in preparation a like volume devoted to\\nthe early Tudor Period.\\nCLXXVI\\nHARRISON S DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND. See\\nHolingsheds Chronicle, a.d. 1577-87. Also Reprint ed.\\nJ. J. Furnival in New Shakspere Soc. Pubs.\\nExcellent description of condition of English people in\\nlatter part of sixteenth century.\\nCLXXVII\\nPHILLIP STUBBE S Anatomy of the Abuses in England\\nin Shakspere s Youth, a.d. 1583. Reprint ed. by F. J.\\nFurnival in N. S. Soc. Pubs.\\nAn Interesting arraignment of the sins of the time, 1583 to\\n1595-", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 49\\nCLXXVIII\\nWILLIAM STAFFORD S Compendious or brief e Examina-\\ntion of certayne ordinary Complaints of divers of our\\ncountrymen in these our dayes. a.d. 1549, ed. Elizabeth\\nLamoud. Cambridge, 1893.\\nDeals with status of trade and agriculture. Important\\nsource. Has caused revision of various economic theories.\\nSECTIONS. THE STUGGLE FOR CONSTITUTIONAL\\nGOVERNMENT\\nCLXXIX\\nCALENDARS OF STATE PAPERS.\\nFurnish much valuable information. Have been issued\\nof many of the public documents for the reigns of James I.,\\nCharles I., and Charles 11.. as well as for the period of the\\nCommonwealth. Period of James H. in preparation. The\\nstudent should keep himself informed regarding late publica-\\ntions of this series.\\nCLXXX\\nKENNET S Complete History of England; vol. v, Camden s\\nAnnals of King James vol. vi, Wilson s History of\\nKing James I. Second ed., London, 17 19.\\nA well edited and impartial collection. Covers period\\nfrom earliest Britain to death of William HI. Made up of\\nmonographs upon various reigns. Most of the historirs in-\\ncluded are of considerable value. Those after vol. W are\\nmost useful.\\nCLXXXI\\nCOURT OF KING JAMES THE FIRST, by Dr. Godfrey\\nGoodman, Bishop of Gloucester; to which are added,\\nLetters illustrative of the personal history of the most dis-\\ntinguished characters in the Court of that monarch and\\nhis predecessors, ed. J. S. Brewer. London, 1839.\\nWritten from a royalist standpoint. To be read in con-\\nnection with works of Puritan authors, and balance struck.\\nCLXXXII\\nSTATE PAPERS, and Miscellaneous Correspondence of\\nThomas, Earl of Melrose, ed. for No. XV by John Hope.\\nEdinburgh, 1837.\\nCovers period 1599- 1625.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "50 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCLXXXII\\nLETTERS from George Lord Carew to Sir Thomas Roe,\\nAmbassador to the Count of the Great Mogul, i6iyi6iy,\\ned. J. Maclean. No. XXVI. i860.\\nGeneral summary and comment of events occurring 161 5 to\\n1617.\\nCLXXXIV\\nTHE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION AND CIVIL\\nWARS IN ENGLAND, to which is nozv added an his-\\ntorical view of the affairs of Inland by Edward Emil of\\nClarendon (1625-1660). Oxford, 1842. See also State\\nPapers collected by Edzvard, Earl of Clarendon, Commen-\\ncing from the year MDCXXI. Containing the materials\\nfrom which his history of the Great Rebellion was com-\\nposed, and the authorities on which the truth of his rela-\\ntion is founded. Oxford, 1767. See also Calendar of the\\nClarendon State Papers preserved in the Bodleian Library.\\n1623-57. Oxford, 1872-76.\\nPrincipally devoted to period 1641-1660, Royalist in bias.\\nImportant source.\\nCLXXXV\\nMEMORIALS AND LETTERS relating to the History of\\nBritain, {A) in the reign of James the First, 26. ed., 1756.\\n(B) in the reign of Charles the First. Published from the\\noriginals. The second edition corrected and enlarged by\\nSir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes. Glasgow, 1766.\\nAnti-royalist. Compare with No. CLXXXI.\\nCLXXXVI\\nPROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT: Parliamentary De-\\nbates. 1610, ed. S. R. Gardiner. No. XXVI, 1862. Pro-\\nceedings and Debates. 1620-21 in Parliamentary His-\\ntory, vol. V. London, 1763. Notes of Debates. 1621, ed.\\nS. R. Gardiner. No. XXVI. 1870. 1624-26, same ed.\\nNo. XXVI. 1879. 1625, same ed. No. XXVL 1874;\\n1618-29. Rushworth Collections. London, 1659; Somers\\nTracts supra; Protests of the Lords. 1624-1874, ed. J. T.\\nRogers. Oxford, 1875. See also edit, of London, 1767.\\n1640-53. The History of the Parliament of England\\nwhich began Nov. 2, 1640; T. May. Oxford, 1854. Notes", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 51\\nof Proceedings in the Long Parliament, temp. Charles I.,\\nby Ralph Verney, ed. J. Bruce. No. XXVI. 1845.\\nCollection of acts and ordinances of General Use, etc., by\\nH. Scobell. London, 1658.\\nSee also No. XXX and No. LXII.\\nCLXXXVII\\nVERNEY PAPERS: Letters and Papers of The Verney\\nFamily down to the end of the year i6^p. Printed from\\nthe original MSS. in the possession of Sir Harry Verney,\\nBart, ed. J. Bruce. No. XXVI. 1851.\\nThis volume is one of a number devoted to the period of\\nthe Puritan Revolution and published in No. XXVI, the\\ncatalogue of which should be consulted.\\nCLXXXVIII\\nWALKER S DISCOURSES: Historical Discourses upon\\nSeveral Occasions .by Sir Edward Walker. London,\\n1705-\\nMainly valuable for negotiations between Charles I. and\\nParliament, in 1648, in Isle of Wight.\\nCLXXXIX\\nENGLAND S RECOVERY: Anglia Rediviva; England s\\nRecovery, being the History of the motions, actions and\\nsuccesses of the army tinder the immediate conduct of his\\nexcellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, ed. J. Sprigg. New edit.\\nOxford, 1854.\\nThe acts of Fairfax and his independent army till the\\nreduction of Oxford and the King.\\ncxc\\nLETTERS OF KING CHARLES THE FIRST to Queen\\nHenrietta Maria, ed. J. Bruce. No. XXVI. 1856.\\nWritten in 1646. Show the double-dealing of the King.\\n(RYMER S Focdera: See No. LXVIII A.)\\n(DUMONT S Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des\\nGens: See No. LXVIII B.)\\nCXCI\\nCONSTITUTIONAL DOCUMENTS OF THE PURITAN\\nREVOLUTION {1623-1660), ed. S. R. Gardiner, 2d ed.\\nOxford, 1899.\\nFor the period covered, the most suitable single-volume\\ncollection for university use.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "52 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCXCII\\nBURTON S CROMWELLIAN DIARY: Diary of Thomas\\nBurton, Esq., Member in the Parliaments of Oliver and\\nRichard Cromwell from 1656 to i6^p; noiu first published\\nfrom the original autograph manuscript. With an intro-\\nduction containing an account of the Parliament of 16^4\\nfrom the Journal of Guibon Goddard, Esq., M.P., also now\\nfirst printed, ed. J. T. Rutt. London, 1828.\\nValuable for proceedings of the parliament of the Com-\\nmonwealth.\\nCXCIII\\nBURNET S HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME: with notes\\nby the Earls of Dartmouth and Hardwicke, Speaker\\nOnslow, and Dean Szvift, etc. Oxford, 1823. Several\\nother editions.\\n1660-1713. Much chaff, some wheat,\\nCXCIV\\nKENNET S REGISTER: A Register and chronicle eccle-\\nsiastical and civil: containing matters of fact, Delivered\\nin the words of the most authentick Books, Papers, and\\nRecords Digested in exact Order of Time, ivith proper\\nNotes and References Tozvards discovering and connecting\\nthe True History of England From the Restauration of\\nKing Charles II. Vol. I (only one printed). London,\\n1728.\\n1660-1662. A valuable collection of materials.\\ncxcv\\nANGLIC NOTITIA or, t4ie Present State of England com-\\npleat. Together with Divers Reflections upon the ancient\\nstate thereof, by Edw. Chamberlayne. Many editions.\\nFirst edition London, 1669.\\nOn the institutions, customs and social life of England.\\nCXCVI\\nEVELYN S DIARY: Diary and Correspondence of John\\nEvelyn. To zvhich is subjoined The Private Correspon-\\ndence between King Charles I. and Sir Edward Nicholas,\\nand between Sir Edward Hyde, afterwards Earl of Claren-\\ndon, and Sir Richard Browne, ed. from the original MSS.\\nat Wollon by Bray and Wheatley. London, 1879.\\n1620-1706. A storehouse of illustration as regards the\\npolitical, literary and scientific movements of his age.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 53\\nCXCVII\\nPEPYS S DIARY: The Diary of Samuel Pepys .Tran-\\nscribed from the shorthand manuscript in the Pepysian\\nLibrary Magdalene College Cambridge by M. Bright, with\\nLord Braybrooke s Notes, ed. H. B. Wheatley. London,\\n1893. Several other editions. Wheatley s edition (1893),\\nthough the most exhaustive, is not as suitable for students\\nuse as are earlier editions. See Braybrooke s ed., Lond.\\n1893-\\nAn interesting, though, from an historical point of view,\\noverrated source.\\nCXCVIII\\nLUTTRELL S DIARY: A Brief Historical Relation of\\nState Affairs from September 16/8 to April 1/14, by Nar-\\ncissus LuttreU. Printed from MS. in Library of All Souls\\nCollege, Oxford, 1857.\\nA methodical narration of contemporary events.\\nCXCIX\\nELWOOD S HISTORY: The History of Thomas Ehvood,\\nzvritten by himself, ed. Morley. London, 1886.\\nValuable for information regarding the Friends under\\nCharles II. See also Stephen Crisp and his Correspondence,\\nLondon, 1892; The Pcnns and Pcnningtons of the 17th\\nCentury.\\nCC\\nWHITELOCK S MEMORIALS Memorials of the English\\nAffairs {A) from the supposed Expedition of Brute to\\nthis Island to the End of the Reign of King James the\\nFirst, by Sir Bidstrode Whitelock. London, 1709. {B)\\nFrom the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the\\nFirst to the Happy Restoration of King Charles the Sec-\\nond, by Bidstrode Whitelock. Oxford, 1853. First com-\\nplete edition. Lond. 1732. Avoid ed. of 1682.\\n{B) is valuable as containing the public transactions,\\ncivil and military, together with the private consultations\\nand secrets of the Cabinet.\\nCCI\\nTHURLOE PAPERS A Collection of the State Papers of\\nJohn Thurloe, Esq.; Secretary, First, to the Council of\\nState, and afterzvards to the Tivo Protectors, Oliver and", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "54 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nRichard Cromwell Containing Memorials of the Eng-\\nlish Affairs from the year 16^8 to the Restoration of King\\nCharles II. Published from the originals, ed. T. Birch.\\nLondon, 1742.\\nThurloe s position gave him unusual facilities, which he\\nsuccessfully employed.\\necu\\nNALSON S COLLECTION: An Impartial Collection of\\nthe Great affairs of State from the Beginning of the\\nScotch Rebellion in the Year MDCXXXIX. To the Mur-\\nther of King Charles I. Taken from Authentic Records,\\nand Methodically Digested by lohn Nalson, LL.D. Lon-\\ndon, 1682.\\nUltra-royalist. Well expresses views of extreme court\\nparty.\\nCCIII\\nORMONDE PAPERS: A Collection of Original Letters\\nand Papers concerning the Affairs of England, from the\\nyear 1641 to 1660, found among the Duke of Ormonde s\\nPapers, ed. T. Carte. London, 1739. See also Contem-\\nporary History of Affairs in Ireland, 1641-52, ed. J. T. Gil-\\nbert for the Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society. 1879.\\nAlso Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holies. From the year\\n1641-1648. London, 1699.\\nValuable for history of Ireland. See Nos. XLVII and\\nLVI and the publications of J. Grasco, J. Gutch, R. Lascelles,\\nR. Theiner and others.\\nCCIV\\nGUTHRY S MEMOIRS: The Memoirs of Henry Guthry,\\nlate Bishop of Dunkeld, in Scotland: wherein the Con-\\nspiracies and Rebellion against King Charles I. of Blessed\\nMemory To the time of the Murther of that Monarch are\\nbriefly and faithfully related. London, 1702.\\nAn impartial narration. Useful for period.\\nccv\\nDALRYMPLE S MEMOIRS: Memoirs of Great Britain\\nand Ireland from the Dissolution of the last Parliament of\\nCharles II. until the sea-battle off La Hague, by Sir lohn\\nDalrymple. 2d edition. London and Edinburgh, 177 1.\\nConsisting chiefly of lej^ters from the French Ambassadors\\nin England to their Courts and from Charles II., James II.,", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 55\\nKing William and Queen Mary, and the Ministers and\\nGenerals of those Princes, from the originals.\\nSECTION 9. THE HANOVERIAN PERIOD\\nCCVI\\nD AVAUX S DISPATCHES: The Negotiations of Count\\nD Avmix, Ambassador from the Most Christian King,\\nLezvis XIV. to the States General of the United Provinces,\\ncontaining besides the secret History of the Rise and Mo-\\ntives of the Duke of Monmouth s Rebellion, the Steps\\ntaken by the Prince of Orange to ascend the Throne of\\nGreat Britain; and the Intrigues of the Court of France\\nto counteract his measures during that interesting Period.\\nTranslated from the French. London, 1754-55.\\nInteresting and valuable for inner history of movements\\ndescribed. See also Negotiations de M. le Cointc d Avanx\\nen Ireland, dcpuis 1689 jusqu en 1690. Priv. print., Lond.,\\n1830.\\nCCVII\\nDE COMINGE S CORRESPONDENCE: A French Am-\\nbassador at the Court of Charles II. Translated by J. J.\\nJusserand, N. Y. and London, 1892.\\nA vivid picture of diplomacy and intrigue at Charles\\ncourt.\\nCCVIII\\nRELIQUI^ BAXTERIAN^: or Mr. Richard Baxter s\\nNarrative of the most Memorable Passages of his life and\\nTimes. Faithfully published from his own original manu-\\nscript by Matthezv Sylvester. London, 1696.\\nWritten from the independent standpoint. Deals with\\npeople rather than politics.\\nCCIX\\nNORTH S LIVES OF THE NORTHS The Lives of the\\nRight Hon. Francis North, Baron Guilford, Lord Keeper\\nof the Great Seal binder King Charles II. and King James\\nII.; The Hon. Sir Dudley North, Commissioner of the\\nCustoms and afterwards of the Treasury, to King Charles\\nII. and The Hon. and Rev. Dr. John North, master of\\nTrinity College, Cambridge, and clerk of the Closet to\\nKing Charles II. by The Hon. Roger North. New ed.\\nLondon, 1826.\\nTaking the brothers North as examples of their class, the\\nbook well illustrates the manners and motives of the time.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "56 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nccx\\nDRYDEN The Works of John Dryden, ed. Walter Scott.\\nEdinburgh, 1821.\\nThe poUtical works of Dryden ilhistrate the controversial\\nliterature of the royalist type, as do those of Milton the\\nPuritan.\\nCCXI\\nMONMOUTH S REBELLION: Some Sources of History\\nfor the Monmouth Rebellion and the Bloody Assizes, ed.\\nA. L. Humphreys. Taunton, 1893.\\nMay be supplemented by The Bloody Assizes, A Compleat\\nHistory of the Life of George, Lord Jeffries, ed. Goldsmith.\\nCCXII\\nSHREWSBURY S CORRESPONDENCE: Private and\\nOriginal Correspondence of Charles Talbot, Duke of\\nShrewsbury, with King William, the Leaders of the Whig\\nParty, and other disting^iished statesmen ed. W. Coxe.\\nLondon, 1821.\\nPart I. Correspondence with William to 1700. Part 2.\\nWith Admr. Russell in 1695-96, with Galway in 1695-96 on\\nGrand Alliance. Part 3. Confidential correspondence with\\nSunderland, Somers, Wharton, Russell, Oxford and Halifax\\n1695- I 704.\\nCCXIII\\nMACPHERSON PAPERS Original Papers containing the\\nSecret History of Great Britain from the Restoration to\\nthe accession of the House of Hanover, To which are pre-\\nfixed extracts from the life of James II. as written by him-\\nself, ed. J. Macpherson. London, 1775. Other editions.\\nWorthy of study, although tainted by suspicion engendered\\nby the Ossianic forgeries.\\nCCXIV\\nSTATE TRACTS A Collection of State Tracts Published\\non occasion of the Late Revolution in 1688 and during the\\nReign of King William III. To zvhich is prefixed The\\nHistory of the Dutch War in 16/2. Translated from the\\nFrench Copy printed at Paris in 1682, which was supprest\\nat the instance of the English Ambassador, because of the\\nDiscoveries it made of the League betwixt the Kings of\\nFrance and England for enslaving Europe, and intro-\\nducing the Popish Religion into their Kingdoms, and the\\nUnited Provinces. London, 1705.\\nA curious book, illustrating the spirit of the times. It em-\\nbodies much of the work of the pamphleteers.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 57\\nccxv\\nCARSTARE S STATE PAPERS AND LETTTERS\\nState-Papers and Letters addressed to William Carstares,\\nconfidential Secretary to K. William during the whole of\\nhis Reign; afterwards Principal of the University of Edin-\\nburgh. Relating to Public Affairs in Great-Britain, but\\nmore partictdarly in Scotland, during the Reigns of K.\\nWilliam and Q. Anne Published from the originals by\\nJ. McCormick, Edinburgh, 1774.\\nA carefully compiled volume of some value.\\nCCXVI\\nDEAN SWIFT The Works of Jonathan Szvift DD. Dean\\nof St. Patricks, Dublin; Containing additional Letters,\\nTracts and Poems, not hitherto Published; zvith notes, and\\na life of the author, by Walter Scott Esq. Edinburgh,\\n1814.\\nIn the works of Swift we find some of the most valuable\\nmaterial for this period. History of the Four Last Years\\nof Queen Anne s Reign and Journal to Stella are particularly\\nimportant for period covered. See also therein On the\\nConduct of tJic Allies, on national policy; Tale of a Tub,\\nsatire on ecclesiastical quarrels Drapicr Letters, etc., etc.\\nCCXVII\\nBOLINGBROKE: The Works of the Right Honourable\\nHenry St. John, Lord Viscount Bolingbroke. 5 vols., ed.\\nO. Mallet. London, 1754. Letters and Correspondence,\\npublic and private, of Lord Bolingbroke, ed. G. Parke.\\nLondon, 1798.\\nValuable although marred by partisanship and self-justifi-\\ncation.\\nCCXVIII\\nBOYER S HISTORY OF QUEEN ANNE: The History\\nof Queen Anne, zvherein all the Civil and Military Trans-\\nactions of that memorable Reign are faithfully compiled\\nfrom the best Authorities. The whole intermixed zvith\\nSeveral authentic and remarkable Papers; together zvith\\nall the more Important Debates in Parliament A compleat\\nIJst of the most Eminent Persons zvho died in the course\\nof this Reign; zvith proper characters of those zvho ren-\\ndered themselves most conspicuous in Church and State,\\ned. A. Boyer. London, 1735.\\nUseful as an accessible source.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "58 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCCXIX\\nOLDMIXON S HISTORY: The History of England Dur-\\ning the reigns of King William and Queen Mary, Queen\\nAnne and King George I. Being the sequel of the Reigns\\nof the Stuarts ed. J. Oldmixon. London, 1735.\\nThough coloured by violent partisanship of the Whig pol-\\nicy, this is a useful source. It contains extracts from Parlia-\\nmentary Debates and from political publications.\\nccxx\\nRAPIN S HISTORY OF ENGLAND CONTINUED: The\\nHistory of England by Mr, Rapin de Thoyras. Continued\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0from the Revolution to the Accession of King George II.,\\ned. N. Tindal. London, 1747. The work was extended to\\ninclude reign of George II and was republished Lend. 1757.\\nImpartial, accurate, and comprehensive. Covers period\\n1 649- 1 820.\\nCCXXI\\nFLETCHER OF SALTOUN The Political Works of An-\\ndrew Fletcher, Esq. Reprint, Lond. 1732.\\nOpinions of party opposed to union between England and\\nScotland.\\nCCXXII\\nHERVEY S MEMOIRS Memoirs of the Reign of George\\nthe Second from his accession to the Death of Queen\\nCaroline.. .By John, Lord Hervcy, ed. from the original\\nmss. by J. W. Croker. London, 1848.\\n1737-1742. Court Life and the inner political management.\\nValuable source.\\nCCXXIII\\nKER S MEMOIRS: The Memoirs of John Ker of Kersland\\nin North Britain Esq.; containing His secret transactions\\nand negotiations in Scotland, England, the Courts of\\nVienna, Hanover, and other Foreign Parts. With an ac-\\ncount of the Rise and Progress of the Ostend Company in\\nthe Austrian Netherlands. London, 1726.\\nKer was a secret agent of the Government, and his work\\nnot only throws light upon the policy of the Ministry, but\\ngives a clear idea of the methods of the service in which he\\nwas engaged.\\nCCXXIV\\nLETTERS OF WILLIAM III. AND LOUIS XIV. and of\\ntheir ministers, illustrative of the Domestic and Foreign", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 59\\npolitics of England from the Peace of Ryswick to the ac-\\ncession of Phillip V. of Spain. i6 )j-i /00, ed. P. Grimblot.\\nLondon, 1848.\\nUseful in the field indicated in title.\\nccxxv\\nCALENDARS: of Home Office Papers of the Reign of\\nGeorge HI. 1760-65; 1766-6^; i /6o- /2; of Treasury\\nPapers, 1557-17^0. London, 1878-81. See No. XXV.\\nExtremely valuable.\\nCCXXVI\\nBEDFORD CORRESPONDENCE: Correspondence of\\nJohn, Fourth Duke of Bedford; selected from the original\\nat Wohurn Abbey. With an introduction by Lord John\\nRussell. London, 1842-46.\\nGenerally useful for political history in period 1742-1770.\\nCCXXVII\\nPITT CORRESPONDENCE: Correspondence of William\\nPitt, Earl of Chatham published from the original\\nmanuscripts. London, 1838.\\nCovers period 1741-1778. The position of the writer en-\\nables him to give much information not elsewhere obtain-\\nable.\\nCCXXVIII\\nTHE GRENVILLE PAPERS being the correspondence of\\nRichard Grenville, Earl Temple, K.G., and the Rt. Hon.\\nGeorge Grenville, their friends and contemporaries. Ed.\\nW. J. Smith, Lond., 1852.\\nBegins 1742. Particularly important after 1755.\\nCCXXIX\\nROSE CORRESPONDENCE: Diaries and Correspondence\\nof the Right Hon. George Rose; containing original\\nLetters of the most disingulshed statesmen of his day, ed.\\nL. V. Harcourt. London, 1860-62.\\nPeriod of 1782- 181 5. Useful.\\nCCXXX\\nAUCKLAND CORRESPONDENCE: The Journal and\\nCorespondence of William, Lord Auckland, ed. The Bishop\\nof Bath and Wells. London, 1861-62.\\nPeriod of 1782-1814. Scholarly and impartial.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "6o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY ^H\\nccxxxi\\nMEMOIRS OF THE LAST TEN YEARS OF THE\\nREIGN OF GEORGE IL, hy Horace Walpole. London,\\n1822. Also Memoirs of the Early Reign of George III,\\nhy Horace Walpole, ed. from original MSS. by D. Le\\nMarchant. London, 1845. Also Correspondence of, ed.\\nCunningham. London, 1840-51, and 1888. Also Journal\\nof the Reign of George III [i 771 -1783], ed. Doran. Lon-\\ndon, 1859. Also Letters of, ed. C. D. Yonge, 1891.\\nThe standard source for the period.\\nCCXXXII\\nANNUAL REGISTER, or a viezv of the History, Politics\\nand Literature for the year 1758. (Continued to date.)\\nEach volume of this important series contains a summary\\nof the principal events of the year in England and foreign\\ncountries. Particular attention given to parliamentary pro-\\nceedings. Texts of important acts and treaties are often\\nquoted. Although in many cases the editor shows bias, this\\nis so readily perceptible as to be of little disadvantage.\\nCXXXIII\\nCAVENDISH S DEBATES: Henry Cavendish s Debates\\nof the House of Commons During the Thirteenth Parlia-\\nmelit of Great Britain, commonly called the Unreported\\nParliament to which are appended Illustrations of the\\nParliamentary History of the Reign of George the Third;\\nconsisting of unpublished letters. Private Journals, Me-\\nmoirs, etc. Drawn up from the original manuscripts by\\nJ. Wright. London, 1841-43.\\nCovers period 1 768-1 771.\\nCCXXXIV\\nBUBB DODINGTON S DIARY: The Diary of the late\\nGeorge Bubb Dodington, from Mar. 8, 1/48-4^ to Feby. 6,\\ni j6i. With an Appendix containing many curious and\\ninteresting Papers referred to in the Diary. Ed. H. P.\\nWyndham from, the original MSS. 14th edition. 1809.\\nUseful for period 1 748-1 761.\\nccxxxv\\nNORTH CORRESPONDENCE: The Correspondence of\\nKing George the Third zvith Lord North from 1/68-1/8^,\\ned. from the originals by W. B. Donne. London, 1867.\\nPeriod of 1768- 1783.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "SOURCES ARRANGED BY EPOCHS 6i\\nCCXXXVI\\nMALMESBURY CORRESPONDENCE: Diaries and Cor-\\nrespondence of James Harris, First Earl of MaUnesbury\\ncontaining an account of His Mission to the Courts of\\nMadrid, Frederick the Great, Catherine the Second, and\\nthe Hague and his special missions to Berlin, Brunswick\\nand the French Republic, ed. Earl of Malmesbury. Lon-\\ndon, 1844.\\nPeriod of 1 767-1 797.\\nCCXXXVII\\nBURKE S WORKS The Works and Correspondence of\\nEdmund Burke. London, 1852. Speeches of, Lond. 1859.\\nFor missing correspondence, completing this valuable\\nsource, see T. Macknight s Life and Times of Edmund\\nBurke, London, 1858-1861.\\nCCXXXVIII\\nCORNWALLIS CORRESPONDENCE Correspondence\\nof Charles, First Marquis Cornzvallis. Ed. C. Ross, Lond.,\\n1859.\\nPeriod of 1776-1806. Colonial affairs.\\nCCXXXIX\\nMEMOIRS OF THE COURT AND CABINETS OF\\nGEORGE THE THIRD. From original family docu-\\nments by the Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. Lon-\\ndon, 1853-55.\\nPeriod of 1782-1800. Valuable for letters of eminent per-\\nsons.\\nSECTION 10. THE NINETEENTH CENTURY\\nThe source material for the study of the history of the\\nNineteenth Century is so voluminous as to preclude even an\\nattempt to outline its resources within the limits of the space\\nat command. The student will, however, by following the\\nbibliographical lines indicated for preceding periods, have\\nno difficulty in securing an ample supply of material for the\\nstudy of recent history.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "PART II\\nTHE PRE-NORMAN PERIOD\\n(425 B.C. TO 1066 A.D.)\\n63", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nTHE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS\\nII. First Mention of the Islands afterwards called British\\nHerodotus\\nHerodotus (b. circa 484 B.C.; d. 408 B.C.?) was the earliest\\nGrecian historian. His History contains the first authentic allu-\\nsion to the British Islands. The form of the reference indicates\\nthat definite knowledge of the Tin Islands, the Cassiterides,\\ngenerally believed to be the British Islands, was current among\\nthe trading countries of the Mediterranean at a period somewhat\\nearlier than that of Herodotus.\\nOf the extremities of Europe towards the west I cannot\\nspeak with certainty, nor am I acquainted with the islands\\nCassiterides, from which tin is brought to us.\\n{Herodoti Historiaruvt libro HI 115, ed. Abicht-Kallenberg, Teubner Text\\nLeipsic, 1890.)\\n12. First Mention of the Islands by Name\\nAristotle\\nAristotle (b. c lrca 384 b.c. d. 2^22 b.c. Controversies have\\nmore than shaken the belief that The Universe was written by\\nAristotle; yet the undoubted antiquity of the work justifies the\\ninsertion of the excerpt given below. If we accept the attribution\\nof The Universe to the great Stagirite we may confidently assert\\nthat therein is contained the earliest recorded allusion by name to\\nthe British Islands.\\nWithout which [the Pillars of Hercules] the ocean flows\\nround the earth; in this ocean, however, are two islands, and\\nthose very large, called Bretannic, Albion and lerne, which\\nare larger than those before mentioned and lie beyond the\\nCelti and other tw^o not less than these, Taprobane, beyond\\nthe Indians, lying obliquely in respect of the main land, and\\nthat called Phebol, situate over against the Arabic Gulf;\\nmoreover not a few small islands, around the Bretannic Isles,\\nand Iberia, encircle as with a diadem this earth, which we\\nhave already said to be an island.\\n{Aristoteles de Mundo capite iii, Prussian Royal Academy. Ed. Berlin, 183 1-70.)\\n65", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "66 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n13. Evidence of increasing Interest in the British Islands\\nThe great History of Polybius (b. circa 204 B.C.; d. 122 B.C.?)\\nis chiefly devoted to the affairs of Greece, but it contains many\\nallusions to the contemporaneous history of other countries.\\nFrom the excerpt given, the increasing interest in and knowledge\\nof the British Islands are apparent. Not only are these islands\\nmentioned by name, but their connection with the tin trade is\\ndefinitely stated.\\nPerhaps indeed some will enquire w^hy, having made so\\nlong a discourse concerning places in Lybia and Iberia, we\\nhave not spoken more fully of the outlet at the Pillars of\\nHercules, nor of the exterior sea, and of the peculiarities\\nwhich occur therein, nor yet indeed of the Bretannic Isles,\\nand the working of tin; nor again, of the gold and silver\\nmines of Iberia; concerning which writers, controverting\\neach other, have discoursed very largely.\\nPolybii Historiarum libro III. c. 57, ed. Buttner-Wobst and Dindorf, Teubner\\nText, 1882.)\\n14. First Roman Invasion of Britain\\nCcEsar\\nIn the Commentaries on the Gallic War, by Julius C^sar\\n(b. 100 B.C.; d. 44 B.C.) we possess an invaluable source of con-\\ntemporary information concerning the first two invasions of\\nBritain. Caesar could speak not only authoritatively as being the\\nleader of the Roman armies, but with clearness and accuracy as\\nbeing an observant scholar.\\nThese matters being arranged, finding the weather favour-\\nable for his voyage, he set sail about the third watch, and\\nordered the horse to march forward to the farther port, and\\nthere embark and follow him. As this was performed rather\\ntardily by them, he himself reached Britain with the first\\nsquadron of ships, about the fourth hour of the day, and there\\nsaw the forces of the enemy drawn up in arms on all the hills.\\nThe nature of the place was this the sea was confined by\\nmountains so close to it that a dart could be thrown from\\ntheir summit upon the shore. Considering this by no means\\na fit place for disembarking, he remained at anchor till the\\nninth hour, for the other ships to arrive there. Having in\\nthe meantime assembled the lieutenants and military tribunes,\\nhe told them both what he had learnt from Volusenus, and\\nwhat he wished to be done; and enjoined them (as the prin-\\nciple of military matters, and especially as maritime affairs,\\nwhich have a precipitate and uncertain action, required) that\\nall things should be performed by them at a nod and at the\\nI", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS 67\\ninstant. Having dismissed them, meeting both with wind and\\ntide favourable at the time, the signal being given and the\\nanchor weighed, he advanced about seven miles from that\\nplace, and stationed his fleet over against an open and level\\nshore.\\nBut the barbarians, upon perceiving the design of the\\nRomans, sent forward their cavalry and charioteers, a class\\nof warriors of whom it is their practice to make great use in\\ntheir battles, and following with the rest of their forces, en-\\ndeavoured to prevent our men landing. In this was the\\ngreatest difficulty, for the following reasons, namely, because\\nour ships, on account of their great size, could be stationed\\nonly in deep water and our soldiers, in places unknown to\\nthem, with their hands embarrassed, oppressed with a large\\nand heavy weight of armour, had at the same time to leap\\nfrom the ships, stand amidst the waves, and encounter the\\nenemy whereas they, either on dry ground, or advancing a\\nlittle way into the water, free in all their limbs, in places\\nthoroughly known to them, could confidently throw their\\nweapons and spur on their horses, which were accustomed\\nto this kind of service. Dismayed by these circumstances\\nand altogether untrained in their mode of battle, our men did\\nnot all exert the same vigour and eagerness which they had\\nbeen wont to exert in engagements on dry land.\\nWhen Caesar observed this, he ordered the ships of war,\\nthe appearance of which was somewhat strange to the bar-\\nbarians and the motion more ready for service, to be with-\\ndrawn a little from the transport vessels, and to be propelled\\nby their oars, and to be stationed a little toward the open\\nflank of the enemy, and the enemy to be beaten off and driven\\naway, with slings, arrows, and engines which plan was of\\ngreat service to our men for the barbarians being startled\\nby the form of our ships and the motions of our oars and\\nthe nature of our engines, which was strange to them,\\nstopped, and shortly after retreated a little. And while our\\nmen were hesitating [whether they should advance to the\\nshore], chiefly on account of the depth of the sea, he who\\ncarried the eagle of the tenth legion, after supplicating the\\ngods that the matter might turn out favourably to the legion,\\nexclaimed, Leap, fellow-soldiers, unless you wish to betray\\nyour eagle to the enemy. I, for my part, will perform my\\nduty to the commonwealth and my general. When he had\\nsaid this with a loud voice, he leaped from the ship and pro-\\nceeded to bear the eagle toward the enemy. Then our men,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "6s SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nexhorting one another that so great a disgrace should not be\\nincurred, all leaped from the ship. When those in the nearest\\nvessels saw them, they speedily followed and approached the\\nenemy.\\nThe battle was maintained vigorously on both sides. Our\\nmen, however, as they could neither keep their ranks, nor get\\nfirm footing, nor follow their standards, and as one from one\\nship arid another from another assembled around whatever\\nstandards they met, were thrown into great confusion. But\\nthe enemy, who were acquainted with all the shallows, when\\nfrom the shore they saw any coming from a ship one by one,\\nspurred on their horses, and attacked them while embar-\\nrassed; many surrounded a few, others threw their weapons\\nupon our collected forces on their exposed flank. When\\nCsesar observed this, he ordered the boats of the ships of war\\narid the spy sloops to be filled with soldiers, and sent them up\\nto the succour of those whom he had observed in distress.\\nOur men, as soon as they made good their footing on dry\\nground, and all their comrades had joined them, made an\\nattack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, but could not\\npursue them very far, because the horse had not been able\\nto maintain their course at sea and reach the island. This\\nalone was wanting to Caesar s accustomed success.\\n(CcBsar^s Conime7itaries on the Gaelic IVar, book IV, c. 23-26.)\\n15. A Description of the Britons\\nCcFsnr\\nThe characteristics of the Britons and their country are well\\ndescribed by C^sar. He possessed keen perception and cool\\njudgment, and he was accustomed to impartially record all which\\npersonal interests did not tempt him to colour.\\nThe interior portion of Britain is inhabited by those of\\nwhom they say that it is handed down by tradition that they\\nwere born in the island itself: the maritime portion by those\\nwho had passed over from the country of the Belgse for the\\npurpose of plunder and making war; almost all of whom are\\ncalled by the names of those states from which being sprung\\nthey went thither, and having waged war, continued there and\\nbegan to cultivate the lands. The number of the people is\\ncountless, and their buildings exceedingly numerous, for the\\nmost part very like those of the Gauls: the number of cattle\\nis great. They use either brass or iron rings, determined at\\na certain weight, as their money. Tin is produced in the mid-\\nland regions; in the maritime, iron; but the quantity of it", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS 69\\nis small they employ brass, which is imported. There, as in\\nGaul, is timber of every description, except beech and fir.\\nThey do not regard it lawful to eat the hare, and the cock,\\nand the goose they, however, breed them for amusement and\\npleasure. The climate is more temperate than in Gaul, the\\ncolds being less severe\\nThe most civilized of all these nations are they who in-\\nhabit Kent, which is entirely a maritime district, nor do they\\ndiffer much from the Gallic customs. Most of the inland in-\\nhabitants do not sow corn, but live on milk and flesh, and are\\nclad with skins. All the Britains, indeed, dye themselves\\nwith wood, which occasions a bluish colour, and thereby have\\na more terrible appearance in fight. They wear their hair\\nlong, and have every part of their body shaved except their\\nhead and upper lip. Ten and even twelve have wives com-\\nmon to them, and particularly brothers among brothers, and\\nparents among their children but if there be any issue by\\nthese wives, they are reputed to be the children of those by\\nwhom respectively each was first espoused when a virgin.\\n{Casar^s Coinmefitaries on the Gallic War, book V, c. 12, 14.)\\n16. The Characteristics of the Britons\\nStrnho\\nIn the Fourth Book of the Geography of Strabo (b. circa 50 b.c.\\nd. 21 A.D. we find an interesting account of the British Islands\\nand their inhabitants. Strabo gathers and reflects the opinions\\nof the historians and geographers who preceded him, but he also\\nadds much derived from his own research and observation. His\\ndescription is not the less valuable because based on the accounts\\nof Pytheas, Posidonius. Artemidorus, Ephorus, Timagenes, Aris-\\ntotle, Polybius, Asinius, Pollio, and Qesar.\\nThe greatest portion of the island is level and woody,\\nalthough many tracts are hilly. It produces corn, and cattle,\\nand gold, and silver, and iron, which things are brought\\nthence, and also skins and slaves, and dogs sagacious in hunt-\\ning: and the Celti use these for the purposes of war also, as\\nwell as their native dogs. The men are taller than the Celti,\\nw^ith hair less yellow and slighter in their persons. As an\\ninstance of their height, we ourselves saw at Rome some\\nyouths who were taller by so much as half a foot than the\\ntallest there; but they were distorted in their lower limbs,\\nand in other respects not symmetrical in their conformation.\\nTheir manners are in part like those of the Celti, though in\\npart more simple and barbarous insomuch that some of them,\\nthough possessing plenty of milk, have not skill enough to", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "70 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmake cheese, and are totally unacquainted with horticulture\\nand other matters of husbandry. There are several states\\namong them. In their wars they make use of chariots for the\\nmost part, as do some of the Celti. Forests are their cities\\nfor having enclosed an ample space with felled trees, here\\nthey make themselves huts, and lodge their cattle, though not\\nfor any long continuance. Their atmosphere is more subject\\nto rain than to snow; even in their clear days the mist con-\\ntinues a considerable time, insomuch that throughout the\\nwhole day the sun is only visible for three or four hours about\\nnoontime and this must be the case also among the Morini\\nand the Menapii, and among all the neighbouring people. The\\ndeified Caesar twice passed over to the island, but quickly\\nreturned, having effected nothing of consequence, nor pro-\\nceeded far into the country, as well on account of some com-\\nmotions in Celtica, both among his own soldiers and among\\nthe barbarians, as because of the loss of many of his ships\\nat the period of the full moon, when both the flux and reflux\\nof the tides were greatly increased. Nevertheless he gained\\ntwo or three victories over the Britons, although he had\\ntransported thither only two legions of his army, and brought\\naway hostages, and slaves, and much other booty. At the\\npresent time, however, some of the princes there having, by\\ntheir embassies and court, gained the friendship of Caesar\\nAugustus, have dedicated their offerings in the Capitol; and\\nhave brought the whole island into a state little short of\\nintimate union with the Romans. They bear moderate taxes\\nlaid both on the imports and exports from Celtica which are\\nivory bracelets and necklaces, amber, and vessels of glass,\\nand such like mean merchandise wherefore the island would\\nbe hardly worth a garrison, for it would require at least one\\nlegion and some cavalry to enforce tribute from them and\\nthe total expenditure for the army would be equal to the\\nadditional revenue for if a tribute were levied, of necessity\\nthe imposts must be diminished, and at the same time some\\ndangers would be incurred if force were to be employed.\\n{Strabonis GeograpJdce, lib. I., ed, Meineke, Teubner Text, 1866.)\\n17. The Tin Mines of Britain\\nDiodoms Sicnlns\\nThe History, or Bibliotheca, of Diodorus Siculus was probably\\nwritten in the last half of the first century of our era. The work\\nhas not been preserved in its entirety. From the fragments re-\\nlating to Britain I have selected one which speaks of the tin trade\\nof that island. It was to the product of its mines that Britain\\nowed its earliest importance.", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS 71\\nFurther they say that its aboriginal tribes inhabit Brit-\\nain, in their usages still preserving the primitive modes of\\nlife; for in their wars they use chariots, as the ancient\\nGreek heroes are reported to have done in the Trojan war,\\nand they have mean habitations, constructed for the most part\\nof reeds or of wood, and they gather in their harvest by cut-\\nting off the ears of corn and storing them in subterraneous\\nrepositories that they cull therefrom daily such as are old,\\nand, dressing them, have thence their sustenance that they\\nare simple in their manners, and far removed from the cun-\\nning and wickedness of men of the present day that their\\nmodes of living are frugal, and greatly differing from the\\nluxury consequent on riches: that the island is thickly in-\\nhabited, and the temperature of the air exceedingly cold, in-\\nasmuch as it lies directly beneath the north and that they\\nhave many kings and princes, and for the most part live\\npeaceably together.\\nBut concerning its institutions and other peculiarities we\\nshall wTite at detail when we arrive at Caesar s expedition\\ninto Britain at present we shall speak of the tin which is\\nthere produced. They who dwell near that promontory of\\nBritain which is called Belerium are singularly fond of\\nstrangers, and, from their intercourse with foreign mer-\\nchants, civilized in their habits. These people obtain the tin\\nby skilfully working the soil which produces it; this being\\nrocky, has earthy interstices, in which, working the ore, and\\nthen fusing, they reduce it to metal and when they have\\nformed it into cubical shapes, they convey it to a certain is-\\nland, lying off Britain, named Ictis: for at the low tides the\\nintervening space being laid dry, they carry thither, in\\nwaggons, the tin in great abundance. A singular circum-\\nstance happens with respect to the neighbouring islands lying\\nbetween Europe and Britain for at the high tides, the inter-\\nvening passage being flooded, they seem islands but at the\\nlow tides, the sea retreating and leaving much space dry, they\\nappear peninsulas. From hence the merchants purchase the\\ntin from the natives, and carry it across into Gaul and\\nfinally journeying by land through Gaul for about thirty\\ndays, they convey their burdens on horses to the outlet of\\nthe river Rhone. This much, therefore, to have spoken con-\\ncerning tin may suffice.\\n(Diodori Siculi Bibliothecce Historicce, ed. Vogel, Teubner Text, in progress.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "72 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ni8. Phases of the Roman Occupation 1\\nTactiusi\\nNo Roman writer has given a description so comprehensive\\nand clear of methods of war in Britain as has Tacitus. In the\\nLife of Agricola this author furnishes information regarding\\nthe British Islands and their inhabitants, which is of utmost\\nvalue to the student. Tacitus possessed peculiar facilities for\\ndirectly obtaining authentic and minute information regarding\\nthe actual occurrences in the country of the Britons.\\nWho were the first inhabitants of Britain, whether in-\\ndigenous or immigrants, is a question involved in the obscu-\\nrity usual among barbarians. Their temperament of body is\\nvarious, whence deductions are formed of their different\\norigins. Thus, the ruddy hair and large limbs of the Cale-\\ndonians point out a German derivation. The swarthy com-\\nplexion and curled hair of the Silures, together with their\\nsituation opposite to Spain, render it probable that a colony\\nof the ancient Iberi possessed themselves of that territory.\\nThey who are nearest Gaul resemble the inhabitants of that\\ncountry whether from the duration of hereditary influence,\\nor whether it be that when lands jut forward in opposite\\ndirections, climate gives the same condition of body to the in-\\nhabitants of both. On a general survey, however, it appears\\nprobable that the Gauls originally took possession of the\\nneighbouring coast. The sacred rites and superstitions of\\nthese people are discernible among the Britons. The lan-\\nguages of the two nations do not greatly differ. The same\\naudacity in provoking danger, and irresolution in facing it\\nwhen present, is observable in both. The Britons, however,\\ndisplay more ferocity, not being yet softened by a long peace\\nfor it appears from history that the Gauls were once re-\\nnowned in war, till, losing their valour with their liberty,\\nlanguor and indolence entered among them. The same\\nchange has also taken place among those of the Britons who\\nhave been long subdued; but the rest continue such as the\\nGauls formerly were.\\nTheir military strength consists in infantry: some nations\\nalso make use of chariots in war in the management of\\nwhich, the most honourable person guides the reins, while\\nhis dependents fight from the chariot. The Britons were\\nformerly governed by kings, but at present they are divided\\nin factions and parties among their chiefs; and this want\\nof union for concerting some general plan is the most favour-\\nable circumstance to us, in our designs against so powerful\\na people. It is seldom that two or three communities concur", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS 73\\nin repelling the common danger and thus, while they engage\\nsingly, they are all subdued. The sky in this country is de-\\nformed by clouds and frequent rains but the cold is never\\nextremely rigorous. The length of the days greatly exceeds\\nthat in our part of the world. The nights are bright, and,\\nat the extremity of the island, so short, that the close and\\nthe return of day is scarcely distinguished by a perceptible\\ninterval. It is even asserted that, when clouds do not inter-\\nvene, the splendour of the sun is visible during the whole\\nnight, and that it does not appear to rise and set, but to move\\nacross. The cause of this is, that the extreme and flat parts\\nof the earth, casting a low shadow, do not throw up the dark-\\nness, and so night falls beneath the sky and the stars. The\\nsoil, though improper for the olive, the vine, and other\\nproductions of warmer climates, is fertile, and suitable for\\ncorn. Growth is quick, but maturation slow both from the\\nsame cause, the great humidity of the ground and the atmos-\\nphere. The earth yields gold and silver and other metals,\\nthe rewards of victory. The ocean produces pearls, but of\\na cloudy and livid hue which some impute to unskilfulness\\nin the gatherers for in the Red Sea the fish are plucked\\nfrom the rocks alive and vigorous, but in Britain they are\\ncollected as the sea throws them up. For my own part, I\\ncan more readily conceive that the defect is in the nature\\nof the pearls, than in our avarice.\\nThe Britons cheerfully submit to levies, tributes, and the\\nother services of government, if they are not treated in-\\njuriously but such treatment they bear with impatience,\\ntheir subjection only extending to obedience, not to servitude.\\nAccordingly Julius Caesar, the first who entered Britain with\\nan army, although he terrified the inhabitants by a success-\\nful engagement, and became master of the shore, may be con-\\nsidered rather to have transmitted the discovery than the\\npossession of the country to posterity\\nIn the beginning of the next summer, Agricola having\\nsent forwards his fleet to spread its ravages through various\\nparts of the coast, in order to excite an extensive and dubious\\nalarm, he marched with an army equipped for expedition,\\nto which he had joined the bravest of the Britons whose\\nfidelity had been proved by a long allegiance, and arrived at\\nthe Grampian hills, where the enemy was already encamped.\\nFor the Britons, undismayed by the event of the former\\naction, expecting revenge or slavery, and at length taught\\nthat the common danger was to be repelled by union alone,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "74 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nhad assembled the strength of all their tribes by embassies\\nand confederacies. Upwards of thirty thousand men in arms\\nwere now descried and the youth, together with those of\\na hale and vigorous age, renowned in war, and bearing their\\nseveral honorary decorations, were still flocking in\\nThey burst forth into cheerful acclamations, and in-\\nstantly flew to arms. Thus eager and impetuous, he formed\\nthem so that the centre was occupied by the auxiliary in-\\nfantry, in number eight thousand, and three thousand horse\\nwere spread in the wings. The legions were stationed in\\nthe rear, before the intrenchments a disposition which\\nwould render the victory signally glorious, if it were obtained\\nwithout the expense of Roman blood; and would ensure\\nsupport if the rest of the army were repulsed. The British\\ntroops, for the greater display of their numbers, and more\\nformidable appearance, were ranged upon the rising grounds,\\nso that the first line stood upon the plain; the rest, as if\\nlinked together, rose above one another upon the ascent.\\nThe charioteers and horsemen filled the middle of the field\\nwith their tumult and careering. Then Agricola, fearing\\nfrom the superior number of the enemy lest he should be\\nobliged to fight as well on his flanks as in front, extended\\nhis ranks; and although this rendered his line of battle less\\nfirm, and several of his officers advised him to bring up the\\nlegions, yet, filled with hope, and resolute in danger, he dis-\\nmissed his horse, and took his station on foot before the\\ncolours.\\nAt first the action w^as carried on at a distance. The\\nBritons, armed with long swords and short targets, with\\nsteadiness and dexterity avoided or struck down our missile\\nweapons, and at the same time poured in a torrent of their\\nown. Agricola then encouraged three Batavian and two\\nTungrian cohorts to fall in and come to close quarters; a\\nmethod of fighting familiar to these veteran soldiers, but\\nembarrassing to the enemy from the nature of thefr armour;\\nfor the enormous British swords, blunt at the point, are unfit\\nfor close grappling, and engaging in a confined space. When\\nthe Batavians, therefore, began to redouble their blows, to\\nstrike with the bosses of their shields, and mangle the faces\\nof the enemy; and, bearing down all those who resisted them\\non the plain, were advancing their line up the ascent; the\\nother cohorts, fired with ardour and emulation, joined in the\\ncharge and overthrew all who came in their way and so great\\nwas their impetuosity in the pursuit of victory, that they left\\nI", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS 75\\nmany of their foes half dead or unhurt behind them. In the\\nmeantime the troops of cavalry took to flight, and the armed\\nchariots mingled in the engagement of cavalry since the\\nmen, long keeping their ground with difficulty, were forced\\nalong with the bodies of the horses and frequently, strag-\\ngling chariots, and affrighted horses without their riders,\\nflying variously as terror impelled them, rushed obliquely\\nathwart or directly through the lines.\\nThose of the Britons who, yet disengaged from the fight,\\nsat on the summits of the hills, and looked with careless\\ncontempt on the smallness of our numbers, now began grad-\\nually to descend; and would have fallen on the rear of\\nthe conquering troops, had not Agricola, apprehending this\\nvery event, opposed four reserved squadrons of horse to their\\nattack, which, the more furiously they had advanced, drove\\nthem back with the greater celerity. Their project was thus\\nturned against themselves and the squadrons were ordered\\nto wheel from the front of the battle and fall upon the\\nenemy s rear. A striking and hideous spectacle now appeared\\non the plain some pursuing some striking some making\\nprisoners, whom they slaughtered as others came in their\\nway. Now, as their several dispositions prompted, crowds\\nof armed Britons fled before inferior numbers, or a few,\\neven unarmed, rushed upon their foes, and offered them-\\nselves to a voluntary death. Arms, and carcasses, and mans\\ngled limbs, were promiscuously strewed, and the field was\\ndyed in blood. Even among the vanquished were seen in-\\nstances of rage and valour. When the fugitives approached\\nthe woods, they collected, and surrounded the foremost of\\nthe pursuers, advancing incautiously and unacquainted with\\nthe country and had not Agricola, who was everywhere\\npresent, caused some strong and lightly-equipped cohorts to\\nencompass the ground, while part of the cavalry dismounted\\nmade way through the thickets, and part on horseback\\nscoured the open woods, some disaster would have proceeded\\nfrom the excess of confidence. But when the enemy saw\\ntheir pursuers again formed in compact order, they renewed\\ntheir flight, not in bodies as before, or awaiting for their\\ncompanions, but scattered and mutually avoided each other\\nand thus took their way to the most distant and devious\\nretreats. Night and satiety of slaughter put an end to the\\npursuit. Of the enemy ten thousand were slain: on our part\\nthree hundred and sixty fell among whom was Aulus At-\\nticus, the prsefect of a cohort, who, by his juvenile ardour,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "7\u00c2\u00a7 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand the fire of his horse, was borne into the midst of the\\nenemy.\\nSuccess and plunder contributed to render the night joyful\\nto the victors; whilst the Britons wandering and forlorn,\\namid the promiscuous lamentations of men and women, were\\ndragging along the wounded; calling out to the unhurt;\\nabandoning their habitations, and in the rage of despair\\nsetting them on fire; choosing places of concealment, and\\nthen deserting them; consulting together, and then separat-\\ning. Sometimes, on beholding the dear pledges of kindred\\nand affection, they were melted into tenderness, or more fre-\\nquently roused into fury; insomuch that several, according\\nto authentic information, instigated by a savage compassion,\\nlaid violent hands upon their own wives and children. On\\nthe succeeding day, a vast silence all around, desolate hills,\\nthe distant smoke of burning houses, and not a living soul\\ndescried by the scouts, displayed more amply the face of\\nvictory. After parties had been detached to all quarters\\nwithout discovering any certain traces of the enemy s flight,\\nor any bodies of them still in arms, as the lateness of the\\nseason rendered it impracticable to spread the war through\\nthe country, Agricola led his army to the confines of the\\nHoresti. Having received hostages from this people, he\\nordered the commander of the fleet to sail round the island;\\nfor which expedition he was furnished with sufficient force,\\nand preceded by the terror of the Roman name. He himself\\nthen led back the cavalry and infantry, marching slowly, that\\nhe might impress a deeper awe on the newly conquered\\nnations and at length distributed his troops into their winter-\\nquarters.\\n{Life of Agricola, Tacitus, London, 1874, II, p. 355 et seq.)\\n19. Consequences of the Withdrawal of the Romans\\nGildas\\nThe short treatise De Excidio Britannice was written by Gildas\\n(b. circa 516; d. 570?) about 560 a.d. Gildas cannot therefore\\nbe styled a contemporary source for the Romano-British period\\nof English History, yet he is the accepted and sole though not\\nwholly satisfactory authority for the period extending from\\nthe early part of the fifth century until about 560 a.d.\\nThe Romans, therefore, left the country No sooner\\nwere they gone, than the Picts and Scots, like worms which\\nin the heat of mid-day come forth from their holes, hastily\\nland again from their canoes, in which they had been carried\\nbeyond the Cichican valley, differing one from another in", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE BRITAIN OF THE ANCIENTS 77\\nmanners, but inspired with the same avidity for blood, and\\nall more eager to shroud their villainous faces in bushy hair\\nthan to cover with decent clothes those parts of their body\\nwhich required it. Moreover, having heard of the departure\\nof our friends, and their resolution never to return, they\\nseize with greater boldness than before on all the country\\ntowards the extreme north as far as the wall. To oppose\\nthem there was placed on the heights a garrison equally slow\\nto fight and ill adapted to run away, a useless and panic-\\nstruck company, who slumbered away days and nights on\\ntheir unprofitable watch. Meanwhile the hooked weapons\\nof their enemies were not idle, and our wretched countrymen\\nwere dragged from the wall and dashed against the ground.\\nSuch premature death, however, painful as it was, saved them\\nfrom seeing the miserable sufferings of their brothers and\\nchildren. But why should I say more They left their cities,\\nabandoned the protection of the wall, and dispersed them-\\nselves in flight, more desperately than before. The enemy,\\non the other hand, pursued them with more unrelenting\\ncruelty than before, and butchered our countrymen like\\nsheep, so that their habitations were like those of savage\\nbeasts for they turned their arms upon each other, and for\\nthe sake of a little sustenance, imbrued their hands in the\\nblood of their fellow-countrymen. Thus foreign calamities\\nwere augmented by domestic feuds so that the whole coun-\\ntry was entirely destitute of provisions, save such as could\\nbe procured in the chase.\\nAgain, therefore, the wretched remnant, sending to ^tius,\\na powerful Roman citizen, address him as follows: To\\nyEtius, now consul for the third time the groans of the\\nBritons. And again a little further, thus: The barbari-\\nans drive us to the sea; the sea throws us back on the bar-\\nbarians: thus two modes of death await us, we are either\\nslain or drowned. The Romans, however, could not assist\\nthem\\n(The works of Gildas, The History, 19, 20. In Six Old English Chronicles.\\nLondon, 1872.)\\n20. The Power of Britain Revives\\nBede\\nThe distress and despair into which the Britons fell at the\\nwithdrawal of the Romans is well shown by the preceding selec-\\ntion from GiLDAS. The condition of depression did not endure.\\nThe valour of the native Britons re-asserted itself, and gave to\\nthe island a period of prosperity.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "78 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nIn the meantime, the aforesaid famine distressing the Brit-\\nons more and more, and leaving to posterity lasting memo- 1\\nrials of its mischievous effects, obliged many of them to\\nsubmit themselves to the depredators; though others still\\nheld out, confiding in the Divine assistance, when none was\\nto be had from men. These continually made excursions\\nfrom the mountains, caves, and woods, and, at length, began\\nto inflict severe losses on their enemies, who had been for\\nso many years plundering the country. The Irish robbers\\nthereupon returned home, in order to come again soon after.\\nThe Picts, both then and afterwards, remained quiet in the\\nfarthest part of the island, save that sometimes they would\\ndo some mischief, and carry off booty from the Britons.\\nWhen, however, the ravages of the enemy at length ceased,\\nthe island began to abound with such plenty of grain as had\\nnever been known in any age before.\\n(Bede s Ecclesiastical History, book 1, c. 14, ed. J. A. Giles, London, 1894.)", "height": "3523", "width": "2009", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE BIRTH OF THE ENGLISH NATION\\n21. The Ancient Germans\\nCo sar\\nThe famous Commentaries of Cesar contain the first accurate\\nand comprehensive account of the primitive Germans, the an-\\ncestors of the English. In connection with the excerpt given,\\nthe Gennania of Tacitus may be read with profit.\\nThe Germans differ much from these usages, for they have\\nneither Druids to preside over sacred offices, nor do they\\npay great regard to sacrifices. They rank in the number of\\ngods those alone whom they behold, and by whose instru-\\nmentality they are obviously benefited, namely, the sun, fire,\\nand the moon they have not heard of the other deities even\\nby report. Their whole life is occupied in hunting and in\\nthe pursuits of the military art; from childhood they devote\\nthemselves to fatigue and hardships. Those who have re-\\nmained chaste for the longest time, receive the greatest com-\\nmendation among their people\\nThey do not pay much attention to agriculture, and a large\\nportion of their food consists in milk, cheese, and flesh nor\\nhas any one a fixed quantity of land or his own individual\\nlimts; but the magistrates and the leading men each year\\napportion to the tribes and families, who have united to-\\ngether, as much land as, and in the place in which, they think\\nproper, and the year after compel them to remove elsewhere.\\nFor this enactment they advance many reasons lest seduced\\nby long-continued custom, they may exchange their ardour\\nin the w^aging of war for agriculture lest they may be anx-\\nious to acquire extensive estates, and the more powerful drive\\nthe weaker from their possessions; lest they construct their\\nhouses with too great a desire to avoid heat and cold lest the\\ndesire of wealth spring up, from which cause divisions and\\ndiscords arise; and that they may keep the common people in\\na contented state of mind, when each sees his own means\\nplaced on an equality with [those of] the most powerful.\\n79", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "8o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nIt is the greatest glory to the several States to have as wide\\ndeserts as possible around them, their frontiers having been\\nlaid waste. They consider this the real evidence of their\\nprowess, that their neighbours shall be driven out of their\\nlands and abandon tTiem, and that no one dare settle near\\nthem; at the same time, they think that they shall be on that\\naccount the more secure, because they have removed the ap-\\nprehension of a sudden incursion. When a State either repels\\nwar waged against it, or wages it against another, magis-\\ntrates are chosen to preside over that war with such author-\\nity, that they have power of life and death. In peace there is\\nno common magistrate, but the chiefs of provinces and can-\\ntons administer justice and determine controversies among\\ntheir own people. Robberies which are committed beyond the\\nboundaries of each State bear no infamy, and they show that\\nthese are committed for the purpose of disciplining their\\nyouth and of preventing sloth. And when any of their\\nchiefs has said in an assembly that he will be their leader,\\nlet those who are willing to follow, give in their names\\nthey who approve of both the enterprise and the man arise\\nand promise their assistance and are applauded by the people\\nsuch of them as have not followed him are accounted in the\\nnumber of deserters and traitors, and confidence in all mat-\\nters is afterwards refused them. To injure guests they\\nregard as impious they defend from wrong those who come\\nto them for any purpose whatever, and esteem them inviol-\\naWe; to them the houses of all are open and maintenance is\\nfreely supplied.\\n(Caesar s Coniinetitaries on the Gallic War, book VI, c. 21, 22, 23.,\\n22. The Coming of Hengist and Horsa\\nBede\\nThe accounts of the coming of the Teutons to the Isle of\\nThanet are extremely unsatisfactory. Although this is the case,\\nyet to the student of history the beginning of the Teutonic in-\\nvasion of Briton is of such importance as to demand an illustra-\\ntion. The statement of Bede possesses at least an element of\\nprobability.\\nThey consulted what was to be done, and where they could\\nseek assistance to prevent or repel the cruel and frequent in-\\ncursions of the Northern Nations and they all agreed with\\ntheir King Vortigern to call over to their aid, from the parts\\nbeyond the sea, the Saxon nation In the year of our\\nLord 449 then the nations of the Angles, or Saxons, being\\ninvited by the aforesaid King, arrived in Britain with three", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE BIRTH OF THE ENGLISH NATION 81\\nlong ships, and had a place assigned them to reside in by the\\nsame king, in the eastern part of the island, that they might\\nthus appear to be fighting for their country, whilst their real\\nintentions were to enslave it. Accordingly they engaged\\nw^ith the enemy, who were come from the north to give battle,\\nand obtained the victory; which, being known at home in\\ntheir own country, as also the fertility of the country, and\\nthe cowardice of the Britons, a more considerable fleet was\\nquickly sent over, bringing a still greater number of men,\\nwhich, being added to the former, made up an invincible\\narmy. The newcomers received of the Britons a place to\\ninhabit, upon condition that they should wage war against\\ntheir enemies for the peace and security of the country,\\nwhilst the Britons agreed to furnish them with pay. Those\\nwho came over were of the three most powerful nations of\\nGermany Saxons, Angles, and Jutes. From the Jutes are\\ndescended the people of Kent, and of the Isle of Wight, and\\nthose also in the province of the West- Saxons who are to\\nthis day called Jutes, seated opposite to the Isle of Wight.\\nFrom the Saxons, that is, the country which is now called\\nOld Saxony, came the East-Saxons, the South-Saxons, and\\nthe West- Saxons. From the Angles, that is, the country\\nwhich is called Anglia, and which is said, from that time, to\\nremain desert to this day, between the provinces of the Jutes\\nand the Saxons, are descended the East- Angles, the Midland-\\nAngles, Mercians, all the race of the Northumbrians, that is,\\nof those nations that dwell on the north side of the river\\nHuniber, and the other nations of the English. The two first\\ncommanders are said to have been Hengist and Horsa. Of\\nwhom Horsa, being afterwards slain in battle by the Britons,\\nwas buried in the eastern parts of Kent, where a monument,\\nbearing his name, is still in existence. They were the sons\\nof Victgilsus, whose father was Vecta, son of Woden from\\nwhose stock the royal race of many provinces deduce their\\noriginal. In a short time, swarms of the aforesaid nations\\ncame over into the island, and they began to increase so\\nmuch, that they became terrible to the natives themselves\\nwho had invited them. Then, having on a sudden entered\\ninto league with the Picts, whom they had by this time\\nrepelled by the force of their arms, they began to turn their\\nweapons against their confederates. At first, they obliged\\nthem to furnish a greater quantity of provisions; and, seek-\\ning an occasion to quarrel, protested, that unless more plenti-\\nful supplies were brought them, they would break the con-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "82 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfederacy, and ravage all the island; nor were they backward\\nin putting their threats in execution. In short, the fire\\nkindled by the hands of these pagans, proved God s just re-\\nvenge for the crimes of the people; not unlike that which,\\nbeing once lighted by the Chaldeans, consumed the walls and\\ncity of Jerusalem. For the barbarous conquerors acting here\\nin the same manner, or rather the just Judge ordaining that\\nthey should so act, they plundered all the neighbouring cities\\nand coimtry, spread the conflagration from the eastern to the\\nwestern sea, without any opposition, and covered almost\\nevery part of the devoted island. Public as well as private\\nstructures were overturned; the priests were everywhere\\nslain before the altars; the prelates and the people, without\\nany respect of persons, were destroyed with fire and sword;\\nnor was there any to bury those who had been thus cruelly\\nslaughtered. Some of the miserable remainder, being taken\\nin the mountains, were butchered in heaps. Others, spent\\nwith hunger, came forth and submitted themselves to the\\nenemy for food, being destined to undergo perpetual servi-\\ntude, if they were not killed even upon the spot. Some, with\\nsorrowful hearts, fled beyond the seas. Others, continuing\\nin their own country, led a miserable life among the woods,\\nrocks, and mountains, with scarcely enough food to support\\nlife, and expecting every moment to be their last.\\n(Bede s Ecclesiastical History of Englatid, book I, c. i6,\\nEd. J. A. Giles, London, 1894.)\\n23. England becomes One Kingdom\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle\\nThe development of the over-lordship of the kings of Wessex,\\nand the establishment of the dynasty of its ruler Ecgbert as Bret-\\nwalders of England, is set forth in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.\\nThis old chronicle is unique among histories, stretching as it\\ndoes from the beginning of the Christian era to 11 54 a.d. and\\nbeing contemporary history from the fifth century. It is be-\\nlieved to have been an annual compilation, made at one of the\\nchief monasteries, and its authority is in the main accepted. There\\nare several manuscript copies extant. Details supplementary to\\nthe statements of the chronicle of the progress of the union of\\nEngland into one kingdom under Ecgbert from whom every\\nsovereign of England, including the Danish kings and William\\nthe Conqueror, has claimed descent may be found in Bede s\\nEcclesiastical History.\\nKENT BEGUN\\nA. 455. This year Hengist and Horsa fought against king\\nVortigern at the place which is called ^gels-threp [Ayles-", "height": "3518", "width": "2047", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE BIRTH OF THE ENGLISH NATION 83\\nford] and his brother Horsa was there slain, and after that\\nHengist obtained the kingdom, and .Esc his son.\\nSUSSEX BEGUN\\nA. 477. This year ^lla, and his three sons, Cymen, and\\nWlencing, and Cissa, came to the land of Britain with three\\nships, at a place which is named Cymenes-ora, and there\\nslew many Welsh, and some they drove in flight into the\\nwood that is named Andreds-lea.\\nWESSEX BEGUN\\nA. 495. This year two ealdormen came to Britain, Cerdic\\nand Cynric his son, with five ships, at the place which is\\ncalled Cerdics-ore, and the same dav they fought against the\\nWelsh.\\nNORTHUMBRIA BEGUN\\nA, 547. This year Ida began to reign, from whom arose\\nthe royal race of North-humbria and he reigned twelve\\nyears, and built Bambrough, which was at first enclosed by\\na hedge, and afterwards by a wall.\\nSUPREMACY OF NORTHUMBRIA\\nA. 617. This year Ethelfrid the king of the North-hum-\\nbrians was slain by Redwald king of the East-Angles, and\\nEdwin the son of Alia succeeded to the kingdom, and subdued\\nall Britain, the Kentish-men alone excepted. And he drove\\nout the ethelings, sons of Ethelfrid that is to say, first Ean-\\nfrid, Oswald, and Owsy, Oslac, Oswudu, Oslaf, and Offa.\\nSUPREMACY OF MERCIA\\nA. 792. This year Offa, king of the Mercians, commanded\\nthe head of king Ethelbert to be struck off. And Osred, who\\nhad been king of the Northumbrians, having come home after\\nhis exile, was seized and slain on the i8th before the Kalends\\nof October and his body lies at Tinemouth.\\nA. 796. This year Kenulf, king of the Mercians, laid\\nwaste Kent as far as the marshes, and took Pren their king,\\nand led him bound into Mercia, and let his eyes be picked out\\nand his hands be cut off.\\nSUPREMACY OF WESSEX\\nA. 823. This year there was a battle between the Welsh\\nand the men of Devon at Camelford and the same year Eg-\\nbert king of the West-Saxons and Bernulf king of the Mer-\\ncians fought at Wilton, and Egbert got the victory, and there\\nwas great slaughter made.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "84 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nEGBERT OVERLORD OF BRITAIN\\nA. 827. And the same year king Egbert conquered the\\nkingdom of the Mercians, and all that was south of the Hum-\\nber; and he was the eighth king who was Bretwalda.\\n(From the An^-lb-Saxou Chronicle, for years named.\\nEd. Thorpe, Rolls Series.)\\n24. The Re-Establishment of Christianity\\nBede\\nAlthough the venerable Bede (673 to circa 735) was born a\\ncentury after the landing of St. Augustine, we turn to his Eccle-\\nsiastical History as the native source of our knowledge of the\\nregeneration of Christianity in Britain. Bede has been termed\\nthe Father of English History. His learning was great, his in-\\ndustry constant, and his means of information at once extensive\\nand uniflue. His History is an indispensable source for the\\nperiod ol which it treats.\\nAugustine, thus strengthened by the confirmation of the\\nblessed father Gregory, returned to the work of the word of\\nGod, with the servants of Christ, and arrived in Britain.\\nThe powerful Ethelbert was at that time king of Kent; he\\nhad extended his dominions as far as the great river Hum-\\nber, by which the Southern Saxons are divided from the\\nNorthern. On the east of Kent is the large Isle of Thanet\\ncontaining according to the English way of reckoning, 600\\nfamilies, divided from the other land by the river Wantsum,\\nwhich is about three furlongs over, and fordable only in two\\nplaces, for both ends of it run into the sea. In this island\\nlanded the servant of our Lord, Augustine, and his com-\\npanions, being, as is reported, nearly forty men. They had,\\nby order of the blessed Pope Gregory, taken interpreters of\\nthe nation of the Franks, and sending to Ethelbert, signified\\nthat they were come from Rome, and brought a joyful mes-\\nsage, which most undoubtedly assured to all that took advan-\\ntage of it everlasting joys in heaven, and a kingdom that\\nwould never end, with the living and true God. The king\\nhaving heard this, ordered them to stay in that island where\\nthey had landed, and that they should be furnished with all\\nnecessaries, till he should consider what to do with them.\\nFor he had before heard of the Christian religion, having a\\nChristian wife of the royal family of the Franks, called\\nBertha; whom he had received from her parents, upon con-\\ndition that she should be permitted to practise her religion\\nwith the bishop Luidhard, who was sent with her to preserve", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE BIRTH OF THE ENGLISH NATION 85\\nker faith. Some days after, the king came into the island,\\nand sitting in the open air, ordered Augustine and his com-\\npanions to be brought into his presence. For he had taken\\nprecaution that they should not come to him in any house,\\nlest, according to an ancient superstition, if they practised\\nany magical arts, they might impose upon him, and so get\\nthe better of him. But they came furnished with Divine, not\\nwith magic virtue, bearing a silver cross for their banner,\\nand the image of our Lord and Saviour painted on a board;\\nand singing the litany, they offered up their prayers to the\\nLord for the eternal salvation both of themselves and of those\\nto whom they were come. When he had sat down, pursuant\\nto the king s commands, and preached to him and his attend-\\nants there present, the word of life, the king answered thus\\nYour words and promises are very fair, but as they are\\nnew to us, and of uncertain import, I cannot approve of them\\nso far as to forsake that which I have so long followed with\\nthe whole English nation. But because you are come from\\nfar into my kingdom, and, as I conceive, are desirous to im-\\npart to us those things which you believe to be true, and most\\nbeneficial, we will not molest you, but give you favourable\\nentertainment, and take care to supply you with your neces-\\nsary sustenance nor do we forbid you to preach and gain\\nas many as you can to your religion. Accordingly he per-\\nmitted them to reside in the city of Canterbury, which was\\nthe metropolis of all his dominions, and, pursuant to his\\npromise, besides allowing them sustenance, did not refuse\\nthem liberty to preach. It is reported that, as they drew near\\nto the city, after their manner, with the holy cross, and the\\nimage of our sovereign Lord and King, Jesus Christ, they,\\nin concert, sung this litany: We beseech thee, O Lord, in\\nall thy mercy, that thy anger and wrath be turned away from\\nthis city, and from thy holy house, because we have sinned.\\nHallelujah.\\nThere was on the east side of the city, a church dedicated\\nto the honour of St. Martin, built whilst the Romans were\\nstill in the island, wherein the queen, who, as has been said\\nbefore, was a Christian, used to pray. In this they first\\nbegan to meet, to sing, to pray, to say mass, to preach, and\\nto baptize, till the king, being converted to the faith, allowed\\nthem to preach openly, and build or repair churches in all\\nplaces.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "86 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nNor was it long before he gave his teachers a settled resi-\\ndence in his metropolis of Canterbury, with such possessions\\nof different kinds as were necessary for their subsistence.\\n(Bede s Ecclesiastical History of England, book I, c. 25.\\nEd. J. A. Giles, London, 1894.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nANGLO-SAXON LAWS\\njThe Dooms of the Kings Alfred, Athelstan, and Edgar,\\nAncient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe\\nThe importance of the Anglo-Saxon laws as sources of Eng-\\nlish History is enhanced by the absence of authentic contem-\\nporary literature. Were it not for those laws, we should know\\nbut little of the period.\\nThe law of a people is synchronous with the development of\\nthat people. Legislation not only indicates the progress of a\\nrace, but preserves its characteristics from generation to gen-\\neration. In the selections given below it is sought to indicate the\\ndevelopment of early English law from the crudest customary\\nlaw to the more scientific enactments of the later Anglo-Saxon\\nkings, and also to give the material which best illustrates the\\ndevelopment of fiscal, political, and legal institutions of the early\\nEnglish.\\n25. Of a Man s Eye-Wound and of Various Other Limbs\\nFrom the Laws of King Alfred\\nIf a man strike out another s eye, let him pay LX. shillings,\\nand VL shillings and VI. pennies and a third part of a penny,\\nas bot. If it remain in the head, and he cannot see aught\\ntherewith, let one third part of the bot be retained.\\nIf a man strike off another s nose, let him make bot with\\nLX. shillings.\\nIf a man strike out another s tooth in the front of his head,\\nlet him make bot for it with VIII. shillings: if it be the\\ncanine tooth, let IV. shillings be paid as bot. A man s\\ngrinder is worth XV. shillings.\\nIf a man s tongue be done out of his head by another man s\\ndeeds, that shall be as eye- bot.\\nIf a man be wounded on the shoulder so that the joint-oil\\nflow out, let bot be made with XXX. shillings.\\nIf the thumb be struck off. for that shall be XXX. shillings\\nas bot.\\nIf the nail be struck off, for that shall be V. shillings as\\nbot.\\n87", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "88 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n3oW\\nIf the shooting [i.e. fore] finger be struck off, the bo\\nis XV. shillings; for its nail it is IV. shillings.\\nIf a man s thigh be pierced, let XXX. shillings be paid him\\nas bot if it be broken, the bot is likewise XXX. shil-\\nlings.\\nIf the great toe be struck off, let XX. shillings be paid him\\nas bot if it be the second toe, let XV. shillings be paid as\\nbot if the middlemost toe be struck off, there shall be IX.\\nshillings as bot if it be the fourth toe, there shall be VI.\\nshillings as bot if the little toe be struck off, let V. shil-\\nlings be paid him.\\nIf a man s arm, with the hand, be entirely cut off before\\nthe elbow, let bot be made for it with LXXX. shillings.\\nFor every wound before the hair, and before the sleeve,\\nand beneath the knee, the bot is two parts more.\\n26. Of Lordless Men\\nFrom the Laws of King Athelstan\\nAnd we have ordained respecting those lordless men of\\nwhom no law can be got, that the kindred be commanded that\\nthey domicile him to folk-right, and find him a lord in the\\nfolk-mote; and if they then will not or cannot produce him\\nat the term, then be he thenceforth a flyma, and let him\\nslay him for a thief who can come at him and whoever after\\nthat shall harbour him, let him pay for him according to his\\nwer, or by it clear himself.\\n27. Of Landless Men\\nFrom the Laivs of Khig Athelstan\\nAnd we have ordained: if any landless man should become\\na follower in another shire, and again seek his kinsfolk that\\nhe may harbour him on this condition, that he present him to\\nfolkright if he there do any wrong, or make bot for him.\\n28. Of the Doom concerning Hot Iron and Water\\nFro7n the Laws 0/ King Athelstan\\nAnd concerning the ordeal we enjoin by command of God,\\nand of the archbishop, and of all bishops that no man come\\nwithin the church after the fire is borne in with which the\\nordeal shall be heated, except the mass-priest, and him who\\nshall go thereto and let there be measured nine feet from\\nthe stake to the mark, by the man s feet who goes thereto.\\nBut if it be water, let it be heated till it low to boiling. And\\nbe the kettle of iron or of brass, of lead or of clay. And if\\nit be a single accusation, let the hand dive after the stone up", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "ANGLO-SAXON LAWS 89\\nto the wrist; and if it be threefold, up to the elbow. And\\nwhen the ordeal is ready, then let two men go in of either\\nside; and be they agreed that it is so hot as we before have\\nsaid. And let go in an equal number, of men of either side,\\nand stand on both sides of the ordeal, along the church and\\nlet these all be fasting, and abstinent from their wives on\\nthat night and let the mass-priest sprinkle holy water over\\nthem all, and let each of them taste of the holy water, and\\ngive them all the book and the image of Christ s rood to kiss\\nand let no man mend the fire any longer when the hallowing\\nis begun; but let the iron lie upon the hot embers till the last\\ncollect after that, let it be laid upon the stapela and let\\nthere be no other speaking within, except that they earnestly\\npray to Almighty God that he make manifest what is sooth-\\nest. And let him go thereto and let his hand be enveloped,\\nand be it postponed till after the third day, whether it be\\nfoul or clean within the envelope. And he who shall break\\nthis law, be the ordeal with respect to him void, and let him\\npay to the king CXX. shillings as wite.\\nWal-reaf is a nithing s deed: if any one desire to deny\\nit, let him do so with eight and forty full-born thanes.\\n29. Of Wer-Gilds\\nFrom the Laws of King Atliehtan\\n1. The North people s king s gild is XXX. thousand\\nthrymsas fifteen thousand thrymsas are for the wer-\\ngild, and X\\\\^. thousand for the cyne-dom. The *Sver\\nbelongs to the kindred, and the cyne-bot to the people.\\n2. An archbishop s and an atheling s wer-gild is XV.\\nthousand thrymsas.\\n3. A bishop s and an ealdorman s, VIII. thousand\\nthrymsas.\\n4. A hold s and a king s high-reeve s, IV. thousand\\nthrymsas.\\n5. A mass-thane s and a secular thane s, II. thousand\\nthrymsas.\\n6. A ceorl s wer-gild is CC. and LXVI. thrymsas,\\nthat is CC. shillings by Mercian law.\\n7. And if a Wilisc -man thrive so that he have a hide of\\nland, and can bring forth the king s gafol, then is his wer-\\ngild CXX. shillings. And if he thrive not except to half\\na hide, then let his wer be LXXX. shillings.\\n8. And if he have not any land, and yet be free, let him be\\npaid for with LXX. shillings.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "96 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n9. And if a ceorlish man thrive, so that he have V. hides\\nof land for the king s ut-ware, and any one slay him, let\\nhim be paid for with two thousand thrymsas.\\n10. And though he thrive, so that he have a helm and coat\\nof mail, and a sword ornamented with gold, if he have not\\nthat land, he is nevertheless a ceorl.\\n11. And if his son and his son s son so thrive, that they\\nhave so much land afterwards, the offspring shall be of\\ngesithcund race, at two thousand thrymsas\\n12. And if they have not that, nor to that can thrive, let\\nthem be paid for as ceorlish.\\n30. Of People s Ranks and Law\\nFrom the Laws of King Athelstan\\n1. It was whilom, in the laws of the English, that people\\nand law went by ranks, and then were the counsellors of the\\nnation of worship worthy, each according to his condition,\\neorl and ceorl, thegen and theoden.\\n2. And if a ceorl thrived, so that he had fully five hides\\nof his own land, church and kitchen, bell-house and burh\\ngate-seat, and special duty in the king s hall, then was he\\nthenceforth of thane-right worthy,\\n3. And if a thane thrived, so that he served the king, and\\non his summons, rode among his household; if he then had a\\nthane who him followed, who to the king s ut-ware, five\\nhides had, and in the king s hall served his lord, and thrice\\nwith his errand went to the king; he might thenceforth, with\\nhis fore-oath, his lord represent, at various needs, and his\\nplaint lawfully conduct, wheresoever he ought.\\n4. And he who so prosperous a vicegerent had not, swore\\nfor himself according to his right, or it forfeited.\\n5. And if a thane thrived, so that he became an eorl, then\\nwas he thenceforth of eorl -right worthy.\\n6. And if a merchant thrived, so that he fared thrice over\\nthe wide sea by his own means; then was he thenceforth of\\nthane-right worthy.\\n7. And if there a scholar were, who through learning\\nthrived, so that he had holy orders, and served Christ; then\\nwas he thenceforth of rank and power so much worthy, as\\nthen to those orders rightfully belonged, if he himself con-\\nducted so as he should; unless he should misdo, so that he\\nthose orders ministry might not minister.\\n8. And if it happened, that any one a man in orders, or a", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "ANGLO-SAXON LAWS 91\\nstranger, anywhere injured, by word or work; then pertained\\nit to king and to the bishop, that they that should make good,\\nas they soonest might.\\n31. This is the Ordinance how the Hundred shall be Held\\nFrom the Laws of King Edgar\\nFirst, that they meet always within four weeks and that\\nevery man do justice to another.\\n2. That a thief shall be pursued\\nIf there be present need, let it be made known to the\\nhundred-man, and let him [make it known] to the tithing-\\nmen and let them all go forth to where God may direct them\\nto go: let them do justice on the thief, as it was formerly the\\nenactment of Edmund. And let the ceap-gild be paid to\\nhim who owns the cattle, and the rest be divided into two\\nhalf to the hundred, half to the lord, excepting men; and let\\nthe lord take possession of the men.\\n3. And the man who neglects this, and denies the doom of\\nthe hundred, and the same be afterwards proved against him\\nlet him pay to the hundred XXX. pence, and for the second\\ntime sixty pence; half to the hundred, half to the lord. If he\\ndo so a third time, let him pay half a pound: for the fourth\\ntime, let him forfeit all that he owns, and be an outlaw, un-\\nless the king allow him to remain in the country.\\n4. And we have ordained concerning unknown cattle that\\nno one should possess it without the testimonies of the men\\nof the hundred, or of the tithing-man and that he be a well\\ntrusty man and, unless he have either of these, let no vouch-\\ning to warranty be allowed him.\\n5. We have also ordained if the hundred pursue a track\\ninto another hundred, that notice be given to the hundred-\\nman, and that he then go with them. If he neglect this, let\\nhim pay thirty shillings to the king.\\n6. If any one flinch from justice and escape, let him who\\nheld him to answer for the offence pay the angylde. And\\nif any one accuse him of having sent him away, let him clear\\nhimself, as it is established in the country.\\n7. In the hundred, as in any other gemdt, we ordain:\\nthat folk-right be pronounced in every suit, and that a term\\nbe fixed when it shall be fulfilled. And he who shall break\\nthat term, unless it be his lord s decree, let him make hot\\nwith XXX. shillings, and, on the day fixed, fulfil that which\\nhe ought to have done before.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "92 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n8. An oxes bell, and a dog s collar, and a blast-horn either\\nof these three shall be worth a shilling, and each is reckone.d\\nan informer.\\n9. Let the iron that is for the threefold ordeal weigh III\\npounds; and for the single, one pound.\\n32. Here is the Ordinance of King Edgar\\nFrom the Laws of King Edgar\\nThis is the ordinance that King Edgar, with the counsel of\\nhis witan, ordained, in praise of God, and in honour to\\nhimself, and for the behoof of all his people.\\nThese then are first: that God s churches be entitled to\\nevery right; and that every tithe be rendered to the old\\nminster to which the district belongs and that be then so\\npaid, both from a thane s inland, and from geneat-land,\\nso as the plough traverses it.\\nOf Church-Scots\\nBut if there be any thane who on his boc-land has a\\nchurch, at which there is a burial-place; let him give the\\nthird part of his own tithe to his church. If any one have a\\nchurch at which there is not a burial-place, then, of the nine\\nparts, let him give to his priest what he will and let every\\nchurch-scot go to the old minster, according to every free\\nhearth and let plough-alms be paid, when it shall be fifteen\\ndays over Easter.\\n33. Of Tithes\\nFront the Laws of King Edgar\\nAnd let a tithe of every young be paid by Pentecost; and\\nof the fruits of the earth by the equinox and every church-\\nscot by Martinmass, on peril of the full wite which the\\ndoom-book specifies and if any one will not then pay the\\ntithe, as we have ordained, let the king s reeve go thereto,\\nand the bishop s, and the mass-priest of the minster, and take\\nby force a tenth part for the minster to which it is due and\\nassign to him the ninth part; and let the eight parts be di-\\nvided into two, and let the land-lord take possession of half,\\nhalf the bishop be it a king s man, be it a thane s.\\n34. Of the Hearth-Penny\\nFrom the L aws of King Edgar\\nAnd let every hearth-penny be rendered by St. Peter s\\nmass-day and he who shall not have paid it by that term, let\\nhim be led to Rome, and in addition thereto [pay] XXX.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "ANGLO-SAXON LAWS 93\\npence, and bring then a certificate thence, that he has there\\nrendered so much and when he comes home, pay to the king\\na hundred and twenty shillings. And if again he will not\\npay it, let him be led again to Rome, and with another such\\nbot and when he comes home again, pay to the king two\\nhundred shillings. At the third time, if he then yet will not,\\nlet him forfeit all that he owns.\\n35. Of Festivals and Fasts\\nFrom the Laws of King Edgar\\nAnd let the festivals of every Sunday be kept, from noon-\\ntide of the Saturday, till the dawn of Monday, on peril of the\\nwite which the doom-book specifies; and every other mass-\\nday, as it may be commanded: and let every ordained fast be\\nkept with every earnestness and every Friday s fast, unless\\nit be a festival and let soul-scot be paid for every Christian\\nman to the minster to which it is due; and let every church-\\ngrith stand as it has best stood.\\n36. Secular Ordinance\\nFrom the Laws of King Edgar\\nNow this is the secular ordinance which I will that it be\\nheld. This then is first what I will that every man be\\nworthy of folk-right, as well poor as rich and that right-\\neous dooms be judged to him and let there be such remission\\nin the bot as may be becoming before God and tolerable\\nbefore the world.\\nIN CASE ANY ONE APPLY TO THE KING: AND OF TH^ wEr\\nAnd let no man apply to the king, in any suit, unless he at\\nhome may not be worthy of law, or cannot obtain law. If\\nthe law be too heavy, let him seek a mitigation of it from the\\nking: and, for any b5t -worthy crime, let no man forfeit\\nmore than his v/er.\\nOF UNRIGHTEOUS JUDGMENT\\nAnd let the judge who judges wrong to another pay to the\\nking one hundred and twenty shillings as bot unless he\\ndare to prove on oath, that he knew it not more rightly; and\\nlet him forfeit forever his thaneship; unless he will buy it of\\nthe king, so as he is willing to allow him: and let the bishop\\nof the shire exact the bot into the king s hands.\\nIN CASE ANY ONE ACCUSE ANOTHER\\nAnd he who shall accuse another wrongfully, so that he,\\neither in money or prosperity, be the worse if then the other", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "94 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncan disprove that which any one would charge to him be he\\nliable in his tongue; unless he make him compensation with\\nhis wer.\\nOF GEMOTS\\nAnd let the hundred- gemot be attended as it was before\\nfixed and thrice in the year let a burh-gemot be held and\\ntwice, a shire- gem6t and let there be present the bishop\\nof the shire and the ealdorman, and there both expound the\\nlaw of God as the secular law.\\nOF borhs\\nAnd let every man so order that he have a borh and let\\nthe borh then bring and hold him to every justice; and if\\nany one then do wrong and run away, let the borh bear\\nthat which he ought to bear. But if it be a thief, and if he\\ncan get hold of him within twelve months let him deliver\\nhim up to justice, and let be rendered to him what he before\\nhad paid.\\nOF tiht-bysig persons\\nAnd he who is tyht-bysig, and is untrue to the people,\\nand has shunned these gemots thrice then let there be\\nchosen from the gemot those who shall ride to him, and\\nthen let him yet find a borh if he can but if he cannot, let\\nthem seize him as they can, whether alive or dead; and take\\nall that he owns and let the accuser be paid an angylde for\\nhis ceap-gild and let the lord moreover take half, half the\\nhundred; and if either a kinsman or a stranger refuse the\\nriding, let him pay to the king a hundred and twenty shil-\\nlings and let a notorious thief seek whatever he may seek,\\nor he who is found plotting against his lord, so that they\\nnever seek life; unless the king will grant them salvation of\\nlife.\\nOF MONEY AND MEASURES\\nAnd let one money pass thoughout the king s dominion;\\nand that let no man refuse and let one measure and one\\nweight pass such as is observed at London and at Win-\\nchester; and let the wey of wool go for CXXX. pence; and\\nlet no man sell it cheaper; and if any one sell it cheaper,\\neither publicly or privately, let each pay XL. shillings to the\\nking, both him who sells it, and him v/ho buys it.\\nThis then is what I will that every man be under borh,\\nboth within the burhs, and without the burhs and let\\nwitness be appointed to every burh and to every hundred.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "ANGLO-SAXON LAWS 95\\nTo every burh, let there be cliosen XXXIII. as witness.\\nTo small burhs, and in every hundred, XII.; unless ye\\ndesire more.\\nAnd let every man, with their witness, buy and sell every\\nof the chattels that he may buy or sell, either in a burh or\\nin a wapentake; and let every of them, when he is first\\nchosen as witness, give the oath that he never, neither for\\nmoney, nor for love, nor for fear, will deny any of those\\nthings of which he was witness, nor declare any other thing\\nin witness, save that alone which he saw or heard: and of\\nsuch sworn men, let there be at every bargain two or three as\\nwitness.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nTHE DANES IN ENGLAND\\n37. The Danish Invasions\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle\\nThe Danish invasions of England extended from 787 through\\nthree centuries. During this period there was no decade free\\nfrom harrying and slaughter. Ireland and Scotland did not\\nescape the ravagers, but England had to bear the brunt of the\\nstruggle. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle tells us of the first com-\\ning of the Danes in 787, and then marks the progress of the\\nDanish power until this culminated in the reign of Canute. The\\nselections given, from the Chronicle and from Asser s Life of\\nAlfred, note but a few of the salient points in the history of the\\nestablishment of the Danish power. The works cited should be\\nconsulted for details.\\nA. 787. This year king Bertric took to wife Eadburga,\\nking Of fa s daughter; and in his day first came three ships\\nof Northmen, out of Hseretha-land [Denmark]. And then\\nthe reve rode to the place, and would have driven them to the\\nking s town, because he knew not who they were and they\\nthere slew him. These were the first ships of Danishmen\\nwhich sought the land of the English nation.\\nA. 855. This year the heathen men, for the first time,\\nremained over winter in Sheppey\\nA. 878. This year, during midwinter, after twelfth night,\\nthe army stole away to Chippenham, and overran the land of\\nthe West-Saxons, and sat down there; and many of the\\npeople they drove beyond sea, and of the remainder the\\ngreater part they subdued and forced to obe)^ them, except\\nking Alfred: and he, with a small band, with difficulty re-\\ntreated to the woods and to the fastnesses of the moors. And\\nthe same winter the brother of Hingwar and of Halfdene\\ncame with twenty-three ships to Devonshire in Wessex; and\\nhe was there slain, and with him eight hundred and forty\\n96\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE DANES IN ENGLAND 97\\nmen of his army: and there was taken the war-flag which\\nthey called the Raven. After this, at Easter king Alfred\\nwith a small band constructed a fortress at Athelney; and\\nfrom this fortress, w^ith that part of the men of Somerset\\nwhich was nearest to it, from time to time they fought\\nagainst the army. Then in the seventh week after Easter\\nhe rode to Brixton, on the east side of Selwood; and there\\ncame to meet him all the men of Somerset, and the men of\\nWiltshire, and that portion of the men of Hampshire which\\nwas on this side of the sea and they were joyful at his\\npresence. On the following day he went from that station\\nto Iglea [Iley], and on the day after this to Heddington, and\\nthere fought against the whole army, put them to flight, and\\npursued them as far as their fortress and there he sat down\\nfourteen days. And then the army delivered to him hostages,\\nwith many oaths, that they would leave his kingdom, and also\\npromised him that their king should receive baptism and\\nthis they accordingly fulfilled. And about three weeks after\\nthis king Gothrun came to him, with some thirty men who\\nwere of the most distinguished in the army, at Aller, which\\nis near Athelney and the king was his godfather at baptism\\nand his chrism-loosing was at Wedmore and he was twelve\\ndays with the king; and he greatly honoured him and his\\ncompanions with gifts.\\n{Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, for years given, ed. cited.)\\n38. Alfred at Athelney\\nAsser\\nASSER, a monk of St. David s, afterward Bishop of Sherborne,\\nwas an adviser and intimate of King Alfred. He wrote a Life of\\nthe king, which, though containing few facts not also to be found\\nin the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, is of interest and value. The\\nfollowing selection graphically describes the period of discour-\\nagement which formed the prelude to the victories of the greatest\\nof the early English kings, as well as the battle in which the\\npower of the Danes was overthrown.\\nThe same year, after Easter, king Alfred, with a few fol-\\nlowers, made for himself a stronghold in a place called Athel-\\nney, and from thence sallied with his vassals and the nobles\\nof Somersetshire, to make frequent assaults upon the pagans.\\nAlso, in the seventh week after Easter, he rode to the stone\\nof Egbert, w-hich is in the eastern part of the wood which is\\ncalled Selwood, which means in Latin Silva Magna, the\\nGreat Wood, but in British Coit-mawr. Here he was met by\\nall the neighbouring folk of Somersetshire, and Wiltshire,\\nand Hampshire, who had not, for fear of the pagans, fled", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "98 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nbeyond the sea and when they saw the king alive after such\\ngreat tribulation, they received him, as he deserved, with joy\\nand acclamations, and encamped there for one night. When\\nthe following day dawned, the king struck his camp, and went\\nto Okely, where he encamped for one night. The next morn-\\ning he removed to Edington, and there fought bravely and\\nperseveringly against all the army of the pagans, whom, with\\nthe divine help, he defeated with great slaughter, and pur-\\nsued them flying to their fortification. Immediately he slew\\nall the men, and carried off all the booty that he could find\\nwithout the fortress, which he immediately laid siege to with\\nall his army; and when he had been there fourteen days, the\\npagans, driven by famine, cold, fear, and last of all by de-\\nspair, asked for peace, on the condition that they should give\\nthe king as many hostages as he pleased, but should receive\\nnone of him in return, in which form they had never before\\nmade a treaty with any one. The king, hearing that, took\\npity on them, and received such hostages as he chose; after\\nwhich the pagans swore, moreover, that they would imme-\\ndiately leave the kingdom; and their king, Gothrnn, promised\\nto embrace Christianity, and receive baptism at king Alfred s\\nhands. All of which articles he and his men fulfilled as they\\nhad promised. For after seven weeks Gothrun, king of the\\npagans, with thirty men chosen from the army, came to Al-\\nfred at a place called Aller, near Athelney, and there king\\nAlfred, receiving him as his son by adoption, raised him up\\nfrom the holy laver of baptism on the eighth day, at a royal\\nvilla named Wedmore, where the holy chrism was poured\\nupon him. After his baptism he remained twelve nights\\nwith the king, who, with all his nobles, gave him many fine\\nhouses.\\n(Asser s Annals of the Reign of Alfred the Great, ed. J. A. Giles,\\nin Six Old English Chronicles, London, 1872.)\\n39. Alfred and Guthrum s Peace\\nFront the Laws of King Alfred\\nAfter the defeat of Guthrum and the Danes in 878, a peace\\nwas sworn between the rival forces. This was recorded in the\\ntreaty of Chippenham sometimes incorrectly called the Peace\\nof Wedmore. By this treaty, England was divided between\\nAlfred and Guthrum, and laws were provided for the government\\nof the respective portions.\\nThis is the peace that king Alfred, and king Guthrum, and\\nthe witan of all the English nation, and all the people that\\nare in East-Anglia, have all ordained and with oaths con-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE DANES IN ENGLAND 99\\nfirmed, for themselves and for their descendants, as well for\\nborn as for unborn, who reck of God s mercy or of ours.\\n1. First, concerning- our land-boundaries: up on the\\nThames, and then up on the Lea, and along the Lea unto its\\nsource, then right to Bedford, then up the Ouse unto Wat-\\nling-Street.\\n2. Then is this: if a man be slain, we estimate all equally\\ndear, English and Danish, at VIIL half-marks of pure gold\\nexcept the ceorl who resides on gafol-land, and their\\nliesings they also are equally dear, either at CC. shillings.\\n3. And if a king s thane be accused of man-slaying, if he\\ndare to clear himself, let him do that with XIL king s thanes.\\nIf any one accuse that man who is of less degree than the\\nking s thane, let him clear himself with XL of his equals,\\nand with one king s thane. And so in every suit which may\\nbe for more than IV. mancuses. And if he dare not, let\\nhim pay for it three-fold, as it may be valued.\\nOF WARRANTORS\\n4. And that every man know his warrantor for men, and\\nfor horses, and for oxen.\\n5. And we all ordained on that day that the oaths were\\nsworn, that neither bond nor free might go to the host with-\\nout leave, no more than any of them to us. But if it happen,\\nthat from necessity any of them will have traffic with us, or\\nwe with them, with cattle and with goods, that is to be al-\\nlowed in this wise; that hostages be given in pledge of peace,\\nand as evidence whereby it may be known that the party has\\na clean back.\\n{Aftcient Laws and histiiiites of England, ed. cited.\\n40. The Second Period of Danish Invasion\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle\\nFor many years after the peace between Alfred and Guthrum\\nthe Danes refrained from attacking England; this not so much\\nbecause of the treaty, as because of the strong kings who suc-\\nceeded Alfred. But with ^thelred the Redeless came the second\\nseries of invasions. These led to the overthrow of the English\\nkings and the establishment of Canute upon the throne.\\nA. 980. In this year abbat Ethelgar was consecrated bishop\\non the 6th before the Nones of May, to the episcopal seat at\\nSelsey. And in the same year was Southampton ravaged\\nby a ship-force, and the most part of the townsmen sfain, and\\nled captive. And that same year was Thanet-land ravaged\\nI. of p.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "160 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nby a ship-force, and the most part of the townsmen slain, and\\nled captive. And that same year was Legecester-shire\\n[Chester] ravaged by a northern ship-force. In this year\\nSt. Dunstan and Alfere the ealdorman fetched the holy king s\\nbody, St. Edward s, from Wareham, and bore it with much\\nsolemnity to Shaftsbury.\\nA. 991. This year was Ipswich ravaged; and after that,\\nvery shortly, was Britnoth the ealdorman slain at Maldon.\\nAnd in that year it was decreed that tribute, for the first time,\\nshould be given to the Danish-men, on account of the great\\nterror which they caused by the sea-coast; that was at first\\nten thousand pounds this counsel was first given by arch-\\nbishop Siric.\\nA. 994. In this year came Olave and Sweyn to London,\\non the nativity of St. Mary, with ninety-four ships and they\\nthen continued fighting stoutly against the city, and would\\nalso have set fire to it. But they there sustained more harm\\nand evil than they ever supposed that any citizens would be\\nable to do unto them. But the holy mother of God, on that\\nday, shewed her mercy to the citizens and delivered them\\nfrom their foes. And they then went- thence, and wrought\\nthe utmost evil that ever any army could do, by burning, and\\nplundering, and by man-slaying, both by the sea-coast and\\namong the East-Saxons, and in the land of Kent, and in Sus-\\nsex, and in Hampshire. And at last they took to themselves\\nhorses, and rode as far as they w^ould, and continued doing\\nunspeakable evil. Then the king and his witan decreed that\\nthey should be sent to, and promised tribute and food, on con-\\ndition that they should cease from their plundering: w^hich\\nterms they accepted. And then all the army came to South-\\nampton, and there took up their winter-quarters and there\\nthey were victualled from all the realm of the West-Saxons,\\nand they were paid sixteen thousand pounds of money. Then\\nthe king sent bishop Elphege [IL] and Ethelwerd the ealdor-\\nman after king Olave, and the while, hostages were delivered\\nto the ships; and they then led Olave with much worship to\\nthe king at Andover. And king Ethelred received him at\\nthe bishop s hands, and royally gifted him. And then Olave\\nmade a covenant with him, even as he also fulfilled, that he\\nnever again would come hostilely to the English nation.\\nA. 1002. And in that year the king ordered all the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE DANES IN ENGLAND loi\\nDanish-men who were in England to be slain. This was\\ndone on St. Brice s mass-day\\nA. loii. In this year sent the king and his witan to the\\narmy, and desired peace, and promised them tribute and food,\\non condition that they would cease from their plundering.\\nThey had then overrun, ist, East-Anglia, and 2d, Essex, and\\n3d, Middlesex, and 4th, Oxfordshire, and 5th, Cambridge-\\nshire, and 6th, Hertfordshire, and 7th, Buckinghamshire,\\nand 8th, Bedfordshire, and 9th, half of Huntingdonshire, and\\nloth, much of Northamptonshire; and south of Thames, all\\nKent, and Sussex, and Hastings, and Surry, and Berkshire,\\nand Hampshire, and much of Wiltshire. All these misfor-\\ntunes befel us through unwise counsel, that they were not in\\ntime offered tribute, or fought against but when they had\\ndone the most evil, then peace and truce were made with\\nthem. And nevertheless, for all the truce and tribute, they\\nwent everywhere in bands, and plundered our miserable\\npeople, and robbed and slew them\\nA. 1016. The army then went again up into Essex, and\\npassed into Mercia, and destroyed whatever it over-ran.\\nWhen the king learned that the army was upward, then\\nassembled he, for the fifth time, all the English nation, and\\nfollowed after them, and overtook them in Essex, at the\\ndown which is called Assingdon and there they strenuously\\njoined battle. Then did Edric the ealdorman, as he had oft\\nbefore done, begin the flight first with the Maisevethians,\\nand so betrayed his royal lord and the whole people of the\\nEnglish race. There Canute had the victory; and all the\\nEnglish nation fought against him\\nA. 1017. In this year king Canute obtained the whole\\nrealm of the English race, and divided it into four parts:\\nWessex to himself, and East-Anglia to Thurkill, and Mercia\\nto Edric, and North-humbria to Eric.\\nA. 1017. This year Canute was chosen king.\\n{Afi\u00c2\u00a3-/o-Saxon Chronicle for years given, ed. dited.)\\n41. The Laws of Canute\\nAncient Laws and Institutes of England\\nThe examples of the laws of the Danish kings of England\\nprove, among other things, the continuity of the legal principles\\ndeveloped in the days of the Anglo-Saxon kings. They also\\ndemonstrate the justice and equity of Canute, a king whose great-\\nness endeared him, despite his alien birth, to that heterogeneous\\nmass which was. called the English People.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "I02 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nTHAT EVERY MAN SHALL BE IN A TITHING\\nAnd we will, that every freeman be brought into a hundred,\\nand into a tithing, who wishes to be entitled to lad or to\\nwer, in case any one shall slay him after he is XII. years\\nof age; or let him not afterwards be entitled to any free\\nrights, be he heorth-foest, be he follower. And that every\\none be brought into a hundred and in borh and let the\\nborh hold and lead him to every plea. Many a powerful\\nman will, if he can and may, defend his man in whatever way\\nit seems to him that he may the more easily defend him;\\nwhether as a freeman or a theow. But we will not allow\\nthat injustice.\\nSECULAR DOOMS\\nCap. 17. And let no one apply to the king unless he may\\nnot be entitled to any justice within his hundred; and let the\\nhundred gemot be applied to under penalty or the wite, so\\nas it is right to apply to it.\\nCap. 18. And thrice a year let there be a burh-gemot,\\nand twice a shire-gemot under penalty of the wite, as is\\nright, unless there be need oftener. And let there be present\\nthe bishop of the shire and the ealdorman, and there let both\\nexpound as well the law of God as the secular law.\\nCap. 19. And let no man take any distress either in the\\nshire or out of the shire, before he has twice demanded his\\nright in the hundred. If at the third time he have no jus-\\ntice, then let him go at the fourth time to the shire-gemot,\\nand let the shire appoint him a fourth term. If that then\\nfail, let him take leave either from hence or from thence,\\nthat he may seize his own.\\nCap. 20. And we will that every free man be brought into\\na hundred and a tithing And that every one be brought\\ninto a hundred and in borh and let the borh hold and\\nlead him to every plea\\nCap. 21. And we will that every man above XII. years\\nmake oath that he will neither be a thief nor cognisant of\\ntheft.\\nCap. 70. This then is the alleviation which it is my will\\nto secure to all the people of that which they before this were\\ntoo much oppressed with. That then is first; that I com-\\nmand all my reeves that they justly provide on my own, and\\nmaintain me therewith and that no man need give them\\nanything as feorm-fultum unless he himself be willing.\\nAnd if any one after that demand a wite, let him be liable\\nin his wer to the king.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE DANES IN ENGLAND 103\\nCap. 71. And if any one depart this life intestate, be it\\nthrough his neglect, be it through sudden death then let not\\nthe lord draw more from his property than his lawful heriot.\\nAnd according to his direction, let the property be distributed\\nvery justly to the wife and children and relations, to every\\none according to the degree that belongs to him.\\nCap. 72. And let the heriots be as it is fitting to the\\ndegree. An elor s such as thereto belongs, that is, eight\\nhorses, four saddled and four unsaddled, and four helmets\\nand four coats of mail, and eight spears and as many shields,\\nand four swords and 200 mancuses of gold. And after that,\\na king s thegn s, of those who are nearest to him four horses,\\ntwo saddled and two unsaddled, and two swords and four\\nspears and as many shields, and a helmet and a coat of mail\\nand fifty mancuses of gold. And of the medial thegns, a\\nhorse and his trappings and his arms; or his healsfang in\\nWessex and in Mercia two pounds and in East Anglia two\\npounds. And the heriot of a king s thegn among the Danes,\\nwho has his soken, four pounds. And if he have further\\nrelation to the king, two horses, one saddled and the other\\nunsaddled, and one sword and two spears and two shields\\nand fifty mancuses of gold and he who is of less means, two\\npounds.\\nCap. 81. And I will that every man be entitled to his hunt-\\ning in wood and in field, on his own possession. And let\\nevery one forego my hunting: take notice where I will have\\nit untrespassed on, under penalty of the full wite.\\nCap. 83. And I will that every man be entitled to grith\\nto the gemot and from the gemot, except he be a noto-\\nrious miei. {Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe.)\\n42. Charter of Canute\\nYork Gospel Book\\nThe Charter of Liberties given by Canute should be studied in\\nconnection with those later charters which render notable the\\nreigns of Henry I. and John. The even-handed justice assured\\nto all men, both English and Danes, finds a parallel in the laws\\nenforced by William the Conqueror.\\nCanute, the king, greets his archbishops and his suffragan\\nbishops, and Thurcyl the earl, and all his earls and all his\\npeople, twelfhynde and twyhynde, clerk and lay, in England,\\nfriendly and I do you to wit that I will be kind lord and un-\\nfailing to God s rights and to right secular law. I took to\\nmy remembrance the writing and the word that archbishop\\nLyfing brought me from Rome from the Pope, that I should", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "104 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\neverywhere maintain the glory of God and put down wrong,\\nand work full peace by the might that God would give me.\\nNow I shrank not from my cost while hostility was in hand\\namong you; now I with God s help took away at my cost\\nthat of which men told me that it threatened me with more\\nharm than well pleased us and then went I myself into Den-\\nmark, with the men that went with me, from whence most\\nharm came to you; and that have I with God s help taken\\nprecautions for that never henceforth should enmity come to\\nyou from thence whilst ye men rightly hold, and my life\\nlasteth. Now I thank God Almighty for his help and mercy,\\nthat I have so allayed the great harms that threatened us,\\nthat we need expect from thence no harm, but to full peace\\nand to deliverance if need be. Now I will that we all rever-\\nently thank God Almighty for the mercy that he has done for\\nour help. Now I beseech my archbishops and all my suf-\\nfragan bishops that they all be attentive about God s right,\\nevery one in his district which is committed to him; and\\nalso my ealdormen I command that they help the bishops to\\nGod s right and to my royal authority and to the behoof of\\nall the people. If any be so bold, clerk or lay, Dane or Eng-\\nlish, as to go against God s law and against my royal author-\\nity, or against secular law, and be unwilling to make amends,\\nand to alter according to my bishop s teaching, then I pray\\nThurcyl my earl, and also command him, that he bend that\\nunrighteous one to right if he can if he cannot, then will I\\nwith the strength of us both that he destroy him in the land\\nor drive him from out of the land, be he better, be he worse\\nand also I command all my reeves, by my friendship and by\\nall that they own, and by their own life, that they everywhere\\nhold my people rightly and do judge right judgments by the\\nshire bishop s witness, and do such mercy therein as the shire\\nbishop thinks right, as a man may attain to; and if any har-\\nbour a thief, or neglect the pursuit, be he answerable to me\\nas the thief should, unless he can clear himself towards me\\nwith full purgation. And I will that all people, clerk and lay,\\nhold fast Edgar s law, which all men have chosen and sworn\\nto at Oxford, for that all the bishops say that it right deeply\\noffends God, that a man break oaths or pledges; and like-\\nwise they further teach us that we should with all might and\\nmain, alike seek, love, and worship the eternal merciful God,\\nand eschew all unrighteousness that is, slaying of kinsmen,\\nand murder, and perjury, and witchcraft and enchantment,\\nand adultery, and incest; and also they charge in the name of", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE DANES IN ENGLAND 105\\nGod Almighty, and of all his saints, that no man be so bold\\nas to marry a hallowed nun or mynchen and if any have\\ndone so, be he outlaw towards God, and excommunicated\\nfrom all Christendom, and answerable to the king in all he\\nhas, unless he quickly alter and deeply make amends to God;\\nand further still, we admonish that men keep Sunday s festi-\\nval with all their might, and observe it from Saturday s noon\\nto Monday s dawning; and no man be so bold that he either\\ngo to market or seek any court on that holy day and all men,\\npoor and rich, seek their church, and ask forgiveness for\\ntheir sins, and keep earnestly every ordained fast, and earn-\\nestly honour the saints that the mass priests shall bid us, that\\nwe may altogether through the mercy of the everlasting God\\nand the intercession of his saints come to the joy of the king-\\ndom of heaven, and dwell with him who liveth and reigneth\\nfor ever without end. Amen.\\n{Select Charters and other Illustrations of English Constitutional History, /rom\\nthe Earliest Times to the Reign of Edward I., ed. William Stubbs, Oxford, 1870.)\\n43. Letter of Canute to his People\\nFlorence of U orcester\\nThe letter of Canute to his people after his return from Rome\\nis of great value because of the insight into the king s character\\ngiven in its quaint phraseology.\\nCanute, king of all England, and of Denmark, Norway, and\\npart of Sweden, to Ethelnote, metropolitan, and Alfric, arch-\\nbishop of York, and to all the bishops and prelates, and to the\\nwhole nation of the English, both the nobles and the com-\\nmons, greeting\\nI notify to you that I have lately taken a journey to Rome,\\nto pray for the forgiveness of my sins, and for the welfare of\\nmy dominions, and the people under my rule. I had long\\nsince vowed this journey to God, but I have been hitherto\\nprevented from accomplishing it by the affairs of my king-\\ndom and other causes of impediment. I now return most\\nhumble thanks to my God Almighty for suffering me in my\\nlifetime to visit the sanctuary of his apostles, SS. Peter and\\nPaul, and all others which I could find either within or with-\\nout the city of Rome, and there in person reverentially wor-\\nship according to my desire. I have performed this chiefly,\\nbecause I have learnt from wise men that St. Peter the\\napostle has received from God great power in binding and in\\nloosing, and carries the keys of the kingdom of heaven and\\ntherefore I esteemed it very profitable to seek his special\\npatronage with the Lord.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "io6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nBe it known to you that, at the celebration of Easter, a\\ngreat assembly of nobles was present with our lord, the pope\\nJohn, and Conrad the emperor; that is to say, all the princes\\nof the nations from Mount Garganus to the neighbouring sea.\\nAll these received me with honour and presented me with\\nmagnificent gifts; but more especially was I honoured by the\\nemperor with various gifts and valuable presents, both in\\ngold and silver vessels, and in palls and very costly robes.\\nI spoke with the emperor himself, and the lord pope, and the\\nprinces who were there, in regard to the wants of my people,\\nEnglish as well as Danes; that there should be granted to\\nthem more equal justice and greater security in their jour-\\nneys to Rome, and that they should not be hindered by so\\nmany barriers on the road, nor harassed by unjust tolls. The\\nemperor assented to my demands, as well as king Rodolph, in\\nwhose dominions these barriers chiefly stand; and all the\\nprinces made edicts that my people, the merchants as well as\\nthose who go to pay their devotions, shall pass to and fro in\\ntheir journeys to Rome in peace, and under the security of\\njust laws, free from all molestation of the guards of barriers\\nor the receivers of tolls. I made further complaint to my\\nlord the pope, and expressed my high displeasure, that my\\narchbishops are sorely aggrieved by the demand of immense\\nsums of money, when, according to custom, they resort to the\\napostolical see to obtain the pallium and it is decreed that it\\nshall no longer be done. All things, therefore, which I re-\\nquested for the good of my people from my lord the pope, and\\nthe emperor, and king Rodolph, and the other princes through\\nwhose territories our road to Rome lies, they have most freely\\ngranted, and even ratified their concessions by oath to which\\nfour archbishops, twenty bishops, and an innumerable multi-\\ntude of dukes and nobles who were there present, are wit-\\nnesses. Wherefore I return most hearty thanks to Almighty\\nGod for my having successfully accomplished all that I had\\ndesired, as I had resolved in my mind, and having satisfied\\nmy wishes to the fullest extent.\\nBe it known therefore to all of you, that I have humbly\\nvowed to the Almighty God himself henceforward to amend\\nmy life in all respects, and to rule the kingdom and the people\\nsubject to me with justice and clemency, giving equitable\\njudgments in all matters; and if, through the intemperance\\nof youth or negligence, I have hitherto exceeded the bounds\\nof justice in any of my acts, I intend by God s aid to make\\nan entire change for the better. I therefore adjure and com-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE DANES IN ENGLAND 107\\nmand my counsellors to whom I have entrusted the affairs of\\nmy kingdom, that henceforth they neither commit themselves,\\nnor suffer to prevail, any sort of injustice throughout my\\ndominions, either from fear of me, or from favour to any\\npowerful person. I also command all sheriffs and magis-\\ntrates throughout my whole kingdom, as they tender my\\nregard and their own safety, that they use no unjust violence\\nto any man, rich or poor, but that all, high and low, rich or\\npoor, shall enjoy alike impartial law; from which they are\\nnever to deviate, either on account of royal favour, respect\\nof person in the great, or for the sake of amassing money\\nwrongfully, for I have no need to accumulate wealth by\\niniquitous exactions.\\nI wish you further to know that, returning by the way I\\nwent, I am now going to Denmark to conclude a treaty for a\\nsolid peace, all the Danes concurring, with those nations and\\npeoples who would have taken my life and crown if it had\\nbeen possible but this they were not able to accomplish, God\\nbringing their strength to nought. May He, of his merciful\\nkindness, uphold me in my sovereignty and honour, and\\nhenceforth scatter and bring to nought the power and might\\nof all my adversaries When, therefore, I shall have made\\npeace with the surrounding nations, and settled and reduced\\nto order all my dominions in the East, so that we shall have\\nnothing to fear from war or hostilities in any quarter, I pro-\\npose to return to England as early in the summer as I shall\\nbe able to fit out my fleet. I have sent this epistle before\\nme in order that my people may be gladdened at my success;\\nbecause, as you yourselves know, I have never spared, nor\\nwill I spare, myself or my exertions, for the needful service\\nof my whole people. I now therefore command and adjure\\nall my bishops and the governors of my kingdom, by the duty\\nthey owe to God and myself, to take care that before I come\\nto England all dues belonging to God, according to the old\\nlaws, be fully discharged; namely, plough-alms, the tythe of\\nanimals born in the current year, and the pence payable to\\nSt. Peter at Rome, whether from towns or vills; and in the\\nmiddle of August the tythes of corn and at the feast of St.\\nMartin the first-fruits of grain [payable] to every one s\\nparish church, called in English ciric-sceat. If these and\\nsuch-like dues be not paid before I come, those who make\\ndefault will incur fines to the king, according to the law,\\nwhich will be strictly inforced without mercy. Farewell.\\n{Chronicle of Florence of Worcester, for yeario^i, trans, by T.Forester, Lond., 1854.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "PART III\\nFROIwJlHi, CONQUEST TO THE\\nCHARTER\\n(1066-I215)\\n109", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII\\nTHE NORMAN RULE\\n44. Invasion of England by Harold Hardrada and Tostig Invasion\\nby William, Duke of Normandy Battle of Stamford Bridge\\nBattle of Hastings\\nOrdericus Vitalis\\nNo good contemporary account of the invasion of the Nor-\\nmans exists. The writers of the succeeding century are quite as\\nunsatisfactory as their predecessors. The account by Ordericus\\nVitalis (1075 to circa 1143) which is given below, though erro-\\nneous in many particulars, presents the most vivid description\\nof the fall of Harold which remains to us. Vitalis was an\\nEnglishman, born on the banks of the Severn. His life was\\nspent in the study of history, in collecting historical materials,\\nand in writing his Ecclesiastical History of England and Nor-\\nmandy. Though it is marred by inaccuracies, it is valuable as\\na source of the history of the Norman Period.\\nIn the month of August, Harold, king of Norway, and\\nTostig, with a powerful fleet set sail over the wide sea, and,\\nsteering for England with a favourable apartic.or north wind,\\nlanded in Yorkshire, which was the first object of their in-\\nvasion. Meanwhile, Harold of England, having intelligence\\nof the descent of the Norwegians, withdrew his ships and\\ntroops from Hastings and Pevensey, and the other sea-ports\\non the coast lying opposite to Neustria, which he had care-\\nfully guarded with a powerful armament during the whole of\\nthe year, and threw himself unexpectedly, with a strong force\\nby hasty marches on his enemies from the north. A hard-\\nfought battle ensued, in which there was great effusion of\\nblood on both sides, vast numbers being slain with brutal\\nrage. At last the furious attacks of the English secured\\nthem the victory, and the king of Norway as well as Tostig,\\nwith their whole army, were slain. The field of battle may\\nbe easily discovered by travellers, as great heaps of the bones\\nof the slain lie there to this day, memorials of the prodigious\\nnumbers which fell on both sides.\\nIll", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "112 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nWhile however the attention of the English was diverted\\nby the invasion of Yorkshire, and by God s permission they\\nneglected, as I have already mentioned, to guard the coast,\\nthe Norman fleet, which for a whole month had been waiting\\nfor a south wind in the mouth of the river Dive and the\\nneighbouring harbours, took advantage of a favourable breeze\\nfrom the west to gain the roads of St, Valeri. While it lay\\nthere innumerable vows and prayers were offered for the\\nsafety of themselves and their friends, and floods of tears\\nwere shed. For the intimate friends and relations of those\\nwho were to remain at home, witnessing the embarcation of\\nfifty thousand knights and men-at-arms, with a large body of\\ninfantry, who had to brave the dangers of the sea, and to\\nattack an unknown people on their own soil, were moved to\\ntears and sighs, and full of anxiety both for themselves and\\ntheir countrymen, their minds fluctuating between fear and\\nhope. Duke William and the whole army committed them-\\nselves to God s protection, with prayers, and offerings, and\\nvows, and accompanied a procession from the church, carry-\\ning the relics of St. Valeri, confessor of Christ, to obtain a\\nfavorable wind. At last when by God s grace it suddenly\\ncame round to the quarter which was the object of so many\\nprayers, the duke, full of ardour, lost no time in embarking\\nthe troops, and giving the signal for hastening the departure\\nof the fleet. The Norman expedition, therefore, crossed the\\nsea on the night of the third of the calends of October [29th\\nSeptember], which the Catholic Church observes as the feast\\nof St. Michael the archangel, and meeting with no resistance,\\nand landing safely on the coast of England, took possession\\nof Pevensey and Hastings, the defence of which was en-\\ntrusted to a chosen body of soldiers, to cover a retreat and\\nguard the fleet.\\nMeanwhile the English usurper, after having put to the\\nsword his brother Tostig, and his royal enemy, and slaugh-\\ntered their immense army, returned in triumph to London.\\nAs however wordly prosperity soon vanishes like smoke be-\\nfore the wind, Harold s rejoicings for his bloody victory\\nwere soon darkened by the threatening clouds of a still\\nheavier storm. Nor was he suffered long to enjoy the secu-\\nrity procured by his brother s death for a hasty messenger\\nbrought him the intelligence that the Normans had embarked.\\nLearning soon afterwards that they had actually landed, he\\nmade preparations for a fresh conflict. For his intrepidity\\nwas dauntless, and his conduct of affairs admirable, while", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 113\\nhis personal strength was great, his presence commanding,\\nand he had the arts of a persuasive eloquence, and of a\\ncourtesy which endeared him to his supporters. Still his\\nmother Githa, who was much afflicted by the death of her\\nson Tostig, and his other faithful friends, dissuaded him\\nfrom engaging in battle with the Normans his brother, Earl\\nGurth, thus addressing him It is best, dearest brother and\\nlord, that your courage should be tempered by discretion.\\nYou are worn by the conflict with the Norwegians from\\nwhich you are only just come, and you are in eager haste to\\ngive battle to the Normans. Allow yourself, I pray you, some\\ntime for rest. Reflect also, in your wisdom, on the oath you\\nhave taken to the duke of Normandy. Beware of incurring\\nthe guilt of perjury, lest by so great a crime you draw ruin\\non yourself and the forces of this nation, and stain forever\\nthe honour of our own race. For myself, I am bound by no\\noaths, I am under no obligations to Count William. I am\\ntherefore in a position to fight with him undauntedly in de-\\nfence of our native soil. But do you, my brother, rest awhile\\nin peace, and wait the issue of the contest, so that the liberty\\nwhich is the glory of England, may not be ruined by your\\nfall.\\nHarold was very indignant at this speech. Holding in\\ncontempt the wholesome advice of his friends, he loaded his\\nbrother with reproaches for his faithful counsel, and even\\nforgot himself so far as to kick his mother when she hung\\nabout him in her too great anxiety to detain him with her.\\nFor six days Harold sent forth the summons to call the\\npeople to arms from all quarters, and having assembled vast\\nnumbers of the English, he led them by forced marches\\nagainst the enemy. It was his design to take them unawares,\\nand crush them at once by a night attack, or, at least, by a\\nsudden onset, and, that they might not escape by sea, he\\ncaused a fleet of seventy ships, full of soldiers, to guard the\\ncoast. Duke William, having intelligence of Harold s ap-\\nproach, ordered his troops to take to their arms on the morn-\\ning of Saturday. He then heard mass, strengthening both\\nbody and soul by partaking of the consecrated host he also\\nreverently suspended from his neck the holy relics on which\\nHarold had sworn. Many of the clergy had followed the\\nNorman army, among who were two bishops. Odo, of\\nBayeux, and Geoffrey, of Coutances, with attendant clerks\\nand monks, whose duty it was to aid the war with their\\nprayers and counsels. The battle commenced at the third", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "114 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nhour of the Ides [14th] of October, and was fought despe-\\nrately the whole day, with the loss of many thousand men on\\nboth sides. The Norman duke drew up his light troops, con-\\nsisting of archers and men armed with cross-bows, in the\\nfirst line; the infantry in armour formed the second rank;\\nand in the third were placed the cavalry, in the centre of\\nwhich the duke stationed himself with the flower of his\\ntroops, so as to be able to issue his commands, and give sup-\\nport to every part of the army.\\nOn the other side, the English troops, assembled from all\\nparts of the neighborhood, took post at a place which was\\nanciently called Senlac, many of them personally devoted to\\nthe cause of Harold, and all to that of their country, which\\nthey were resolved to defend against the foreigners. Dis-\\nmounting from their horses, on which it was determined not\\nto rely, they formed a solid column of infantry, and thus\\nstood firm in the position they had taken.\\nTurstin, son of Rollo, bore the standard of Normandy.\\nThe sound of the trumpets in both armies was the terrible\\nsignal for beginning the battle. The Normans made the first\\nattack with ardour and gallantry, their infantry rushing for-\\nward to provoke the English, and spreading wounds and\\ndea^h through their ranks by showers of arrows and bolts.\\nThe English, on their side, made a stout resistance, each\\nman straining his powers to the utmost. The battle raged\\nfor some time with the utmost violence between both parties.\\nAt length the indomitable bravery of the English threw the\\nBretons, both horse and foot, and the other auxiliary troops\\ncomposing the left wing, into confusion, and, in their rout,\\nthey drew with them almost all the rest of the duke s army,\\nwho, in their panic, believed that he was slain. The duke,\\nperceiving that large bodies from the enemy had broken\\ntheir ranks in pursuit of his flying troops, rode up to the\\nfugitives and checked their retreat, loudly threatening them,\\nand striking with his lance. Taking off his helmet, and ex-\\nposing his naked head, he shouted See, I am here I am\\nstill living, and, by God s help, shall yet have the victory.\\nSuddenly the courage of the fugitives was restored by these\\nbold words of the duke; and, intercepting some thousands of\\ntheir pursuers, they cut them down in a moment. In this\\nmanner, the Normans, twice again pretending to retreat, and\\nwhen they were followed by the English, suddenly wheeling\\ntheir horses, cut their pursuers off from the main body, sur-\\nrounded and slew them. The ranks of the English were", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 115\\nmuch thinned by these dangerous feints, through which they\\nfell separated from each other so that, when thousands were\\nthus slaughtered, the Normans attacked the survivors with\\nstill greater vigour. They were charged home by the troops\\nof Maine, France, Brittany, and Aquitaine, and great num-\\nbers of them miserably perished.\\nAmong others present at this battle, were Eustace, Count\\nde Boulogne, William, son of Richard, Count d Evreux,\\nGeoffrey, son of Robert, Count de Mortagne, William Fitz-\\nOsbern, Robert, son of Robert de Beaumont, a novice in\\narms, Aimer, Viscount de Thouars, Earl Hugh, the con-\\nstable, Walter Giffard, and Ralph Toni, Hugh de Grant-\\nmesnil, and William de Warrenne, with many other knights\\nillustrious for their military achievements, and whose names\\nmerit a record in the annals of history amongst the most\\nfamous warriors. Duke William surpassed them all in cour-\\nage and conduct for he nobly performed the duties of a gen-\\neral, staying the flight of his troops, re-animating their\\ncourage, their comrade in the greatest dangers, and more\\nfrequently calling on them to follow where he led, than com-\\nmanding them to advance before him. He had three horses\\nkilled under him in the battle thrice he remounted, and did\\nnot suffer his steeds to be long unavenged. Shields, helmets,\\nand coats of mail were shivered by the furious and impatient\\nthrusts of his sword some he dashed to the earth with his\\nshield, and was at all times as ready to cover and protect his\\nfriends, as to deal death among his foes.\\nAlthough the battle was fought with the greatest fury\\nfrom nine o clock in the morning, King Harold was slain in\\nthe first onset, and his brother Earl Leofwin fell some time\\nafterwards, with many thousands of the royal army. To-\\nwards evening, the English finding that their king and the\\nchief nobles of the realm, with a great part of their army,\\nhad fallen, while the Normans still showed a bold front, and\\nmade desperate attacks on all who made any resistance, they\\nhad recourse to flight as expeditiously as they could. Vari-\\nous were the fortunes which attended their retreat; some\\nrecovering their horses, some on foot, attempted to escape\\nby the highways more sought to save themselves by striking\\nacross the country. The Normans, finding the English com-\\npletely routed, pursued them vigorously all Sunday night,\\nbut not without suffering a great loss for, galloping onward\\nin hot pursuit, they fell unawares, horses and armour, into\\nan ancient trench, overgrown and concealed by rank grass,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "ii6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand men in their armour and horses rolling over each other,\\nwere crushed and smothered. This accident restored con-\\nfidence to the routed English, for, perceiving the advantage\\ngiven them by the mouldering rampart and a succession of\\nditches, they rallied in a body, and, making a sudden stand,\\ncaused the Normans severe loss. At this place Eugenulf,\\nlord of Laigle, and many others fell, the number of Normans\\nwho perished being, as reported by some who were present,\\nnearly fifteen thousand. Thus did Almighty God, on the eve\\nof the Ides of October, punish in various ways the innumer-\\nable sinners in both armies. For, on this Saturday, the Nor-\\nmans butchered with remorseless cruelty thousands of the\\nEnglish, who long before had murdered the innocent prince\\nAlfred and his attendants and on the Saturday before the\\npresent battle, had massacred without pity King Harold ana\\nEarl Tostig, with multitudes of Norwegians. The righteous\\nJudge avenged the English on Sunday night, when the furi-\\nous Normans were precipitated into the concealed trench for\\nthey had broken the divine law by their boundless covetous-\\nness and, as the Psalmist says Their feet were swift to\\nshed blood, whereupon, sorrow and unhappiness was in\\ntheir ways.\\nDuke William, perceiving that the English troops suddenly\\nrallied, did not halt; and when he found Count Eustace with\\nfifty men-at-arms retreating, and the count wished him to\\nhave the signal sounded for recalling the pursuers, he com-\\nmanded him with a loud voice to stand firm. The count,\\nhowever, familiarly approaching the duke, whispered in his\\near that it would be safer to retreat, predicting his sudden\\ndeath if he persisted in the pursuit. While he was saying\\nthis, Eustace received a blow between the shoulders, so vio-\\nlent that the noise of the stroke was plainly heard, and it\\ncaused blood to flow from his mouth and nostrils, and he\\nwas borne off b}^ his comrades in a dying state.\\nThe victory being secured, the duke returned to the field\\nof battle, where he viewed the dreadful carnage, which could\\nnot be seen without commiseration. There the flower of the\\nyouth and nobility of England covered the ground far and\\nnear stained with blood. Harold could not be discovered\\nby his features, but was recognized by other tokens, and his\\ncorpse, being borne to the duke s camp, was, by order of the\\nconqueror, delivered to William Mallet for interment near\\nthe sea-shore, which had long been guarded by his arms.\\n{T/ie Ecclesiastical History of England and Normandy, by Ordericus Vitalis.\\nTrans. T. Forester, London, 1853, book III, c. 14.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 117\\n45. Coronation Oath of William the Conqueror\\nFlore7ice of Worcester\\nThe coronation oaths of the sovereigns of England have been\\nof varying force. In that of William the Norman is expressed\\nin a few strong words all that other rulers promised with more\\nof detail. See also Nos. 89, 148.\\nHaving first, as the archbishop required, sworn before the\\naltar of St. Peter the Apostle, in the presence of the clergy\\nand people, to defend the holy churches of God and their\\ngovernors, and also to rule over the w^hole people subject to\\nhim justly and with royal providence to enact and to pre-\\nserve right law, and straitly to forbid violence and unjust\\njudgments.\\n(Chronicle of Florence of Worcester, ed. cited.\\n46. The Administration of William\\nOrdericus Vitalis\\nThe administration of William the Norman has been the object\\nof varied criticism. Perhaps the best contemporary view can be\\nfound in the following excerpt from Ordericus Vitalis,\\nAfter his coronation in London, King William ordered\\nmany affairs with prudence, justice, and clemency. Some\\nof these concerned the profit and honour of that city, others\\nwere for the advantage of the whole nation, and the rest were\\nintended for the benefit of the church. He enacted some\\nlaws founded on admirable principles. No suitor ever de-\\nmanded justice of this king without obtaining it: he con-\\ndemned none but those whom it would have been unjust to\\nacquit. He enjoined his nobles to comport themselves with\\ngrave dignity, joining activity to right judgment, having con-\\nstantly before their eyes the Eternal King who had given\\nthem the victory. He forbade their oppressing the con-\\nquered, reminding them that they were their own equals by\\ntheir Christian profession, and that they must be cautious\\nnot to excite revolt by their unjust treatment of those whom\\nthey had fairly subdued. He prohibited all riotous assem-\\nblages, murder, and robbery, and as he restrained the people\\nby force of arms, he set bounds to arms by the laws. The\\ntaxes and all things concerning the royal revenues were so\\nregulated as not to be burdensome to the people. Robbers,\\nplunderers, and malefactors had no asylum in his dominions.\\nMerchants found the ports and highways open, and were pro-\\ntected against injury. Thus the first acts of his reign were\\nall excellent, and eminent for the great benefits flowing from", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "ii8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ngood government conferred on his subjects, which were con-\\nfirmed by perseverance in a right course, with plain indica-\\ntions of a successful result.\\n{Ordericus Vitalis, ed. cited, book IV, c. i.)\\n47. The Character of William\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle\\nWilliam of Normandy was of a character too subtle to be\\nreadily comprehended. The estimate in the Anglo-Saxon\\nChronicle is rather laudatory, but does not scruple to call atten-\\ntion to the misdeeds of the Conqueror.\\nA. 1087. If any would know what manner of man king\\nWilliam was, the glory that he obtained, and of how many\\nlands he was lord; then will we describe him as we have\\nknown him, we, who have looked upon him, and who once\\nlived in his court. This king William, of w^hom we are\\nspeaking, was a very wise and a great man, and more hon-\\noured and more powerful than any of his predecessors. He\\nwas mild to those good men who loved God, but severe be-\\nyond measure towards those who withstood his will. He\\nfounded a noble monastery on the spot where God permitted\\nhim to conquer England, and he established monks in it, and\\nhe made it very rich. In his days the great monastery at\\nCanterbury was built, and many others also throughout Eng-\\nland; moreover this land was filled with monks who lived\\nafter the rule of St. Benedict; and such was the state of\\nreligion in his days that all that would, might observe that\\nwhich was prescribed by their respective orders. King\\nWilliam was also held in much reverence he wore his crown\\nthree times every year when he was in England at Easter he\\nwore it at Winchester, at Pentecost at Westminster, and at\\nChristmas at Gloucester. And -at these times, all the men\\nof England were with him, archbishops, bishops, abbats, and\\nearls, thanes, and knights. So also, was he a very stern and\\na wrathful man, so that none durst do anything against his\\nwill, and he kept in prison those earls who acted against his\\npleasure. He removed bishops from their sees, and abbats\\nfrom their offices, and he imprisoned thanes, and at length\\nhe spared not his own brother Odo. This Odo was a very\\npowerful bishop in Normandy, his see was that of Bayeux,\\nand he was foremost to serve the king. He had an earldom\\nin England, and when William was in Normandy he was the\\nfirst man in this country, and him did he cast into prison.\\nAmongst other things the good order that William estab-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 119\\nlished is not to be forgotten it was such that any man, who\\nwas himself aught, might travel over the kingdom with a\\nbosom-full of gold unmolested; and no man durst kill an-\\nother, however great the injury he might have received from\\nhim. He reigned over England, and being sharp-sighted to\\nhis own interest, he surveyed the kingdom so thoroughly that\\nthere was not a single hide of land throughout the whole, of\\nwhich he knew not the possessor, and how much it was worth,\\nand this he afterwards entered in his register. The land of\\nthe Britons was under his sway, and he built castles therein;\\nmoreover he had full dominion over the Isle of Man [Angle-\\nsey] Scotland also was subject to him from his great\\nstrength the land of Normandy was his by inheritance, and\\nhe possessed the earldom of Maine and had he lived two\\nyears longer he would have subdued Ireland by his prowess,\\nand that without a battle. Truly there was much trouble in\\nthese times, and very great distress he caused castles to be\\nbuilt, and oppressed the poor. The king was also of great\\nsternness, and he took from his subjects many marks of gold,\\nand many hundred pounds of silver, and this, either with or\\nwithout right, and with little need. He was given to avarice,\\nand greedily loved gain. He made large forests for the deer,\\nand enacted laws therewith, so that whoever killed a hart or\\na hind should be blinded. As he forbade killing the deer, so\\nalso the boars; and he loved the tall stags as if he were their\\nfather. He also appointed concerning the hares, that they\\nshould go free. The rich complained and the poor mur-\\nmured, but he was so sturdy that he recked nought of them;\\nthey must will all that the king willed, if they would live; or\\nwould keep their lands; or would hold their possessions; or\\nwould be maintained in their rights. Alas that any man\\nshould so exalt himself, and carry himself in his pride over\\nall May Almighty God show mercy to his soul, and grant\\nhim the forgiveness of his sins We have wTitten concern-\\ning him these things, both good and bad, that virtuous men\\nmight follow after the good, and wholly avoid the evil, and\\nmight go in the way that leadeth to the kingdom of heaven.\\n(^A7iglo-Saxo7i Chronicle for year 1087, ed. cited.)\\n48. Doomsday Survey\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle\\nThe years 1085 and 1086 were of great constitutional and politi-\\ncal importance to England. In the first, the Doomsday survey\\nwas made. In the second, the Gemot of Salisbury was held.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "120 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nThe survey was the greatest fiscal work England had ever\\nknown, nor did she for several centuries know another of equal\\nimportance. The survey furnished the basis of taxation and\\nmilitary service, as well as that for the establishment and main-\\ntenance of the English feudal system. The utility of the return\\nwas established at the national gathering, or Gemot, on Salisbury\\nPlain. There William exacted from every landholder oaths of\\nhomage, fealty, and allegiance, binding each man directly to the\\nking instead of to the mesne lord the great difference between\\nEnglish and Continental feudalism.\\nA. 1085. At midwinter the king was at Gloucester\\nwith his witan; and he held his court there five days;\\narid afterwards the archbishop and clergy held a synod\\nduring three days; and Maurice was there chosen to the\\nbishopric of London, William to that of Norfolk, and Robert\\nto that of Cheshire; they were all clerks of the king. After\\nthis the king had a great consultation, and spoke very\\ndeeply with his watan concerning this land, how it was\\nheld and what were its tenantry. He then sent his men\\nover all England, into every shire, and caused them to as-\\ncertain how many hundred hides of land it contained, and\\nwhat lands the king possessed therein, what cattle there were\\nin the several counties, and how much revenue he ought to\\nreceive yearly from each. He also caused them to write\\ndown how much land belonged to his archbishops, to his\\nbishops, his abbats, and his earls, and, that I may be brief,\\nwhat property every inhabitant of all England possessed in\\nland or in cattle, and how much money this was worth. So\\nivery narrowly did he cause the survey to be made, that there\\nwas not a single hide nor a rood of land, nor it is shame-\\nful to relate that which he thought no shame to do was\\nthere an ox, or a cow, or a pig passed by, and that was not\\nset down in the accounts, and then all these writings were\\nbrought to him.\\nA. 1086. This year the king wore his crown and held his\\ncourt at Winchester at Easter, and he so journeyed forward\\nthat he was at Westminster during Pentecost, and there he\\ndubbed his son Henry a knight. And afterwards he trav-\\nelled about, so that he came to Salisbury at Lammas and\\nhis witan, and all the land-holders of substance in England,\\nwhose vassals soever they were, repaired to him there, and\\nthey all submitted to him, and became his men, and swore\\noaths of allegiance, that they would be faithful to him against\\nall others.\\n{Anglo-Saxo7i Chronicle for years ioSs-ioS6, ed. cited.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 121\\n49. A Doomsday Manor: Hecham, Essex, A.D. 1086\\nDoovisday Book\\nMany extracts from Doomsday Book would no better serve our\\npurpose than does this single one. Herein we can see the method\\nof the examiners in ascertaining the extent of a manor. The\\npurpose was to give the state of the manor as well as an enumera-\\ntion and valuation of the property as it existed in the days of\\nboth Edward and William.\\nPeter de Valence holds in domain Hecham, which Haldane\\na freeman held in the time of King Edward, as a manor, and\\nas 5 hides. There have always been 2 ploughs in the de-\\nmesne, 4 ploughs of the men. At that time there were 8\\nvilleins, now 10; then there were 2 bordars, now 3; at both\\ntimes 4 servi, woods for 300 swine, 18 acres of meadow.\\nThen there were 2 fish ponds and a half, now there are none.\\nAt that time there was i ox, now there are 15 cattle and\\nI small horse and 18 swine and 2 hives of bees. At that\\ntime it was worth 60s., now \u00c2\u00a34 los. When he received this\\nmanor he found only i ox and i planted acre. Of those 5\\nhides spoken of above, one was held in the time of King\\nEdward by 2 freemen, and was added to this manor in the\\ntime of King William. It was worth in the time of King\\nEdward los., now 22s., and William holds this from Peter\\nde Valence.\\n{Doomsday Book, II, 78b.)\\n50. William I to Gregory VII\\nWilliam I\\nThe following letter from the Conqueror to the Pope presents\\nbetter than any other single document the relation of the English\\nChurch to the Papal See in the eleventh century. The King does\\nnot deny the rightfulness of the ecclesiastical tax, for he believed\\nthis to be due from all Christians. He, however, positively\\nrepudiates the theory that England was a fief of Rome, and\\nsharply checks the interference of Rome in the civil affairs of his\\nkingdom. In this connection, see also No. 51.\\nTo Gregory, the most noble Shepherd of the Holy Church,\\nWilliam, by the grace of God renowned king of the English,\\nand duke of the Normans, greeting w-ith amity. Hubert,\\nyour legate, Holy Father, coming to me in your behalf, bade\\nme to do fealty to you and your successors, and to think\\nbetter in the manner of the money which my predecessors\\nwere wont to send to the Roman Church the one point I\\nagreed to, the other I did not agree to. I refused to do\\nfealty, nor will I, because neither have I promised it, nor do\\nI find that my predecessors did it to your predecessors.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "122 SOURCE-BOOK OP ENGLISH HISTORY\\nThe money for nearly three years, whilst I was in Gaul,\\nhas been carelessly collected; but now that I am come back\\nto my kingdom, by God s mercy, what has been collected is\\nsent by the aforesaid legate, and what remains shall be\\ndispatched when opportunity serves, by the legate of Lan-\\nfranc, our faithful archbishop. Pray for us, and for the\\ngood estate of our realm, for we have loved your predeces-\\nsors and desire to love you sincerely, and to hear you\\nobediently before all.\\n{Orighial Letters Illustrative of English History,\\ned. H. Ellis, London, 1846.)\\n51. Royal Supremacy\\nEadmer\\nWilliam I. was firm in his determination to prevent the en-\\ncroachment of ecclesiastical authority upon the civil administra-\\ntion. The following selection not only illustrates this principle,\\nbut shows the independence of the English State as to papal con-\\ntrol. This independence was not seriously questioned by the\\npopes as long as a strong king ruled in the island realm.\\nEadmer says Some of those novel points I will set down\\nwhich he [William] appointed to be observed\\n1. He would not then allow any one settled in all his\\ndominion to acknowledge as apostolic the pontiff of the City\\nof Rome, save at his own bidding, or by any means to receive\\nany letter from him if it had not first been shown to him-\\nself.\\n2. The primate also of his realm, I mean the Archbishop\\nof Canterbury or Dorobernia, presiding over a general Coun-\\ncil assembled of bishops, he did not permit to ordain or\\nforbid anything save what had first been ordained by himself\\nas agreeable to his own will.\\n3. He would not suffer that any, even of his bishops,\\nshould be allowed to implead publicly, or excommunicate,\\nor constrain by any penalty of ecclesiastical rigour, any of\\nhis barons or ministers accused of incest, or adultery, or any\\ncapital crime, save by his command.\\n{Ead7neri Monachi Cantuariensis Histories Novorujn I, 6, Lond. 1623.)\\n52. Separation of Spiritual and Lay Jurisdiction\\nAnciefit Laws and Institutes of England\\nThe greatest legal change resulting from the Conquest was the\\nseparation of the civil and ecclesiastical courts of law. An end\\nwas put to the practice of churchmen sitting as judges in the\\ncivil courts, as well as to the administration by the laity of eccle-\\nsiastical affairs. The result of the law was to strengthen the\\npower of the ecclesiastical courts.\\nI\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 123\\nWilliam, by the grace of God king of the English, to R.\\nBainard, and G. de Magneville, and Peter de Valoines, and\\nall my liege men of Essex, Hertfordshire and Middlesex\\ngreeting. Know ye and all my liege men resident in Eng-\\nland, that I have by common council, and by the advise of\\nthe archbishops, bishops, abbots and chief men of my realm,\\ndetermined that the episcopal laws be mended as not having\\nbeen kept properly nor according to the decrees of the sacred\\ncanons throughout the realm of England, even to my own\\ntimes. Accordingly I command and charge you by royal\\nauthority that no bishop nor archdeacon do hereafter hold\\npleas of episcopal laws in the Hundred, nor bring a cause\\nto the judgment of secular men which concerns the rule of\\nsouls. But whoever shall be impleaded by the episcopal\\nlaws for any cause or crime, let him come to the place\\nwhich the bishop shall choose and name for this purpose,\\nand there answer for his cause or crime, and not according\\nto the Hundred but according to the canons and episcopal\\nlaws, and let him do right to God and his bishop. But if any\\none, being lifted up with pride, refuse to come to the bishop s\\ncourt, let him be summoned three several times, and if by, this\\nmeans, even, he come not to obedience, let the authority and\\njustice of the king or sheriff be exerted; and he who refuses\\nto come to the bishop s judgment shall make good the bishop s\\nlaw for every summons. This too I absolutely forbid that any\\nsheriff, reeve, or king s minister, or any other layman, do in\\nany wise concern himself with the laws which belong to the\\nbishop, or bring another man to judgment save in the\\nbishop s court. And let judgment be nowhere undergone\\nbut in the bishop s see or in that place which the bishop\\nappoints for this purpose.\\n{Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, I, 213.)\\n53. First Charter of the City of London\\nHistorical Charters\\nThis, the first charter granted to the City of London, although\\nof great brevity, is of importance because of its recognition of\\nthe rights possessed by the citizens of that place.\\nWilliam the king friendly salutes William the bishop, and\\nGodfrey the portreve, and all the burgesses within London,\\nboth French and English And I declare, that I grant you\\nto be all law-worthy, as you were in the days of King\\nEdward; and I grant that every child shall be his father s", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "124 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nheir, after his father s days; and I will not suffer any per-\\nson to do you wrong. God keep you.\\n(^Historical Charters and Constitutional Documents of the City of London,\\np. I. Lond. 1884.)\\n54. Exactions of William Rufas\\nOrdericus V italis\\nThe striking contrast between the administration of William\\nthe Conqueror and that of his son, William Rufas, is clearly\\nshown in the following quotation from the contemporary chron-\\nicler Ordericus Vitalis.\\nWhile these events were occurring in Normandy, beyond\\nsea, and enormous sums were prodigally spent in useless\\narmaments, Ranulph Flambard, now made bishop of Durham,\\nand the other minions and officers of the king, were robbing\\nEngland, and, worse than thieves, pillaged without mercy\\nthe granaries of the farmers and the stores of the merchants,\\nnot even restraining their bloody hands from plundering\\nthe church. On the death of the prelates, they immediately\\nintruded themselves into their places by a violent exercise\\nof the royal authority, and seized without decency whatever\\nthey found in their treasuries. They took into the king s\\nhands the domains of the monasteries and the revenues of\\nthe bishoprics, and exacted from the abbots or bishops who\\nstill survived enormous sums of money. Thus amassing,\\nby fair means or foul, an immense amount of contributions,\\nthey remitted it to the king beyond sea, to be employed on his\\nown occasions whether good or bad. Vast sums, accumulated\\nby these taxes, were presented to the king who used them\\nostentatiously to enrich foreigners. But the native in-\\nhabitants, unjustly spoiled of their goods, were iw great\\ndistress and cried lamentably to God, who delivered Israel\\nfrom the hand of Moab, when Eglon the corpulent king was\\nslain by Aoth, the left-handed.\\n{Ordericus Vitalis, book X, c. 8, ed. cited.)\\n55. The Charter of Liberties of Henry I.\\nAncient Laws and Institutes of England\\nWilliam Rufas was succeeded by Henry, the third son of\\nWilliam the Conqueror. Henry s first public act was to issue a\\ncharter of liberties. This important charter was not only of\\ngreat value to Henry s subjects, but a century later it was to form\\nthe basis of the demands which led King John to grant the\\nMagna Charta (No. 80). The two documents should be studied\\ntogether.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 125\\nIn the year of the incarnation of the Lord, iioi, Henry,\\nson of King Wihiam, after the death of his brother William,\\nby the grace of God, king of the English, to all faithful,\\ngreeting\\n1. Know that by the mercy of God, and by the common\\ncounsel of the barons of the whole kingdom of England, I\\nhave been crowned king of the same kingdom; and because\\nthe kingdom has been oppressed by unjust exactions, T,\\nfrom regard to God, and from the love which I have toward\\nyou, in the first place make the holy church of God free, so\\nthat I will neither sell nor place at rent, nor, when arch-\\nbishop, or bishop, or abbot is dead, will I take anything from\\nthe domain of the church, or from its men, until a successor\\nis installed into it. And all the evil customs by which the\\nrealm of England was unjustly oppressed will I take away,\\nwhich evil customs I partly set down here.\\n2. If any one of my barons, or earls, or others who hold\\nfrom me shall have died, his heir shall not redeem his land as\\nhe did in the time of my brother, but shall relieve it by a just\\nand legitimate relief. Similarly also the men of my barons\\nshall relieve their lands from their lords by a just and\\nlegitimate relief.\\n3. And if any one of the barons or other men of mine\\n\\\\vishes to give his daughter in marriage, or his sister or niece\\nor relation, he must speak with me about it, but I will neither\\ntake anything from him for this permission, nor forbid him\\nto give her in marriage, unless he should wish to join her\\nto my enemy. And if when a baron or other man of mine\\nis dead, a daughter remains as his heir. I will give her in\\nmarriage according to the judgment of my barons, along\\nwith her land. And if when a man is dead his wife remains,\\nand is without children, she shall have her dowry and right\\nof marriage, and I will not give her to a husband except\\nto her will.\\n4. And if a wife has survived with children, she shall have\\nher dowry and right of marriage, so long as she shall have\\nkept her body legitimately, and I will not give her in\\nmarriage, except according to her will. And the guardian\\nof the land and children shall be either the wife or another\\none of the relatives as shall seem to be most just. And I\\nrequire that my barons should deal similarly with the sons\\nand daughters or wives of their men.\\n5. The common tax on money which used to be taken\\nthrough the cities and counties, which was not taken in the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "126 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntime of King Edward, I now forbid altogether henceforth to\\nbe taken. If any one shall have been seized, whether a\\nmoneyer or any other, with false money, strict justice shall\\nbe done for it.\\n6. All fines and all debts which were owed to my brother,\\nI remit, except my rightful rents, and except those payments\\nwhich had been agreed upon for the inheritances of others\\nor for those things which more justly affected others. And\\nif any one for his own inheritance has stipulated anything,\\nthis I remit, and all reliefs which had been agreed upon for\\nrightful inheritances.\\n7. And if any one of my barons or men shall become\\nfeeble, however he himself shall give or arrange to give his\\nmoney, I grant that it shall be so given. Moreover, if he\\nhimself, prevented by arms, or by weakness, shall not have\\nbestowed his money, or arranged to bestow it, his wife or\\nhis children or his parents, and his legitimate men shall di-\\nvide it for his soul, as to them shall seem best.\\n8. If any of my barons or men shall have C9mmited an\\noffence he shall not give security to the extent of forfeiture\\nof his money, as he did in the time of my father, or of my\\nbrother, but according to the measure of the offence so shall\\nhe pay, as he would have paid from the time of my father\\nbackward, in the time of my other predecessors so that if\\nhe shall have been convicted of treachery or of crime, he\\nshall pay as is just.\\n9. All murders moreover before that day in which I was\\ncrowned king, I pardon and those which shall be done\\nhenceforth shall be punished justly according to the law of\\nKing Edward.\\n10. The forests, by the common agreement of my barons,\\nI have retained in my own hand, as my father held them.\\n11. To those knights who hold their land by the cuirass,\\nI yield of my own gift the lands of their demesne ploughs\\nfree from all payments and from all labor, so that as they\\nhave thus been favoured by such a great alleviation, so they\\nmay readily provide themselves with horses and arms for my\\nservice and for the defence of my kingdom,\\n12. A firm peace in my whole kingdom I establish and re-\\nquire to be kept from henceforth,\\n13. The law of King Edward I give to you again with\\nthose changes with which my father changed it by the\\ncounsel of his barons.\\n14. If any one has taken anything from my possessions", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 127\\nsince the death of King William, my brother, or from the\\npossessions of any one, let the whole be immediately returned\\nwithout alteration, and if any one shall have retained any-\\nthing thence, he upon whom it is found w^ill pay it heavily\\nto me. Witnesses Maurice, bishop of London, and Gundulf,\\nbishop, and William, bishop-elect, and Henry, earl, and\\nSimon, earl, and Walter Giffard, and Robert de Montfort,\\nand Roger Bigod, and Henry de Port, at London, when I\\nwas crowned.\\n{Translations and Reprints. Published by the Department of History,\\nUniversity of Pennsylvania. Reprinted by permission.)\\n56. Charter of the City of London\\n(From Henry I.)\\nHistorical Charters\\nThe City of London was the recipient of many charters, the\\nfirst being that granted by WiUiam L (No. 53). That granted\\nby Henry I. is, however, the first in which is given an account of\\nthe municipal government. A comparative study of these char-\\nters is of great value to those interested in municipal develop-\\nment.\\nHenry, by the grace of God, king of England, to the arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury, and to the bishops and abbots, earls\\nand barons, justices and sheriffs, and to all his faithful sub-\\njects of England, French and English, greeting.\\nKnow^ ye that I have granted to my citizens of London, to\\nhold Middlesex to farm for three hundred pounds, upon\\naccompt to them and their heirs so that the said citizens\\nshall place as sheriff whom they will of themselves; and\\nshall place whomsoever, or such a one as they will of them-\\nselves, for keeping of the pleas of the crown, and of the\\npleadings of the same, and none other shall be justice over\\nthe same men of London and the citizens of London shall\\nnot plead without the walls of London for any plea. And\\nbe they free from scot and lot and danegeld, and of all\\nmurder; and none of them shall wage battle. And if any\\none of the citizens shall be impleaded concerning the pleas\\nof the crown, the man of London shall discharge himself\\nby his oath, which shall be adjudged within the city; and\\nnone shall lodge within the walls, neither of my household,\\nnor any other, nor lodging delivered by force.\\nAnd all the men of London shall be quit and free, and\\nall their goods, throughout England, and the ports of the\\nsea, of and from all toll and passage and lestage, and all\\nother customs; and the churches and barons and citizens", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "128 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nshall and may peaceably and quietly have and hold their\\nsokes with all their customs; so that the strangers that shall\\nbe lodged in the sokes shall give custom to none but to him\\nto whom the soke appertains, or to his officer, whom he shall\\nthere put: And a man of London shall not be adjudged in\\namerciaments of money but of one hundred shillings (I\\nspeak of the pleas which appertain to money) and further,\\nthere shall be no more miskenning in the hustings, nor in the\\nfolkmote, nor in other pleas within the city and the hustings\\nmay sit once in a week, that is to say, on Monday: And I\\nwill cause my citizens to have their lands, promises, bonds,\\nand debts, within the city and without; and I will do them\\nright by the law of the city, of the lands of which they shall\\ncomplain to me\\nAnd if any shall take toll or custom of any citizen of\\nLondon, the citizens of London in the city shall take of the\\nborough or town, where toll or custom was so taken, as much\\nas the man of London gave for toll, and as he received\\ndamage thereby: And all debtors, which do owe debts to the\\ncitizens of London, shall pay them in London, or else dis-\\ncharge themselves in London, that they owe none; but if\\nthey will not pay the same, neither come to clear themselves\\nthat they owe none, the citizens of London, to whom the\\ndebts shall be due, may take their goods in the city of\\nLondon, of the borough or town, or of the county wherein\\nhe remains who shall owe the debt: And all citizens of\\nLondon may have their chaces to hunt, as well and fully as\\ntheir ancestors have had, that is to say, in Chiltre, and in\\nMiddlesex and Surrey.\\nWitness the bishop of Winchester, and Robert son of\\nRichier, and Hugh Bygot, and Alured of Toteneys, and\\nWilliam of Alba-spina and Hubert the king s Chamberlain,\\nand William de Montfichet, and Hangulf de Taney, and John\\nBellet, and Robert son of Siward. At Westminster.\\n(TAe Historical Charters and Constitutional Documents of the City of Londoji,\\np. 3. Lond. 1834.)\\n57. The Investiture Controversy\\nEadmer\\nThe policy of the Church forbade its ecclesiastics to receive in-\\nvestiture from a layman, even though he were a king. It also\\nforbade churchmen to render homage to laymen. Anselm, Arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury, contested these points with Henry I.\\nthe result was the compromise set forth in the selection which\\nfellows.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE NORMAN RULE 129\\nOn the first of August an assemble of bishops, abbots,\\nand nobles of the realm was held at London in the kinsf s\\npalace. And for three successive days, in Anselm s absence,\\nthe matter was thoroughly discussed between king and\\nbishops concerning church investitures, some arguing for\\nthis that the king should perform them after the manner of\\nhis father and brother, or according to the injunction and\\nobedience of the pope. For the pope in the sentence which\\nh^d been then published, standing firm, had conceded hom-\\nage, which Pope Urban had forbidden, as well as investiture,\\nand in this way had won over the king about investiture, as\\nmay be gathered from the letter which we have quoted\\nabove. Afterwards, in the presence of Anselm and a large\\nconcourse, the king agreed and ordained that henceforward\\nno one should be invested with bishopric or abbacy in Eng-\\nland by the giving of a pastoral staff or the ring, by the\\nking or any lay hand Anselm also agreeing that no one\\nelected to a prelacy should be deprived of consecration to the\\noffice undertaken on the ground of homage, which he should\\nmake to the king. After this decision, by the advise of\\nAnselm and the nobles of the realm, fathers were instituted\\nby the king, without any investiture of pastoral staff or\\nring, to nearly all the churches of England which had been\\nso long widowed of their shepherds.\\n(^Eadmcri JSIonachi Cantiiarioisis Historiee Novorutn, ed, cited.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII\\nTHE EARLY ANGEVINS\\n58. Henry II and Thomas a Becket at the Council of Woodstock\\n(July 1163)\\nEdward Grim\\nThe reign of the strong king, Henry IL, was marred by his\\nquarrel with Thomas a Becket. The assassination of the arch-\\nbishop has tended to obscure in the mind of the younger student\\nof history the principles which were at stake in the quarrel. As\\nchancellor, Thomas was the king s servant, but when created\\narchbishop he became the servant of the Church, and as such he\\nresisted the encroachments of the Crown upon what he believed\\nto be the ecclesiastical prerogative. The first issue with the king\\ncame in 1163 at the Council of Woodstock, upon a matter of\\ntaxation; the second at the Council of Westminster in the same\\nyear, upon the question of the rights of civil courts to try eccle-\\nsiastical persons. The dissension was partly healed, and at the\\nCouncil of Clarendon the compromise effected between Church\\nand State was embodied in the Constitutions of Clarendon But\\nthe dispute again broke out, and Becket fled from England. For\\nyears the struggle between ruler and prelate continued. In 1170\\na reconciliation was effected, but only to be succeeded by more\\nbitter strife. Some rash words of the king led to the murder of\\nthe archbishop. The sincerity of Henry s remorse may well be\\ndoubted. In consequence of the murder Henry was forced to\\nsubmit himself to the pope.\\nWhen the king was tarrying on his manor at Woodstock,\\nwith the archbishop and the great men of the land, among\\nother matters a question was raised concerning a certain\\ncustom which obtained in England. Two shillings frofn each\\nhide were given to the king s servants, who, in the post of\\nsheriffs, guarded the shires. This sum the king wished to\\nhave enrolled in the treasury and added to his own revenue.\\nWhom the archbishop resisted to the face, saying that it\\nought not to be exacted as revenue Nor will we, said he,\\nmy lord king, give it as revenue, saving your pleasure but\\nif the sheriffs, and servants, an(i ministers of the shires shall\\ni-^o", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 131\\nserve us fitly, and maintain and defend our dependants, in no\\nway will we be behindhand in contributing to their aid. But\\nthe king, taking ill this answer of the archbishop, said By\\nthe eyes of God, it shall be given as revenue, and in the king s\\nscroll shall it be writ nor is it fit that thou shouldst gainsay,\\nwhen no man would oppose your men against your will.\\nThe archbishop foreseeing and being aware lest by his suf-\\nferance a custom should be brought in whereby posterity\\nshould be harmed, answered, By the reverence of the eyes\\nby which you have sworn, my lord king, there shall be given\\nfrom all my land or from the right of the Church not a\\npenny. The king was silent, repulsed by the bold objection\\nof the archbishop, but his indignation was not set at rest; for\\nsilently erewhile his fury from secular matters which seemed\\nto be but little contrary to the archbishop, turned against the\\nclergy, and his rage extended against the ministers of the\\nchurch whose injuries specially redounded against the arch-\\nbishop.\\n(Edward Grim, Materials /or the History of Archbishop Becket. From St. Thomas\\nof Canterbury, ed. W. H. Hutton, London, 1889. p. 36.)\\n59. The Council of Westminster\\n(Oct. 1 163)\\nHerbert of Boshatn\\nThe king when he explained the cause of the summons\\nstraightway demanded that clerks seized or convicted of great\\ncrimes should be deprived of the guardianship of the church\\nand handed over to his officers, declaring that they would\\nbe the more prompt to evil unless after spiritual punishment\\nthey were subject to corporal penalty, and that those that\\nwere not restrained by the memory of their orders from such\\nenormities would care little for the loss of orders and that\\nthe more worthy they were than other persons of the privi-\\nlege of clergy so much the worse was their guilt and hence\\nthey should be constrained by greater punishments whenever\\nthey were discovered in crime. Accordingly the king, ad-\\nvised by certain who made a boast of their learning in either\\nlaw, straitly demanded that such persons should be deprived\\nof their orders and handed over to the civil courts, the which\\nnot only human law but also the canonical authority of the\\nDivine law sanctioned. Whence also concerning such it is\\nfound in the canons, let him be given over to the court.\\nWhence those who were prepared with learning on the king s\\nbehalf alleged, in nowise should be sent to exile or a monas-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "132 SOURCE-BOOK OP ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntery, but rather, according to the canons, to the court, and\\nthis to be handed over to the court [they explained to\\nmean] to be given over to the secular power to be punished.\\nTo the king and his party bringing forward these things,\\nthe archbishop, having had counsel with the bishops of his\\nprovince and with prelates of learning, when he had an-\\nswered at length and clearly on behalf of ecclesiastical liberty\\naccording to the canonical rule of the ancient fathers, at the\\nend of his speech with all devotion besought the royal clem-\\nency to the rules of the holy fathers, under a new king Christ,\\nand under a new law of Christ, by a new and strange kind\\nof Lord. And this he besought humbly and oft for himself\\nand for the security of the realm, again and again declaring\\nthat he neither ought to nor could endure it.\\nThe king nothing moved by this, but rather the more ex-\\ncited as he saw the archbishop and the bishops opposing him\\nand, as he reckoned, so unanimous and constant, demanded\\nwhether they would observe his royal custom.\\nWhereon the archbishop, after counsel had with his breth-\\nren, said that he and his brethren would observe them saving\\ntheir order. And the bishops each made the same answer\\nwhen questioned singly by the king. But one, Hilary of\\nChichester, considering rather the king s anger than the\\nopinion of the others, witho)it consulting the archbishop and\\nthe bishops changed the expression, saying that he would ob-\\nserve the royal customs in good faith; and indeed for a good\\npurpose, as I think, that he might soothe the mind of the\\nking. But the king, in no way appeased, spurned his good-\\nwill with contumely; and turning to the archbishop and bish-\\nops, having heard the same speech from all, he said that they\\nhad formed a host against him and poison lay in that saying,\\nsalvo or dine/ and that it was full of guile. Wherefore he\\ndemanded that absolutely and without qualification they\\nshould promise to obey the customs. The archbishop to this\\nanswered that they had sworn fealty to him in life and limb\\nand earthly honour, salvo or dine suo; and that under earthly\\nhonour were comprehended the royal customs and that they\\nwould not be bound in another form to observe them, but\\nonly in that to which they had sworn. When the day was\\nnow far advanced the king, angrily and without saluting the\\nprelates, departed hastily from the hall, in ire and much in-\\ndignation.\\n(Herbert of Bosham, as condensed in the Quadrilogus. From St. Thomas\\nof Canterbury ed. cited, p. 44.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 133\\n60. The Constitutions of Clarendon\\n4 Translations and Reprints\\nIn the year of the incarnation of the Lord, 1164, of the\\npapacy of Alexander, the fourth year, of the most illustrious\\nking of the English, Henry II., the tenth year, in the presence\\nof the same king, has been made this memorial of acknowl-\\nedgement of a certain part of the customs and franchises and\\ndignities of his predecessors, that is to say of King Henry,\\nhis grandfather, and of the other kings, which ought to be ob-\\nserved and held in the kingdom. And on account of the dis-\\ncussions and disputes which have arisen between the clergy\\nand the justices of our lord the king and the barons of the\\nkingdom concerning the customs and dignities, this acknowl-\\nedgement is made in the presence of the archbishops and\\nbishops and clergy and earls and barons and principal men of\\nthe kingdom. And these customs, acknowledged by the arch-\\nbishops and bishops and earls and barons, and by the most\\nnoble and ancient of the kingdom, Thomas, archbishop of\\nCanterbury, and Roger, archbishop of York, and Gilbert,\\nbishop of London, and Henry, bishop of Winchester, and\\nNigel, bishop of Ely, and William, bishop of Norwich, and\\nRobert, bishop of Lincoln, and Hilary, bishop of Chichester,\\nand Jocelyn, bishop of Salisbury, and Richard, bishop of\\nChester, and Bartholomew, bishop of Exeter, and Robert,\\nbishop of Hereford, and David, bishop of Man, and Roger,\\nbishop-elect of Worcester have conceded, and in the word of\\ntruth by their living voice have firmly promised to the lord\\nking and to his heirs should be held and observed, in good\\nfaith and without any evil intention the following being\\npresent Robert, earl of Leicester, Reginald, earl of Cornwall,\\nConan, count of Brittany, John, count of Eu, Roger, earl of\\nClare, earl Geoffrey de Mandeville, Hugh, earl of Chester,\\nWilliam, earl of Arundel, Earl Patrick, William, earl Fer-\\nrers, Richard de Lacy, Reginald de St. Valery, Roger Bigod,\\nReginald de Warenne, Richer de Aquila, William de Braose,\\nRichard de Camville, Nigel de Mowbray. Simon de Warfield,\\nHumphrey de Bohun, Matthew de Hereford, Walter de Med-\\nway, Manasses Bisett, steward, William Malet, William de\\nCourcy, Robert de Dunstanville, Jocelyn de Balliol, William\\nde Lanvale, William de Cheyney, Geoffrey de Vere, William\\nde Hastings, Hugh de Morville, Alan de Neville, Simon\\nFitz-Peter, William Malduit, chamberlain, John Malduit,\\nJohn Marshall, Peter de Mare, and many others of the prin-\\ncipal men and nobles of the kingdom, as well clergy as laity.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "J34 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nOf these acknowledged customs and dignities of the realm,\\na certain part is contained in the present writing. Of this\\npart the heads are as follows\\nI. If any controversy has arisen concerning the ad vow-\\nson and presentation of churches between laymen, or between\\nlaymen and ecclesiastics, or between ecclesiastics, it is to be\\nconsidered or settled in the court of the lord king.\\n2. Churches of the fee of the lord king cannot be given\\nperpetually without his assent and grant.\\n3. Clergymen charged and accused of anything, when\\nthey have been summoned by a justice of the king shall come\\ninto his court, to respond there to that which it shall seem\\ngood to the court of the king for them to respond to, and in\\nthe ecclesiastical court to what it shall seem good should be\\nresponded to there; so that the justice of the king shall send\\ninto the court of holy church to see how the matter shall be\\ntreated there. And if a clergyman shall have been convicted\\nor has confessed, the church ought not to protect him other-\\nwise.\\n4. It is not lawful for archbishops, bishops, and persons\\nof the realm to go out of the realm without the permission of\\nthe lord king. And if they go out, if it please the lord king,\\nthey shall give security that neither in going nor in making\\na stay nor in returning will they seek evil or loss to the king\\nor the kingdom.\\n5. Excommunicated persons ought not to give per-\\nmanent security nor offer an oath, but only security and a\\npledge to stand to the judgment of the church, in order that\\nthey may be absolved.\\n6. Laymen ought not to be accused except by definite\\nand legal accusers and witnesses, in the presence of the\\nbishop, so that the archdeacon shall not lose his right, nor\\nanything which he ought to have from it. And if there are\\nsuch persons as are blamed, but no one wishes or no one\\ndares to accuse them, let the sheriff when required by the\\nbishop cause twelve legal men of the neighbourhood or of the\\ntownship to take an oath in the presence of the bishop that\\nthey will show the truth about it according to their con-\\nscience.\\n7. No one who holds from the king in chief, nor any\\none of the officers of his demesnes shall be excommunicated,\\nnor the lands of any one of them placed under an interdict,\\nunless the lord king, if he is in the land, first agrees, or his\\njustice, if he is out of the realm, in order that he may do right", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 135\\nconcerning him; and so that what shall pertain to the king s\\ncourt shall be settled there, and for that which has respect to\\nthe ecclesiastical court, that it may be sent to the same to be\\nconsidered there.\\n8. Concerning appeals, if they should occur, they ought\\nto proceed from the archdeacon to the bishop, from the bishop\\nto the archbishop. And if the archbishop should fail to show\\njustice, it must come to the lord king last, in order that by his\\ncommand the controversy should be finally terminated in the\\ncourt of the archbishop, so that it ought not to proceed\\nfurther without the assent of the lord king.\\n9. If a contest has arisen between a clergyman and a\\nlayman or between a layman and a clergyman, concerning\\nany tenement which the clergymen wishes to bring into char-\\nitable tenure, but the layman into a lay fief, it shall be settled\\nby the deliberation of a principal justice of the king, on the\\nrecognition of twelve legal men, whether the tenement per-\\ntains to charity or to a lay fief, in the presence of that justice\\nof the king. And if the recognition shall decide that it be-\\nlongs to charity, the suit will be in the ecclesiastical court,\\nbut if to a lay fief, unless both are answerable to the same\\nbishop or baron, the suit will be in the king s court. But if\\nboth shall be answerable concerning that fief before the same\\nbishop or baron, the suit will be in his court, provided that\\nthe one who was formerly in possession shall not lose his\\npossession on account of the recognition which has been\\nmade until it has been decided upon through the suit.\\n10. If any one who is of a city or a castle or a borough\\nor a demesne manor of the lord king has been summoned by\\nthe archdeacon or the bishop for any offence for which he\\nought to respond to them, and is unwilling to make answer\\nto their summons, it is fully lawful to place him under an\\ninterdict, but he ought not to be excommunicated before the\\nprincipal officer of the lord king for that place agrees, in\\norder that he may adjudge him to come to the answer. And\\nif the officer of the king is negligent in this, he himself will\\nbe at the mercy of the lord king, and afterward the bishop\\nshall be able to coerce the accused man by ecclesiastical\\njustice.\\nII. Archbishops, bishops, and all persons of the realm,\\nwho hold from the king in chief, have their possessions from\\nthe lord king as a barony, and are responsible for them to the\\njustices and officers of the king, and follow and perform all\\nroyal rules and customs; and just as the rest of the barons", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "136 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nought to be present at the judgment of the court of the lord\\nking along with the barons, at least till the judgment reaches\\nto loss of limbs or to death.\\n12. When an archbishopric or bishopric or abbacy or\\npriorate of the demesne of the king has become vacant, it\\nought to be in his hands and he shall take thence all its rights\\nand products just as demesnes. And when it has come to\\nproviding for the church, the lord king ought to summon the\\nmore powerful persons of the church, and the election ought\\nto be made in the chapel of the lord king himself, with the\\nassent of the lord king and with the agreement of the persons\\nof the realm whom he has called to do this. And there the\\nperson elected shall do homage and fealty to the lord king as\\nto his liege lord, concerning his life and his limbs and his\\nearthly honour, saving his order, before he shall be con-\\nsecrated.\\n13. If any one of the great men of the kingdom has pre-\\nvented archbishop, bishop or archdeacon from exercising\\njustice upon himself or his, the lord king ought to bring him\\nto justice. And if by chance anyone has deprived the lord\\nking of his right, the archbishops and bishops and arch-\\ndeacons ought to bring him to justice in order that he may\\ngive satisfaction to the lord king.\\n14. The chattels of those who are in forfeiture to the\\nking no church or church-yard must detain against the jus-\\ntice of the king, because they are the king s whether they\\nhave been found within the churches or without.\\n15. Suits concerning debts which are owed through the\\nmedium of a bond or without the medium of a bond should\\nbe in the jurisdiction of the king.\\n16. Sons of rustics ought not to be ordained without the\\nassent of the lord upon whose land they are known to have\\nbeen born.\\nThe acknowledgment of the aforesaid royal customs and\\ndignities has been made by the aforesaid archbishops, and\\nbishops, and earls, and barons, and the more noble and ancient\\nof the realm, at Clarendon, on the fourth day before the\\nPurification of the Blessed Mary, perpetual Virgin, Lord\\nHenry being there present with his father, the lord king.\\nThere are, however, many other and great customs and dig-\\nnities of holy mother church and of the lord king, and of the\\nbarons of the realm, which are not contained in this writing.\\nThese are preserved to holy church and to the lord king and\\nto his heirs ard to the barons of the realm, and shall be ob-\\nserved inviolably forever. {Translations and Re:^rints, ed. cited.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVtNS 137\\n61. The King s Rash Words and Becket s Death\\nWilliam Fitz Stephen\\nThe Archbishops of York and the Bishops of London and\\nSahsbury, with the Archdeacon of Poictiers (the Archdeacon\\nof Canterbury was delayed on the sea by bad weather), hav-\\ning crossed the water, came to the King s court. He had\\nalready heard of the suspension and excommunication of\\nthe bishops. They repeat to him the w^hole story. They lay\\nall the blame upon the Archbishop; they declare him to be\\nguilty of treason in what he has done. Falsehood doubles\\nhis offence. It had been told the King that the Archbishop\\nwas making the circuit of the kingdom at the head of a large\\nbody of men. The King asks the Archbishop of York and\\nthe Bishops of London and Salisbury to advise him what to\\ndo. It is not our part, they say, to tell you what must be\\ndone. At length one says, My lord, while Thomas lives,\\nyou will not have peace or quiet or see another good day.\\nOn hearing this, such fury, bitterness, and passion took pos-\\nsession of the King, as his disordered look and gesture ex-\\npressed, that it was immediately understood what he wanted.\\nWhen they saw his emotion, four knights, barons of the\\nking s household, seeking to please him, named Reginald\\nFitz Urse, William de Traci, Hugh de Morville, Richard\\nBrito having sworn the death of the Archbishop, departed\\nsailing from different ports. By the guidance of the devil,\\nthe old enemy of all good, they met at the same hour on the\\nmorrow at the castle of the family of Broc, at Saltwood.\\nWhilst we were lately assembled in council before our lord\\nand king, and supposed we were going to discuss important\\nmatters connected with the Church, we are told by some\\nwho are just come over from England, that certain enemies\\nof the archbishop, provoked to madness, it is said, by frequent\\ncauses of exasperation, have suddenly set upon him, and\\nI can hardly write for my tears have attacked his person\\nand put him to a cruel death. At the first words of the mes-\\nsenger the king burst into loud lamentations, and exchanged\\nhis royal robes for sackcloth and ashes, acting more like a\\nfriend than the sovereign of the deceased. At times he\\nceased his cries and became stupid after which he burst\\nagain into cries and lamentations louder than before. Three\\nwhole days he spent in his chamber, and would receive\\nneither food nor consolation, but by the excess of his grief\\nit seemed as if he had thoroughly made up his mind to die.\\nThe state of things indeed became alarming, and we had now", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "138 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\na double cause for anxiety. First we had to lament the death\\nof the bishop, now we almost despaired of the life of the king,\\nand so in losing one we thought our evil fortune would de-\\nprive us of both.\\n(William Fitz Stephen. From St. Thomas of Canterbury, ed. cited, p. 232.)\\n62. The Assize of Clarendon\\n(1166)\\nSelect Charters\\nThe Assize of Clarendon is of great importance to the histori-\\ncal student because of its re-arrangement of judicial processes.\\nIt is a valuable legal landmark. By it the custom of the country\\nwas crystallised in the provision for a jury of presentment, anal-\\nogous to the modern grand jury. The old form of compurgation\\nwas finally superseded, and that of collective responsibility re-\\naffirmed. The whole document is worthy of intensive study.\\nHere begins the Assize of Clarendon, made by King\\nHenry H. with the assent of the archbishops, bishops, ab-\\nbots, earls and barons of all England.\\nI. In the first place, the aforesaid King Henry, with\\nthe consent of all his barons, for the preservation of the\\npeace and the keeping of justice, has enacted that inquiry\\nshould be made through the several counties and through the\\nseveral hundreds, by twelve of the most legal men of the\\nhundred and by four of the most legal men of each manor,\\nupon their oath that they will tell the truth, whether there is\\nin their hundred or in their manor, any man who has been\\naccused or publicly suspected of himself being a robber, or\\nmurderer, or thief, or of being a receiver of robbers, or mur-\\nderers, or thieves, since the lord king has been king. And\\nlet the justices make this inquiry before themselves, and the\\nsheriffs before themselves.\\n2. And let anyone who has been found by the oath of\\nthe aforesaid, to have been accused or publicly suspected of\\nhaving been a robber, or murderer, or thief, or a receiver of\\nthem, since the lord king has been king, be arrested and go\\nto the ordeal of water and let him swear that he has not been\\na robber, or murderer, or thief, or receiver of them since the\\nlord king has been king, to the value of five shillings, so far\\nas he knows.\\n3. And if the lord of the man who has been arrested or\\nhis steward or his men shall have claimed him, with a pledge,\\nwithin the third day after he has been seized, let him be given\\nup and his chattels until he himself makes his law.\\n4. And when a robber, or murderer, or thief, or receiver", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 139\\nof them shall have been seized through the above-mentioned\\noath, if the justices are not to come very soon into that\\ncounty where they have been arrested, let the sheriffs send\\nword to the nearest justice by some intelligent man that they\\nhave arrested such men, and the justices will send back word\\nto the sheriffs where they wish that these should be brought\\nbefore them; and the sheriffs shall bring them before the\\njustices; and along with these they shall bring from the\\nhundred and the manor where they have been arrested, two\\nlegal men to carry the record of the county and of the hun-\\ndred as to why they were seized, and there before the justice\\nlet them make their law.\\n5. And in the case of those who have been arrested\\nthrough the aforesaid oath of this assize, no one shall have\\ncourt, or judgment, or chattels, except the lord king in his\\ncourt before his justices, and the lord king shall have all\\ntheir chattels. In the case of those, however, who have been\\narrested, otherwise than through this oath, let it be as it has\\nbeen accustomed and ought to be.\\n6. And the sheriffs who have arrested them shall bring\\nsuch before the justice without any other summons than they\\nhave from him. And when robbers, or murderers, or thieves,\\nor receivers of them, who have been arrested through the\\noath or otherwise, are handed over to the sheriffs they also\\nmust receive them immediately without delay.\\n7. And in the several counties where there are no jails,\\nlet such be made in a borough or in some castle of the king,\\nfrom the money of the king and from his forest, if one shall\\nbe near, or from some other neighbouring forest, on the view\\nof the servants of the king; in order that in them the sheriffs\\nmay be able to detain those who have been seized by the offi-\\ncials who are accustomed to do this or by their servants.\\n8. And the lord king moreover w ills that all should come\\nto the county courts to make this oath, so that no one shall\\nremain behind because of any franchise which he has or\\ncourt or jurisdiction which he had, but that they should come\\nto the making of this oath.\\n9. And there is to be no one within a castle or without\\na castle or even in the honour of Wallingford, who may for-\\nbid the sheriffs to enter into his court or his land for seeing\\nto the frankpledges and that all are under pledges; and let\\nthem be sent before the sheriffs under a free pledge.\\n10. And in cities and boroughs, let no one have men or\\nreceive them in his house or in his land or his soc, whom he", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "MO SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ndoes not take in hand that he will produce before the justice\\nif they shall be required, or else let them be under a frank-\\npledge.\\nII. And let there be none in a city or borough or in a\\ncastle or without, or even in the honour of Wallingford, who\\nshall forbid the sheriffs to enter into his land or his juris-\\ndiction to arrest those who have been charged or publicly\\nsuspected of being robbers or thieves or receivers of them,\\nor outlaws, or persons charged concerning the forest but he\\nrequires that they should aid them to capture these.\\n12. And if any one is captured who has in his pos-\\nsession the fruits of robbery or theft, if he is of bad reputa-\\ntion and has an evil testimony from the public, and has not\\na warrant, let him not have law. And if he shall not have\\nbeen accused on account of the profession which he has, let\\nhim go to the water.\\n13. And if any one shall have acknowledged robbery or\\nmurder or theft or the reception of them in the presence of\\nlegal men or of the hundreds, and afterwards shall wish to\\ndeny it, he shall not have law.\\n14. The lord kin^ wills moreover that those who make\\ntheir law and shall be absolved by the law, if they are of very\\nbad testimony, and publicly and disgracefully spoken ill of\\nby the testimony of many and legal men, shall abjure the\\nlands of the king, so that within eight days they shall go over\\nthe sea, unless the wind shall have detained them; and with\\nthe first wind which they shall have afterward they shall go\\nover the sea, and they shall not afterward return into Eng-\\nland, except on the permission of the lord king; and then let\\nthem be outlawed if they return, and if they return they shall\\nbe seized as outlaws.\\n15. And the lord king forbids any vagabond, that is a\\nwandering or an unknown man, to be sheltered anywhere ex-\\ncept in a borough, and even there he shall be sheltered only\\none night, unless he shall be sick there, or his horse, so that\\nhe is able to show an evident excuse.\\n16. And if he shall have been there more than one night,\\nlet him be arrested and held until his lord shall come to give\\nsecurities for him, or until he himself shall have secured\\npledges; and let him likewise be arrested who has sheltered\\nhim.\\n17. And if any sheriff shall have sent word to any other\\nsheriff that men have fled from his county into another\\ncounty, on account of robbery or murder or theft, or the re-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 141\\nception of them, or for outlawry or for a charge concerning\\nthe forest of the king, let him arrest them. And even if he\\nknows of himself or through others that such men have fled\\ninto his county, let him arrest them and hold them until he\\nshall have secured pledges from them.\\n18. And let all sheriffs cause a list to be made of all\\nfugitives who have fled from their counties; and let them do\\nthis in the presence of their county courts, and they will carry\\nthe written names of these before the justices when they\\ncome first before these, so that they may be sought through\\nall England, and their chattels may be seized for the use of\\nthe king.\\n19. And the lord kin.g wills that, from the time when\\nthe sheriffs have received the summons of the justices in eyre\\nto appear before them with their county courts, they shall\\ngather together their county courts and make inquiry for all\\nwho have recently come into their counties since this assize;\\nand that they should send them away with pledges that they\\nwill be before the justices, or else keep them in custody until\\nthe justices come to them, and then they shall have them\\nbefore the justices.\\n20. The lord king moreover prohibits monks and canons\\nand all religious houses from receiving any one of the lesser\\npeople as a monk or canon or brother, until it is known of\\nwhat reputation he is, unless he shall be sick unto death.\\n21. The lord king moreover forbids any one in all Eng-\\nland to receive in his land or his jurisdiction or in a house\\nunder him any one of the sect of those renegades who have\\nbeen excommunicated and branded at Oxford. And if any-\\none shall have received them, he will be at the mercy of the\\nlord king, and the house in which they have been shall be\\ncarried outside the village and burned. And each sheriff\\nwill take this oath that he will hold this, and will make all\\nhis servants swear this, and the stewards of the barons, and\\nall knights and free tenants of the counties.\\n22. And the lord king wills that this assize shall be held\\nin his kingdom so long as it shall please him.\\n{Translations and Reprints, ed. cited.)\\n63. Constitution of the King s Household\\nLittle Black Book of the Exchequer\\nThis document is of sufficient importance to warrant its intro-\\nduction into this book of sources. In the words of its most able\\neditor, Hubert Hall. F.S.A., of the Public Record Office The\\nvalue of this historical document is inestimable. It brings us into", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "142 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntouch with the Angevin king [Henry II.] and possibly with his\\nNorman predecessors, by affording a hundred clues to court\\nlife. Beside this, it affords a host of suggestions upon the\\nmanners of the times.\\nTHIS IS THE CONSTITUTION OF THE KING S HOUSE\\nThe Chancellor.\\nFive shillings daily and one royal simnel, and two [of\\ndripping,] and one sextary of clear w^ine, and one sextary\\nof household w^ine, and one wax-candle and forty candle-\\nends.\\nThe Master of the Scriptorum.\\nFormerly tenpence daily, and one simnel [of dripping,]\\nand half a sextary of household wine, and one thick candle\\nand twelve candle-ends. But King Henry increased Robert\\nde Sigillo by so much, that on the day of the king s death\\nhe had two shillings, and one sextary of household wine,\\nand one simnel [of dripping,] and one taper and twenty-\\nfour candle-ends.\\nThe Chaplain, Keeper of the Chapel and Relics.\\nThe entertainment of two men and four Serjeants of the\\nChapel, each a double ration and two sumpter-horses of\\nthe Chapel, each one penny daily and one penny to shoe\\nthem monthly. For the service of the Chapel, two wax-\\ncandles on Wednesday and two on Saturday; and every\\nnight one wax-candle at the Relics, and thirty candle-ends\\nand one gallon of clear wine at mass and one sextary of\\nhousehold wine on the day of Absolution, to wash the\\naltar. On Easter Day, at Communion, one sextary of clear\\nwine and one of household wine.\\nThe Clerk of the household bread and wine.\\nTwo shillings daily, and one simnel [of dripping,] and\\none sextary of household wine, and one taper and twentj-\\nfour candle-ends.\\nOf the Stewards of the bread.\\nThe regular Master Steward of the bread, if he shall eat\\nwithout the king s house, two shillings and tenpence daily,\\nand one simnel [of dripping,] and one sextary of house-\\nhold wine, and candles fully.\\nOf the Sewers.\\nThe Sewers the same as the Chancellor, if they shall eat\\nwithout the house; if within, three shillings and sixpence,\\nand two simnels [of dripping,] and one sextary of house-\\nhold wine and candles fully.", "height": "3528", "width": "2021", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS X43\\nOf the Stewards serving in turn.\\nIf without the house, nineteen pence daily, and one sim-\\nnel [of ^dripping,] and one sextary of household wine, and\\none thick candle and twenty candle-ends. If within, ten-\\npence and half a sextary of household wine and candles\\nfully.\\nOf the Naperers.\\nThe Naperer, the customary ration. To his man, three\\nhalf-pence daily, and one penny for a sumpter-horse, and\\none penny monthly to shoe him.\\nThe Usher of the Dispensary.\\nThe same, the sumpter-horse excepted.\\nThe Counter of the Bread.\\nThe customary ration.\\nOf the four Bakers.- serving together in their turn.\\nTwo who serye in the house shall eat in the house and\\ntwo who go abroad shall have forty pence to procure a\\nmeasure of Rouen for which they should render forty royal\\nsimnels and a hundred and fifty [of dripping,] and two\\nhundred and seventy baker s loaves. A royal simnel to\\nfour, one [of dripping] to two, and a loaf to each.\\nOf the Waferers.\\nThe Waferer, the customary ration and three half-pence\\nto his man daily.\\nThe Keeper of the Tables.\\nSo much as the above; and besides this a sumpter-horse\\nwith his allowance.\\nThe bearer of the Alms-dish shall eat in the house.\\nOf the Stewards of the Larder.\\nThe Master Steward of the Larder, the same as the\\nMaster Steward of the bread and wine, and in the same\\nmanner.\\nLikewise the .Stewards of the Larder serving in turn,\\nlike also as the Stewards of the bread and wine serve in\\nturn. The Larderers who serve in turn, the customary\\nration, and their man three half-pence daily. The Usher\\nof the Larder the same. The Slaughter-men the customary\\nration only.\\nOf the Cooks.\\nThe Cook of the king s kitchen shall eat in the house.\\nThree half-pence to his man.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "144 SOURCE-BOOK Of ENGLISH HISTORY\\nOf the Great Kitchen.\\nThe king s Poulterer, the customary ration and three\\nhalf-pence to his man.\\nTwo Cooks, each of them the customary ration. Three\\nhalf-pence to their man.\\nThe Serjeants of the same kitchen, the customary ration\\nonly.\\nThe Usher of the Spithouse, the customary ration; to his\\nman three half-pence.\\nThe Turn Spit likewise.\\nLikewise the Keeper of the Dishes, and besides this on:-\\nsumpter-horse with his allowance.\\nThe Carter of the great kitchen, a double ration, and for\\nhis horse a proper allowance.\\nThe Carter of the Larder likewise.\\nThe Serjeant who receives the venison shall eat within;\\nand three half-pence to his man.\\nThe Master Butler, the same as the Sewer, and they\\nhave one allowance and in the same manner.\\nThe Master Stewards of the Butlery who serve in turn,\\nthe same as the Stewards of the Dispensary who serve in\\nturn. But they have more candle, because they have a\\ntaper and twenty-four candle-ends.\\nThe Usher of the Butlery, the customary ration, and\\nthree half-pence to his man.\\nThe Hosiers shall eat in the house, and to each of their\\nmen threepence.\\nThe Butterer, the customary ration, and threepence to\\nhis men, and half a sextary of household wine and twelve\\ncandle-ends.\\nThe Workmen of the Buttery, the customary ration only,\\nbut the Serjeant besides this three half-pence to his man\\nand two sumpter-horses with their allowances.\\nOf the Keepers of the Cups.\\nFour only must serve together in their turn, of whom\\ntwo shall eat in the house, and each for his man three half-\\npence. Two other shall have the customary ration and\\nlikewise three half-pence to their men.\\nThe Keepers of the Mazers a double ration only.\\nOf the Fruiterers.\\nThe Fruiterer shall eat in the house, and three of his\\nmen.\\nThe Carter the customary ration and allowance for his\\nhorses.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 145\\nThe Master Chamberlain is equal with the Sewer in his\\nallowance.\\nThe Treasurer as the Master Chamberlain if he shall be in\\nthe Court and shall serve in the Treasury. William\\nMaudut fourteen pence daily, and he shall eat regularly in\\nthe house, and one thick candle and thirteen candle-ends\\nand two sumpter-horses with their allowances.\\nThe Porter of the King s Litter shall eat in the house, and to\\nhis man three half-pence and one sumpter-horse with his\\nallowance.\\nThe Chamberlain who serves in his turn two shillings daily,\\nand one sininel [of dripping,] and one sextary of house-\\nhold wine, and one taper and fourteen candle-ends.\\nThe Chamberlain of the Candles eightpence daily, and half\\na sextary of household wine.\\nThe King s Tailor shall eat in his house, and to his man\\nthree half-pence.\\nThe Chamberlain shall eat in the house without allowance if\\nhe shall desire it.\\nThe Water-carrier a double ration, and when the king goes\\nabroad one penny to wring out the king s clothes and\\nwhen the king bathes, threepence, except on the three\\nfeasts of the year.\\nOf the Washerwoman doubtful.\\nThe Constables have allowances like as the Sewers, and in\\nlike manner William, son of Odo, one royal simnel and one\\nsextary of clear wine and one taper and twenty-four\\ncandle-ends.\\nHenry de la Pomerai, if he shall eat without the house,\\ntwo shillings daily, and one simnel [of dripping.] and one\\nsextary of household wine, and one taper, and twenty-four\\ncandle-ends; but if within, fourteen pence and half a sex-\\ntary of household wine, and candle fully.\\nRoger de Oyli likewise.\\nOf the Marshalsea.\\nThe Master Marshal likewise, namely, John. And be-\\nsides this he ought to have vouchers of the gifts and allow-\\nances that may arise from the King s Treasury and from\\nhis Chamber, and he ought to have vouchers against all the\\nking s officials as witness for all things.\\nThe four Marshals who serve the family of the king as\\nwell clerks as knights and ministers, the day whereon they", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "146 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmake a harbourage or abide without the Court on the\\nking s business, eightpence daily, and one gallon of house-\\nhold wine and twelve candle-ends. If without, threepence\\ndaily for their man and a full candle. And if anyone of\\nthe Marshals shall be sent on the king s business, eight-\\npence only.\\nThe Serjeants of the Marshals if they shall be sent on\\nthe king s business, to each of them, daily, threepence. But\\nif not they shall eat in the king s house.\\nThe Ushers, servants of the Bishop, shall eat in the house;\\nto each of their men three half-pence daily and eight\\ncandle-ends.\\nGilbert Bonhomme and Ralph shall eat in the house without\\nany other allowance.\\nThe Watchmen, a double ration and to their men three half-\\npence daily and four candles, and besides this of a morning\\neach of them two loaves and one dish of meat and one gal-\\nlon of beer.\\nThe Keeper of the Hearth shall always eat in the house, and\\nfrom the feast of Saint Michael to Easter every day four-\\npence for the fire.\\nThe Usher of the Chamber each day on which the king fares\\nabroad fourpence for the king s bed.\\nThe Keeper of the Tents shall eat in the house, and when-\\never he was to carry the tents, he used to have allowance\\nfor one man and one sumpter-horse.\\nEach of the four Hornblowers threepence daily.\\nTwenty Serjeants, each one penny daily.\\nThe Keepers of the Gazehounds, each threepence daily and\\ntwopence to their men.\\nAnd for every Harrier a half-penny daily.\\nThe King s Mews eightpence daily.\\nThe Knight s Huntsmen eightpence daily each.\\nThe Cat Hunters each fivepence.\\nThe Leader of the Limmers a penny.\\nA Limmer, a half-penny.\\nThe Bear-ward threepence daily.\\nThe Huntsmen of the Hart, each threepence daily, and of the\\ngreat Hart four ought to have a penny, and of the small\\nHart seven a penny.\\nFor the great Hart two men, and each a penny daily;\\nand for the small Hart two men, and each a penny daily.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVIN6 147\\nThe Keepers of the Brachs, each threepence daily.\\nThe Wolf-catchers, twenty pence daily for them and their\\nmen and dogs, and they ought to have twenty-four cours-\\ning dogs, and eight Harriers, and six pounds by the year\\nto buy horses, but they themselves say eight.\\nOf the Archers who used to carry the king s bow, each five-\\npence daily and other archers the same.\\nBernard, Ralph le Bobeur, and their fellows each threepence\\ndaily.\\n(In Court Life tinder the Plajitagenets, ed. H. Hall, London, 1890. p. 244.)\\n64. The First Coronation of Richard I.\\nRoger de Hovenden\\nThe ceremony described by Roger de Hoveden illustrates the\\nform by which the kings of England were installed in office.\\nThe royal state used by the Norman kings was derived from\\ntheir Saxon predecessors and continued by the Angevins. The\\nstudent should observe the function of the Church, the oath of\\nthe king, the manner of anointing and crowning, and the oaths\\nof fealty and homage which concluded the ceremony.\\nFirst came the bishops, abbats, and large numbers of the\\nclergy, w^earing silken hoods, preceded by the cross, taper-\\nbearers, censers, and holy water, as far as the door of the\\nking s inner chamber; where they received the before-named\\nduke, and escorted him to the church of Westminster, as far\\nas the high altar, in solemn procession, with chaunts of\\npraise, while all the way along which they went, from the\\ndoor of the king s chamber to the altar, was covered with\\nwoollen cloth. The order of the procession was as follows\\nFirst came the clergy in their robes, carrying holy water, and\\nthe cross, tapers, and censers. Next came the priors, then\\nthe abbats, and then the bishops, in the midst of whom walked\\nfour barons, bearing four candlesticks of gold after whom\\ncame Godfrey de Lucy, bearing the king s cap [of main-\\ntenance], and John Marshal by him, carrying two great and\\nmassive spurs of gold. After these came William Marshal,\\nearl of Striguil, bearing the royal sceptre of gold, on the top\\nof which was a cross of gold, and by him William Fitz-\\nPatrick, earl of Salisbury, bearing a rod of gold, having on\\nits top a dove of gold. After them came David, earl of\\nHuntingdon, brother of the king of Scotland, John, earl of\\nMortaigne, the duke s brother, and Robert, earl of Leicester,\\ncarrying three golden swords from the king s treasury, the\\nscabbards of w^hich were worked all over with gold the earl\\nof Mortaigne walking in the middle. Next came six earls", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "148 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand six barons, carrying on their shoulders a very large\\nchequer, upon which were placed the royal arms and robes;\\nand after them William de Mandeville, earl of Aumarle,\\ncarrying a great and massive crown of gold, decorated on\\nevery side with precious stones. Next came Richard, duke\\nof Normandy, Hugh, bishop of Durham, walking at his right\\nhand, and Reginald, bishop of Bath, at his left, and four\\nbarons holding over them a canopy of silk on four lofty\\nspears. Then followed a great number of earls, barons,\\nknights, and others, both clergy and laity, as far as the porch\\nof the church, and dressed in their robes, entered with the\\nduke, and proceeded as far as the choir.\\nWhen the duke had come to the altar, in presence of the\\narchbishops, bishops, clergy, and people, kneeling before the\\naltar, with the holy Evangelists placed before him, and many\\nrelics of the saints, according to custom, he swore that he\\nwould all the days of his life observe peace, honour, and\\nreverence towards God, the Holy Church, and its ordinances.\\nHe also swore that he would exercise true justice and equity\\ntowards the people committed to his charge. He also swore\\nthat he would abrogate bad laws and unjust customs, if any\\nsuch had been introduced into his kingdom, and would enact\\ngood laws, and observe the same without fraud or evil intent.\\nAfter this they took off all his clothes from the waist up-\\nwards, except his shirt and breeches; his shirt having been\\npreviously separated over his shoulders; after which they\\nshod him with sandals embroidered with gold. Then Bald-\\nwin, archbishop of Canterbury, pouring holy oil upon his\\nhead, breast, and arms, which signifies glory, valour, and\\nknowledge, with suitable prayers for the occasion; after\\nwhich the said archbishop placed a consecrated linen cloth\\non his head, and upon that the cap which Godfrey de Lucy\\nhad carried. They then clothed him in the royal robes, first\\na tunic, and then a dalmatic after which the said archbishop\\ndelivered to him the sword of rule, with which to crush evil-\\ndoers against the Church; this done, two earls placed the\\nspurs upon his feet, which John Marshal had carried. After\\nthis, being robed in a mantle, he was led to the altar, where\\nthe said archbishop forbade him, in the name of Almighty\\nGod, to presume to take upon him this dignity, unless he had\\nthe full intention inviolably to observe the oaths and vows\\nbefore-mentioned which he had made; to which he made\\nanswer that, with God s assistance, he w^ould without re-\\nservation observe them all. After this, he himself took the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE EARLY ANGEVINS 149\\ncrown from the altar and gave it to the archbishop on which,\\nthe archbishop delivered it to him, and placed it upon his\\nhead, it being supported by two earls in consequence of its\\nextreme weight. After this, the archbishop delivered to him\\nthe sceptre to hold in his right hand, while he held the rod\\nof royalty in his left; and, having been thus crowned, the\\nking was led back to his seat by the before-named bishops\\nof Durham and Bath, preceded by the taper-bearers and the\\nthree swords before-mentioned. After this, the mass of our\\nLord was commenced, and, when they came to the offertory,\\nthe before-named bishops led him to the altar, where he\\noffered one mark of the purest gold, such being the proper\\noffering for the king at each coronation; after which, the\\nbishops before-named led him back to his seat. The mass\\nhaving been concluded, and all things solemnly performed,\\nthe two bishops before-named, one on the right hand, the\\nother on the left, led him back from the church to his\\nchamber, crowned, and carrying a sceptre in his right hand\\nand the rod of royalty in his left, the procession going in the\\nsame order as before. Then the procession returned to the\\nchoir, and our lord the king put off his royal crown and\\nrobes of royalty, and put on a crown and robes that were\\nlighter and, thus crowned, went to dine on which the arch-\\nbishops and bishops took their seats with him at the table,\\neach according to his rank and dignity. The earls and\\nbarons also served in the king s palace, according to their\\nseveral dignities while the citizens of London served in\\nthe cellars, and the citizens of Winchester in the kitchen\\nOn the second day after his coronation, Richard, king of\\nEngland, received the oaths of homage and fealty from the\\nbishops, abbats, earls, and barons of England.\\n{Annals of Roger de Hoveden/or 1189, trans, by H. T. Riley.\\nLondon, 1853. II, 117.)\\n65. Levying a Feudal Aid\\n(1198)\\nRoger de Hoveden\\nThe manner in which the king s taxes were collected is well\\nillustrated in the chosen selection. The minuteness of detail in\\nthe account makes it as interesting as valuable. This extract\\nshould be compared with that describing the levying of an aid in\\nthe seventeenth century (No. 151).\\nIn the same year, Richard, king of England, levied\\nfrom each carucate or hide of land throughout all England\\nfive shillings as an aid; for the purpose of collecting which,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "150 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthe said king sent through each county of England one clerk\\nand one knight; who, with the sheriff of the county to which\\nthey were sent, and lawful knights elected for the purpose,\\nmaking oath that they would faithfully perform the king s\\nbusiness, caused to appear before them the seneschals of the\\nbarons of the said county, and the lord or bailiff of every\\nvill, and the reeve, together with the four lawful men of the\\nvill, whether freemen or villeins, as also two law^ful knights\\nof the hundred, who made oath that they would faithfully\\nand without fraud declare what was the amount of carucates\\nin each vill that were in tillage namely, how many were\\nheld in demesne, how many in villanage, how many in al-\\nmoign bestowed on religious orders, which the givers thereof\\nwere bound to make warranty of, or to pay for, or for which\\nthe said religious were bound to do service; and upon each\\ncarucate in tillage, by the king s commands, they first levied\\ntwo shillings and then three shillings all of which was re-\\nduced to writing. Of all this the clerk had one register, the\\nknight another, the sheriff a third, and the seneschals of the\\nbarons a fourth register as to the land of their lords.\\nThis money was received by the hands of two lawful\\nknights of each hundred, and by the hands of the bailiff of\\nthe hundred, and they were answerable for the same to the\\nsheriff, and the sheriff answerable for the same accord-\\ning to the before-mentioned registers to the exchequer, in\\npresence of the bishops, abbats, and barons appointed for\\nthe purpose.\\nAlso, for the punishment of the jurors who, contrary to\\ntheir oath, should be guilty of concealing anything in the\\nsaid matters, it was enacted that whatever villein should be\\nconvicted of perjury he should forfeit to his lord the best\\nox of his plough, and should, out of his own property, be\\nanswerable for as much money for the use of our lord the\\nking as should be proved to have remained concealed by\\nmeans of his perjury; but if a free man should be convicted,\\nhe was to be amerced by the king, and was to refund as well\\nout of his own property as much as had been concealed by\\nhim, in the same manner as the villein.\\nIt was also enacted, that every baron should, with the aid\\nof the sheriff, make levies upon his tenants; and if, by\\ndefault of the baron, such levies should not be made, then\\nthere was to be taken from the demesne of the baron what\\nshould remain payable by his tenants, and the baron was\\nto take the same from his tenants. Frank-fees of parish", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "151 THE EARLY ANGEVIMS\\nchurches were exempted from the said tallage; and all\\nescheats of barons which were held in the hands of our lord\\nthe king contributed thereto. But serjeanties of our lord\\nthe king, which were not attached to knights fees, were\\nexcepted, although they were placed on the register, as also\\nthe number of the carucates of land, the values of their lands,\\nand the names of those holding by serjeanty; and all those\\nso holding, were sununoned to be at London on the octave\\nat the end of Easter, to hear and perform the king s com-\\nmands.\\nThe persons who were chosen for that purpose, and ap-\\npointed by our lord the king, according to the estimation of\\nlawful men, set down a hundred acres of land for each\\ncarucate of land in cultivation.\\n{Aufials of Roger de Hoi eden/or 1198, ed. cited. II, 420.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "PART IV\\nFROM THE CHARTER TO THE\\nREFORMATION\\n(1215-1485)\\n153", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX\\nTHE PAPAL AUTHORITY TRIUMPHANT\\n66. The Struggle between John and Innocent III.\\nRoger of Wendover\\nRoger of Wendover (d. 1237) left a work known as The\\nFlowers of History (formerly attributed to Matthew Paris). It\\nis the chief contemporary source for the reign of King John.\\nThe stormy rule of that king was full of struggles between the\\nThrone and the Church, and the Throne and the Baronage. The\\nfirst chain of events grew out of the tripartite struggle between\\nthe cathedral chapter of Canterbury, the king, and the pope, to\\nseat their respective candidates in the archbishopric of Canter-\\nbury, in place of Hubert Walter, deceased. The pope was able\\nto control the clergy, but the king refused to admit the right of\\nRome to appoint to the vacant see.\\nTHE KING OF ENGLAND ADMONISHED BY OUR LORD THE POPE\\nIn the same year pope Innocent, on learning that king\\nJohn s heart was so hardened, that he would not either by\\npersuasion or threats be induced to acquiesce in receiving\\nStephen as archbishop of Canterbury, was touched to the\\nheart with grief, and, by advice of his cardinals, sent orders\\nto William bishop of London, Eustace bishop of Ely, and\\nMauger bishop of Winchester, to go to the said king, about\\nthe matter of the church of Canterbury, and to give him\\nwholesome counsel to yield to God in this matter, and so\\nsecure the Lord s favour; but if they found him contumacious\\nand rebellious as he had hitherto been, he ordered them to\\nlay an interdict on the whole kingdom of England, and to\\ndenounce to the said king that, if he did not check his bold-\\nness by that means, he, the pope, would lay his hand on him\\nstill more heavily since it was necessary for him to conquer,\\nwho for the safety of the holy church had made war on the\\ndevil and his angels, and despoiled the cloisters of hell. He\\nalso, by letters of the apostolic see, gave orders to the\\n15s", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "156 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nsuffragan bishops of tlie church of Canterbury, and to the\\nother prelates of that diocese, that, by virtue of their obedi-\\nence, they were to receive the aforesaid archbishop as their\\nfather and pastor, and were to obey him with all due affec-\\ntion.\\n67. England under the Interdict\\nA. 1208. The bishops of London, Ely, and Winchester,\\nin execution of the legateship entrusted to them, went to king\\nJohn, and after duly setting forth the apostolic commands,\\nentreated of him humbly and with tears, that he, having God\\nin his sight, would recall the archbishop and the monks of\\nCanterbury to their church, and honour and love them with\\nperfect affection; and they informed him that thus he would\\navoid the shame of an interdict, and the Disposer of rewards\\nwould, if he did so, multiply his temporal honours on him,\\nand after his death would bestow lasting glory on him.\\nWhen the said bishops wished, out of regard to the king, to\\nprolong the discourse, the king became nearly mad with rage,\\nand broke forth in words of blasphemy against the pope and\\nhis cardinals, swearing by God s teeth, that, if they or any\\nother priests soever presumptuously dared to lay his domi-\\nnions under an interdict, he would immediately send all the\\nprelates of England, clerks as well as ordained persons, to\\nthe pope, and confiscate all their propert}^; he added more-\\nover, that all the clerks of Rome or of the pope himself who\\ncould be found in England or in his other territories, he\\nwould send to Rome with their eyes plucked out, and their\\nnoses slit, that by these marks they might be known there\\nfrom other people; in addition to this he plainly ordered the\\nbishops to take themselves quickly from his sight, if they\\nwished to keep their bodies free from harm. The bishops\\nthen, not finding any repentance in the king, departed, and,\\nin the Lent following, fearlessly fulfilled the duty required of\\nthem by the pope, and accordingly on the morning of Monday\\nin Passion week, which that year fell on the 23rd of March,\\nthey laid a general interdict on the whole of England which,\\nsince it was expressed to be by authority of our lord the\\npope, was inviolably observed by all without regard of person\\nor privileges. Therefore all church services ceased to be\\nperformed in England, with the exception only of confession,\\nand the viaticum in cases of extremity, and the baptism of\\nchildren the bodies of the dead too were carried out of cities", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE PAPAL AUTHORITY TRIUMPHANT 157\\nand towns, and buried in roads and ditches without prayers\\nor the attendance of priests. What need I say more?.\\n68. John excommunicated by Name\\nA. 1209. King John had now for nearly two years, as has\\nbeen said before, unceasingly continued throughout England,\\non account of the interdict, a most severe persecution against\\nthe clergy as well as some of the laity, and had entirely de-\\nstroyed all kind of hope in every one of any improvement or\\nsatisfaction, and pope Innocent could no longer put off the\\npunishment of his rebellion wherefore, by the advice of his\\ncardinals, he, in order to cut up by the root such an insult\\nto the church, gave orders to the bishops of London, Ely,\\nand Winchester, to declare the said king excommunicated by\\nname, and solemnly to publish this sentence every Sunday\\nand feast day in all the conventual churches throughout\\nEngland, that thus the king might be more strictly shunned\\nby every one. But after the aforesaid bishops had, by the\\napostolic authority, entrusted the publication of this sentence\\nto their fellow bishops who had remained in England, and to\\nthe other prelates of the church, they all, through fear of or\\nregard for the king, became like dumb dogs not daring to\\nbark, wherefore they put off fulfilling the duty enjoined on\\nthem by the apostolic mandate, and failed to proceed accord-\\ning to the usual course of justice. Nevertheless in a short\\ntime the decree became known to all in the roads and streets,\\nand even in the places of assembly of the people it afforded a\\nsubject of secret conversation to all amongst others, as\\nGeoffrey archdeacon of Norwich was one day sitting in the\\nExchequer at Westminster, attending to the king s business,\\nhe began to talk privately with his companions who sat with\\nhim, of the decree which was sent forth against the king;\\nand said that it was not safe for beneficed persons to remain\\nany longer in their allegiance to an excommunicated king;\\nafter saying which, he went to his own house without asking\\nthe king s permission. This event coming soon after to the\\nknowledge of the king, he was not a little annoyed, and\\nsent William Talbot a knight, with some soldiers, to seize\\nthe archdeacon, and they, after he was taken, bound him in\\nchains and threw him into prison; after he had been there\\na few days, by command of the said king a cap of lead was\\nput on him, and at length, being overcome by want of food\\nas well as by the weight of the leaden cap, he departed to\\nthe Lord.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "158 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n69. The Pope deposes the King\\nA. 1212. About this time Stephen archbishop of Canter-\\nbury, and the bishops William of London, and Eustace of\\nEly, went to Rome and informed the pope of the divers rebel-\\nlions and enormities perpetrated by the king of England from\\nthe time of the interdict up to the present time, by un-\\nceasingly laying the hands of rage and cruelty on the holy\\nchurch in opposition to the Lord; and they therefore humbly\\nsupplicated the pope in his pious compassion to assist the\\nchurch of England, now labouring as it were in its last ex-\\ntremities. The pope then being deeply grieved for the deso-\\nlation of the kingdom of England, by the advice of his cardi-\\nnals, bishops, and other wise men, definitively decreed that\\nJohn king of England should be deposed from the throne of\\nthat kingdom, and that another, more worthy than he, to be\\nchosen by the pope, should succeed him. In pursuance of this\\nhis decree, our lord the pope wrote to the most potent Philip,\\nking of the French, ordering him, in remission of all his\\nfaults, to undertake this business, and declaring that, after\\nhe had expelled the English king from the throne of that\\nkingdom, he and his successors should hold possession of the\\nkingdom of England for ever. Besides this, he wrote to all\\nthe nobles, knights, and other warlike men throughout the\\ndifferent countries, ordering them to assume the sign of the\\ncross, and to follow the king of the French as their leader, to\\ndethrone the English king, and thus to revenge the insult\\nwhich had been cast on the universal church he also ordered\\nthat all those who afforded money or personal assistance\\nin overthrowing that contumacious king, should, like those\\nwho went to visit the Lord s sepulchre, remain secure under\\nthe protection of the church, as regarded their property,\\npersons, and spiritual interests. After this the pope, on his\\npart, sent Pandulph, a sub-deacon, with the archbishop and\\nbishops above-named, into the French provinces, that in his\\nown presence all his commands above related might be ful-\\nfilled; Pandulph, however, on leaving the pope when all\\nothers were away from him, secretly inquired of his holiness\\nwhat it was his pleasure should be done, if by chance he\\nshould find any of the fruits of repentance in John, so that\\nhe would give satisfaction to the Lord and the church of\\nRome for all matters in regard of this business. The pope\\nthen dictated a simple form of peace, and said that if John\\ndetermined to agree to it, he might find favour with the\\napostolic see.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "THE PAPAL AUTHORITY TRIUMPHANT 159\\n70. The Papal Legate in England\\nA. 1213. Whilst the English king was with his army-\\nwaiting the approach of the king of the French near the sea-\\ncoast, two of the brothers of the Temple arrived at Dover,\\nand coming to the king in a friendly manner said to him\\nWe have been sent to you, most potent king, for the benefit\\nof yourself and your kingdom, by Pandulph the sub-deacon\\nand familiar of our lord the pope, who desires to have an\\ninterview with you and he will propose to you a form of\\npeace, by which you can be reconciled to God and to the\\nchurch, although you have by the court of Rome been deposed\\nfrom your right to the sovereignty of England, and been\\ncondemned by decree of that court. The king then, on hear-\\ning the speech of the Templars, ordered them immediately\\nto cross the sea and fetch Pandulph to him. Pandulph there-\\nfore, on this invitation of the king came to him at Dover, and\\nspoke to him in these words Behold, the most potent king\\nof the French is at the mouth of the Seine with a countless\\nfleet, and a large army of horse and foot, waiting till he is\\nstrengthened with a larger force, to come upon you and your\\nkingdom, and to expel you from it by force, as an enemy\\nto the Lord and the supreme pontiff, and afterwards, by-\\nauthority of the apostolic see to take possession of the king-\\ndom of England for ever. There also coming with him all\\nthe bishops who have for a long while been banished from\\nEngland, with the exiled clergy and laity, by his assistance,\\nto recover by force their episcopal sees and other property,\\nand to fulfil to him for the future the obedience formerly\\nshown to you and your ancestors. The said king moreover\\nsays that he holds papers of fealty and subjection from al-\\nmost all the nobles of England, on which account he feels\\nsecure of bringing the business he has undertaken to a most\\nsuccessful termination. Consult therefore your own ad-\\nvantage, and become penitent as if you were in your last\\nmoments, and delay not to appease that God whom you have\\nprovoked to a heavy vengeance. If you are willing to give\\nsufficient security that you will submit to the judgment of\\nthe church, and to humble yourself before Him who humbled\\nhimself for you, you may, through the compassion of the\\napostolic see, recover the sovereignty, from which you have\\nbeen abjudicated at Rome on account of your contumacy.\\nNow therefore reflect, lest your enemies shall have cause to\\nrejoice over you, and bring not yourself into difficulties,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "i6o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfrom which, however you may wish to do so, you will not be\\nable to extricate yourself.\\n71. The Repentance of the King\\n[a.d. 1213.] King John, hearing and seeing the truth of all\\nthis, was much annoyed and alarmed, seeing how imminent\\nthe danger was on every side. There were four principal\\nreasons, which urged him to repentance and atonement; the\\nfirst was that he had been now for five years lying under\\nexcommunication, and had so offended God and the holy\\nchurch, that he gave up all hopes of saving his soul; the\\nsecond was, that he dreaded the arrival of the French king,\\nwho was waiting near the sea-coast with a countless army,\\nand planning his downfall; the third was, he feared, should\\nhe give battle to his approaching enemies, lest he should be\\nabandoned to himself in the field by the nobles of England\\nand his own people, or be given up to his enemies for destruc-\\ntion; but his fourth reason alarmed him more than all the\\nrest, for the day of our Lord s ascension was drawing near,\\nwhen he feared that, according to the prophecy of Peter the\\nhermit mentioned above, he should with his life lose the tem-\\nporal as well as the eternal kingdom. Being therefore driven\\nto despair by these and the like reasons he yielded to the\\npersuasions of Pandulph, and, although not without pain, he\\ngranted the underwritten form of peace he also swore by\\nthe holy gospels in the presence of Pandulph, that he would\\nbe obedient to the church s sentence, and sixteen of the most\\npowerful nobles of the kingdom swore on the soul of the\\nking himself, that, should he repent of his promise, they\\nwould, to the utmost of their power, compel him to fulfil it.\\n72. John resigns Crown and Kingdom to the Pope\\n[a.d. 1213.] Matters having been thus arranged on the fif-\\nteenth of May, which was the eve of Ascension-day, the Eng-\\nlish king and Pandulph, with the nobles of the kingdom, met\\nat the house of the Knights Templars near Dover, and there\\nthe said king, according to a decree pronounced at Rome,\\nresigned his crown with the kingdoms of England and Ire-\\nland into the hands of our lord the pope, whose functions the\\nsaid Pandulph was then performing. After having resigned\\nthem then he gave the aforesaid kingdoms to the pope and\\nhis successors, and confirmed them to the latter by the\\nunderwritten charter;", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE PAPAL AUTHORITY TRIUMPHANT i6t\\nJohn, by the grace of God, king of England, c. to all the\\nfaithfid servants of Christ who shall behold this charter,\\nhealth in the Lord. We wish it, by this our charter signed\\nwith our seal, to be known to you, that we, having in many\\nthings offended God and our mother the holy church, and\\nbeing in great need of the divine mercy for our sins, and not\\nhaving wherewithal to make a worthy offering as an atone\\nment to God, and to pay the just demands of the church, un-\\nless we humiliate ourselves before Him who humiliated\\nhimself for us even to death we, impelled by the inspiration\\nof the Holy Spirit, and not by force or from fear of the\\ninterdict, but of our own free will and consent, and by the\\ngeneral advice of our barons, assign and grant to God, and\\nhis holy apostles Peter and Paul, and to the holy church of\\nRome our mother, and to our lord pope Innocent and his\\ncatholic successors, the whole kingdom of England and the\\nwhole kingdom of Ireland, with all their rights and ap-\\npurtenances, in remission of the sins of us and our whole\\nrace, as well for those living as for the dead and hence-\\nforth we retain and hold those countries from him and the\\nchurch of Rome as vicegerent, and this we declare in the\\npresence of this learned man Pandulph, subdeacon and\\nfamiliar of our lord the pope. i\\\\nd we have made our hom-\\nage and sworn allegance to our lord the pope and his catholic\\nsuccessors, and the church of Rome in manner hereunder\\nwritten and we will make our homage and allegiance for the\\nsame in presence of our lord the pope himself, if we are able\\nto go before him and v\\\\^e bind our successors and heirs by\\nour wife for ever, in like manner, to do homage and render\\nallegiance, without opposition, to the supreme pontiff for the\\ntime being, and the church of Rome. And in token of this\\nlasting bond and grant, we will and determine that, from our\\nown income and from our special revenues arising from the\\naforesaid kingdoms, the church of Rome shall, for all service\\nand custom which we owe to them, saving always the St.\\nPeter s pence, receive annually a thousand marks sterling-\\nmoney that is to say, five hundred marks at Michaelmas,\\nand five hundred at Easter; that is, seven hundred for the\\nkingdom of England, and three hundred for Ireland; saving\\nto us and our heirs all our rights, privileges, and royal cus-\\ntoms. And as we wish to ratify and confirm all that has\\nbeen above written, we bind ourselves and our successors\\nnot to contravene it; and if we, or any one of our successors,\\nshall dare to oppose this, let him, whoever he be, be deprived", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "i62 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof his right in the kingdom. And let this charter of our\\nbond and grant remain confirmed for ever. Witness myself\\nat the hause of the knights of the Temple near Dover, in the\\npresence of Henry archbishop of Dubl.n, John bishop of Nor-\\nwich, Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, William earl of Salisbury, William\\nearl of Pembroke, Reginald count of Boulogne, William earl\\nWarenne, Sayer earl Winton, William earl of Arundel,\\nWilliam earl of Ferrars, William Briuere, Peter Fitz-Here-\\nbert, and Warin Fitz-Gerald, this fifteenth day of May, in\\nthe fourteenth year of our reign.\\n73. John does Homage to the Pope\\n[a.d. 1213.] This charter of the king s, as above-mentioned,\\nhaving been reduced to writing, he delivered it to Pandulph\\nto be taken to pope Innocent, and immediately afterwards in\\nthe sight of all, he made the underwritten homage T, John,\\nby the grace of God, king of England and lord of Ireland,\\nwill, from this time as formerly, be faithful to God, St. Peter,\\nthe church of Rome, and to my liege lord pope Innocent and\\nhis catholic successors; I will not act, speak, consent to, or\\nadvise, anything by which they may lose life or limb, or be\\nexposed to caption by treachery; I will prevent damage to\\nthem if I am aware of it; and, if in my power, will repair it;\\nor else I will inform them as soon as in my power so to do,\\nor will tell it to such a person as I believe will be sure to in-\\nform them of it; any purpose which they may entrust to me\\nthemselves, or by their messengers or letters, I will keep\\nsecret, and, if I know of it, will not disclose it to any one to\\ntheir injury; I will assist in holding and defending the in-\\nheritance of St. Peter, and particularly the kingdoms of Eng-\\nland and Ireland, against all men, to the utmost of my power.\\nSo may God and the holy gospel help me. Amen.\\n[a.d. 1214.] By the advice of Pandulph, Stephen arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury, and the bishops William of London,\\nEustace of Ely, Hubert of Lincoln, and Giles of Hereford,\\nembarked in company with others of the clergy and laity who\\nwere in exile on account of the interdict, and, landing at\\nDover on the i6th of July, they set out to see the king, and\\ncame to him at Winchester on St. Margaret the virgin s day.\\nThe king, when he heard of their approach, went out to meet\\nthem, and when he saw the archbishop and bishops, he pros-\\ntrated himself at their feet, and besought them in tears to", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE PAPAL AUTHORITY TRIUMPHANT 163\\nhave compassion on him and the kingdom of England. The\\nsaid archbishop and bishops, seeing the king s great humility,\\nraised him from the ground, and taking him by the hand on\\neach side, they led him to the door of the cathedral church,\\nwhere they chanted the fiftieth psalm, and, in the presence\\nof all the nobles, who wept with joy, they absolved him\\naccording to the custom of the church. At this absolution,\\nthe king swore on the holy gospels that he would love holy\\nchurch and its ordained members, and would, to the utmost\\nof his power, defend and maintain them against all their\\nenemies; and that he would renew all the good laws of his\\nancestors, especially those of king Edward, would annul bad\\nones, would judge his subjects according to the just decrees\\nof his courts, and would restore his rights to each and all.\\nHe also swore that, before the next Easter, he would make\\nrestitution of confiscated property to all who were concerned\\nin the matter of the interdict; and if he did not do so, he\\nwould consent to have the former sentence of excommunica-\\ntion renewed. He moreover swore fealty and obedience to\\npope Innocent and his catholic successors, as was contained\\nin the above-written charter: the archbishop then took the\\nking into the church, and there performed mass, after which\\nthe archbishop, bishops, and nobles, feasted at the same table\\nwith the king, amidst joy and festivity. The next day the\\nking sent letters to all the sheriffs of the kingdom, ordering\\nthem to send four liege men from each town in their demesne,\\ntogether with the warden, to St, Alban s on the 4th of August,\\nthat through them and his other agents he might make in-\\nquiries about the losses and confiscated property of each of\\nthe bishops, and how much was due to each. He then set out\\nin all haste to Portsmouth, that he might thence cross to\\nPoictou, and gave charge of the kingdom to Geoffrey Fitz-\\nPeter and the bishop of Winchester, with orders that they\\nwere to consult with the archbishop of Canterbury in ar-\\nranging the business of the kingdom. On the king s arrival\\nat Portsmouth, there came to him there an immense number\\nof knights, complaining that, during their long stay there\\nthey had spent all their money, and that therefore unless they\\nwere supplied with money from the treasury, they could not\\nfollow him. This the king refused, but, flying into a rage,\\nhe embarked with his private attendants, and after three days\\nlanded at Guernsey, whilst his nobles returned home and\\nthe king, seeing himself thus abandoned, was compelled to\\nreturn to England himself.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "i64 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n74. Declaration of Laws and Rights\\n[a.d. 1214.] Whilst this was passing, Geoffrey Fitz-Peter\\nand the bishop of Winchester held a council at St. Alban s\\nwith the archbishop, bishops, and nobles of the kingdom, at\\nwhich the peace made by the king was told to all, and, on\\nbehalf of the said king, it was strictly ordered, that all the\\nlaws of his grandfather king Henry should be kept by all\\nthroughout the kingdom, and that all unjust laws should be\\nutterly abolished.\\n(Roger of Wendover s Flowers 0/ History. Trans. J. A. Giles, Lond. 1849\\nII, for years given.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X\\nTHE WINNING OF THE CHARTER\\n75. The Rising of the Barons\\nRoger of Wendoi er\\nThe sequence of events leading to the grant of the Charter by\\nJohn not only throws light upon the character of that monarch,\\nbut gives a clear view of the political conditions in the early part\\nof the thirteenth century.\\nTHE REASON OF THE IRRITATION OF THE BARONS AGAINST\\nTHE KING\\n[a.d, 1214.] On the 25th of August in the same year,\\nStephen archbishop of Canterbtiry, with the bishops, abbats,\\npriors, deacons, and barons of the kingdom assembled at St.\\nPaul s, in the city of London. At this conference, as report\\nasserts, the said archbishop called some of the nobles aside\\nto him, and conversed privately with them to the following\\neffect, Did you hear, said he, how, when I absolved the\\nking at Winchester, I made him swear that he would do away\\nwith unjust laws, and would recall good laws, such as those\\nof King Edward, and cause them to be observed by all in the\\nkingdom a charter of Henry the first king of England has\\njust now been found, by which you may, if you wish it, recall\\nyour long-lost rights and your former condition. And\\nplacing a paper in the midst of them, he ordered it to be read\\naloud for all to hear. [It was the charter of Henry I.]\\n76. Of a Conference held by the Barons against King John\\n[a.d. 1214.] About this time the earls and barons of Eng-\\nland assembled at St. Edmund s, as if for religious duties,\\nalthough it was for some other reason for after they had dis-\\ncoursed together secretly for a time, there was placed before\\nthem the charter of king Henry the First, which they had\\nreceived, as mentioned before, in the city of London from\\nStephen archbishop of Canterbury. This charter contained", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "i66 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncertain liberties and laws granted to the holy church as well\\nas to the nobles of the kingdom, besides some liberties which\\nthe king added of his own accord. All therefore assembled\\nin the church of St. Edmund, the king and martyr, and, com-\\nmencing from those of the highest rank, they all swore on\\nthe great altar that, if the king refused to grant these liber-\\nties and laws, they themselves would withdraw from their\\nallegiance to him, and make war on him, till he should, by a\\ncharter under his own seal, confirm to them every thing they\\nrequired; and finally it was unanimously agreed that, after\\nChristmas, they should all go together to the king and demand\\nthe confirmation of the aforesaid liberties to them, and that\\nthey should in the meantime provide themselves with horses\\nand arms, so that if the king should endeavour to depart from\\nhis oath, they might by taking his castles, compel him to\\nsatisfy their demands; and having arranged this, each man\\nreturned home.\\n77. Demands of the Barons\\nA.D. 1215; which was the seventeenth year of the reign of\\nking John he held his court at Winchester at Christmas for\\none day, after which he hurried to London, and took up his\\nabode at the New Temple; and at that place the above-\\nmentioned nobles came to him in gay military array, and\\ndemanded the confirmation of the liberties and laws of king\\nEdward, with other liberties granted to them and to the king-\\ndom and church of England, as were contained in the charter,\\nand above-mentioned laws of Henry the First; they also\\nasserted that, at the time of his absolution at Winchester, he\\nhad promised to restore those law^s and ancient liberties, and\\nwas bound by his own oath to observe them. The king, hear-\\ning the bold tone of the barons in making this demand, much\\nfeared an attack from them, as he saw that they were pre-\\npared for battle he however made answer that their demands\\nwere a matter of importance and difficulty, and he therefore\\nasked a truce till the end of Easter, that he might, after due\\ndeliberation, be able to satisfy them as well as the dignity of\\nhis crown. After much discussion on both sides, the king\\nat length, although unwillingly, procured the archbishop of\\nCanterbury, the bishop of Ely, and William Marshal, as his\\nsureties, that on the day pre-agreed on he would, in all\\nreason, satisfy them all, on which the nobles returned to their\\nhomes. The king how^ever, wishing to take precautions", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 167\\nagainst the future, caused all the nobles throughout England\\nto swear fealty to him alone against all men, and to renew\\ntheir homage to him; and, the better to take care of himself,\\nhe, on the day of St. Mary s purification, assumed the cross\\nof our Lord, being induced to this more by fear than devo-\\ntion\\nIn Easter week of this same year, the above-mentioned\\nnobles assembled at Stamford, with horses and arms for\\nthey had now induced almost all the nobility of the whole\\nkingdom to join them, and constituted a very large army; for\\nin their army there were computed to be two thousand\\nknights, besides horse soldiers, attendants, and foot soldiers,\\nwho were variously equipped all of these being united by\\noath, were supported by the concurrence of Stephen arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury, who was at their head. The king at\\nthis time was awaiting the arrival of his nobles at Oxford.\\nOn the Monday next after the octaves of Easter, the said\\nbarons assembled in the town of Brackley; and when the king\\nlearned this, he sent the archbishop of Canterbury, and\\nWilliam Marshal earl of Pembroke, with some other prudent\\nmen, to them to inquire what the laws and liberties were\\nwhich they demanded. The barons then delivered to the\\nmessengers a paper, containing in great measure the laws\\nand ancient customs of the kingdom, and declared that, un-\\nless the king immediately granted them and confirmed them\\nunder his own seal, they would, by taking possession of his\\nfortresses, force him to give them sufficient satisfaction as\\nto their before-named demands. The archbishop with his\\nfellow messengers then carried the paper to the king, and\\nread to him the heads of the paper one by one throughout.\\nThe king when he heard the purport of these heads, derisively\\nsaid, with the greatest indignation, Why, amongst these un-\\njust demands, did not the barons ask for my kingdom also?\\nTheir demands are vain and visionary, and are unsupported\\nby any plea of reason whatever. And at length he angrily\\ndeclared with an oath, that he would never grant them such\\nliberties as would render him their slave.\\nAs the archbishop and William Marshall could not by any\\npersuasions induce the king to agree to their demands, they\\nreturned by the king s order to the barons, and duly reported\\nall they had heard from the king to them and when the\\nnobles heard what John said, they appointed Robert Fitz-\\nWalter commander of their soldiers, giving him the title of\\nMarshal of the army of Cod and the holy church, and then,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "168 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\none and all flying to arms, they directed their forces towards\\nNorthampton.\\n78. London given up to the Barons\\n[a.d. 1215.] When the army of the barons arrived at Bed-\\nford, they were received with all respect by William de\\nBeaiichamp. There also came to them there messengers from\\nthe city of London, secretly telling them, if they wished to\\nget into that city, to come there immediately. The barons,\\ninspirited by the arrival of this agreeable message, imme-\\ndiately moved their camp and arrived at Ware; after this\\nthey marched the whole night, and arrived early in the morn-\\ning at the city of London, and, finding the gates open, they,\\non the 24th of May, which was the Sunday next before our\\nLord s ascension, entered the city without any tumult w^hilst\\nthe inhabitants were performing divine service; for the rich\\ncitizens were favourable to the barons, and the poor ones\\nwere afraid to murmur against them. The barons having\\nthus got into the city, placed their own guards in charge of\\neach of the gates, and then arranged all matters in the city\\nat will. They then took security from the citizens, and sent\\nletters throughout England to those earls, barons, and\\nknights, who appeared to be still faithful to the king, though\\nthey only pretended to be so, and advised them with threats,\\nas they regarded the safety of all their property and pos-\\nsessions, to abandon a king who was perjured and who\\nwarred against his barons, and together with them to stand\\nfirm and fight against the king for their rights and for peace\\nand that, if they refused to do this, they, the barons, would\\nmake war against them all, as against open enemies, and\\nwould destroy their castles, burn their houses and other build-\\nings, and destroy their warrens, parks, and orchards. The\\npleas of the exchequer and of the sheriffs courts ceased\\nthroughout England, because there was no one to make a\\nvaluation for the king or to obey him in any thing.\\n79. Meeting at Runnymede\\n[a.d. 1215.] King John, when he saw that he was deserted\\nby almost all, so that out of his regal superabundance of fol-\\nlowers he scarcely retained seven knights, was much alarmed\\nlest the barons would attack his castles and reduce them\\nwithout difficulty, as they would find no obstacle to their so\\ndoing; and he deceitfully pretended to make peace for a time", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 169\\nwith the aforesaid barons, and sent William Marshal earl of\\nPembroke, with other trustworthy messengers, to them, and\\ntold them that, for the sake of peace, and for the exaltation\\nand honour of the kingdom, he would willingly grant them\\nihe laws and liberties they required; he also sent word to the\\nbarons by these same messengers, to appoint a fitting day\\nand place to meet and carry all these matters into effect. The\\nking s messengers then came in all haste to London, and with-\\nout deceit reported to the barons all that had been deceitfully\\nimposed on them they in their great joy appointed the fif-\\nteenth of June for the king to meet them, at a field lying\\nbetween Staines and Windsor. Accordingly, at the time and\\nplace pre-agreed on, the king and nobles came to the ap-\\npointed conference, and when each party had stationed them-\\nselves apart from the other, they began a long discussion\\nabout terms of peace and the aforesaid liberties. At\\nlength, after various points on both sides had been discussed,\\nking John, seeing that he was inferior in strength to the\\nbarons, without raising any difficulty, granted the under-\\nwritten laws and liberties, and confirmed them by his charter\\nas follows\\n{Rog-er 0/ We7idover ed, cited, vol. II.)\\n80. The Magna Charta\\n(17 John, June 15, 1215)\\nForemost among those great documents which illustrate and\\nestablish the rights of Englishmen stands the Magna Charta.\\nThe text is given in full, for the document should be studied in\\nits entirety. Every paragraph is of importance to the student\\nthough much might be of little interest to the casual reader. and\\nin a source book none of it can properly be omitted. The events\\nleading up to the charter have been given in considerable detail,\\nnot only because of the importance of their result, but also for\\nthe light which they throw upon the method by which rights were\\nobtained and wrongs righted. The value of illustrative material\\ndoes not lie alone in the words thereof, but also in the train of\\nthought which they suggest.\\nJohn, by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ire-\\nland, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, Count of Anjou. to\\nthe archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justiciars, for-\\nesters, sheriffs, reeves, servants, and all bailiffs and his faith-\\nful people greeting. Know that by the suggestion of God\\nand for the good of our soul and those of all our predeces-\\nsors and of our heirs, to the honour of God and the exalta-\\ntion of holy church, and the improvement of our kingdom,\\nby the ad^ ice of our venerable fathers Stephen, archbishop", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "170 SOURCE-BOOK OP ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof Canterbury, primate of all England and cardinal of the\\nholy Roman church, Henry, archbishop of Dublin, William\\nof London, Peter of Winchester, Jocelyn of Bath and Glas-\\ntonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worcester, William of\\nCoventry, and Benedict of Rochester, bishops; of Master\\nPandulph, subdeacon and companion of the Lord Pope, of\\nBrother Aymeric, master of the Knights of the Temple in\\nEngland; and of the noblemen William Marshall, Earl of\\nPembroke, William, Earl of Salisbury, William, Earl of\\nWarren, William, Earl of Arundel, Alan of Galloway, con-\\nstable of Scotland, Warren Fitz-Gerald, Peter Fitz-Herbert,\\nHubert de Burgh, steward of Poitou, Hugh de Nevil, Mat-\\nthew Fitz-Herbert, Thomas Bassett, Alan Bassett, Philip\\nd Albini, Robert de Roppelay, John Marshall, John Fitz-\\nHugh, and others of our faithful.\\n1. In the first place we have granted to God, and by this\\nour present charter confirmed, for us and our heirs forever,\\nthat the English church shall be free, and shall hold its rights\\nentire and its liberties uninjured; and we will that it thus be\\nobserved; which is shown by this, that the freedom of elec-\\ntions, which is considered to be most important and especially\\nnecessary to the English church, we, of our pure and spon-\\ntaneous will, granted, and by our charter confirmed, before\\nthe contest between us and our barons had arisen; and ob-\\ntained a confirmation of it by the lord Pope Innocent III.\\nwhich we will observe and which we will shall be observed\\nin good faith by our heirs forever.\\nWe have granted moreover to all free men of pur kingdom\\nfor us and our heirs forever all the liberties written below,\\nto be had and holden by themselves and their heirs from us\\nand our heirs.\\n2. If any of our earls or barons, or others holding from us\\nin chief by military service shall have died, and when he has\\ndied his heir shall be of full age and owe relief, he shall have\\nhis inheritance by the ancient relief; that is to say, the heir\\nor heirs of an earl for the whole barony of an earl a hundred\\npounds; the heir or heirs of a baron for a whole barony a\\nhundred pounds; the heir or heirs of a knight, for a whole\\nknight s fee, a hundred shillings at most and who owes less\\nlet him give less according to the ancient custom of fiefs.\\n3. If moreover the heir of any one of such shall be under\\nage, and shall be in wardship, when he comes of age he shall\\nhave his inheritance without relief and without a fine.\\n4. The custodian of the land of such a minor heir shall not", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 171\\ntake from the land of the heir any except reasonable prod-\\nucts, reasonable customary payments, and reasonable ser-\\nvices, and this without destruction or waste of men or of\\nproperty; and if we shall have committed the custody of the\\nland of any such a one to the sheriff or to any other who is\\nto be responsible to us for its proceeds, and that man shall\\nhave caused destruction or waste from his custody we will\\nrecover damages from him, and the land shall be committed\\nto two legal and discreet men of that fief, who shall be re-\\nsponsible for its proceeds to us or to him to whom we have\\nassigned them; and if we shall have given or sold to any one\\nthe custody of any such land, and he has caused destruction\\nor waste there, he shall lose that custody, and it shall be\\nhanded over to two legal and discreet men of that fief who\\nshall be in like manner responsible to us as is said above.\\n5. The custodian moreover, so long as he shall have the\\ncustody of the land, must keep up the houses, parks, warrens,\\nfish ponds, mills, and other things pertaining to the land,\\nfrom the proceeds of the land itself and he must return to\\nthe heir, when he has come to full age, all his land, furnished\\nwith ploughs and implements of husbandry according as the\\ntime of wainage requires and as the proceeds of the land are\\nable reasonably to sustain.\\n6. Heirs shall be married without disparity, so neverthe-\\nless that before the marriage is contracted, it shall be an-\\nnounced to the relatives by blood of the heir himself.\\n7. A widow, after the death of her husband, shall have her\\nmarriage portion and her inheritance immediately and with-\\nout obstruction, nor shall she give anything for her dowry or\\nfor her marriage portion, or for her inheritance which in-\\nheritance her husband and she held on the day of the death\\nof her husband and she may remain in the house of her hus-\\nband for forty days after his death, within which time her\\ndowry shall be assigned to her.\\n8. No widow shall be compelled to marry so long as she\\nprefers to live without a husband, provided she gives security\\nthat she will not marry without our consent, if she holds from\\nus, or without the consent of her lord from whom she holds,\\nif she holds from another.\\n9. Neither we nor our bailiffs will seize any land or rent,\\nfor any debt, so long as the chattels of the debtor are suffi-\\ncient for the payment of the debt; nor shall the pledges of a\\ndebtor be distrained so long as the principal debtor himself\\nhas enough for the payment of the debt; and if the principal", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "172 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ndebtor fails in the payment of the debt, not having the where-\\nwithal to pay it, the pledges shall be responsible for the debt\\nand if they wish, they shall have the lands and the rents of\\nthe debtor until they shall have been satisfied for the debt\\nwhich they have before paid for him, unless the principal\\ndebtor shall have shown himself to be quit in that respect\\ntowards those pledges.\\n10. If any one has taken anything from the Jews, by way\\nof a loan, more or less, and dies before that debt is paid, the\\ndebt shall not draw interest so long as the heir is under age,\\nfrom whomsoever he holds; and if that debt falls into our\\nhands, we will take nothing except the chattel contained in\\nthe agreement.\\n11. And if any one dies leaving a debt owing to the Jews,\\nhis wife shall have her dowry, and shall pay nothing of that\\ndebt; and if there remain minor children of the dead man,\\nnecessaries shall be provided for them corresponding to the\\nholding of the dead man and from the remainder shall be\\npaid the debt, the service of the lords being retained. In the\\nsame way debts are to be treated which are owed to others\\nthan the Jews.\\n12. No scutage or aid shall be imposed in our kingdom ex-\\ncept by the common council of our kingdom, except for the\\nransoming of our body, for the making of our oldest son a\\nknight, and for once marrying our oldest daughter, and for\\nthese purposes it shall be only a reasonable aid; in the same\\nway it shall be done concerning the aids of the city of\\nLondon.\\n13. And the city of London shall have all its ancient liber-\\nties and free customs, as well by land as by water. More-\\nover, we will and grant that all other cities and boroughs and\\nvillages and ports shall have all their liberties and free\\ncustoms.\\n14. And for holding a common council of the kingdom\\nconcerning the assessment of an aid otherwise than in the\\nthree cases mentioned above, or concerning the assessment\\nof a scutage, we shall cause to be summoned the archbishops,\\nbishops, abbots, earls, and greater barons by our letters under\\nseal; and besides we shall cause to be summoned generally,\\nby our sheriffs and bailiffs, all those who hold from us in\\nchief, for a certain day, that is at the end of forty days at\\nleast, and for a certain place; and in all the letters of that\\nsummons, we will express the cause of the summons and\\nwhen the summons has thus been given the business shall", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 173\\nproceed on the appointed day, on the advice of those who\\nshall be present, even if not all of those who were summoned\\nhave come.\\n15. We will not grant to any one, moreover, that he shall\\ntake an aid from his free men, except for ransoming his\\nbody, for making his oldest son a knight, and for once marry-\\ning his oldest daughter; and for these purposes only a reason-\\nable aid shall be taken.\\n16. No one shall be compelled to perform any greater ser-\\nvice for a knight s fee, or for any other free tenement than\\nis owed from it.\\n17. The common pleas shall not follow our court, but shall\\nbe held in some certain place.\\n18. The recognitions of novel disseisin, tnort tVancestor,\\nand darrein presentment shall be held only in their own coun-\\nties and in this manner: we, or, if we are outside of the king-\\ndom, our principal justiciar, will send two justiciars through\\neach county four times a year, who with four knights of each\\ncounty, elected by the county, shall hold in the county and\\non the day and in the place of the county court, the aforesaid\\nassizes of the county.\\n19. And if the aforesaid assizes cannot be held within the\\nday of the county court, a sufficient number of knights and\\nfree-holders shall remain from those who were present at the\\ncounty court on that day to give the judgments, according as\\nthe business is more or less.\\n20. A free man shall not be fined for a small offence, ex-\\ncept in proportion to the measure of the offence and for a\\ngreat offence he shall be fined in proportion to the magni-\\ntude of the offence, saving his freehold; and a merchant in\\nthe same way, saving his merchandise and the villain shall\\nbe fined in the same way, saving his wainage, if he shall be\\nat our mercy; and none of the above fines shall be imposed\\nexcept by the oaths of honest men of the neighbourhood.\\n21. Earls and barons shall only be fined by their peers, and\\nonly in proportion to their offence.\\n22. A clergyman shall be fined, like those before men-\\ntioned, only in proportion to his lay holding, and not accord-\\ning to the extent of his ecclesiastical benefice.\\n23. No manor or man shall be compelled to make bridges\\nover the rivers except those which ought to do it of old and\\nrightfully.\\n24. No sheriff, constable, coroners, or other bailiffs of ours\\nshall hold pleas of our crown.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "174 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n25. All counties, hundreds, wapentakes, and tithings shall\\nbe at the ancient rents and without any increase, excepting\\nour demesne manors.\\n26. If any person holding a lay fief from us shall die, and\\nour sheriff or bailiff shall show our letters-patent of our\\nsummons concerning a debt which the deceased owed to us,\\nit shall be lawful for our sheriff or bailiff to attach and levy\\non the chattels of the deceased found on his lay lief, to the\\nvalue of that debt, in the view of legal men, so nevertheless\\nthat nothing be removed thence until the clear debt to us\\nshall be paid and the remainder shall be left to the executors\\nfor the fulfilment of the will of the deceased; and if nothing\\nis owed to us by him, all the chattels shall go to the deceased,\\nsaving to his wife and children their reasonable shares.\\n2y. If any free man dies intestate, his chattels shall be\\ndistributed by the hands of his near relatives and friends,\\nunder the oversight of the church, saving to each one the\\ndebts which the deceased owed to him.\\n28. No constable or other bailiff of ours shall take any-\\none s grain or other chattels, without immediately paying\\nfor them in money, unless he is able to obtain a postponement\\nat the good-will of the seller.\\n29. No constable shall require any knight to give money\\nin place of his ward of a castle if he is willing to furnish that\\nward in his own person or through another honest man, if\\nhe himself is not able to do it for a reasonable cause and if\\nwe shall lead or send him into the army he shall be free\\nfrom ward in proportion to the amount of time by which he\\nhas been in the army through us.\\n30. No sheriff or bailiff of ours or any one else shall take\\nhorses or wagons of any free man for carrying purposes ex-\\ncept on the permission of that free man,\\n31. Neither we nor our bailiffs will take the wood of\\nanother man for castles, or for anything else which we are\\ndoing, except by the permission of him to whom the wood\\nbelongs.\\n32. We will not hold the lands of those convicted of a\\nfelony for more than a year and a day, after which the lands\\nshall be returned to the lords of the fiefs.\\n33. All the fish-weirs in the Thames and the Medway, and\\nthroughout all England, shall be done away with, except\\nthose on the coast.\\n34. The writ which is called prcccipe shall not be given for\\nthe future to anyone concerning any tenement by which a\\nfree man can lose his court.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 175\\n35. There shall be one measure of wine throughout our\\nwhole kingdom, and one measure of ale, and one measure\\nof grain, that is the London quarter, and one width of dyed\\ncloth and of russets and of halbergets, that is two ells within\\nthe selvages of weights, moreover, it shall be as of measures.\\n36. Nothing shall henceforth be given or taken for a writ\\nof inquisition concerning life or limbs, but it shall be given\\nfreely and not denied.\\n2, If anyone holds from us by fee farm or by soccage or\\nby burgage, and from another he holds land by military\\nservice, we will not have the guardianship of the heir of\\nhis land which is of the fief of another, on account of that\\nfee farm, or soccage, or burgage; nor will we have the\\ncustody of that fee farm, or soccage, or burgage, unless that\\nfee farm itself owes military service. We will not have\\nthe guardianship of the heir or of the land of anyone, which\\nhe holds from another by military service on account of any\\npetty serjeanty which he holds from us by the service of\\npaying to us knives or arrows, or things of that kind.\\n38. No bailiff for the future shall place anyone to his law\\non his simple affirmation, without credible witnesses brought\\nfor this purpose.\\n39. No free man shall be taken or imprisoned or dis-\\npossessed, or outlawed, or banished, or in any way destroyed,\\nnor will we go upon him, nor send upon him, except by the\\nlegal judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.\\n40. To no one will we sell, to no one will we deny, or delay\\nright or justice.\\n41. All merchants shall be safe and secure in going out\\nfrom England and coming into England and in remaining\\nand going through England, as well by land as by water, for\\nbuying and selling, free from all evil tolls, by the ancient and\\nrightful customs, except in time of war, and if they are of\\na land at war with us; and if such are found in our land at\\nthe beginning of war, they shall be attached without injury\\nto their bodies or goods, until it shall be known from us or\\nfrom our principal justiciar in what way the merchants of\\nour land are treated who shall be then found in the country\\nwhich is at war with us; and if ours are safe there, the\\nothers shall be safe in our land.\\n42. It is allowed henceforth to anyone to go out from our\\nkingdom, and to return, safely and securely, by land and by\\nwater, saving their fidelit}^ to us, except in time of war for\\nsome short time, for the common good of the kingdom ex-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "176 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncepting persons imprisoned and outlawed according to the\\nlaw of the realm, and people of a land at war with us, and\\nmerchants, of whom it shall be done as is before said.\\n43. If anyone holds from any escheat, as from the honour\\nof Wallingford, or Nottingham, or Boulogne, or Lancaster,\\nor from other escheats which are in our hands and are\\nbaronies, and he dies, his heir shall not give any other relief,\\nnor do to us any other service than he would do to the\\nbaron, if that barony was in the hands of the baron; and we\\nwill hold it in the same way as the baron held it.\\n44. Men who dwell outside the forest shall not henceforth\\ncome before our justiciars of the forest, on common sum-\\nmons, unless they are in a plea of, or pledges for any person\\nor persons who are arrested on account of the forest.\\n45. We will not make justiciars, constables, sheriffs or\\nbailiffs except of such as know the law of the realm and are\\nwell inclined to observe it.\\n46. All barons who have founded abbeys for which they\\nhave charters of kings of England, or ancient tenure, shall\\nhave their custody when they have become vacant, as they\\nought to have.\\n47. All forests which have been afforested in our time shall\\nbe disafforested immediately and so it shall be concerning\\nriver banks which in our time have been fenced in.\\n48. All the bad customs concerning forests and warrens\\nand concerning foresters and warreners, sheriffs and their\\nservants, river banks and their guardians shall be inquired\\ninto immediately in each county by twelve sworn knights\\nof the same county, who shall be elected by the honest men\\nof the same county, and within forty days after the inquisi-\\ntion has been made, they shall be entirely destroyed by them,\\nnever to be restored, provided that we be first informed of\\nit, or our justiciar, if we are not in England.\\n49. We will give back immediately all hostages and char-\\nters which have been liberated to us by Englishmen as\\nsecurity for peace or for faithful service.\\n50. We will remove absolutely from their bailiwicks the\\nrelatives of Gerard de Athyes, so that for the future they\\nshall have no bailiwick in England; Engelard de Cygony,\\nAndrew, Peter and Gyon de Chancelles, Gyon de Cygony,\\nGeoffrey de Martin and his brothers, Philip Mark and his\\nbrothers, and Geoffrey his nephew and their whole retinue.\\n51. And immediately after the re-establishment of peace\\nwe will remove from the kingdom all foreign-born soldiers,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 177\\ncross-bow men, servants, and mercenaries who have come\\nwith horses and arms for the injury of the reahii.\\n52. If anyone shall have been dispossessed or removed\\nby us without legal judgment of his peers, from his lands,\\ncastles, franchises, or his right we will restore them to him\\nimmediately; and if contention arises about this, then it shall\\nbe done according to the judgment of the twenty-five barons,\\nof whom mention is made below concerning the security of\\nthe peace. Concerning all those things, however, from which\\nanyone has been removed or of which he has been deprived\\nwithout legal judgment of his peers by King Henry our\\nfather, or by King Richard our brother, which we have in\\nour hand, or which others hold, and which is our duty to\\nguarantee, we shall have respite till the usual term of\\ncrusaders excepting those things about which the suit has\\nbeen begun or the inquisition made by our writ before our\\nassumption of the cross when, however, we shall return\\nfrom our journey, or if by chance we desist from the journey,\\nwe will immediately show full justice in regard to them.\\n53. We shall, moreover have the same respite and in the\\nsame manner about showing justice in regard to the forests\\nwhich are to be disafforested or to remain forests, which\\nHenry our father or Richard our brother made into forests\\nand concerning the custody of lands which are in the fief\\nof another, custody of which we have until now had on\\naccount of a fief which anyone has held from us by military\\nservice and concerning the abbeys which have been founded\\nin fiefs of others than ourselves, in which the lord of the\\nfee has asserted for himself a right; and when we return or\\nif we should desist from our journey we will immediately\\nshow full justice to those complaining in regard to them.\\n54. No one shall be seized nor imprisoned on the appeal\\nof a woman concerning the death of anyone except her\\nhusband.\\n55. All fines which have been imposed unjustly and against\\nthe law of the land, and all penalties imposed unjustly and\\nagainst the law of the land are altogether excused, or will be\\non the judgment of the twenty-five barons of whom mention\\nis made below in connection with the security of the peace,\\nor on the judgment of the majority of them, along with the\\naforesaid Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury, if he is able\\nto be present, and others whom he may wish to call for this\\npurpose along with him. And if he should not be able to\\nbe present, nevertheless the business shall go on without him,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "178 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nprovided that if any one or more of the aforesaid twenty-five\\nbarons are in a similar suit they should be removed as far as\\nthis particular judgment goes, and others who shall be chosen\\nand put upon oath, by the remainder of the twenty-five\\nshall be substituted for them for this purpose.\\n56. If we have dispossessed or removed any Welshmen\\nfrom their lands, or franchises, or other things, without legal\\njudgment of their peers, in England, or in Wales, they shall\\nbe immediately returned to them and if a dispute shall have\\narisen over this, then it shall be settled in the borderland by\\njudgment of their peers, concerning holdings of England\\naccording to the law of England, concerning holdings of\\nWales according to the law of Wales, and concerning hold-\\nings of the borderland according to the law of the border-\\nland. The Welsh shall do the same to us and ours.\\n57. Concerning all those things, however, from which any\\none of the Welsh shall have been removed or dispossessed\\nwithout legal judgment of his peers, by King Henry our\\nfather, or King Richard our brother, which we hold in our\\nhands, or which others hold, and we are bound to warrant\\nto them, we shall have respite till the usual period of cru-\\nsaders, those being excepted about which suit was begun or\\ninquisition made by our command before our assumption of\\nthe cross. When, however, we shall return or if by chance\\nwe shall desist from our journey, we will show full justice\\nto them immediately, according to the laws of the Welsh and\\nthe aforesaid parts.\\n58. We will give back the son of Lewellyn immediately,\\nand all the hostages from Wales and the charters which had\\nbeen liberated to us as a security for peace.\\n59. We will act toward Alexander, king of the Scots, con-\\ncerning the return of his sisters and his hostages, and con-\\ncerning his franchises and his right, according to the manner\\nin which we shall act toward our other barons of England,\\nunless it ought to be otherwise by the charters which we hold\\nfrom William his father, formerly king of the Scots, and this\\nshall be by the judgment of his peers in our court.\\n60. Moreover, all those customs and franchises mentioned\\nabove which we have conceded in our kingdom, and w^hich\\nare to be fulfilled, as far as pertains to us, in respect to our\\nmen all men of our kingdom as well clergy as laymen, shall\\nobserve as far as pertains to them, in respect to their men.\\n61. Since, moreover, for the sake of God, and for the im-\\nprovement of our kingdom, and for the better quieting of", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE WINNING OF THE CHARTER 179\\nthe hostility sprung up lately between us and our barons, we\\nhave made all these concessions; wishing them to enjoy\\nthese in a complete and firm stability forevei^, we make and\\nconcede to them the security described below that is to\\nsay, that they shall elect twenty-five barons of the kingdom,\\nwhom they will, who ought with all their power to observe,\\nhold, and cause to be observed, the peace and liberties which\\nwe have conceded to them, and by this our present charter\\nconfirmed to them; in this manner, that if w e or our justiciar,\\nor our bailiffs, or any one of our servants shall have done\\nwrong in any way toward any one, or shall have trans-\\ngressed any of the articles of peace or security and the\\nwrong shall have been shown to four barons of the aforesaid\\ntw^enty-five barons, let those four barons come to us or to our\\njusticiar, if we are out of the kingdom, laying before us the\\ntransgression, and let them ask that we cause that trans-\\ngression to be corrected without delay. And if w^e shall not\\nhave corrected the transgression, or if w e shall be out of the\\nkingdom, if our justiciar shall not have corrected it within\\na period of forty days, counting from the time in which it\\nhas been shown to us or to our justiciar, if we are out of the\\nkingdom; the aforesaid four barons shall refer the matter\\nto the remainder of the twenty-five barons, and let these\\ntwenty-five barons wath the whole community of the country\\ndistress and injure us in every way they can that is to say\\nby the seizure of our castles, lands, possessions, and in such\\nother ways as they can until it shall have been corrected\\naccording to their judgment, saving our person and that of\\nour queen, and those of our children and when the correc-\\ntion has been made, let them devote themselves to us as\\nthey did before. And let whoever in the country wishes\\ntake an oath that in all the above-mentioned measures he\\nwill obey the orders of the aforesaid twenty-five barons,. and\\nthat he will injure us as far as he is able with them, and\\nwe give permission to swear publicly and freely to each\\none who wishes to swear, and no one will we ever forbid to\\nswear. All those, moreover, in the country who of them-\\nselves and their own will are unwilling to take an oath to the\\ntwenty-five barons as to distressing and injuring us along\\nwith them, we will compel to take the oath by our mandate,\\nas before said. And if any one of the twenty-five barons\\nshall have died or departed from the land or shall in any\\nother way be prevented from taking the above-mentioned\\naction, let the remainder of the aforesaid twenty-five barons", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "i8o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nchoose another in his place, according to their judgment,\\nwho shall take an oath in the same way as the others. In\\nall those things, moreover, which are committed to those five\\nand twenty barons to carry out, if perhaps the twenty-five\\nare present, and some disagreement arises among them about\\nsomething, or if any of them when they have been summoned\\nare not willing or are not able to be present, let that be con-\\nsidered valid and firm which the greater part of those who\\nare present arrange or command, just as if the whole twenty-\\nfive had agreed in this; and let the aforesaid twenty-five\\nswear that they will observe faithfully all the things which\\nare said above, and with all their ability cause them to be\\nobserved. And we will obtain nothing from anyone, either\\nby ourselves or by another by which any of these concessions\\nand liberties shall be revoked or diminished and if any such\\nthing shall have been obtained, let it be invalid and void,\\nand we will never use it by ourselves or by another.\\n62. And all ill-will, grudges, and anger sprung up between\\nus and our men, clergy and laymen, from the time of the\\ndispute, we have fully renounced and pardoned to all. More-\\nover, all transgressions committed on account of this dispute,\\nfrom Easter in the sixteenth year of our reign till the\\nrestoration of peace, we have fully remitted to all, clergy and\\nlaymen, and as far as pertains to us, fully pardoned. And\\nmoreover we have caused to be made for them testimonial\\nletters-patent of lord Stephen, archbishop of Canterbury,\\nlord Henry, archbishop of Dublin, and of the aforesaid\\nbishops and of master Pandulf, in respect to that security\\nand the concession named above.\\nWherefore we will and firmly command that the Church\\nof England shall be free, and that the men of our kingdom\\nshall have and hold all the aforesaid liberties, rights and\\nconcessions, well and peacefully, freely and quietly, fully\\nand completely, for themselves and their heirs, from us and\\nour heirs, in all things and places, forever, as before said.\\nIt has been sworn, moreover, as well on our part as on the\\npart of the barons, that all these things spoken of above\\nshall be observed in good faith and without any evil intent.\\nWitness the above named and many others. Given by our\\nhand in the meadow which is called Runnymede, between\\nWindsor and Staines, on the fifteenth day of June, in the\\nseventeenth year of our reign.\\n(Translated by E. P. Cheney, of the University of Pennsylvania\\nReprinted by permission.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XI\\nTHE GROWTH OF LAW\\n8i. Summonses to Parliament\\nLords Report ofi the Dignity of a Peer\\nThe custom of summoning the great lords to national councils\\nexisted in Anglo-Saxon times. Not until after the Conquest,\\nhowever, did the custom grow into a right, which in the Angevin\\nPeriod gave rank to him who was summoned. The great coun-\\ncils, which later grew into the Parliament, were attended cer-\\ntainly as to the Early Angevin, probably as to the Norman\\nPeriod only by the great nobles. In the time of the Charter,\\nhowever, we find the lesser nobles desirous of the right of atten-\\ndance, and later even representatives of the commonality\\nthough in a limited degree were given a place in these gather-\\nings, when money was to be exacted from them. The following\\nforms respectively represent a summons to a great noble to\\nattend the formation of a representative Parliament, and to each\\nof the three estates for the Model Parliament of 1295.\\nA WRIT OF SUMMONS OF THE LORDS, SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL^\\nTO A PARLIAMENT, 26 HENRY III.\\n(1242)\\nThe king to the venerable father in Christ, W. archbishop\\nof York, greeting. We command and require you, as you\\nlove us and our honour, and your own equally, and in the\\nfaith by which you are held to us, that laying aside all other\\nbusiness, you be with us at London, fifteen days after St.\\nHilary s day, to discuss with us, along with the rest of our\\nmagnates whom we have similarly caused to be convoked,\\nour arduous affairs and those things which more especially\\ntouch our state and that of our whole kingdom and that you\\nin no way fail to perform this. Witness the king at Windsor,\\nDec. 14th.\\nIn the same zvay it is written to all the bishops, abbots,\\nearls, and barons.\\nSUMMONS OF A BISHOP TO PARLIAMENT\\n(1295)\\nThe king to the venerable father in Christ, Robert, by the\\nsame grace archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all Eng-\\n181", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "i82 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nland, greeting. As a most just law, established by the care-\\nful providence of sacred princes, exhorts and decrees that\\nwhat affects all, by all should be approved, so also, very\\nevidently should common danger be met by means provided\\nin common. You know sufficiently well, and it is now, as\\nwe believe, divulged through all regions of the world, how\\nthe king of France fraudulently and craftily deprives us of\\nour land of Gascogny, by withholding it unjustly from us.\\nNow, however, not satisfied with the before-mentioned fraud\\nand injustice, having gathered together for the conquest of\\nour kingdom a very great fleet, and an abounding multitude\\nof warriors, with which he has made a hostile attack on our\\nkingdom and the inhabitants of the same kingdom, he now\\nproposes to destroy the English language altogether from\\nthe earth, if his power should correspond to the detestable\\nproposition of the contemplated injustice, which God forbid.\\nBecause, therefore, darts seen beforehand do less injury, and\\nyour interest especially, as that of the rest of the citizens\\nof the same realm, is concerned in this affair, we command\\nyou, strictly enjoining you in the fidelity and love in which\\nyou are bound to us, that on the Lord s day next after the\\nfeast of St. Martin, in the approaching winter, you be present\\nin person at Westminster, citing beforehand the dean and\\nchapter of your church, the archdeacons and all the clergy\\nof your diocese, causing the same dean and archdeacons in\\ntheir own persons, and the said chapter by one suitable\\nproctor, and the said clergy by two, to be present along with\\nyou, having full and sufficient power from the same chapter\\nand clergy, to consider, ordain and provide, along with us\\nand with the rest of the prelates and principal men and other\\ninhabitants of our kingdom, how the dangers and threatened\\nevils of this kind are to be met. Witness the king at Wang-\\nham, the thirtieth day of September.\\nIdentical summons zvere sent out to the two archbishops\\nand eighteen bishops, and, with the omission of the last\\nparagraph, to seventy abbots.\\nSUMMONS OF A BARON TO PARLIAMENT\\n(1295)\\nThe king to his beloved and faithful relative, Edmund,\\nEarl of Cornwall, greeting. Because we wish to have a\\nconsultation and meeting with you and with the rest of the\\nprincipal men of our kingdom, as to provision for remedies\\nagainst the dangers which in these days are threatening our", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 183\\nwhole kingdom; we command you, strictly enjoining you in\\nthe fidelity and love in which you are bound to us, that on\\nthe Lord s day next after the feast of St. Alartin, in the\\napproaching winter, you be present in person at Westminster,\\nfor considering, ordaining and doing along with us and with\\nthe prelates, and the rest of the principal men and other in-\\nhabitants of our kingdom, as may be necessary for meeting\\ndangers of this kind.\\nWitness the king at Canterbury, the first of October.\\nSimilar summons zvcre scut to seven earls and forty-one\\nbarons.\\nSUMMONS OF REPRESENTATIVES OF SHIRES AND TOWNS TO\\nPARLIAMENT\\n(1295)\\nThe king to the sheriff of Northamptonshire. Since we\\nintend to have a consultation and meeting with the earls,\\nbarons and other principal men of our kingdom with regard\\nto providing remedies against the dangers which are in these\\ndays threatening the same kingdom; and on that account\\nhave commanded them to be with us on the Lord s day next\\nafter the feast of St. Martin in the approaching winter, at\\nWestminster, to consider, ordain, and do as may be necessary\\nfor the avoidance of these dangers; we strictly require you\\nto cause two knights from the aforesaid county, two citizens\\nfrom each city in the same county, and two burgesses from\\neach borough, of those who are especially discreet and ca-\\npable of labouring, to be elected without delay, and to cause\\nthem to come to us at the aforesaid time and place.\\nMoreover, the said knights are to have full and sufficient\\npower for themselves and for the community of the afore-\\nsaid county, and the said citizens and burgesses for them-\\nselves and the communities of the aforesaid cities and bor-\\noughs separately, then and there for doing what shall then\\nbe ordained according to the common counsel in the premises\\nso that the aforesaid business shall not remain unfinished in\\nany way for defect of this power. And you shall have there\\nthe names of the knights, citizens and burgesses and this\\nwrit.\\nWitness the king at Canterbury on the third day of Oc-\\ntober.\\nIdentical summons were sent to the sheriffs of each county.\\n{Lords Report oti the Dignity of a Peer, reprinted by permission.\\nTrans. E. P. Cheney.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "l84 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY.\\n82. Confirmation of the Charters\\n(25 Edw. I, c. 6, 1297)\\nStatutes of the Reahn\\nThe Magna Charta was a rallying point for all those striving\\nfor relief from the despotic exercise of the kingly power. Again\\nand again were the rights of the people violated, but need and\\nfear of the people compelled the re-granting of the rights given\\nin the Great Charter. These re-grants took the form of re-issues\\nof the Charter, as in the Charter of Henry III., or of confirma-\\ntions of its provisions, as the following Confirmation of the\\nCharters.\\n1. Edward, by the grace of God king of England, lord of\\nIreland, and duke of Aquitaine to all those that shall hear\\nor see these present letters, greeting: Know ye, that we to\\nthe honour of God and of holy church, and to the profit of\\nour realm, have granted for us and our heirs that the Charter\\nof Liberties and the Charter of the Forest, which were made\\nby common assent of all the realm, in the time of King\\nHenry our father, shall be kept in every point without breach.\\nAnd we will that the same charters shall be sent under our\\nseal as well to our justices of the forest as to others, and to\\nall sheriffs of shires, and to all other officers and to all our\\ncities throughout the realm, together with our writs, in which\\nit shall be contained that they cause the aforesaid charters\\nto be published, and declare to the people that we have con-\\nfirmed them in all points, and that our justices, sheriffs,\\nmayors, and other officials which under us have the laws of\\nour land to guide, shall allow the said charters pleaded be-\\nfore them in judgment in all their points; that is to wit, the\\nGreat Charter as the common law and the Charter of the\\nForest according to the assize of the forest, for the weal of\\nour realm.\\n2. And we will that if any judgment be given from hence-\\nforth, contrary to the points of the charter aforesaid, by the\\njustices or by any other of our officials that hold pleas be-\\nfore them, it shall be undone and holden for naught.\\n3. And we will that the same charters shall be sent under\\nour seal to cathedral churches throughout our realm, there\\nto remain, and shall be read before the people twice yearly.\\n4. And that all archbishops and bishops shall pronounce\\nthe sentence of greater excommunication against all those\\nthat by word, deed, or counsel, do contrary to the aforesaid\\ncharters, or that in any point break or undo them. And that\\nthe said courses be twice a year denounced and published by\\nthe prelates aforesaid. And if the same prelates or any of", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 185\\nthem be remiss in the denunciation of the said sentences,\\nthe archbishops of Canterbury and York for the time being,\\nas is fitting, shall compel and distrain them to make that\\ndenunciation in form aforesaid.\\n5. And for as much as divers people of our realm are in\\nfear that the aids and tasks which they have given to us\\nbeforetime towards our wars and other business, of their\\nown grant and good-will, howsoever they were made, might\\nturn to a bondage to them and their heirs, because they\\nmight be at another time found in the rolls, and so likewise\\nthe prises taken throughout the realm by our ministers we\\nhave granted for us and our heirs, that we shall not draw\\nsuch aids, tasks, nor prises, into a custom, for anything that\\nhath been done heretofore, be it by roll or any other prece-\\ndent that may be founden.\\n6. Moreover we have granted for us and our heirs, as well\\nto archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other folk of\\nholy church, as also to earls, barons, and to all the com-\\nmonalty of the land, that for no business from henceforth\\nwill we take such manner of aids, tasks, nor prises, but by\\nthe common consent of the realm, and for the common profit\\nthereof, saving the ancient aids and prises due and accus-\\ntomed.\\n7. And for as much as the more part of the commonalty\\nof the realm find themselves sore grieved with the maletote\\nof wools, that is to wit, a toll of forty shillings for every\\nsack of wool, and have made petition to us to release the\\nsame; we, at their requests, have clearly released it, and\\nhave granted for us and our heirs that we shall not take\\nsuch thing or any other w^ithout their common assent and\\ngood-will, saving to us and our heirs the custom of wools,\\nskins, and leather granted before by the commonalty afore-\\nsaid. In witness of which things we have caused these our\\nletters to be made patent. Witness Edward, our son, at\\nLondon, the tenth day of October, the five and twentieth\\nyear of our reign.\\nAnd be it remembered that this same charter in the same\\nterms, word for word, was sealed in Flanders under the\\nking s great seal, that is to say at Ghent, the fifth day of\\nNovember in the twenty-fifth year of the reign of our afore-\\nsaid lord the king, and sent into England.\\n(Edited from Statutes of the Realm, I, 123, 124.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "186 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n83. Ecclesiastical Sanction of the Confirmation of the Charters\\n(1297)\\nBook 0/ Rights\\nThe intimate connection between Church and State in the thir-\\nteenth century is well shown by the following selection which\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2furnishes the text of the endorsement by the ecclesiastical au-\\nthority of the act of the king.\\nIn the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy\\nGhost, Amen. Whereas our sovereign lord the King, to the\\nhonour of God and of holy church, and for the common profit\\nof the realm, hath granted for him and his heirs for ever these\\narticles abovewritten. We, Robert archbishop of Canter-\\nbury, primate. of all England, admonish all those of the realm\\nof England once, twice, and thrice because that shortness\\nof time will not suffer more delay, that all and every of\\nthem of what estate soever they be, as much as in them is,\\ndo uphold and maintain these things granted by our sover-\\neign lord the King in all points and that they or none of\\nthem do resist or break, or in any manner hereafter procure,\\ncounsel, or any ways assent to resist or break them, or go\\nabout it, by word or deed, openly or privily, by any manner\\nof pretence of colour and we the foresaid archbishop, by our\\nauthority in this writing expressed, do excommunicate all\\nsuch, and them from the body of our. Lord Jesus Christ, and\\nfrom all the company of heaven, and from all the sacraments\\nof holy church, do dissever. Fiat! Fiat! Amen!\\n(Trans. Edgar Taylor in Book 0/ Rights, Lond. 1831. p. 51.)\\n84. De Tallagio Non Concedendo\\n(25 Edw. I, 1297)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe Statutum de Tallagio non Concedendo was originally an\\nunauthorized interpretation of the Confirmatio Chartariim. It\\nwas not a statute, though afterward cast in that form. Its prin-\\nciples were of such importance in the struggles against illegal\\ntaxation that it early acquired by sufferance a place in the collec-\\ntions of laws. In 1628 it was quoted as a statute in the Petition\\nof Right (which embodied its principles), and in 1637 it was\\njudicially declared a statute.\\na statute concerning certain liberties granted by\\nthe king to his commons\\nI. No tallage or aid shall be imposed or levied by us or our\\nheirs in our realm, without the good will and assent of the\\narchbishops, bishops, and other prelates, earls, barons,\\nknights, burgesses, and other freemen of the land.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 187\\n2. No officer of ours, or of our heirs, shall take corn, wool,\\nleather, or any other goods, of any manner of person, with-\\nout the good will and assent of the party to whom the goods\\nbelonged.\\n3. Nothing from henceforth shall be taken of sacks of wool\\nin the name or by occasion of niale-tolt.\\n4. Also we will and grant for us and our heirs, that all\\nclerks and laymen, of our realm, shall have all their laws,\\nliberties, and free customs, as freely and wholly as they have\\nused to have the same at any time when they had them best\\nand most fully: And if any statutes have been made by us or\\nour ancestors, or any customs brought in contrary to them,\\nor to any manner of article contained in this present charter,\\nwe will and grant, that such manner of statutes and customs\\nshall be void and frustrate for evermore.\\n5. Pardon granted to certain offenders.\\n6. And for the more assurance of this thing, we will and\\ngrant for ourselves and our heirs, that all archbishops and\\nbishops of England, for ever having seen and read this pres-\\nent charter in their cathedral churches, twice in a year, shall\\npublicly excommunicate for ever, and upon the reading\\nthereof in every of the parish churches of their dioceses,\\nshall openly denounce excommunication against all those\\nthat in any way willingly do or procure to be done any thing\\ncontrary to the tenor, force, and effect of this present charter\\nin any article.\\nIn witness whereof to this present charter, our seal is put\\ntogether with the seals of the archbishops, bishops, earls,\\nbarons, and others who voluntarily have sworn that, as\\nmuch as in them is, they will observe the tenor of this present\\ncharter in all and singular its articles, and to its observance\\nwill afford their faithful aid and counsel for evermore.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, I, 125.)\\n85. The Law of Mortmain\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe Statute of Mortmain was the first step taken by Ed-\\nward I. in the assertion of the right of the State to control the\\nChurch when civil interests were affected by ecclesiastical action.\\nIt stands to ecclesiastical tenures in the same position that the\\nstatute Quia Emptorcs stands to lay tenures. The statute given\\nis the first, and is typical of a series, all aimed at the practice\\nby which lands were transferred to the Church and removed\\nfrom the control of lords who claimed the feudal rights, and\\nfrom the possession of those to whom the lands would naturally\\nhave descended.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "i88 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nSTATUTUM DE RELIGIOSIS\\n(7 Edw. I, i^jg)\\nWhere of late it was provided, that religious men should\\nnot enter into the fees of any without licence and will of the\\nchief lords, of whom such fees be holden immediately; and\\nafterwards religious men have notwithstanding entered as\\nwell into their own fees, as into the fees of other men, ap-\\npropriating and buying them, and sometime receiving them of\\nthe gift of others, whereby the services that are due of such\\nfees, and which at the beginning were provided for defence\\nof the realm, are wrongfully withdrawn, and the chief lords\\ndo lease their eschats of the same: We therefore, to the\\nprofit of our realm, intending to provide convenient remedy,\\nby the advice of our prelates, earls, [barons,] and other our\\nlieges, being of our council, have provided, established, and\\nordained, that no person, religious or other, whatsoever he\\nbe, do presume to buy or sell any lands or tenements, or under\\nthe colour of gift or lease, or by reason of any other title,\\nwhatsoever it be, to receive from any man, or by any other\\ncraft or device do appropriate to himself, lands or tenements,\\nunder pain of forfeiture of the same, whereby such lands or\\ntenements may anywise come into Mortmain.\\nWe have provided also, that if any person, religious or\\nother, do presume either by craft or device to offend against\\nthis statute, it shall be lawful to us, and other immediate\\nchief lords of the fee so aliened, to enter therein within a\\nyear from the time of such alienation, and to hold it in fee\\nand inheritance. And if the immediate chief lord be negli-\\ngent, and will not enter into such fee within the year, then it\\nshall be lawful to the next [immediate] chief lord of the\\nsame fee to enter into the same within half a year next fol-\\nlowing, and to hold it as before is said; and so every [im-\\nmediate] chief lord may enter into such fee, if the next [im-\\nmediate] lord be negligent in entering into the same fee, as\\nis aforesaid. And if all such chief lords of such fees, being\\nof full age, within the four seas, and out of prison, be negli-\\ngent or slack in this behalf, we immediately after the [year]\\naccomplished, from the time that such purchases, gifts, or\\nother appropriations happen to be made, shall take such lands\\nand tenements into our hands, and shall infeoff other therein,\\nby certain services to be therefore done for the same to us\\nfor the defence of our realm; saving to the chief lords of the\\nsame fees their words and eschats, and other services to\\nthem due and accustomed.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 189\\nAnd therefore we command you, that ye cause the foresaid\\nstatute to be read before you, and from henceforth to be kept\\nfirmly and observed. Witness my self at Westminster the\\n[fifteenth] day of November, the seventh year of our reign.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, I, 51.)\\n86. Freedom of Parliament\\n(7 Edw. I., 1:79)\\nBook 0/ Rights\\nThis provision is in line with the many designed to protect the\\ncommonalty when exercising their political rightss. From the\\ndays of the Saxon Kings this protection was constant in theory\\nand usually in practice.\\nTo all Parliaments and Treatises men shall come without\\nForce and Arms.\\nEdward by the grace of God, King of England, Lord of\\nIreland, and Duke of Aquitaine; to the justices of his bench\\nsendeth greeting. Whereas of late before certain persons\\ndeputed to treat upon sundry debates had between us and\\ncertain great men of our realm, amongst other things it was\\naccorded, in our next parliament after, provision should be\\nmade by us and the common assent of the prelates, earls, and\\nbarons, that in all parliaments, treatises, and other assemblies\\nwhich should be made in the realm of England for ever,\\nevery man shall come without all force and armour, well and\\npeaceably to the honour of us and the peace of our realm.\\nAnd now in our next parliament at Westminster after the\\nsaid treatise, the prelates, earls, barons, and the commonalty\\nof our realm, there assembled to take advice of this business,\\nhave said to us that it belongeth and our part is, through our\\nroyal seigniory, straightly to prohibit force of armour and all\\nother force against our peace, at all times when it shall please\\nus, and to punish them which shall do contrary, according\\nto our laws and usages of our realm and hereunto they are\\nbound to aid us as their sovereign lord at all seasons when\\nneed shall be. We command you, that ye cause these things\\nto be read afore you in the said bench, and there to be en-\\nrolled.\\n{Book 0/ Rights, ed. cit., p. 59.\\n87. Taxation of Religious Houses\\n(35 Edw. I., 1306-7)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe statute Dc Asporfatis Religiosonim was the first of a\\nseries of anti-papal statutes which extended even beyond the\\nclo. e of the Stuart period. The texts of the most important of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "I90 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthese have been translated and are prmted in full (Nos. 85,\\n90, 92, 93, 107, 108, III), that the student may himself trace the\\nclaim of ecclesiastical independence put forward by English\\nkings. The object of the following statute was to prevent the\\ntaxation of religious houses by non-resident superiors.\\nSTATUTUM DE ASPORTATIS RELIGIOSORUM\\nIn the Parliament held at Carlisle, on the Octave of St. Hilary\\n(a.d. 1306-7)\\nOf late it came to the knowledge of our lord the king, by\\nthe grievous complaint of the honourable persons, lords, and\\nother noblemen of his realm, that whereas monasteries, pri-\\nories, and other religious houses had been founded to the\\nhonour and glory of God, and the advancement of the Holy\\nChurch, by the king and his progenitors, and by the said\\nnoblemen and their ancestors and a very great portion of\\nlands and tenements had been given to them by the said\\nmonasteries, priories, and houses, and the religious men\\nserving God in them, to the intent that as well clerks as lay-\\nmen might be admitted in such monasteries and religious\\nhouses, according to their sufficient ability, and that sick\\nand feeble men might be maintained, hospitality, almsgiving,\\nand other charitable deeds might be exercised and done and\\nin them, prayers might be said for the souls of the said\\nfounders and their heirs; the abbots, priors, and governors\\nof the said houses, and certain aliens their superiors, as\\nthe abbots and priors of the orders of Cluniacenses, Cister-\\ncienses, and Premonstraienses, and of St. Augustine, and\\nSt. Benedict, and many more of other religion and order,\\nof late, have appointed to be made and at their own pleasure\\nordained divers unwonted, heavy and importable tallages,\\npayments, and impositions upon every of the said monas-\\nteries and houses in subjection unto them in England, Ire-\\nland, Scotland, and Wales, without the privity of our lord\\nthe king and his nobility, contrary to the laws and customs\\nof the said realm; whereby it happens that numbers of\\nreligious persons, and other servants in the said houses and\\nother religious places being oppressed by such tallages, pay-\\nments, and impositions, the service of God is diminished,\\nand alms are withdrawn from the poor, the sick, and feeble,\\nand the healths of the living and the souls of the dead be\\nmiserably defrauded, hospitality, almsgiving, and other\\ndeeds of charity, do cease and so that which in times past\\nwas given to pious uses, and to the increase of the service", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 191\\nof God, or to charity, is now converted to an evil payment:\\nFrom whence, beside what is before mentioned, there\\ngroweth great scandal to the people, and infinite losses are\\nwell known to have ensued, to the disheritance of the said\\nfounders and their heirs, and are yet likely to ensue, unless\\nspeedy and sufficient remedy be provided to redress so many\\nand grievous detriments\\nOur said lord the king, therefore, considering that it would\\nbe very prejudicial to him and his people if he should any\\nlonger suffer such great losses and injuries to be winked at,\\nand thereupon being willing to maintain and defend the\\nmonasteries, priories, and other religious houses erected in\\nhis kingdom, and in the lands subject to his dominion, ac-\\ncording to the will and pious wishes of the founders, and\\nfrom henceforth to provide sufficient remedy to reform such\\noppressions, as he is bound, by the counsel of his earls,\\nbarons, great men, and other the nobles and the commonalty\\nof his realm, in his parliament holden at Westminster, on the\\nSunday next after the feast of St. Matthias the Apostle, in\\nthe three-and-thirtieth year of his reign, ordained and en-\\nacted as follows\\nThat no abbot, prior, master, warden (nor any other\\nreligious person, of whatsoever condition, state, or religion\\nhe be, appointed under his power or jurisdiction,) shall by\\nhimself, or by merchants or others, secretly or openly, by any\\nart or device, carry or send, or by any means cause to be\\ncarried, any tax imposed by their superiors, abbots, priors,\\nmasters or wardens of religious houses or places, or in any\\nway assessed among themselves, out of his kingdom and\\ndominion, under the name of a rent, tallage, tribute, or any\\nkind of imposition, or otherwise in the name of exchange,\\nsale, loan, or other contract howsoever it may be termed;\\nneither shall himself depart into any other country for visi-\\ntation, or, upon any other colour, by that means to carry the\\ngoods of their monasteries and houses out of the kingdom\\nand dominion aforesaid. And if any presume to offend this\\npresent statute, he shall be grievously punished according to\\nthe quality of his offence, and according to his contempt of\\nthe king s prohibition.\\nMoreover, our said lord the king doth inhibit all and sin-\\ngular abbots, priors, masters and governors of religious\\nhouses and places, being aliens, to whose authority, subjec-\\ntion, and obedience, the houses of the same orders being in\\nhis kingdom and dominion be subject, that they do not at any", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "192 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntime hereafter impose, or by any means cause to be assessed,\\nany tallages, payments, impositions, tributes, or other bur-\\ndens whatsoever, upon any of the monasteries, priories, or\\nother religious houses so as aforesaid in subjection unto\\nthem and this upon forfeiture of all that they obtain in their\\npower, and can forfeit in future.\\nAnd further, our lord the king hath ordained and estab-\\nlished, that the abbots of the orders of Cistercienses and\\nPremonstratenses, and other religious orders, whose seal\\nhath heretofore been used to remain only in the custody of\\nthe abbot, and not of the convent, shall hereafter have a com-\\nmon seal, and shall deposit the same in the custody of the\\nprior of the monastery or house, and four of the most worthy\\nand discreet men of the convent of the same house, to be\\nkept under the private seal of the abbot of the same house;\\nso that the abbot or prior of the house which he doth govern,\\nshall not be able of himself to confirm any contract or obliga-\\ntion, as heretofore he hath been used to do. And if it for-\\ntune hereafter that any writings obligatory of donations,\\npurchases, sales, alienations, or of any other contracts, be\\nfound sealed with any other seal than such a common seal,\\nkept as is aforesaid, they shall be adjudged void and of no\\nforce in law.\\nBut it is not the meaning of our lord the king to exclude\\nthe abbots, priors, and other religious aliens, by the ordinance\\nand statutes aforesaid, from executing their office of visita-\\ntion in his kingdom and dominion but that they may visit\\nat their pleasure, by themselves or others, the monasteries\\nand other places in his kingdom and dominion aforesaid in\\nsubjection unto them, according to the duty of their office,\\nin those things only that belong to the regular observance\\nand the discipline of their order. Provided, that they which\\nshall execute this office of visitation, shall carry, or cause\\nto be carried out of the kingdom and dominion aforesaid,\\nnone of the goods or things of such monasteries, priories, and\\nhouses, saving only their reasonable and competent charges.\\nAnd though the pronouncing and publication of the ordi-\\nnance and statutes aforesaid was stayed in suspense, from\\nthe parliament last passed, until this present parliament\\nholden at Carlisle in the octaves of Saint Hilary, in the\\nfive-and-thirtieth year of the reign of our said lord King\\nEdward, for certain causes, and to the intent they might\\nproceed with greater deliberation and advice; our lord the\\nking, after full deliberation and conference had with the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 193\\nearls, barons, lords, and other the nobles and the commonalty\\nof his realm, touching the premisses, by their unanimous\\nconsent and agreement hath ordained and enacted, that the\\nordinance and statutes aforesaid, under the manner, form,\\nand conditions aforesaid, from the first day of May next\\nensuing, shall thenceforth be inviolably observed and in force\\nfor ever, and the offenders of them shall thereafter be pun-\\nished as is aforesaid.\\n(Edited from Statutes of the Realm, I, 150.)\\n88. The Statute of Quia Emptores\\n(18 Euw. I., 1289-90)\\nStatutes at Large\\nThe feudal lord enjoyed many profitable rights in the property\\nheld by another under him. He obtained certain sums from the\\nheir who was of full age at the death of his father, and also\\nprofits from the estates of minors and from their marriages.\\nNot only was his ransom paid, if he were taken prisoner, but\\nwhen his son became a knight or his eldest daughter married,\\nthe expenses of the ceremonies were borne by his tenants. Be-\\nsides all this, on certain contingencies the entire estate of his\\nvassals became his. Prior to the eighteenth year of the reign\\nof Edward I., these rights had been seriously impaired by the\\npractice of subinfeudation, or subdivision of holdings. To ex-\\nemplify this, let us suppose that A. held lands of B.. and owed him\\nthe above-mentioned rights. If A. sold part of his lands to C,\\nthe latter would owe rights to xA.., and not to B. Thus B. would\\nbe deprived of his rights over the lands sold to C. This was a\\ndirect loss to the lord, and the statute of Quia Emptorcs was\\npassed to prevent its occurrence. By the provisions of this en-\\nactment, the transfer could still be made, but C. would hold of\\nB. instead of A., and would owe the rio:hts of the land to the\\nformer.\\nTHE STATUTE OF WESTMINSTER THE THIRD:\\nor QUIA EMPTORES TERRARUM\\nCap. I\\nPurchasers shall hold of the chief lord, and not of the\\nFeoffor\\nForasmuch as purchasers of lands and tenements of the\\nfees of great men and others, have many times heretofore\\nentered into their fees, to the prejudice of the lords, the free-\\nholders of such great men and others having sold such lands\\nand tenements to be holden in fee by such purchasers and\\ntheir heirs, of the feoffors, and not of the chief lords of the\\nfees, whereby the same chief lords have many times lost their\\nescheats, marriages, and wardships of lands and tenements", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "194 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nbelonging to their fees; which thing seemed very hard and\\nextreme unto those great men and other lords, and moreover\\nin this case manifest disheritance Our lord the king, in his\\nparliament at Westminster, after Easter, the eighteenth year\\nof his reign, that is to wit, in the quinzime of Saint John\\nBaptist, at the instance of the great men of his realm, hath\\ngranted, provided, and ordained, that from henceforth it\\nshall be lawful to every freeman to sell at his own pleasure\\nhis lands and tenements, or part thereof so nevertheless that\\nthe feoffee shall hold the same lands or tenements of the\\nsame chief lord of the fee, and by the same services and cus-\\ntoms as his feoffor held them before.\\nCap. II\\na Tenant sell Part of his Land, the Services shall be\\napportioned\\nAnd if he sell any part of such his lands or tenements to\\nany, the feoffee shall hold that immediately of the chief lord,\\nand shall be forthwith charged with so much service as per-\\ntaineth, or ought to pertain to the said chief lord for such\\npart, according to the quantity of the land or tenement so\\nsold. And so in this case for the same part of the service\\nshall remain to the lord, to be taken by the hands of the\\nfeoffee, for the which he ought to be attendant and answer-\\nable to the same chief lord, according to the quantity of the\\nland or tenement sold, for the parcel of the service so due.\\nCap. Ill\\nNo such Feoffment shall be made to assure Land in\\nMortmain\\nAnd it is to be understood, that by the said sales or pur-\\nchases of lands or tenements or any part thereof, such lands\\nor tenements shall in no wise come into Mortmain, either in\\npart or in whole, any way by craft or engine, contrary to\\nthe form of the statute made thereupon of late. And it is\\nto be understood, that this statute extendeth only to lands to\\nbe holden in fee simple; and that it extendeth to the time\\ncoming, and it shall begin to take effect at the feast of Saint\\nAndrew the Apostle next coming.\\nGiven the eighteenth year of the reign of King Edward,\\nson of King Henry.\\n(Edited from Statutes at Large, ed. T. D. Tomlins, Lond., 1811. I, 310.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 19S\\n8g. Coronation Oath of Edward II.\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe oath of Edward II. Is Interesting in that it contains the\\ncompleted fourfold division which was for centuries to mark the\\npromise of the king upon assuming office. Compare the corona-\\ntion oaths of William I. (No. 45) and of James I. (No. 144).\\nCORONATION OATH OF EDWARD II.\\n[Archbishop. Sire, will you grant and observe, and by\\nyour oath confirm to the people of England the laws and\\ncustoms granted to them by the ancient kings of England,\\nyour predecessors, just and devoted to God; and especially\\nthe laws and customs and franchises granted to the clergy\\nand to the people by the glorious king, Saint Edward, your\\npredecessor\\n[King. I grant them and promise them.\\n[Archbishop.] Sire, will you keep toward God and holy\\nchurch, and clergy and people entire peace and concord in\\nGod, according to your power?\\n[King.] I will keep them.\\n[Archbishop.] Sire, will you cause to be made in all your\\njudgments equal and right justice and judgment, in mercy\\nand truth, according to your power?\\n[King.] I will do it.\\n[Archbishop.] Sire, do you grant that the just laws and\\ncustoms will be observed which the commonalty of your\\nrealm have chosen, and do you promise to protect and en-\\nforce them to the honour of God, according to your power?\\n[King.] 1 grant and promise it.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, I, i68.)\\n90. A Statute of Provisors\\n(25 Edw. Ill, s. 5, c. 22, 1352)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe Statute Dc Asportatis Rcligiosorum, passed in 1306-7,\\nwas followed by a series of anti-papal enactments, the first of\\nwhich to become effective, the Statute of Provisors, Is given\\nbelow.\\nAlso because that some do purchase at the court of Rome\\nprovisions to have abbeys and priories in England, in destruc-\\ntion of the realm, and of holy religion it is accorded and as-\\nsented, that every man that purchaseth such provisions of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "196 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nabbeys or priories, that he and his executors and procurators\\nwhich do sue and make execution of such provisions, shall be\\nout of the protection of our lord the king; and that a man\\nmay do with him as an enemy of the king and the realm\\nand he that doth anything against such provisors in body or\\nin goods, or in other possessions, shall be excused against\\nall people, and shall never be impeached nor grieved for the\\nsame at any man s suit.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, I, 323, 324.)\\n91. First Statute of Treasons\\n(25 Edw. III., St. 5, c. 2, 1352)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe crime of treason has always been visited by most severe\\npunishment, but prior to the twenty-fifth year of the reign of\\nEdward II. these punishments were not fixed by statute. Neither\\nwas the crime of treason accurately defined and determined.\\nThe repeated demand that this crime should be defined and\\nlimits set to its punishment passed unheeded until the following\\nstatute was passed during the reign of Edward III. The seven\\nheads of treason enumerated by this Act formed the basis of all\\nsubsequent legislation on the subject.\\nA STATUTE OF WESTMINSTER\\nCap. II\\nA Declaration which Offences shall be adjudged Treason.\\nAlso, whereas divers opinions have been before this time\\nin what case treason shall be said, and in what not; the king\\nat the request of the lords and of the commons, hath made\\nthe declaration following, that is to say; when a man doth\\ncompass or imagine the death of our lord the king; or of our\\nlady his queen, or of their eldest son and heir; or if a man\\ndo violate the king s companion, or the king s eldest daughter\\nunmarried, or the wife of the king s eldest son and heir or\\nif a man do levy war against our said lord the king in his\\nrealm or be adherent to the enemies of our lord the king in\\nhis realm, giving to them aid and comfort in the realm, or\\nelsewhere; and thereof be probably attainted of open deed\\nby the people of their condition. And if a man counterfeit\\nthe king s great or privy seal, or his money; and if a man\\nbring false money into this realm, counterfeit to the money\\nof England, as the money called Liishhurgh, or other like to\\nthe said money of England, knowing the money to be false,\\nto merchandise, or make payment, in deceit of our said lord\\nthe king and of his people: And if a man slay the chancellor,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 197\\ntreasurer, or the king s justices of the one bench or the other,\\njustices in eyre, or of assise and all other justices assigned\\nto hear and determine, being in their places, doing their\\noffices. And it is to be understood, that in the cases above\\nrehearsed, that ought to be judged treason which extends to\\nour lord the king, and his royal majesty: And of such manner\\nof treason the forfeiture of the escheats pertain to our sov-\\nereign lord the king as well of the lands and tenements\\nholden of other as of himself.\\nAnd moreover there is another manner of treason, that is\\nto say, when a servant slayeth his master, or a wife slayeth\\nher husband, or when a man, secular or religious, slayeth his\\nprelate, to whom he oweth faith and obedience; and such\\nmanner of treason giveth forfeiture of the escheats to every\\nlord of his own fee.\\nAnd because many other cases of like treason, may happen\\nin time to come, which a man cannot think or declare at\\nthis present time It is accorded, that if any other case,\\nsupposed treason, which is not above specified, doth happen\\nanew before any justices, the justices shall tarry without\\ngoing to judgment of treason, till the case be showed before\\nthe king and his parliament, and it be declared whether it\\nought to be judged treason or other felony.\\nAnd if perchance any man of this realm ride armed, covert-\\nly or secretly,with men of arms against any other, to slay him,\\nor rob him, or to take and retain him till he hath made fine\\nor ransom for to have his deliverance, it is not the mind of\\nthe king nor his council, that in such case it shall be judged\\ntreason; but it shall be judged felony or trespas, according\\nto the law of the land of old time used, and according as the\\ncase requireth. And if in such case, or other like, before\\nthis time any justice have judged treason, and for this cause\\nthe lands and tenements have comen into the king s hands as\\nforfeit, the chief lords of the fee shall have their escheats\\nof the tenements holden of them, whether that the same tene-\\nments be in the king s hands, or in others, by gift or in other\\nmanner.\\nSaving always to our lord the king the year, and the\\nwaste and the other forfeitures of chattels, which pertain\\nto him in the cases above named: and that Writs of Scire\\nfacias be granted in such case against the land-tenants with-\\nout other original, and without allowing the king s protec-\\ntion in the said suit; and that of the lands which be in the\\nking s hands, Writs be granted to the sheriffs of the coun-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "198 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nties where the lands be, to deliver them out of the king s\\nhands without delay.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, I, 320, 321.)\\n92. Second Statute of Provisors\\n(27 Edw. III., s. I, c. 2, 1353)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe Statute of Provisors of 1351 was followed by that of\\n1353- This latter had the same special purposes of preventing\\nthe papal court from compelling the attendance of Englishmen\\nin those cases where that court claimed jurisdiction and of\\nstrengthening the power of the royal courts. The opening words\\nof the statute show the demand which caused its promulgation.\\nA STATUTE OF PROVISORS\\nCap. I\\nPraemunire for suing in a Foreign Realm, or Impeaching\\nof Judgment given\\nFirst, because it is showed to our said lord the king, by the\\ngrievous and clamorous complaints of the great men and\\ncommons aforesaid, how that divers of the people be, and\\nhave been drawn out of the realm to answer of things,\\nwhereof the cognizance pertaineth to the king s Court; and\\nalso that the judgments given in the same court be im-\\npeached in another s court, in prejudice and disherison of\\nour lord the king, and of his crown, and of all the people of\\nhis said realm, and to the undoing and destruction of the\\ncommon law of the same realm at all times used: Where-\\nupon, good deliberation being had with the great men and\\nother of his said council, it is assented and accorded by our\\nsaid lord the king, and the great men and commons afore-\\nsaid, that all the people of the king s ligeance, of what con-\\ndition soever they may be, which shall draw any out of the\\nrealm, in plea whereof the cognizance pertaineth to the\\nking s court, or of things whereof judgments be given in the\\nking s court, or which do sue in the court of any other, to\\ndefeat or impeach the judgments given in the king s court,\\nshall have a day, containing the space of two months, by\\nwarning to be made to them in the place where the pos-\\nsessions be, which be in debate, or otherwise where they\\nhave lands or other possessions, by the sheriff or other the\\nking s minister, to appear before the king and his council,\\nor in his chancery, or before the king s justices in his courts\\nof the one bench or the other, or before other the king s\\njustices which to the same shall be deputed, to answer in", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 199\\ntheir proper person to the king, of the contempt done in\\nthis behalf. And if they come not at the said day in their\\nproper person to be at the law, they, their procurators,\\nattornies, executors, notaries, and maintainers, shall from\\nthat day forth be put out of the king s protection, and their\\nlands, goods, and chattels forfeit to the king, and their\\nbodies, wheresoever they may be found, shall be taken and\\nimprisoned, and ransomed at the king s will And there-\\nupon a writ shall be made to take them by their bodies, and\\nto seize their lands, goods, and possessions, into the king s\\nhands and if it be returned, that they be not found, they\\nshall be put in exigent, and outlawed.\\nProvided always, that whenever they come at any time\\nbefore they be outlawed, and will yield them to the king s\\nprison, to be judged by the law, and to receive that which\\nthe court shall award in this behalf, that they shall be thereto\\nreceived; the forfeiture of lands, goods, and chattels abiding\\nin force, if they do not yield them within the said two\\nmonths, as afore is said.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Reahn, I, 329, 330)\\n93. The Great Statute of Praemunire\\n(16 Rich. II., 1393)\\nStatutes of the Reahn\\nThe contest between pope and king, begun in the reign of\\nEdward I. and continued through successive reigns by means of\\nthe anti-papal statutes, was brought to a close by the action of\\nPope Boniface IV. in 1391. This prelate declared Acts of Par-\\nliament contravening papal rights to be void, and he denied the\\nright of the Crown to present to benefices. The people of Eng-\\nland rallied to the support of the cause of the king, and in the\\nGreat Statute of Praemunire (16 Rich. II., c. 5, 1392) every\\nestate of the realm pledged its support to Richard II. This\\nStatute of Praemunire was the most effective of the so-called\\nanti-papal statutes.\\nAlso whereas, the Commons of the realm in this present\\nParliament have showed to our redoubted lord the king,\\ngrievously complaining, that whereas our said lord the king\\nand all his liege people ought of right and of old were wont\\nto sue in the king s court, to recover their presentations to\\nchurches, prebends, and other benefices of holy church to the\\nwhich they had right to present, the cognizance of plea of\\nwhich presentment belongeth only to the king s court of the\\nold right of his crown, used and approved in the time of all\\nhis progenitors, kings of England; and when judgment is\\ngiven in the said court upon such a plea and presentment, the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "200 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\narchbishops, bishops, and other spiritual persons who have\\ninstitution of such benefices within their jurisdiction be\\nbound, and have made execution of such judgments by the\\nking s commandments, of all the time aforesaid without in-\\nterruption, for a lay person cannot make such execution,\\nand also be bound of right to make execution of many other\\nof the king s commandments, of which right the crown of\\nEngland hath been peaceably seized, as well in the time of\\nour lord the king that now is, as in the time of all his pro-\\ngenitors till this day.\\nBut now of late divers processes be made by the holy\\nfather, the Pope, and censures of excommunication upon cer-\\ntain bishops of England, and because they had made execu-\\ntion of such commandments, in open disherison of the said\\ncrown and destruction of the regalty of our said lord the\\nking, his law, and all his realm, if remedy be not provided.\\nAnd also it is said and a common clamour is made that the\\nsaid holy father, the Pope, hath ordained and purposed to\\ntranslate some prelates of the said realm, some out of the\\nrealm, and some from one bishopric into another within the\\nsaid realm, without the assent and knowledge of our lord the\\nking, and without the assent of the prelate who should be so\\ntranslated, which prelates be very profitable and necessary\\nto our said lord the king, and to all his realm; by which\\ntranslations, if they should be suffered, the statutes of the\\nrealm would be defeated and made void; and his wise lieges\\nof his council, without his assent and against his will carried\\naway and removed out of his realm and the substance and\\ntreasure of the realm would be carried away, and so the said\\nrealm destitute as well of council as of substance, to the\\nfinal destruction of the said realm and the crown of Eng-\\nland which hath been so free at all times that it hath not\\nbeen in subjection to earthly sovereign, but is immediately\\nsubject to God in all things touching the regalty of the same\\ncrown, and to none other, would be submitted to the Pope,\\nand the laws and statutes of the realm by him defeated and\\nannulled at his will, in perpetual destruction of the sover-\\neignty of the king our lord, his crown, his regalty, and of all\\nhis realm, which God forbid.\\nAnd moreover, the Commons aforesaid say, that the said\\nthings so attempted be clearly against the king s crown and\\nhis regalty, used and approved in the time of all his pro-\\ngenitors wherefore, they and all the liege commons of the\\nsaid realm will stand with our said lord the king, and his", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE GROWTH OF LAW 201\\nsaid crown and his regalty, in the cases aforesaid, and in all\\nother cases attempted against him, his crown, and his regalty\\nin all points, to live and to die and moreover, they prayed\\nour said lord the king, and required him, by way of justice,\\nthat he would examine all the lords in Parliament, as well\\nspiritual as temporal severally, and all the estates of the\\nParliament, how^ they think of the cases aforesaid, wdiich be\\nso openly against the king s crown, and in derogation of his\\nregalty, and how they will stand in the same cases with our\\nlord the king in upholding tke rights of the said crown and\\nregalty. Whereupon, the lords temporal so demanded have\\nanswered every one by himself, that the cases aforesaid be\\nclearly in derogation of the king s crowai and of his regalty,\\nas is notoriously, and hath been of all time known, and that\\nthey will stand with the same crown and regalty, in these\\ncases specially, and in all other cases w^hich shall be at-\\ntempted against the said crown and regalty in all points,\\nwith all their power.\\nAnd, moreover, it was demanded of the lords spiritual\\nthere being and the procurators of others, being absent, their\\nadvice and in these cases which lords, that is to say,\\nthe archbishops, bishops, and other prelates, being in the said\\nParliament severally examined, making -protestations that\\nit is not their intention to deny nor to affirm that our holy\\nfather the Pope may not excommunicate bishops and that\\nhe may not make translations of prelates according to the\\nlaw of holy church answered and said, that if any executions\\nof processes made in the king s court, as before, be made by\\nany, and censures of excommunications be made against any\\nbishops of England, or any other of the king s liege people,\\nfor that they have made execution of such commandments,\\nand that if any executions of such translations be made of\\nany prelates of the same realm, which prelates be very\\nprofitable and necessary to our said lord the king, and to\\nhis said realm, or that his w^ise lieges of his council, without\\nhis assent and against his will, be removed and carried out\\nof the realm, so that the substance and treasure of the realm\\nmay be destroyed, that the same is against the king and his\\ncrown, as is contained in the petition before named. And\\nlikewise the said procurators, every one by himself examined\\nupon the said matters, have answered and said, in the name\\nand for their lords, as the said bishops have said and an-\\nswered; and that the said lords spiritual will and ought to\\nstand with our lord the king in these cases loyally in main-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "202 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntenance of his crown, and in all other cases touching his\\ncrown and regalty, as they are bound by their allegiance.\\nWhereupon, our said lord the king, with the assent afore-\\nsaid, and at the request of his said Commons, hath ordained\\nand established; that if any do purchase or pursue or cause\\nto be purchased or pursued in the court of Rome or else-\\nwhere any such translations, processes, and sentences of\\nexcommunications, bulls, instruments, or any other thing\\nwhatsoever which touches our lord the king, against him,\\nhis crown and regalty, or his realm, as is aforesaid, and\\nthose who bring the same within the realm, or receive them,\\nor make thereof notification, or any other execution what-\\nsoever, within the said realm or without; that they, their\\nnotaries, procurators, maintainers, abbetors, favorers, and\\ncounsellors, shall be put out of the protection of our said\\nlord the king, and their lands and tenements, goods and\\nchattels, shall be forfeited to our lord the king; and that\\nthey shall be attached by their bodies, if they may be found,\\nand brought before the king and his council, there to an-\\nswer to the cases aforesaid, or that process be made against\\nthem by praemunire facias, in manner as it is ordained in\\nother statutes of provisors and others who sue in the court\\nof any other, in derogation of the regalty of our lord the\\nking.\\n(Ed. from StaUites of the Realm, II, 84.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII\\nTHE BLACK DEATH\\n94. Spread of the Plague\\nKnighto7i\\nIn the fourteenth century England had entered upon an era\\nof progress. This was brought to an abrupt close by the\\nscourge known to history as the Black Death. This pestilence\\nswept away half of the entire population of the country. Its\\nforce was most severely expended upon the poor, whose suffer-\\nings were so great as to drive them well-nigh to desperation.\\nYet neither did the Death spare the rich. It invaded the royal\\npalace, and the king s daughter fell a victim it entered the\\ncathedral town of Canterbury, and in one year three archbishops\\ndied. The Black Death had more than physical results it led\\nto political disturbances, it caused great agrarian changes, and it\\neven impared the work of the Church by decimating its priest-\\nhood and giving rise to murmurs against its teachings.\\nThen the grievous plague penetrated the sea-coasts from\\nSouthampton, and came to Bristol, and there almost the\\nwhole strength of the tov^n died, struck as it were by sudden\\ndeath; for there were few who kept their beds more than\\nthree days, or two days, or half a day; and after this the\\nfell death broke forth on every side with the course of the\\nsun. There died at Leicester in the small parish of S.\\nLeonard more than 380; in the parish of Holy Cross more\\nthan 400; in the parish of S. Margaret of Leicester more\\nthan 700; and so in each parish a great number. Then the\\nbishop of Lincoln sent through the whole bishopric, and\\ngave general power to all and every priest, both regular and\\nsecular, to hear confessions, and absolve with entire and\\nfull episcopal authority except in matters of debt, in which\\ncase the dying man, if he could, should pay the debt while\\nhe lived, or others should certainly fulfil that duty from his\\nproperty after his death. Likewise, the pope granted full\\nremission of all sins to whoever was absolved in peril of\\ndeath, and granted that this power should last till next\\nEaster, and everyone could choose a confessor at his will,\\n203", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "204 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nIn the same year there was a great plague of sheep every-\\nwhere in the realm, so that in one place there died in one\\npasturage more than 5,000 sheep, and so rotted that neither\\nbeast nor bird would touch them. And there were small\\nprices for everything on account of the fear of death. For\\nthere were very few who cared about riches or anything\\nelse. For a man could have a horse, which before was\\nworth 40s., for 6s. 8., a fat ox for 4s., a cow for I2d., a\\nheifer for 6d., a fat wether for 4d., a sheep for 3d., a lamb\\nfor 2d., a big pig for 5d., a stone of wool for 9d. Sheep\\nand cattle went wandering over fields and through crops,\\nand there was no one to go and drive or gather them, so\\nthat the number cannot be reckoned which perished in the\\nditches in every district, for lack of herdsmen for there\\nwas such a lack of servants that no one knew what he ought\\nto do. In the following autumn no one could get a reaper\\nfor less than 8d. with his food, a mower for less than I2d.\\nwith his food. Wherefore many crops perished in the fields\\nfor want of some one to gather them; but in the pestilence\\nyear, as is above said of other things, there was such abun-\\ndance of all kinds of corn that no one much troubled about it.\\nThe Scots, hearing of the cruel pestilence of the English,\\nbelieved it had come to them from the avenging hand of\\nGod, and as it was commonly reported in England took\\nfor their oath when they wanted to swear: By the foul\\ndeath of England. But when the Scots, believing that the\\nEnglish were under the shadow of the dread vengeance of\\nGod, came together in the forest of Selkirk, with purpose\\nto invade the whole realm of England, the fell mortality\\ncame upon them, and the sudden and awful cruelty of death\\nwinnowed them, so that about 5,000 died in a short time.\\nThen the rest, some feeble, some strong, determined to re-\\nturn home, but the English followed and overtook them and\\nkilled many of them.\\nMaster Thomas of Bradwardine was consecrated by the\\npope archbishop of Canterbury, and when he returned to\\nEngland he came to London, but within two days was dead.\\nHe was famous beyond all other clerks in the whole of\\nChristendom, especially in theology, but likewise in the\\nother liberal sciences. At the same time priests were in\\nsuch poverty everywhere that many churches were widowed\\nand lacking the divine offices, masses, mattins, vespers,\\nsacraments, and other rites. A man could scarcely get a\\nchaplain under \u00c2\u00a310 or 10 marks to minister to a church. And", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE BLACK DEATH 205\\nwhen a man could get a chaplain for 5 or 4 marks or even\\nfor 2 marks with his food when there was an abundance of\\npriests before the pestilence, there was scarcely anyone now\\nwho was willing to accept a vicarage for \u00c2\u00a320 or 20 marks;\\nbut within a short time a very great multitude of those\\nwhose wives had died in the pestilence flocked into orders,\\nof whom many were illiterate and little more than laymen,\\nexcept so far as they knew how to read although they could\\nnot understand.\\nMeanwhile the king sent proclamation into all the coun-\\nties that reapers and other labourers should not take more\\nthan they had been accustomed to take, under the penalty\\nappointed by statute. But the labourers were so lifted up\\nand obstinate that they would not listen to the king s com-\\nmand, but if anyone wished to have them he had to give\\nthem what they wanted, and either lose his fruit and crops,\\nor satisfy the lofty and covetous wishes of the workmen.\\nAnd when it was known to the king that they had not\\nobserved his command, and had given greater wages to the\\nlabourers, he levied heavy fines upon abbots, priors, knights,\\ngreater and lesser, and other great folk and small folk of\\nthe realm, of some lOOs., of some 40s., of some 20s., from\\neach according to what he could give. He took from each,\\ncarucate of the realm 20s., and, notwithstanding this, a\\nfifteenth. And afterwards the king had many labourers\\narrested, and sent them to prison many withdrew them-\\nselves and went into the forests and woods and those who\\nwere taken were heavily fined. Their ringleaders were\\nmade to swear that they would not take daily wages beyond\\nthe ancient custom, and then were freed from prison. And\\nin like manner was done with the other craftsmen in the\\nboroughs and villages After the aforesaid pestilence,\\nmany buildings, great and small, fell into ruins in every\\ncity, borough, and village for lack of inhabitants, likewise\\nmany villages and hamlets became desolate, not a house\\nbeing left in them, all having died who dwelt there and it\\nwas probable that many such villages would never be in-\\nhabited. In the winter following there was such a want of\\nservants in work of all kinds, that one would scarcely be-\\nlieve that in times past there had been such a lack And\\nso all necessaries became so much dearer that what in times\\npast had been worth a penny, was then worth 4d. or 5d.\\nMagnates and lesser lords of the realm who had tenants\\nmade abatements of the rent in order that the tenants should", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "2o6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nnot go away on account of the want of servants and the\\ngeneral dearness, some half the rent, some more, some less,\\nsome for two years, some for three, according as they could\\nagree with them. Likewise, those who received of their\\ntenants daywork throughout the year, as is the practice with\\nvilleins, had to give them more leisure, and remit such\\nworks, and either entirely to free them, or give them an\\neasier tenure at a small rent, so that the homes should not\\nbe everywhere irrecoverably ruined, and the land everywhere\\nremain entirely uncultivated.\\n(From Edward III and his Wars, ed. W. J. Ashley, Lond. 1887. p. 122.)\\n95. The Statute of Labourers\\nstatutes of the Realm-\\nThe existing relations of master and servant were disorganized\\nby the Black Death. The demand for labour so far exceeded the\\nsupply that wages rose to a figure hitherto unknown. Unable,\\nor unwilling, to pay the wages demanded alarmed at the new\\ntendency of labour to seek, regardless of habitation, a market\\nwhere the return was highest exasperated by the disregard\\npaid by the bondmen to the ties of villeinage, the employers\\nsought and secured harsh and far-reaching legislation in control\\nof labour. A specimen of these enactments is given below for\\nfurther examples, consult Statutes of the Realm, Vol. I.\\nEdward by the grace of God, etc., to the Reverend Father\\nin Christ, William, by the same grace Archbishop of Canter-\\nbury, Primate of all England, greeting. Because a great\\npart of the people, and especially of workmen and serv-\\nants, have lately died in the pestilence, many seeing the\\nnecessities of masters and great scarcity of servants, will\\nnot serve unless they may receive excessive wages, and\\nothers preferring to beg in idleness rather than by labour\\nto get their living; we, considering the grievous incom-\\nmodities which of the lack especially of ploughmen and such\\nlabourers may hereafter come, have upon deliberation and\\ntreaty with the prelates and the nobles and learned men\\nassisting us, with their unanimous counsel ordained:\\nThat every man and woman of our realm of England, of\\nwhat condition he be, free or bond, able in body, and within\\nthe age of sixty years, not living in merchandize, nor exer-\\ncising any craft, nor having of his own whereof he may live,\\nnor land of his own about whose tillage he may occupy\\nhimself, and not serving any other; if he be required to\\nserve in suitable service, his estate considered, he shall be\\nbound to serve him which shall so require him; and take", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE BLACK DEATH 207\\nonly the wages, livery, meed, or salary which were ac-\\ncustomed to be given in the places where he oweth to serve,\\nthe twentieth year of our reign of England, or five or six\\nother common years next before. Provided always, that the\\nlords be preferred before others in their bondmen or their\\nland tenants, so in their service to be retained so that, never-\\ntheless, the said lords shall retain no more than be necessary\\nfor them. And if any such man or woman being so re-\\nquired to serve will not do the same, and that be proved by\\ntwo true men before the sheriff, bailiff, lord, or constable\\nof the town where the same shall happen to be done, he\\nshall immediately be taken by them or any of them, and\\ncommitted to the next gaol, there to remain under strait\\nkeeping, till he find surety to serve in the form aforesaid.\\nIf any reaper, mower, other workman or servant, of what\\nestate or condition he be, retained in any man s service, do\\ndepart from the said service without reasonable cause or\\nlicense, before the term agreed, he shall have pain of im-\\nprisonment and no one, under the same penalty, shall pre-\\nsume to receive or retain such a one in his service.\\nNo one, moreover, shall pay or promise to pay to any one\\nmore wages, liveries, meed, or salary than was accustomed,\\nas is before said; nor shall any one in any other manner\\ndemand or receive them, upon pain of doubling of that which\\nshall have been so paid, promised, required or received, to\\nhim who thereof shall feel himself aggrieved; and if none\\nsuch will sue, then the same shall be applied to any of the\\npeople that will sue and such suit shall be in the court of\\nthe lord of the place where such case shall happen.\\nAnd if lords of towns or manors presume in any point to\\ncome against this present ordinance, either by them or by\\ntheir servants, then suit shall be made against them in the\\nform aforesaid, in the counties, wapentakes, and tithings,\\nor such courts of ours, for the penalty of treble that so paid\\nor promised by them or their servants. And if any before\\nthis present ordinance hath covenanted with any so to serve\\nfor more wages, he shall not be bound, by reason of the said\\ncovenant, to pay more than at another time was wont to be\\npaid to such a person nor, under the same penalty, shall\\npresume to pay more.\\nAlso, Saddlers, skinners, white tawyers, cordwainers. tail-\\nors, smiths, carpenters, masons, tilers, shipwrights, carters,\\nand all other artificers and workmen, shall not take for their\\nlabour and workmanship above the same that was wont to", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "2o8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nbe paid to such persons the said twentieth year, and other\\ncommon years next preceding, as before is said, in the place\\nwhere they shall happen to work; and if any man take more\\nhe shall be committed to the next gaol, in manner as before\\nis said.\\nAlso, That butchers, fishmongers, innkeepers, brewers,\\nbakers, poulterers, and all other sellers of all manner of\\nvictuals shall be bound to sell the same victuals for a reason-\\nable price, having respect to the price that such victuals be\\nsold at in the places adjoining, so that the same sellers have\\nmoderate gains, and not excessive, reasonably to be required\\naccording to the distance of the place from whch the said\\nvictuals be carried; and if any sell such victuals in any\\nother manner, and thereof be convicted, in the manner and\\nform aforesaid, he shall pay the double of the same that he\\nso received to the party injured, or in default of him, to\\nany other that will sue in this behalf. And the mayors\\nand bailiffs of cities, boroughs, merchant towns, and others,\\nand of the ports and maritime places, shall have power to in-\\nquire of all and singular, which shall in any thing offend\\nagainst this, and to levy the said penalty to the use of them\\nat whose suit such offenders shall be convicted. And in case\\nthat the same mayors and bailiffs be negligent in doing exe-\\ncution of the premises, and thereof be convicted before our\\njustices, by us to be assigned, then the same mayors and bai-\\nliffs shall be compelled by the same justices to pay the treble\\nof the thing so sold to the party injured, or to any other, in\\ndefault of him, that will sue and nevertheless toward us they\\nshall be grievously punished.\\nAnd because that many strong beggars, as long as they\\nmay live by begging, do refuse to labour, giving themselves\\nto idleness and vice, and sometimes to theft and other abom-\\ninations; none upon the said pain of imprisonment, shall,\\nunder the colour of pity or alms, give anything to such,\\nwhich may labour, or presume to favour them in their idle-\\nness, so that thereby they may be compelled to labour for\\ntheir necessary living.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, I, 307, 308.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII\\nLOLLARDY\\n96. Wycliffite Conclusions: Ten Condemned as Heretical and\\nFourteen as Erroneous\\nIn the fourteenth century began a resistless movement against\\nthe Catholic Church. This movement was in the sixteenth cen-\\ntury to end in the establishment of Protestantism in England.\\nThe movement rolled on in three great waves that for reform\\nin the personal behaviour of recreant clerics that for a more\\nChristian life among the laity; and that for a reformation in\\ndoctrine. The great leader in these agitations was John Wy-\\ncliff, and the Lollards were encouraged and directed by him\\nand his poor priests. As the central figure in the Lollard\\nmovement, it is fitting that there should be given Wycliff s\\ndoctrinal conclusions, the Bull of Pope Gregory against him,\\nand his reply to the summons to appear at Rome.\\nI. That the material substance of bread and of wine re-\\nmains, after the consecration, in the sacrament of the altar.\\nIL That the accidents do not remain without the sub-\\nject, after the consecration, in the same sacrament.\\nIII. That Christ is not in the sacrament of the altar\\nidentically, truly and really in his proper corporal presence.\\nIV. That if a bishop or priest lives in mortal sin he does\\nnot ordain, or consecrate, or baptize.\\nV. That if a man has been truly repentant, all external\\nconfession is superfluous to him, or useless.\\nVI. Continually to assert that it is not founded in the\\ngospel that Christ instituted the mass.\\nVII. That God ought to be obedient to the devil.\\nVIII. That if the pope is foreordained to destruction\\nand a wicked man, and therefore a member of the devil, no\\npower has been given to him over the faithful of Christ by\\nany one, tuiless perhaps by the Emperor.\\nIX. That since Urban the Sixth, no one is to be acknowl-\\nedged as pope but all are to live, in the way of the Greeks,\\nunder their own laws.\\nX. To assert that it is against sacred scripture that men\\nof the church should have temporal possessions.\\n209", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "210 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nXI. That no prelate ought to excommunicate any one\\nunless he first knows that the man is excommunicated by-\\nGod.\\nXII. That a person thus excommunicating is thereby a\\nheretic or excommunicate.\\nXIII. That a prelate excommunicating a clerk who has\\nappealed to the king, or to a council of the kingdom, on that\\nvery account is a traitor to God, the king and the kingdom.\\nXIV. That those who neglect to preach, or to hear the\\nword of God, or the gospel that is preached, because of the\\nexcommunication of men, are excommunicate, and in the\\nday of judgment will be considered as traitors to God.\\nXV. To assert that it is allowed to any one, whether a\\ndeacon or a priest, to preach the word of God, without the\\nauthority of the apostolic see, or of a catholic bishop, or some\\nother which is sufficiently acknowledged.\\nXVI. To assert that no one is a civil lord, no one is a\\nbishop, no one is a prelate, so long as he is in mortal sin.\\nXVII. That temporal lords may, at their own judgment,\\ntake away temporal goods from churchmen who are habit-\\nually delinquent; or that the people may, at their own judg-\\nment, correct delinquent lords.\\nXVIII. That tithes are purely charity, and that par-\\nishioners may, on account of the sins of their curates, detain\\nthese and confer them on others at their will.\\nXIX. That special prayers applied to one person by\\nprelates or religious persons, are of no more value to the\\nsame person than general prayers for others in a like position\\nare to him.\\nXX. That the very fact that any one enters upon any\\nprivate religion whatever, renders him more unfitted and\\nmore incapable of observing the commandments of God.\\nXXI. That saints who have instituted any private reli-\\ngions whatever, as well of those having possessions as of\\nmendicants, have sinned in thus instituting them.\\nXXII. That religious persons living in private religions\\nare not of the Christian religion.\\nXXIII. That friars should be required to gain their liv-\\ning by the labour of their hands and not by mendicancy.\\nXXIV. That a person giving alms to friars, or to a\\npreaching friar, is excommunicate; also the one receiving.\\n{Fasciculi Zizaiiiorum, pp. 277-282. Rolls Series. Translation reprinted\\nby permission of the University of Pennsylvania.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "LOLLARDY 2ii\\n97. Bull of Pope Gregory XI, against John Wycliffe\\nGregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to his be-\\nloved sons the chancellor and University of Oxford, in the\\ndiocese of Lincoln, grace and apostolic benediction.\\nWe are compelled to v\\\\ onder and grieve that you, who, in\\nconsideration of the favours and privileges conceded to your\\nuniversity of Oxford by the apostolic see, and on account of\\nyour familiarity with the Scriptures, in whose sea you navi-\\ngate, by the gift of God, with auspicious oar, you, who ought\\nto be, as it were, warriors and champions of the orthodox\\nfaith, without which there is no salvation of souls, that\\nyou through a certain sloth and neglect allow tares to spring\\nup amidst the pure wheat in the fields of your glorious uni-\\nversity aforesaid; and what is still more pernicious, even\\ncontinue to grow to maturity. And you are quite careless,\\nas has been lately reported to us, as to the extirpation of\\nthese tares; with no little clouding of a bright name, danger\\nto your souls, contempt of the Roman church, and injury to\\nthe faith above mentioned. And what pains us the more is\\ntliat this increase of the tares aforesaid is known in Rome\\nbefore the remedy of extirpation has been applied in England\\nwhere they sprang up. By the insinuation of many, if they\\nare indeed worthy of belief, deploring it deeply, it has come\\nto our ears that John de Wycliffe, rector of the church of\\nLutterworth, in the diocese of Lincoln, Professor of the\\nSacred Scriptures, (would that he were not also Master of\\nErrors,) has fallen into such a detestable madness that he\\ndoes not hesitate to dogmatize and publicly preach, or rather\\nvomit forth from the recesses of his breast certain proposi-\\ntions and conclusions which are erroneous and false. He\\nhas cast himself also into the depravity of preaching hereti-\\ncal dogmas which strive to subvert and weaken the state of\\nthe whole church and even secular polity, some of which\\ndoctrines, in changed terms, it is true, seem to express the\\nperverse opinions and unlearned learning of Marsilio of\\nPadua of cursed memory, and of John of Jandun, whose book\\nis extant, rejected and cursed by our predecessor, Pope John\\nXXII, of happy memory. This he has done in the kingdom\\nof England, lately glorious in its power and in the abundance\\nof its resources, but more glorious still in the glistening piety\\nof its faith, and in the distinction of its sacred learning pro-\\nducing also many men illustrious for their exact knowledge\\nof the holy vScriptures, mature in the gravity of their char-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "212 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nacter, conspicuous in devotion, defenders of the catholic\\nchurch. He has polluted certain of the faithful of Christ by\\nbesprinkling them with these doctrines, and led them away\\nfrom the right paths of the aforesaid faith to the brink of\\nperdition.\\nWherefore, since we are not willing, nay, indeed, ought\\nnot to be willing, that so deadly a pestilence should continue\\nto exist with our connivance, a pestilence which, if it is not\\nopposed in its beginnings, and torn out by the roots in its\\nentirety, will be reached too late by medicines when it has in-\\nfected very many with its contagion; we command your\\nuniversity with strict admonition, by the apostolic authority,\\nin virtue of your sacred obedience, and under penalty of the\\ndeprivation of all the favours, indulgences, and privileges\\ngranted to you and your university by the said see, for the\\nfuture not to permit to be asserted or set forth to any extent\\nwhatever, the opinions, conclusions, and propositions which\\nare in variance with good morals and faith, even when those\\nsetting them forth strive to defend them under a certain\\nfanciful wresting of words or of terms. Moreover, you are\\non our authortity to arrest the said John, or cause him to be\\narrested and to send him under a trustworthy guard to our\\nvenerable brother, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the\\nBishop of London, or to one of them.\\nBesides, if there should be, which God forbid, in your uni-\\nversity, subject to your jurisdiction, opponents stained with\\nthese errors, and if they should obstinately persist in them,\\nproceed vigorously and earnestly to a similar arrest and\\nremoval of them, and otherwise as shall seem good to you.\\nBe vigilant to repair your negligence which you have\\nhitherto shown in the premises, and so obtain our gratitude\\nand favour, and that of the said see, besides the honour and\\nreward of the divine recompense.\\nGiven at Rome, at Santa Maria Maggiore, on the 31st of\\nMay, the sixth year of our pontificate.\\n{Fasciculi Zizaniorjcm, pp. 242-244. Rolls Series. Translation reprinted\\nby permission of the University of Pennsylvania.)\\n98. Reply of Wycliffe to a Summons from the Pope\\n(1384)\\nI have joy fully to tell what I hold, to all true men that\\nbelieve and especially to the Pope; for I suppose that if my\\nfaith be rightful and given of God, the Pope will gladly con-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "LOLLARDY 213\\nfirm it and if my faith be error, the Pope will wisely\\namend it.\\nI suppose over this that the gospel of Christ be heart of the\\ncorps of God s law for I believe that Jesus Christ, that gave\\nin his own person this gospel, is very God and very man, and\\nby this heart passes all other laws.\\nI suppose over this that the Pope be most obliged to the\\nkeeping of the gospel among all men that live here; for the\\nPope is highest vicar that Christ has here in earth. For\\nmoreness of Christ s vicar is not measured by worldly more-\\nness, but by this, that this vicar follows more Christ by vir-\\ntuous living; for thus teacheth the gospel, that this is the\\nsentence of Christ.\\nAnd of this gospel I take as believe, that Christ for time\\nthat he walked here, was most poor man of all, both in spirit\\nand in having; for Christ says that he had nought for to rest\\nhis head on. And Paul says that he was made needy for\\nour love. And more poor might no man be, neither bodily\\nnor in spirit. And thus Christ put from him all manner of\\nworldly lordship. For the gospel of John telleth that when\\nthey would have made Christ king, he fled and hid him from\\nthem, for he would none such worldly highness.\\nAnd over this I take it as believe, that no man should fol-\\nlow the Pope, nor no saint that now is in heaven, but in as\\nmuch as he follows Christ. For John and James erred when\\nthey coveted worldly highness and Peter and Paul sinned\\nalso when they denied and blasphemed in Christ but men\\nshould not follow them in this, for then they went from Jesus\\nChrist. x\\\\nd this I take as wholesome counsel, that the Pope\\nleave his worldly lordship to worldly lords, as Christ gave\\nthem, and more speedily all his clerks to do so. For thus\\ndid Christ, and taught thus his disciples, till the fiend had\\nblinded this world. And it seems to some men that clerks\\nthat dwell lastingly in this error against God s law, and flee\\nto follow Christ in this, been open heretics, and their fautors\\nbeen partners.\\nAnd if I err in this sentence, I will meekly be amended,\\nyea, by the death, if it be skilful, for that I hope were good\\nto me. And if I might travel in mine own person, I would\\nwith good will go to the Pope. But God has needed me to\\nthe contrary, and taught me more obedience to God than to\\nmen. And I suppose of our Pope that he will not be Anti-\\nchrist, and reverse Christ in this working, to the contrary of\\nChrist s will for if he summon against reason, by him or by", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "214 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nany of his, and pursue this unskilful summoning, he is an\\nopen Antichrist. And merciful intent excused not Peter,\\nthat Christ should not clepe him Satan; so blind intent and\\nwicked counsel excuses not the Pope here; but if he ask of\\ntrue priests that they travel more than they may, he is not\\nexcused by reason of God, that he should not be Antichrist.\\nFor our belief teaches us that our blessed God suffers us not\\nto be tempted more than we may how should a man ask such\\nservice? And therefore pray we to God for our pope Urban\\nthe sixth, that his old holy intent be not quenched by his\\nenemies. And Christ, that may not lie, says that the enemies\\nof a man been especially his home family; and this is sooth\\nof men and fiends.\\n(Select English Works of Wy cliff e, ed. Arnold, Lond., Ill, 504.\\nSpelling modernized.)\\n99. De Hseretico Comburendo\\n(2 Henry IV., 1401)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nHenry IV., a devout son of the Catholic Church, by the advice\\nof Archbishop Arundell sought to stay by legislation the Lollard\\nmovement. To that end was passed in 1402 the statute De\\nHceretico Comburendo, an ordinance resting on the authority\\nof the king and the Lords, as the Commons were distinctly\\nopposed to the line of policy therein outlined. This sweeping\\nmeasure was the first enactment prescribing death as the\\npunishment for heresy; but before its passage, even in England,\\ndeath by burning at the stake had under the Common Law\\nbeen meted out to heretics.\\nWhereas, it is shown to our sovereign lord the king on the\\nbehalf of the prelates and clergy of his realm of England in\\nthis present Parliament, that although the Catholic faith\\nbuilded upon Christ, and by his apostles and the Holy Church\\nsufficiently determined, declared and approved, hath been\\nhitherto by good and holy and most noble progenitors and\\npredecessors of our sovereign lord the king in the said realm\\namongst all the realms of the world most devoutly observed,\\nand the Church of England by his said most noble progen-\\nitors and ancestors, to the honour of God and the whole\\nrealm aforesaid laudably endowed and in her rights and\\nliberties sustained, without that the same faith or the said\\nchurch was hurt or grievously oppressed, or else perturbed\\nby any perverse doctrine or wicked, heretical, or erroneous\\nopinions. Yet, nevertheless, divers false and preverse people\\nof a certain new sect, of the faith of the sacraments of the\\nchurch, and the authority of the same damnably thinking,\\nand against the law of God and of the Church usurping the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "LOLLARDY 215\\noffice of preaching, do perversely and maliciously in divers\\nplaces within the said realm, under the colour of dissembled\\nholiness, preach and teach these days openly and privily\\ndivers new doctrines, and wicked heretical and erroneous\\nopinions contrary to the same faith and blessed determina-\\ntions of the Holy Church, and of such sect and wicked doc-\\ntrine and opinions they make unlawful conventicles and con-\\nfederacies, they hold and exercise schools, they make and\\nwrite books, they do wickedly instruct and inform people,\\nand as much as they may excite and stir them to sedition and\\ninsurrection, and make great strife and division among the\\npeople, and other enormities horrible to be heard daily do\\nperpetrate and commit, in subversion of the said catholic\\nfaith and doctrine of the holy church, in diminution of divine\\nworship, and also in destruction of the estate, rights, and\\nliberties of the said church of England by which sect and\\nwicked and false preachings, doctrines, and opinions of the\\nsaid false and perverse people, not only most greatest peril\\nof the souls, but also many more other hurts, slanders, and\\nperils, which God prohibit, might come to this realm, unless\\nit be the more plentifully and speedily helped by the king s\\nmajesty in this behalf; especially since the diocesans of the\\nsaid realm cannot by their jurisdiction spiritual, without aid\\nof the said royal majesty, sufficiently correct the said false\\nand perverse people, nor refrain their malice, because the\\nsaid false and perverse people do go from diocese to diocese\\nand will not appear before the said diocesans, but the same\\ndiocesans and their jurisdiction spiritual, and the keys of the\\nchurch with the censures of the same, do utterly condemn\\nand despise and so their wicked preachings and doctrines\\ndo from day to day continue and exercise to the utter de-\\nstruction of all order and rule of right and reason. Upon\\nwhich novelties and excesses above rehearsed, the prelates\\nand clergy aforesaid, and also the Commons of the said realm\\nbeing in the same Parliament, have prayed our sovereign\\nlord the king that his royal highness would vouchsafe in the\\nsaid Parliament to provide a convenient remedy. The same\\nour sovereign lord the king, graciously considering the\\npremises, and also the laudable steps of his said most noble\\nprogenitors and ancestors, for the conservation of the said\\ncatholic faith and sustentation of the said divine worship, and\\nalso the safcp-uard of the estate, rights and liberties of the\\nsaid church of England, to the laud of God and merit of our\\nsaid sovereign lord the king, and prosperity and honour of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "2i6 SOURCE-BOOK Of ENGLIS^H HISTORY\\nall his said realm, and for the eschewing of such dissensions,\\ndivisions, hurts, slanders, and perils, in time to come, and that\\nthis wicked sect, preachings, doctrines, and opinions, should\\nfrom henceforth cease and be utterly destroyed; by the\\nassent of the great lords and other noble persons of the said\\nrealm, being in the said Parliament, hath granted, stablished,\\nand ordained, from henceforth firmly to be observed, that\\nnone within the said realm, or any other dominions subject\\nto his royal majesty, presume to preach openly or privily,\\nwithout the license of the diocesan of the same place first\\nrequired and obtained, curates in their own churches and\\npersons hitherto privileged, and other of the canon law\\ngranted, only excepted nor that none from henceforth any-\\nthing preach, hold, teach, or instruct openly or privily, or\\nmake or write any book contrary to the catholic faith or\\ndetermination of the holy church, nor of such sect and wicked\\ndoctrines and opinions shall make any conventicles, or in any\\nwise hold or exercise schools and also that none from hence-\\nforth in any wise favour such preacher or maker of any such\\nand like conventicles, or persons holding or exercising\\nschools, or making or writing such books, or so teaching,\\ninforming, or exciting the people, nor any of them maintain\\nor in any wise sustain, and that all and singular having such\\nbooks or any writings of such wicked doctrine and opinions,\\nshall really with effect deliver or cause to be delivered all\\nsuch books and writings to the diocesan of the same place\\nwdthin forty days from the time of the proclamation of this\\nordinance and statute.\\nAnd if any person or persons of whatsoever sex, estate, or\\ncondition that he or they be, from henceforth do or attempt\\nagainst the said royal ordinance and statute aforesaid in the\\npremises or any of them, or such books in the form aforesaid\\ndo not deliver, then the diocesan of the same place in his dio-\\ncese such person or persons in this behalf defamed or evi-\\ndently suspected and every of them may by the authority of\\nthe said ordinance and statute cause to be arrested and under\\nsafe custody in his prison to be detained till he or they of the\\narticles laid to him or them in this behalf do canonically\\npurge him or themselves, or else such wicked sect, preach-\\nings, doctrines and heretical and erroneous opinions do ab-\\njure, according as the laws of the church do demand and\\nrequire.\\nAnd if any person within the said realm and dominions,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "LOLLARD y 217\\nupon the said wicked preachings, doctrines, opinions, schools,\\nand heretical and erroneous informations, or any of them be\\nbefore the diocesan of the same place or his commissaries\\nconvicted by sentence, and the same wicked sect, preachings,\\ndoctrines and opinions, schools and informations, do refuse\\nduly to abjure, or by the diocesan of the same place or his\\ncommissaries, after the abjuration made by the same person\\nbe pronounced relapsed, so that according to the holy canons\\nhe ought to be left to the secular court, (upon which cred-\\nence shall be given to the diocesan of the same place or to\\nhis commissaries in this behalf), then the sheriff of the\\ncounty of the same place, and mayor and sheriffs, or sheriff,\\nor mayor and bailiffs of the city, town, and borough of the\\nsame county next to the sam.e diocesan or the said commis-\\nsaries, shall be personally present in preferring of such sen-\\ntences, when they by the same diocesan or his commissaries\\nshall be required and they the same persons and every of\\nthem, after such sentence promulgate shall receive, and them\\nbefore the people in an high place cause to be burnt, that\\nsuch punishment may strike fear into the minds of others,\\nwhereby no such wicked doctrine and heretical and erroneous\\nopinions, nor their authors and fautors, in the said realm and\\ndominions, against the catholic faith. Christian law, and\\ndetermination of the holy church, which God prohibit, be\\nsustained or in any wise suffered in which all and singular\\nthe premises concerning the said ordinance and statute, the\\nsheriffs, mayors, and bailiffs of the said counties, cities,\\nboroughs and towns shall be attending, aiding, and support-\\ning to the said diocesans and their commissaries.\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realtn, II, 125-128.)\\nROYAL LETTERS REGARDING LOLLARDY\\nNo more illuminating documents exist than those of the royal\\nletters regarding the Lollards. Those selected are peculiarly\\nsuggestive. No. 100 shows the attitude of Henry V. toward the\\nChurch, in its relation with Lollardy. No. loi directs the pro-\\nsecution of Sir John Oldcastle. the Lollard leader. No. 102 out-\\nlines the attitude of Henry VI., and the importance of the\\nreligious movement.\\n100. Henry V. to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London\\n(1413)\\nLetters of the Kings of Ettgtand\\nThe King, c., greeting. Inasmuch as we have been given\\nto understand, that certain priests, not privileged by law for\\nthis purpose, nor licensed by the diocesan of the place, nor", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "2iS SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\npermitted by the church, who are said to be of this new sect\\nof the Lollards, have been preaching in public places within\\nthe aforesaid city, and in the suburbs and vicinity thereof,\\nin order to excite and win over some, who are ill disposed to\\nthe Catholic faith, and the doctrine of holy mother church;\\nand by their own rashness, and contrary to the laws and\\nordinances of the church, they have preached, nay, rather\\nhave profaned the Word of God; or, at least, under pretext\\nof preaching, they have in such places been emboldened to\\npropagate discord among our people and the pestiferous\\nseeds of Lollardism and evil doctrine, after the manner of\\npreachers and as some of our people of our said city and its\\nvicinity, under pretence of hearing such preaching, have\\nassembled to those places, and have congregated together in\\nlarge multitudes and, in consequence, murmurs and sedi-\\ntions have in part arisen, and will probably arise, to the dis-\\nturbance and no small marring of our peace, unless a remedy\\nbe more quickly applied to abolish such meetings and pull\\ndown such conventicles\\nWe, desiring especially to provide for the defence of the\\nCatholic faith, the laws and ordinances of the church, and\\nfor preserving our peace, command you, that you cause pro-\\nclamation publicly to be made, within our city aforesaid, and\\nits suburbs, in every place where you shall find it expedient\\nThat no chaplains, of whatever degree, state, or condition\\nthey may be, shall henceforward hold, cherish, affirm,\\npreach, or defend such opinions, heresy or error, contrary to\\nthe decision of holy mother church and that none other our\\nlieges and subjects in this matter adhere to or abet them, or\\nlend them counsel or assistance, under penalty of imprison-\\nment of their bodies, and the forfeiture of all their goods and\\nchattels, to our will and disposal. We further command and\\npositively enjoin you that, if henceforth you shall be able to\\nfind within your bailiwick any such chaplains preaching and\\naffirming publicly or secretly, contrary to the aforesaid re-\\nscript, or any other our lieges and subjects making conven-\\nticles and meetings, or receiving the same chaplains, or being\\nunder probable or great suspicion concerning the premises,\\nor in any way counselling, favouring, or helping such chap-\\nlains in this matter, then arrest ye them without delay, and\\ncommit them to prison, there to remain, until they shall obey\\nthe commands of the diocesan in whose diocese they may\\nhave preached, and it shall have been certified unto you\\naccordingly by the same diocesan.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "LOLLARDY 219\\nAnd, that also in our places aforesaid, ye cause it to be\\nproclaimed, in our behalf, that no such chaplain presume\\nhereafter to preach, contrary to the constitutions of the prov-\\nince published, without license, sought and obtained as a\\nqualified literate and that none of our lieges henceforward\\nhear the same chaplains so preaching, or be present at such\\npreachings on any pretence alleged, under the punishment\\nand forfeiture aforesaid; and that all and every our lieges\\nand subjects of our city and suburbs aforesaid comply with,\\nobey, and attend to you and any of you, in the carrying out\\nof the premises, under penalty of imprisonment.\\nWitness the King, at Westminster, the 21st day of August,\\n1413-\\n{Letters of the Kings of Engla7id, ed. by J.O. Halliwell, Lond., 1846, I, p. 72.)\\nloi. Henry V. to the Sheriff of Kent\\n(1414)\\nLetters of the Kings of Engla7t.d\\nThe king to the sheriff of Kent, greeting. Whereas we\\nare more fully informed, and it is notoriously and openly dis-\\ncovered, that very many our subjects of our kingdom of Eng-\\nland, vulgarly called Lollards, have, by the agency, instiga-\\ntion, encouragement, abetting, and upholding of John Old-\\ncastle, knight, who hath lately stood condemned of heresy,\\nand is declared and pronounced a manifest heretic, according\\nto the canonical decrees published on that behalf, have\\npreached and caused to be preached divers opinions mani-\\nfestly contrary to the Catholic faith and have falsely and\\ntraitorously, contrary to their due allegiance, contemplated\\nour death, because that we do take part against them and\\nsuch their opinions, even as a true Christian prince, and as\\nwe are bound by the chain of our oath and, whereas they\\nhave formed many other designs to the destruction as well\\nof the Catholic faith as of the estate of the lords and nobles\\nof our kingdom, as well spiritual as temporal; and they have\\npurposed to hold various meetings and other unlawful cabals,\\nwith a view to perpetrate their abominable project in this\\nbehalf, and desist not from daily plotting (as far as in them\\nlies) to the probable destruction of our own person, and of\\nthe estates of the lords and nobles aforesaid we, considering\\nin what manner certain such Lollards and others, who imag-\\nined and designed our death and the other mischiefs and\\nmisdeeds aforesaid, have been taken for the before-named\\nreason, and stand adjudged to death for this abominable act\\nand purpose; and wishing to order and provide, in the best", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "220 SOURCt,-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand most quiet manner possible, for the avoiding of the\\neffusion of Christian blood, and especially that of our lieges\\nwhom, on account of our tender and special regard towards\\nthem, we desire, with our whole heart s intent, to preserve\\nfrom the shedding of blood and corporal punishment.\\nWe command you, and positively enjoin, that in each place\\nin your bailiwick, where you shall find it best, you cause\\nto be proclaimed publicly on our behalf, that they, by whose\\nagency, incitement, counsel, or information, the said John\\nshall ht taken or arrested, shall receive five hundred marks\\nand he that shall take or cause to be arrested the same John,\\none thousand marks, of our free gift, for his labour and\\nhis pains in this behalf, and that the citizens, burgesses,\\nand corporations of the cities, boroughs, and other towns,\\nwho shall take and arrest the same John, and shall cause him\\nto be brought before us, shall be quit and wholly exonerated\\nfor ever from all taxes, tallages, tenths, fifteenths, and other\\ncontributions whatever, to us and our heirs hereafter pay-\\nable, and that we will cause accordingly to be made to theni\\nour letters patent under our great seal and that in doing\\ntheir own concerns, and in any lawful and honourable trans-\\nactions whatever to be done towards ourself, they shall find\\nand have ourself more than usually gracious.\\nWitness the King, at Westminster, the nth day of Jan-\\nuary, 1 41 4.\\n{Letters of the Kings 0/ England, ed. cit., I, p. 74.)\\n102. King Henry VI. to the Abbot of St. Edmondsbury and to the\\nAldermen and Bailiffs of the Town, for the Suppression of\\nthe Lollards\\nBy the king,\\nTrusty and well-beloved, the malicious intent and purpose\\nof God s traitors and ours, heretics in this our realm, com-\\nmonly called Lollards, the which now lately setting up of\\nseditious bills, and otherwise traitorously exhorted, stirred\\nand moved the people of our land to assemble, gather, and\\narise against God s peace and ours, is not unknown to you\\nnor to no man endued with reason, foresight, or discretion\\nthe which, howbeit that they of high subtlety, fraud, and\\nfellness, feign, pretend, and write such thing as they trow\\nto blind with you that be simple, and to draw by their arts\\nand affections to them and their intent, intending never-\\ntheless and purposing without any doubt the subversion of\\nthe Christian faith, and belief of us also and of all estates,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "LOLLARDY 221\\nand gentlemen, and generally of all true Christian men and\\nwomen that will not follow them, and assist them in their\\ndamnable errors, intent and purpose, and would destroy all\\npolitical rule and government, spiritual and temporal and\\nconsidering that they, against God s law and man s, stir our\\npeople without our commandment or authority to assemble\\nand arise, and therewith purpose and would take upon them\\nand usurp as well our royal power and authority as the\\nChurch s, and use correction and government in no wise be-\\nlonging unto them that ought to be governed, and not so to\\ngovern the which stirring and usurpation of our royal\\npower, by the law of this our land, is treason, each reason-\\nable man may well feel that in eschewing of chastising, and\\naspire reddome [violence] to the contemner of our laws, they\\nso doing would never by their wills come to reckoning there-\\nof, but dispose them to be out of subjection, obedience, or awe\\nof us, and of our law and, as God knoweth, never would they\\nbe subject to his, nor to man s, but would be loose and free, to\\nrob, reve, and despoil, slay and destroy all men of estate,\\nthrift, and worship, as they purposed to have done in our\\nfadre s days, and of lad and lurdains [clowns] would make\\nlords, and generally would use, do, and fulfil all their lusts\\nand wills that God forbade and howbeit, that by the grace\\nof our Lord, and the great and notable diligence of our bel\\n[good] uncle of Gloucester, our lieutenant, and of other com-\\nmissioners and judges in sundry places, lawful execution may\\nbe done upon divers of the said God s traitors and ours the\\nwhich, if reason ought to have been unto them and their\\naccomplices extreme confusion and rebuke; nevertheless, it\\nis credibly from day to day reported unto our said lieutenant\\nand council here, in divers ways, that the wicked and ma-\\nlicious purpose of the said traitors ceaseth not, but con-\\ntinueth and abideth wherefore, howbeit, that we wrote late\\nago unto you, that be now true unto God and us, to the intent\\nthat followeth nevertheless, forasmuch as we know not\\nwhen our said letters came unto you, praying you heartily\\nand also charging you on the failh, truth, and allegiance\\nthat ye owe to God and to us. that with all diligence and\\nwithout delay or tarrying, ye ordain and array you and\\nyours, and stir other such as will accompany you to be ready\\nto assemble, with other of our true liege men to do the\\nsame, and withstand mightily, chastise, and subdue the\\ndamnable malice and enterprise of God s said traitors and\\nours, the which ye and all our true liege men have great", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "222 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncause and matter to have in great await. And, in iespecial,\\nwe will and charge you that ye inquire, consider, and take\\ngood heed from time to time, which of the inhabitants in the\\ncountry about who have now of late time absented them, or\\nabsent from them hereafter, otherwise than their occupation\\nor craft axeth and also, of strange and unknown comers,\\nsuch as any matter of ill suspicion may reasonably be felt\\nin, and that ye arrest, search, and examine them in the\\nstraightest wise, whence they come, and where they have\\nbeen, and of all the days, times, and places of their absence;\\nand also, if sowers of seditions, slanderous or troublous\\nlanguage, or tales. Over this, not suffering privy gather-\\nings, or conventicles to be had or made by night or by day\\nthereabout, you having alway your recourse and resort, when-\\nsoever you think that need is for your succour, your help,\\nand comfort to our said lieutenant and council, whom ye\\nshall find ever well-willed and disposed to purvey that that\\nmay be to your surety, and comfort and ease and fail not\\nin due and diligent execution of these things aforesaid, as\\nye desire our prosperity and yours and welfare. Given\\nunder our privy seal at Westminster, the sixth day of July.\\nTo our trusty and well-beloved the Aldermen and Bailiffs\\nof our town of Bury.\\n{Letters of the Ki7igs of England, ed. cited, i, 115.)\\n103. Mandate for the Burning of a Heretic\\n(1438)\\nLetters of the Kings of England\\nThere exists a misconception regarding the executions of\\nheretics under English law. It is not infrequently supposed that\\nthe death penalty for heresy was peculiar to the reign of Mary.\\n(Nos. 131, 132.) The selection given will therefore be as sug-\\ngestive as No. 141, which follows in the chapter devoted to the\\nreign of Elizabeth.\\nThe king to the sheriffs of London, etc..\\nWhereas the venerable Father Robert, bishop of London,\\nby the assent and consent of reverend men of great discern-\\nment and wisdom, as well doctors of divinity as others,\\ndoctors of the canon and civil law, who were aiding to him\\nin the process of justice required in this behalf, and which\\nhath been observed in all points, hath pronounced John Bis-\\nmire, otherwise called John Chandyrer, of the Parish of\\nSaint Mary-at-Axe, in the city of London, M^ho hath fallen\\nback into the heresy which he held and abjured a heretic\\nrelapsed by his definite sentence, according to laws and", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "LOLLARDY 223\\ncanonical decrees set forth in this matter, even as appeareth\\nto us by the letter of the foresaid bishop and as Holy\\nMother Church hath not any more that she can do in the\\npreceding case\\nWe, therefore, zealous for justice, and revering the catholic\\nfaith, and willing to uphold and defend Holy Church, the\\nrights and liberties of the same, to pluck out by the roots\\nheresies and errors out of our kingdom of England, as far\\nin us lieth, and to punish with condign punishment heretics\\nso convicted; and considering that such heretics, convicted\\nin the form aforesaid, according to law, divine and human,\\nand the canons and institutes in this behalf, ought, as a\\nmatter of course, to be burned with the burning of fire.\\nTo you we command, with all strictness possible, and\\npositively enjoin, that the aforesaid John, now being in your\\ncustody, you cause to be committed to flames in some public\\nand open place, within the liberty of the city foresaid, having\\nmade public the reason before stated, in presence of the\\npeople; and him to be burned in the same fire in very deed,\\nby way of abomination of a crime of this kind, and as an\\nopen example to others, his neighbours: and this at your\\ninstant peril by no means omit ye.\\nWitness the king, the 14th day of May, the sixteenth year\\nof his reign.\\n(^Letters of the Kings of England, ed. cited, I, 119.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "PART V\\nTHE TUDOR PERIOD\\n(1 509-1603)\\n225", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV\\nTHE DIVORCE QUESTION\\n104. Henry s Attempts to secure the Aid of the Church\\n(1530)\\nOriginal Letters\\nThe following letter from the emissary of the king to the\\nItalian universities shows the method on which Henry proceeded\\nin his efforts to obtain the sanction of the Church to his divorce\\nfrom Katherine.\\nRichard Croke to Henry VIH., on the prevarication of\\ncertain Friars of the University of Padua, who had taken\\nhis Majesty s money to give their subscription as disallow-\\ning his marriage with Queen Katharine, but now are for it.\\n(Ms. Had. 416, fol. 21 Orig.)\\nPlease yt yowr Highnes to be aduertysed that syns the\\nxxviij day of Auguste I delyuered vnto friar Thomas xxiij\\nthe xxviij crotiynes syns the whyche tyme he hathe got yowr\\nHighnes but vij subscriptions the whiche I sent by Harwel\\nthe xix of Octobre. And of them, too only excepte, there ys\\nnot on worthy thanke. I have and do often cal vpon hym, but\\nhe answerithe me that there ys no mo doctors to be goten\\nthe contrary whereof I knowye to be trew. And w4ian I de-\\nmande off hym for the declaration off my accompts som\\nremembrance off his hande for xlvij crouynes whyche I\\nhave paide hym, he answerythe that at th end off the cause\\nhe wyl other make me a byl, or delyver me th ole money\\nayene. And hys cause why he wol make me no byl, ys, as\\nhe saithe, feare leste hys byl myght be shewed to yow\\nHighnes aduersaryes. Off the whyche pretendyd feare I\\nso moche the more douzt, by cause I have taken hym twysse\\nstyffelye reasonying upon the Queenys parte ayenste yowr\\nHighnes conclusion with a friar of Florence, whom afore\\nthys day he alwayes assuryed me to be off yowr Highnes\\nopinion. Albeyt now he saithe the said friar ys departyd,\\nbeynge utter enymye to the same. And in communication,\\n227", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "228 SOURCE-BOOK Of ENGLISH HISTORy\\nSoverayiie Lord, with me upon his said reasonyiige with\\nthe said friar, he said to me that th Emperowrs embassator\\nshulde say to him quod si velit procurare pro Regina merces\\nejus non staret intus pauciila scuta, and he addyd these\\nwords to the same, Crede mihi, Croce, posse me efficere si\\nvelim facere quod alii velint et faciunt, ut quidquid hactenus\\nfecerim pro rege illi magis obsit quam prosit. Thys frute\\ncommythe off Rhaphaels works put in printe makinge pro-\\ntestation in the work writen ayenste yowr Highnes quod\\nquidquid scripserit pro eadem id onine tantum ex aliornm\\nmente non sua ad ingenii exercitationem scripserit. And\\nthat the worke writen ayenste yowr Highnes ys hys very\\ntrew and playne opinion, and firme and ful sentence and\\nmynde. What hurte thys worke with sutche werks as ar in\\nEngHshe, setforthe in England (by comen rumor here) ay-\\nenste yowr Highnes cause, dot the unto yowr Highnes said\\ncause I have at temptit by doble lettres sente by the means\\noff Harwel from Venice to Antewarpe, and from Antewarpe\\nto yowr Highnes by post, purposely acertayned yowr High-\\nnes. And consyderinge that I can get no mo subscription\\nnother off Friar Ambrose nor off Thomas, very feare com-\\npellythe me to aduertyse yowr Highnes that all these Friars\\nwere firste and only attayned vnto yowr Highnes by me.\\nAnd Ambrose had off me for the gettinge of the determina-\\ntion off Padua for his parte only xx crouynes. Thomas\\nhathe had xlvij crouynes. Franciscus, for him and Dio-\\nnysius, Ixxvij crouynes, as I can right wel prove. And thys\\nnotwithstandynge, whan I cal upon them for som frute of\\nnone off theyr labor, except Dionysius, I can get non. And\\nas Ambrose hathe answerid me that my Lorde of London\\nhathe commandyd hym tantum in causa regia facere quam\\nipsi prescripserit Cassalius, so Leonicus, a man off greate\\ngravitye and lernynge, by his lettres whereof f a copye I\\nsende herein enclosyd) acertaynthe me off a wars poynte.\\nAlbe yt I truste yt be not so, for suche commaundemente\\ncoulde not but be prejudicial, as wel unto yowr high cause\\nas unto my labors taken in the same, and also to the losse\\noff the money that I have laid owzt to the said friars, for\\nthe same. Nor can I not perceve how (yff thys be true)\\nthat I any more may preferre yowr most high causes in\\nVenice and the partyes abowzt. Whose importune labor\\nmy Lorde knowethe to have bene the principal and chefe\\ncause off the successe that yowr Highnes cause hathe had\\nin Italye. Where afore my commynge, nor yet by other men", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE Dll ORCE QUESTION 229\\nlonge after, there was (as yowr Highnes and al other know-\\nethe) nothinge earthely done. And I beseche yowr Highnes\\nto pondre my good harte and acts passed, the whyche shall\\nnever (to dye for yt) cease to farther yowr said Highnes\\npleasure in thys behalffe, with all payne, faythe, and dili-\\ngence, as the effect off my endevor I truste shal alwayes\\nfrutefully profe. And thus I besech our mooste mercyful\\nSaviour Christe to preserve yowr moste noble Grace. At\\nVenice, the xxiij^ off Octobre, with the rude hand off yowr\\nmoste High Majestyes.\\nMoste humble and lauly servante\\nRICHARDE CROKE.\\n(From Original Letters illustrative of English History, Ellis, Load., 1846\\nThird Series, II, p. 167.\\n105. Speeches made in the Divorce Trial between Henry VIII\\nand Katherine of Arragon\\n(1529)\\nSoniers Tracts\\nThe four speeches which follow show the hasty method of\\nthe proceedings as inaugurated, the gross injustice to the queen,\\nand the independence of Campeius, who refused to bend his\\nsense of right to the will of the royal despot. The determination\\nof the cardinal that judgment must be given by the pope was an\\nimportant factor in producing the religious revolution which\\nlater shook England to her centre and freed her from papal\\ndomination.\\nThe four following articles are the Speeches of the different\\nparties at the famous trial of Divorce, before Wolsey and Cam-\\npeius, as papal commissioners, 21st June, 1529. The Speeches\\nare here given rather more fully than in the Chronicles.\\nThe Speech of Queen Katherine. which she made when\\nshe was called upon, about the Divorce of her and the King,\\nwho rose out of her chair, and came to the King, and kneeling\\ndown at his feet, said as followeth\\nSir,\\nIn what have I offended you? Or what occasion of dis-\\npleasure have I given you, intending thus to put me from\\nyou? I take God to be my judge, I have been to you a\\ntrue and humble wife, ever conformable to your will and\\npleasure; never contradicting or gain-saying you in any", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "230 SOURCE-BOOK OP ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthing: being always Contented with all things, wherein you\\nhad any delight, or took any pleasure, without grudge, or\\ncountenance of discontent or displeasure. I loved, for your\\nsake, all them whom you loved, whether I had cause or no;\\nwhether they were my friends, or my enemies. I have been\\nyour wife these twenty years or more, and you had by me\\ndivers children; and when you had me first, I take God to\\nbe my judge, that I was a maid and whether it be true or no,\\nI put it to your own conscience. If there be any just cause\\nthat you can alledge against me, either of dishonesty, or mat-\\nter lawful to put me from you, I am content to depart, to my\\nshame and confusion and if there be none, then I pray\\nyou to let me have justice at your hands. The king, your\\nfather, was, in his time, of such an excellent wit, that he\\nwas accounted amongst all men for wisdom, to be a second\\nSolomon; and the king of Spain, my father Fardinand, was\\naccounted one of the wisest princes that had reigned in\\nSpain for many years. It is not, therefore, to be doubted,\\nbut that they had gathered as wise counsellors unto them,\\nof every realm, as to their wisdom they thought meet And\\nI conceive, that there were in those days, as wise and well-\\nlearned men, in both the realms, as be now at this day, who\\nthought the marriage between you and me good and lawful.\\nTherefore it is a wonder to me, what new inventions are\\nnow invented against me. And now to put me to stand to\\nthe order and judgment of this court, seems very unreason-\\nable. For you may condemn me for want of being able to\\nanswer for myself; as having no council, but such as you\\nassigned me; who cannot be indifferent on my part, since\\nthey are your subjects, and such as you have taken, and\\nchosen out of your own council; whereunto they are privy,\\nand dare not disclose your will, and intent. Therefore I\\nhumbly pray you, to spare me, until I may know, what\\ncouncil my friends in Spain will advise me to take and if\\nyou will not, then your pleasure be fulfilled. And with\\nthat she rose up, and departed, never more appearing in any\\ncourt.\\nKing Henry the Vlllth s Speech upon the Queen s depart-\\nure out of the Court.\\nI will now, in her absence, declare this unto you all. That\\nshe has been unto me as true and obedient a wife, as I could\\nwish, or desire. She has all the virtuous qualities, that", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE DIJ ORCE QUESTION\\n2-JI\\nought to be in a woman of her dignity, or in any other of\\nmean condition. She is also surely a noble woman born\\nHer condition will well declare it.\\nThe Speech of Queen Katherine to Cardinal Campeius. and\\nWolsey, they being sent by the king.\\nMy lords, I cannot answer you so suddenly; for I was\\nset, among my maids, at work, little thinking of any such\\nmatter; wherein there needs a longer deliberation, and a\\nbetter head than mine, to make answer. For I have need\\nof council in this case, which concerns me so near and for\\nany council, or friends that I can find in England, they are\\nnot for my profit. For it is not likely that any Englishman\\nwill council me, or be a friend to me against the king s\\npleasure, since they are his subjects; and for my council, in\\nwhich I may trust, they are in Spain.\\nThe Speech of Cardinal Campeius, upon King Henry the\\nVHIth s calling for judgment.\\nI will not give judgment, till I have made relation to the\\npope of all our proceedings whose council, and command,\\nI will observe. The matter is too high for us to give an\\nhasty judgment, considering the highness of the persons,\\nand doubtfulness of the case and also whose commissioners\\nwe be, under whose authority we sit. It were therefore\\nreason that we should make our chief head a council in the\\nsame, before we proceed to a definitive sentence. I came\\nnot to please, for favour, need, or dread, of any person alive,\\nbe he king, or otherwise. I have no such respect to the\\nperson, that I will offend my conscience. I will not, for\\nthe favour or disfavour of any high estate, do that thing,\\nwhich shall be against the will of God. am an old man,\\n(both weak and sickly) that look daily for death. I ivill\\nnot wade any farther in this matter, until I have the opinion\\nand assent of the pope.\\n(From Sotners Collection of Tracts, ed. by Walter Scott, Lond., 1809, I, 223.)\\n106. The Divorce Proceedings announced to the House of Commons\\n(1531)\\nParhajfientnry History\\nOn March 30, 1531, the Lord Chancellor, together with a\\ncommittee of Lords Spiritual and Temporal, went to the House\\nof Commons, where the Chancellor opened the proceedings witft\\na brief speech announcing tlie reason of the visit. There is a", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "232 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\norim humour in the king s self-accusation of incestuous union,\\nand the subserviency of the consulted authorities is an object-\\nlesson of the time. The object of the communication is set forth\\nin the concluding sentences of the extract, but it may be doubted\\nif the purpose was accomplished.\\nYou of this worshipful House,\\nI am sure you be not so ignorant but you know well that\\nthe Kyng our Soveraign Lorde hath maried his Brother s\\nWyfe for she was both wedded and bedded with his Brother\\nPrince Arthur, and therefore you may surely say that he\\nhath maried his Brother s Wyfe, if this Mariage be good as\\nso many Clerkes do doubt; Wherefore the Kyng, like a vir-\\ntuous Prince, willing to be satisfied in his Conscience, and\\nalso for the Suretie of his Realme, hath, with great Delibera-\\ntion, consulted with great Clerkes, and hath sent my Lorde\\nof London, here present, to the chiefe Universities of all\\nChristendome, to know their Opinion and Judgment in that\\nBehalf. And altho the Universities of Cambryge and Ox-\\nforde had been sufficient to discusse the Cause, yet, because\\nthey be in this Realme, and to avoyde all Suspicion of Par-\\ntiality, he hath sent into the Realme of France, Italy, the\\nPope s Dominions, and Venetians, to know their Judgment\\nin that Behalf; which have concluded, written, and sealed\\ntheir Determinations, accordyng as you shall heare red.\\nThen Sir Brian Tuke took out of a Box twelve Writings\\nsealed, and read them before the House as they were trans-\\nlated into the English Tongue.\\nNext follows, in Hall, the Judgment of the Foreign Uni-\\nversities; which were those of Paris, Orleans, Anjou, Bruges,\\nBononia, and Padua, at Length. These being somewhat\\nforeign to our Purpose, we shall therefore content ourselves\\nwith observing, That the Question put to these learned So-\\ncieties was, Whether the Pope s Dispensation for a Brother s\\nmarrying a Brother s Wife, after Consummation with her\\nformer Husband, was valid or not Which, as the Question\\nwas stated, they all gave in the Negative.\\nThese Determinations being all read in the House, there\\nwere produced abouve an hundred different Books, wrote by\\nforeign Civilians and Divines, against the Lawfulness of the\\nMarriage; which, says Hall, because the Day was far spent,\\nwere not read. Then the Chancellor again said, Now you\\nof this Commen House may reporte in your Countries what\\nyou have seene and heard; and then all Men shall openly", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "rilE DirOKCE QUESTION 233\\nperceyve that the Kyng hath not attempted this Matter of\\nWyll or Pleasure, as some Straungers reporte, but only for\\nthe Discharge of his Conscience, and Suretie of the Succes-\\nsion of his Realme. This is the Cause of our Repayre hyther\\nto you, and now we vvyl departe.\\ni^Parliameyitnry History, and ed., Lond., 1762. Vol. Ill, p. 81.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV\\nHENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH\\n107. Payment of Annates to the Pope forbidden\\nParliamentary History\\nThe struggle between Henry VIII. and the Pope on the ques-\\ntion of divorce caused the king to assume the headship of the\\nCatholic Church in England and to take that church from papal\\ncontrol. The first important step was taken in 1531 when the\\nclergy were compelled to address Henry as Head of the Church\\nand Clergy so far as the law of Christ will allow.\\nThe second was the act restraining the payment of annates to\\nthe pope. The selection given contains a summary of this act.\\nIts language should be compared with the other anti-papal\\nstatutes contained in this chapter. They in turn should be read\\nin connection with those given in Chapters XI, XVII, XVIII,\\nand XIX. The acts given in these and preceding chapters\\nfurnish material for the study of the development of the inde-\\npendent Church of England.\\nThis year also an Act passed, concerning Annates, or the\\nFirst-Fruits of Bishoprics, paid usually to the See of Rome,\\nfor the obtaining of Palls, Bulls, etc., the Preamble and Con-\\nsideration v^hereof was, as appears in the Records, i. The\\ngreat Sums of Money already passed out of the Kingdom\\nthat Way, being no less than i6o,coo I Sterling, since the\\nsecond Year of Henry VII. 2. That more was likely to be\\nshortly transported, by reason many of the Bishops are aged.\\n3. That the first Use and Grant of them was for maintaining\\nArms against Infidels. So that it was enacted, That they\\nshould henceforth cease, and no Money to be paid to Rome\\nto that Intent, except as is hereafter specified, viz. Lest the\\nCourt of Rome should think themselves irremunerated for\\ntheir Pain in making and sealing Bulls in Lead, etc., it was\\nordained, That there may be allowed for the said Bulls Five\\nPounds in the Hundred, according to the Rate of each\\nBishopric s clear Value above all Charges. And if any\\nMan, being chosen to a Bishopric, and presented by the\\n234", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 235\\nKing to the Pope, shall hereupon find any Lett or Hinder-\\nance, by Restraint of his Bulls, upon convenient Suit for\\nthe same, then he may be named and presented by the\\nKing s Highness to the Archbishop of the Province, who\\nshall consecrate him; or, the said Archbishop delaying,\\nunder Pretence of wanting Pall, Bull, etc., the Person so\\nnamed shall be consecrated, and invested by any two Bishops\\nof the Land whom the King shall appoint thereto; and shall\\nbe held and reputed thereafter as a compleat Bishop. But\\nof this Act we shall speak again, when we come to the 25th\\nYear of the King For though it passed the Parliament now,\\nand the King gave his Assent thereto, yet Power was re-\\nserved for him to annul or confirm the same any Time within\\ntwo Years next following.\\nMoreover, in this Statute, the King and his Parliament de-\\nclare. That they do not intend to use any Extremity or\\nMolence, before gentle and courteous Ways have been at-\\ntempted But it shall please the King to propose an amicable\\nComposition to the Pope, and his Holliness shall be content\\neither to abolish or moderate those Annates, then the Com-\\npositions, so made, to stand firm But if, under the said\\namicable Propositions, the Realm cannot be disburdened, and\\nthat, for the Continuance of the same, the Pope shall un-\\njustly vex and disquiet the King or his Subjects by any Ex-\\ncommunication, etc., be it then enacted, by the Authority\\naforesaid. That the King s Highness, his Heirs and Succes-\\nsors, Kings of England, and all his Spiritual and Lay Sub-\\njects of the same, without any Scruple of Conscience,^ shall\\nand may lawfully, to the Honour of Almighty God, the In-\\ncrease and Continuance of Virtue and good Example within\\nthis Realm (the said Censures, Excommunications, Inter-\\ndictions, Compulsories, or any of them, notwithstanding),\\nminister, or cause to be ministered, throughout this said Re-\\nalm, and all other the Dominions and Territories belonging\\nor appertaining thereunto, all and all Manner of Sacraments,\\nSacramentals, Ceremonies, or other Divine Service of Holy\\nChurch, or any other Thing or Things necessary for the\\nHealth of the Soul of Mankind, as they heretofore, at any\\nTime or Times, have been virtuously used or accustomed to\\ndo within the same. And that no Manner of such Censures,\\nExcommunications, Interdictions, or any other Process or\\nCompulsories shall by any of the Prelates, or other Spiritual\\nFathers of this Realm, nor by any of their Ministers or", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "236 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nSubstitutes, be at any Time or Times hereafter published,\\nexecuted, or divulged, in any Manner of Ways.\\n{Parliamentary History, ed. cit., Ill, p. 88.)\\n108. Appeals to Rome prohibited\\n(1533)\\nParliamejitary History\\nThe following Act was a further severance of the Church of\\nEngland from the domination of the See of Rome, restraining\\nthe Canonical Courts from carrying appeals to the Pope. The\\nterse comment at the end, written by the author of the portion\\nof the History from which the Act is quoted, well sums up the\\nmotive for the action taken.\\nThat no Appeals should be made out of this Realm for\\nthese Reasons, viz. That whereas the Kingdom of England\\nwas a just Empire, furnished with such able Persons, both\\nSpiritual and Temporal, as could decide all Controversies\\narising in it And whereas Edward I. Edward III. Richard\\nII. Henry IV. and other Kings of this Realm, had made\\nsundry Ordinances, Laws, and Statutes, for the Conservation\\nof the Prerogative, Liberties, and Pre-eminences of the said\\nImperial Crown, and of the Jurisdictions Spiritual and Tem-\\nporal of the same, to keep it from the Annoyance of the See\\nof Rome, as also from the Authority of other foreign\\nPotentates attempting the Diminution or Violation thereof:\\nAnd because, notwithstanding the said Acts, divers Appeals\\nhave been sued to the See of Rome in Causes Testamentary,\\nCauses of Matrimony and Divorce, Right of Tythes, Ob-\\nlations and Obvertions, to the great Vexation and Charge\\nof the King s Highness and his Subjects, and the Delay of\\nJustice; and forasmuch as the Distance of the Way to Rome\\nis such, as the necessary Proofs and true Knowledge of the\\nCause cannot be brought thither, and represented so well as\\nin this Kingdom, and that therefore many Persons be with-\\nout Remedy, it is therefore enacted, That all Causes Testa-\\nmentary, Causes of Matrimony and Divorces, Tythes, Obla-\\ntions, and Obventions, either commenced or depending form-\\nerly, or which hereafter shall commence in any of the\\nKing s Dominions, shall be heard, discussed, and definitively\\ndetermined within the King s Jurisdiction and Authority in\\nthe Courts Spiritual and Temporal of the same, any foreign\\nInhibition or Restraints to the contrary notwithstanding: So\\nthat, any Excommunication or Interdiction on this Occasion\\nshould follow from that See, the Prelates and Clergy of this", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 2^7\\nRealm should administer Sacraments, and say Divine Serv-\\nice, and do all other their Duties, as formerly hath been\\nused, upon Penalty of One Year s Imprisonment, and Fine at\\nthe King s Pleasure and they who procured the said Sen-\\ntences should fall into a Prcemunirc. As for the Orders to\\nbe observed henceforth, it was enacted, That in Suits com-\\nmenced before the Arch-Deacon or his Officials, Appeal\\nmight be made to the Bishop of the said See and from\\nthence, within fifteen Days, to the Archbishop of Canter-\\nbury, or Archbishop of York, respectively in their Provinces,\\nand so likewise to the Archbishops in the King s other Do-\\nminions. Or if Suit be commenced before the Arch-Deacon\\nor any Archbishop or his Commissaries, then appeal may be\\nmade within fifteen Days to the Court of Arches, and so to\\nthe Archbishops without further Appeal In all which Cases\\nthe Prerogative of the Archbishop and Church of Canter-\\nbury was reserved. That if any Suit arose betwix the King\\nand his Subjects, Appeal might be made within fifteen Days\\nto the Prelates of the Upper House in the Convocation then\\nsitting, or next called by the King s Writ, there to be finally\\ndetermined: And that they who shall take out any Appeal\\ncontrary to the Effect of this Act, or refuse to obey it, they,\\ntheir Adherents, and Counsellors, shall incur the Penalty\\nof the Statute of 16 Richard II. And it is natural to sup-\\npose, that the Spirituality, finding the Power, invested for-\\nmerly in the Pope, to be devolved now in great part on them,\\ndid more easily suffer the Diminution of Papal Authority.\\n{Parliamentary History, e4\u00c2\u00bb cil., Ill, p. 93.)\\n109. Henry s Attitude toward Heretics\\n(25 Henry VIII., c. 14, 1533-34)\\nStattitei at Large of England\\nHenry s laws against heretics were intended to strike a blow\\nat the exercise of the papal power in England, but they also\\nshow that his antagonism was against the headship of the Pope\\nand not against the prevailing faith. To Henry, the Church\\nof Rome was the true Church he cherished the idea that he\\ncould in England take the place hitherto held by the Pope, and\\nyet preserve the doctrines of the Church in their entirety. He\\nwas therefore as severe in his enactments against heretics as in\\nthose against traitors.\\nAN ACT FOR PUNISHMENT OF HERESY\\nI. (Preamble.)\\nII. And nevertheless forasmuch as the most foul and de-\\ntestable crime of heresy should not hereafter grow and in-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "238 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncrease, but utterly be abhorred, detested, and eradicate, nor\\nthat any heretics should be favoured, but that they should\\nhave condign and sufficient punishment, and for the repres-\\nsion of heretics and such erroneous opinions in time coming\\nbe it established, ordained, and enacted by the authority of\\nthis present Parliament, that the statute made in the fifth\\nyear of your noble progenitor King Richard the Second, and\\nthe statute made in the second year of King Henry the Fifth\\n[Fourth], concerning punishment and reformation of Here-\\ntics and Lollards, and every provision therein contained, not\\nbeing repugnant to this Act, shall be, and stand, in their\\nforce, strength, and effect.\\nSheriffs in their turns, and Stewards in their leets, rapes,\\nand wapentakes, shall have authority to inquire of heretics;\\nand every such presentment made in any turn, leet, etc., con-\\ncerning heretics, shall be certified to the Ordinary, Every\\nperson presented or indicted of any heresy, or duly accused\\nby two lawful witnesses, may be cited, arrested, or taken by\\nan Ordinary, or other of the King s subjects, and committed\\nto the Ordinary, to answer in open court, and being convicted\\nshall abjure his heresies, and refusing so to do, or falling\\ninto relapse, shall be burned in an open place for example of\\nothers.\\nin.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 VI.\\nVH. And where the great number of the King s subjects\\nhaving little or no knowledge of letters have been put in opin-\\nion, that by divers laws, decrees, ordinances, and constitu-\\ntions heretofore made by the bishop of Rome, called the Pope,\\nand his predecessors, or by their authorities, for the ad-\\nvancement of their worldly glory and ambition, every man\\nthat in any thing speaketh or doth against the said pre-\\ntended power or authority of the same bishop of Rome, or\\nany of the said laws, decrees, ordinances, and constitutions,\\nstandeth in danger and is impeachable of heresy; which ef-\\nfect or matter, nor any such laws, decrees, ordinances, or\\nconstitutions, not approved and confirmed by Holy Scripture,\\nwas never commonly accepted or confirmed to be any law of\\nGod or man within this realm. No speaking, doing, com-\\nmunication, or holding against the Pope, nor any speaking,\\ndoing, communication, or holding against any laws called\\nspiritual laws, made by authority of the See of Rome, re-\\npugnant to the laws and statutes of this realm or the King s\\nprerogative royal, shall be reputed heresy, or punishable as\\nsuch. Persons accused or indicted of heresy may be let to", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "f HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 239\\nbail by the Ordinaries, or by two justices of peace, except\\nthe Ordinary declare to the King s Council a reasonable\\ncause why they should not be bailed.\\n(Ed. from Stattites at Large of England and Great Britain, Lond., 1811.\\nHI, p. 156.)\\nHO. Submission of the Clergy\\n(25 Henry VIII., c. 19, 1533-34)\\nIn the following Act, Henry practically assumes dominion\\nover the English Church. Sections I, II. and VII were recited\\nin a later Act and continued for three years. Later again,\\nsimilar provisions were made, to endure for the life of the king.\\nThe effect of these enactments was to legally vest in the king\\nthat appellate jurisdiction which had hitherto been the prero-\\ngative of the Pope, and to abolish the control of convocations\\nover ecclesiastical affairs.\\nAN ACT FOR THE SUBMISSION OF THE CLERGY TO THE KINGS\\nMAJESTY\\nI. Where the King s humble and obedient subjects, the\\nclergy of this realm of England, have not only acknowledged\\naccording to the truth, that the convocations of the same\\nclergy are always, hath been, and ought to be, assembled only\\nby the King s writ, but also submitting themselves to the\\nKing s Majesty, have promised in vcrho saccrdocii that they\\nwill never from henceforth presume to attempt, allege, claim,\\nor put in use, or enact, promulgate or execute any new can-\\nons, constitutions, ordinance provincial or other, or by what-\\nsoever other name they shall be called in the convocation,\\nunless the King s most royal assent and license may to them\\nbe had, to make, promulgate, and execute the same, and that\\nhis Majesty do give his most royal assent and authority in\\nthat behalf: And whereas divers constitutions, ordinances,\\nand canons, provincial or synodal, which heretofore have\\nbeen enacted, and be thought not only to be much preju-\\ndicial to the King s prerogative royal, and repugnant to the\\nlaws and statutes of this realm, but also overmuch onerous\\nto his Highness and his subjects; the said clergy have most\\nhumbly besought the King s Highness that the said con-\\nstitutions and canons may be committed to the examination\\nand judgment of his Highness, and oi two-and-thirty per-\\nsons of the King s subjects, whereof sixteen to be of the\\nUpper and Nether House of the Parliament of the tempo-\\nralty, and the other sixteen to be of the clergy of this realm\\nand all the said two-and-thirty persons to be chosen and", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "240 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nappointed by the King s Majesty; and that such of the said\\nconstitutions and canons as shall be thought and determined\\nby the said two-and-thirty persons, or the more part of them,\\nworthy to be abrogated and annulled, shall be abolished and\\nmade of no value accordingly; and such other of the same\\nconstitutions and canons as by the said two-and-thirty, or\\nthe more part of them, shall be approved to stand with the\\nlaws of God and consonant to the laws of this realm, shall\\nstand in their full strength and power, the King s most royal\\nassent being first had and obtained to the same Be it there-\\nfore now enacted by authority of this present Parliament\\naccording to the said submission and petition of the said\\nclergy, that they, nor any of them from henceforth, shall\\npresume to attempt, allege, claim, or put in use any constitu-\\ntions or ordinance, provincial or synodal, or any other can-\\nons, nor shall enact, promulgate, or execute any such canons,\\nconstitutions, or ordinances provincial, by whatsoever name\\nor names they may be called, in their convocations in time\\ncoming (which always shall be assembled by authority of\\nthe King s writ) unless the same clergy may have the King s\\nmost royal assent and license to make, promulgate, and\\nexecute such canons, constitutions, and ordinances, provin-\\ncial or synodal upon pain of every one of the said clergy\\ndoing contrary to this Act, and being thereof convicted, to\\nsuffer imprisonment, and make fine at the King s will.\\n11. And forasmuch as such canons, constitutions, and or-\\ndinances, as heretofore have been made by the clergy of this\\nrealm, cannot now at the session of this present Parliament,\\nby reason of shortness of time, be viewed, examined, and\\ndetermined by the King s Highness and thirtj^ -two persons\\nto be chosen and appointed according to the petition of the\\nsaid clergy in form above rehearsed; Be it therefore enacted\\nby authority aforesaid, That the King s Highness shall have\\npower and authority to nominate and assign, at his pleasure,\\nthe said two-and-thirty persons of his subjects, whereof six-\\nteen [are] to be of the clergy and sixteen to be of the tempo-\\nralty of the Upper and Nether House of the Parliament and\\nif any of the said two-and thirty persons so chosen shall hap-\\npen to die before their full determination, then his Highness\\nto nominate other from time to time of the said two Houses\\nof the Parliament, to supply the number of the said two-and-\\nthirty; and that the same two-and-thirty, by his Highness\\n-SO to be named, shall have power and authority to view,\\nsearch, and examine the said canons, constitutions, and or-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "HENRY JUL AND THE CHURCH 241\\ndinances, provincial and synodal heretofore made and such\\nof them as the King s Highness and the said two-and-thirty,\\nor the more part of them, shall deem and adjudge worthy to\\nbe continued, kept, and obeyed, shall be from thenceforth\\nkept, obeyed, and executed within this realm, so that the\\nKing s most royal assent under his great seal be first had\\nto the same and the residue of the said canons, constitu-\\ntions, and ordinances provincial which the King s Highness,\\nand the said two-and-thirty persons, or the more part of\\nthem, shall not approve, or deem and judge worthy to be\\nabolished, abrogated, and made frustrate, shall from thence-\\nforth be void and of none effect, and never be put in execu-\\ntion within this realm. Provided always. That no canons,\\nconstitutions, or ordinances shall be made or put in execution\\nwithin this realm by authority of the convocation of the\\nclergy, which shall be contrary or repugnant to the King s\\nprerogative royal, or the customs, laws, or statutes of this\\nrealm anything contained in this Act to the contrary hereof\\nnotwithstanding.\\nHI. And be it further enacted by authority aforesaid.\\nThat from the feast of Easter, which shall be in the year of\\nour Lord God one thousand five hundred and thirty-four, no\\nmanner of appeals shall be provoked or made out of this\\nrealm, or out of any of the King s dominions, to the bishop of\\nRome, nor to the See of Rome, in any causes or matters\\nhappening to be in contention, and having their commence-\\nment and beginning in any of the courts within this realm,\\nor within any of the King s dominions, of what nature, con-\\ndition, or quality soever they be of but that all manner of\\nappeals, of what nature or condition soever they be of, or\\nwhat cause or matter soever the}^ concern, shall be made and\\nhad by the parties aggrieved or having cause of appeal,\\nafter such manner, form, and condition as is limited for\\nappeals to be had and prosecuted within this realm in causes\\nof matrimony, tithes, oblations, and obventions. by a statute\\nthereof made and established since the beginning of this\\npresent Parliament, and according to the form and effect\\nof the said statute and usage, custom, prescription, or any\\nthing or things to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.\\nIV. And for lack of justice at or in any the courts of\\nthe archbishops of this realm, or in any the King s do-\\nminions, it shall be lawful to the parties grieved, to appeal\\nto the King s Majesty in the King s Court of Chancery: and\\nthat upon every such appeal, a commission shall be directed", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "242 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nunder the Great Seal to such persons as shall be named by\\nthe King s Highness, his heirs or successors, like as in case\\nof appeal from the Admiral s Court, to hear and definitively\\ndetermine such appeals, and the causes concerning the same\\nWhich commissioners, so by the King s Highness, his heirs\\nor successors, to be named or appointed, shall have full\\npower and authority to hear and definitively determine every\\nsuch appeal, with the causes and all circumstances concern-\\ning the same; and that such judgment and sentence as the\\nsaid commissioners shall make and decree in and upon any\\nsuch appeal shall be good and effectual, and also definitive;\\nand no further appeals to be had or made from the said com-\\nmissioners for the same.\\nV. And if any person or persons, at any timiC after the\\nsaid feast of Easter, provoke or sue any manner of appeals,\\nof what nature or condition soever they be, to the said bishop\\nof Rome, or to the See of Rome, or do procure or execute\\nany manner of process from the See of Rome, or by authority\\nthereof, to the derogation or let of the due execution of this\\nAct, or contrary to the same, that then every such person or\\npersons so doing, their aiders, councillors, and abettors, shall\\nincur and run into the dangers, pains, and penalties con-\\ntained and limited in the Act of Provision and PrcBmunire\\nmade in the sixteenth year of the King s most noble pro-\\ngenitor. King Richard the Second, against such as sue to the\\ncourt of Rome against the King s crown and prerogative\\nroyal.\\nVI. Provided always. That all manner of provocations and\\nappeals hereafter to be had, made, or taken from the juris-\\ndiction of any abbots, priors, or other heads and governors of\\nmonasteries, abbeys, priories, and other houses and places\\nexempt, in such cases as they were wont or might afore\\nthe making of this Act, by reason of grants or liberties of\\nsuch places exempt, to have or make immediately any appeal\\nof provocation to the bishop of Rome, otherwise called Pope,\\nor to the See of Rome, that in all these cases every person\\nand persons, having cause of appeal or provocation, shall\\nand may take and make their appeals and provocations im-\\nmediately to the King s Majesty of this realm, into the Court\\nof Chancery, in like manner and form as thev used afore to\\ndo to the See of Rome which appeals and provocations so\\nmade shall be definitively determined by authority of the\\nKing s commission, in such manner and form as in this Act\\nis above-mentioned so that no archbishop nor bishop of this", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH \u00c2\u00b143\\nrealm shall intermit or meddle with any such appeals, other-\\nwise or in any other manner than they might have done be-\\nfore the making of this Act; any thing in this Act to the\\ncontrary thereof notwithstanding.\\nVII. Provided also, That such canons, constitutions, or-\\ndinances, and synodals provincial being already made, which\\nbe not contrary or repugnant to the laws, statutes, and cus-\\ntoms of this realm, nor to the damage or hurt of the King s\\nprerogative royal, shall now still be used and executed as\\nthey were before the making of this Act, till such time as\\nthey be viewed, searched, or otherwise ordered or determined\\nby the said two-and-thirty persons, or the more part of them,\\naccording to the tenor, form, and effect of this Present Act.\\n(Ed. from Statutes at Large, ed. cit., Ill, p. 162.)\\nHI. The Act of Supremacy\\n(26 Henry VIII, c. i, 1535)\\nStatutes at Large of England\\nThe Act of Supremacy was little more than an ex post facto\\nannouncement, yet it had far-reaching effect. It left no ground\\nfor retreat the position so assumed must be at all hazards\\nmaintained.\\nTHE king s grace TO BE ACKNOWLEDGED SUPREME HEAD\\nAlbeit the king s majesty justly and rightfully is and\\nought to be the supreme head of the church of England, and\\nso is recognized by the clergy of this realm in their con-\\nvocations, yet nevertheless for corroboration and confirma-\\ntion thereof, and for increase of virtue in Christ s religion\\nwithin this realm of England, and to repress and extirp all\\nerrors, heresies, and other enormities and abuses heretofore\\nused in the same Be it enacted by authority of this present\\nParliament, that the king our sovereign lord, his heirs and\\nsuccessors kings of this realm, shall be taken, accepted, and\\nreputed the only supreme head in earth of the Church of Eng-\\nland, called Anglicana Ecclcsia; and shall have and enjoy,\\nannexed and united to the imperial crown of this realm, as\\nwell the title and style thereof, as all honours, dignities, pre-\\neminencies, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, immunities,\\nprofits, and commodities, to the said dignity of supreme head\\nof the same church belonging and appertaining.\\nAnd that our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors\\nkings of this realm, shall have full power and authority from\\ntime to time to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct,\\nrestrain, and amend all such errors, heresies, abuses, of-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "244 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfences, contempts, and enormities, whatsoever they be, which\\nby any manner spiritual authority ought or may lawfully be\\nreformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained,\\nor amended, most to the pleasure of Almighty God, the in-\\ncrease of virtue in Christ s religion, and for the conservation\\nof the peace, unity, and tranquillity of this realm and usage,\\ncustom, foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription, or any\\notlier thing or things to the contrary hereof notwithstanding.\\n(Ed. from Stat7ites at Large, ed. cit., Ill, p. 1S7.)\\n112. Denial of the Authority of the Pope\\n(28 Henry VIII., c. 10, 1536-37)\\nStatutes at Large of England\\nThe absolute renunciation of all allegiance to the See of Rome\\nwas the natural corollary to the Act of Supremacy, and the Act\\ncontaining this renunciation is one of the shortest in the statute\\nbooks. Yet its meaning was unmistakable, and it gave promise\\nof stern determination. The Act was repealed by the general\\nwords of I and II. Philip and Mary, c. VIII but it was after-\\nward practically re-affirmed by Elizabeth.\\nAN ACT EXTINGUISHING THE AUTHORITY OF THE BISHOP OF\\nROME\\nIf any person shall extol the authority of the bishop of\\nRome, he shall incur the penalty of prcBiminire provided by\\nStat. 16 R. 2 c. 5. Every ecclesiastical and lay officer shall\\nbe sworn to renounce the said bishop and his authority, and\\nto resist it to his power, and to repute any oath taken in\\nmaintenance of the said bishop, or his authority, to be void;\\nand the refusing of the said oath, being tendered, shall be\\nadjudged high treason.\\n(Ed. from Statutes at Large, ed. cit., Ill, p. 262.)\\n113. The Dissolution of the Monasteries\\n(27 Henry VIII, c. 28, 1535-36)\\nStatutes at Large of England\\nThe dissolution of the lesser monasteries was a severe blow\\nto the Church of Rome. The following Act sets forth the reasons\\nassigned for the suppression ^of these houses, as well as the de-\\ntermination that they shall be suppressed. It will be noted that\\nthe greater monasteries are highly spoken of; the good faith of\\nthe statements can be judged by the subsequent destruction of\\nthe last citadels of the old faith.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 245\\nAN ACT THAT ALL RELIGIOUS HOUSES UNDER THE YEARLY\\nREVENUE OF TWO HUNDRED POUNDS SHALL BE DISSOLVED\\nAND GIVEN TO THE KING AND HIS HEIRS.\\nForasmuch as manifest synne, vicious, carnal, and abom-\\ninable Living is daily used and committed commonly in such\\nlittle and small Abbeys, Priories, and other Religious Houses\\nof Monks, Canons, and Nuns, where the Congregation of\\nsuch Religious Persons is under the Number of twelve Per-\\nsons, whereby the Governors of such Religios Houses and\\ntheir Covent spoyle, destroye, consume, and utterly waste,\\nas well their Churches, Monasteries, Priories, principal\\nHouses, Farms, Granges, Lands, Tenements, and Heridita-\\nments, as the Ornaments of their Churches, and their Goods\\nand Chattels, to the high Displeasure of Almighty God,\\nSlander of good Religion, and to the great Infamy of the\\nKing s Highness and the Realm, if Redress should not be had\\nthereof. And albeit that many continual Visitations hath\\nbeen heretofore had, by the Space of two hundred Years\\nand more, for an honest and charitable Reformation of such\\nunthrifty, carnal, and abominable living, yet nevertheless\\nlittle or none amendment is hitherto had, but their vicious\\nliving shamelessly increaseth and augmenteth, and by a\\ncursed Custom so rooted and infected, that a great Multitude\\nof the Religious Persons in such small Houses do rather\\nchoose to rove abroad in Apostacy, than to conform them-\\nselves to the Observation of good Religion so that, without\\nsuch small Houses be utterly suppressed, and the Religious\\nPersons therein committed to great and honourable Monas-\\nteries of Religion in this Realm, where they may be com-\\npelled to live religiously, for Reformation of their lives, the\\nsame else be no Redress nor Reformation in that Behalf. In\\nConsideration whereof, the King s most Royal Majesty being\\nsupreme Head on Earth, under God, of the Church of Eng-\\nland, dayly studying and devysing the Increase, Advance-\\nment, and Exaltation of true Doctrine and Virtue in the said\\nChurch, to the only Glory and Honour of God, and the total\\nextirping and Dystruction of Vice and Sin, having Knowl-\\nedge that the Premises be true, as well by the Accompts of\\nhis late Visitations, as by sundry credible Informations,\\nconsidering also that diverse and great solemn Monasteries\\nof this Realm, wherein (Thanks be to God) Religion is\\nright well kept and observed, be destitute of such full Num-\\nber of Religious Persons, as they ought and may keep, hath", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "246 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthought good that a plain Declaration should be made of\\nthe Premisses, as well to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal,\\nas to other his loving Subjects the Commons, in this present\\nParliament assembled: Whereupon the said Lords and\\nCommons, by a great Deliberation, finally be resolved, that\\nit is and shall be much more to the Pleasure of Almighty\\nGod, and for the Honour of this his Realm, that the Pos-\\nsessions of such small Religious Houses, now being spent,\\nspoiled, and wasted for Increase and Maintenance of Sin,\\nshould be used and committed to better Uses, and the un-\\nthrifty Religious Persons, so spending the same, to be com-\\npelled to reform their Lives. And thereupon most humbly\\ndesire the King s Highness that it may be enacted by Au-\\nthority of this present Parliament, That his Majesty shall\\nhave and enjoy to him and his Heirs for ever, all and singu-\\nlar such Monasteries, Priories, and other Religious Houses\\nof Monks, Canons, and Nuns, of what kinds of Diversities\\nof Habits, Rules, or Order soever they be called or named,\\nwhich have not in Lands, Tenements, Rents, Tithes, Por-\\ntions, and other Hereditaments above the clear yearly Value\\nof two hundred Pounds. And in like manner shall have and\\nenjoy all the Sites and Circuits of every such Religious\\nHouses, and all and singular the Manors, Granges, Meases,\\nLands, Tenements, Rents, Reversions, Services Tithes, Pen-\\nsions, Portions, Churches, Chapels, Advowsons, Patronages,\\nAnnuities, Rights, Entries, Conditions, and other Heredita-\\nments appertaining or belonging to every such Monastery,\\nPriory, or other Religious House, not having, as is afore\\nsaid, above the said clear yearly Value of two hundred\\nPound, in as large and ample manner as the Abbots, Priors,\\nAbbesses, Prioresses, and other Governors of such Monas-\\nteries, Priories, and other Religious Houses now have or\\nought to have the same in the right of their Houses. And\\nthat also his Highness shall have to him and to his Heirs\\nall and singular such Monasteries, Abbeys, and Priories\\nwhich at any Time within one Year next before the making of\\nthis Act hath been given and granted to his Majesty by any\\nAbbot, Prior, Abbess, or Prioress, under their Covent Seals,\\nor that otherwise hath been suppressed or dissolved, and all\\nand singular the Manors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Services,\\nReversions, Tithes, Pensions, Portions, Churches, Chapels,\\nAdvowsons, Patronages, Rights, Entries, Conditions, and all\\n0^1 er Interests and Hereditaments to the same Monasteries,\\nAbbeys, and Priories, or to any of them appertaining or be-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 247\\nlonging; to have and to hold all and singular the Premisses\\nwith all their Rights, Jurisdictions, and Commodities, unto\\nthe King s Majesty, and his Heirs and Assigns for ever, to\\ndo and use therewith his and their own Wills, to the Pleasure\\nof Almighty God, and to the Honour and Profit of this\\nRealm. (Ed. from StatMies at Large, ed. cit., Ill, p. 256.)\\n114. Confession made with Surrender of a Monastery\\nRecords, Burnet\\nWhen the monasteries were surrendered, their heads were in-\\nduced by promises or threats to make confessions justifying the\\naction of the king. The document given is typical of the rest,\\nand its veracity is at least questionable, however the falsehood\\nn^.ay have been excused by the necessities of the case.\\nForasmuch as we, Richard Green, abbot of our monastery\\nof our blessed Lady St. Mary of Betlesden, and the convent\\nof the said monastery, do profoundly consider. That the\\nwhole manner and trade of living, which we and our pre-\\ntensed religion have practised, and used many days, does\\nmost principally consist in certain dumb ceremonies, and\\nother certain constitutions of the bishops of Rome, and other\\nforinsecal potentates, as the abbot of Cistins, and therein only\\nnoseled, and not taught in the true knowledge of God s\\nlaws, procuring always exemptions of the bishops of Rome\\nfrom our ordinaries and diocesans submitting ourselves\\nprincipally to forinsecal potentates and powers, which never\\ncame here to reform such disorders of living and abuses, as\\nnow have been found to have reigned among us. And there-\\nfore now assuredly knowing, that the most perfect way of\\nliving is principally and sufficiently declared unto us by our\\nmaster Christ, his evangelists and apostles, and that it is\\nmost expedient for us to be governed and ordered by our\\nSupreme Head, under God, the king s most noble grace, with\\nour mutual assent and consent, submit ourselves, and every\\none of us, to the most benign mercy of the king s majesty;\\nand by these presents do surrender, etc.\\n(Collection of Records in vol. II, p. LXVII, History 0/ the Reformation 0/ the\\nChurch 0/ England, G. Burnet, Lond., i88o.\\n115. Directions for Visitation of Monasteries\\nRecords, Rurnet\\nBefore a religious house was suppressed it was visited and\\ninspected. The general directions to the king s agents are given\\nin the important document given below. This is presented in\\nfull because of its great value in describing the ideal manage-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "248 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nment of a monastery and its implication of prevailing irregulari-\\nties.\\nINSTRUCTIONS FOR THE GENERAL VISITATION OF THE\\nMONASTERIES\\nArticuli Regice Inqisitionis, in Monastic am vitam agent es,\\nexponendi, et prcecipue in exemptos a jnrisdictione Diocce-\\nsana, jam tantum Regice Majestati et ejus jnrisdictioni sub-\\nditos et suhjectos, ac hiijus inclyti siii Regni Stattitis et legi-\\nhiis, nullisq; aliis penitus, obnoxios et astrictos.\\n1. In primis, Whether divine service be solemnly sung,\\nsaid, observed, and kept, in this monastery, according to the\\nnumber and the abilities thereof, by night and by day, in due\\ntime and hours? and how many be present commonly at\\nmattins, and other service, and vv^ho be absent, and so accus-\\ntomed to be, without cause or sickness\\n2. Item, How many monks, canons regulars, or nuns, be\\nwithin this monastery, and how many there ought to be,\\nand whether the number be complete according to the foun-\\nder s will, or the statutes, ordinances, and laudible custom of\\nthis house; and whether the number be augmented or dimin-\\nished now of late?\\n3. Item, Who were the first founders of this house?\\nFundationem primam, secitndam, tertiam, et qtiot-\\nqnot habent, exhibeant.\\n4. Item, Whether this house hath had any increase of\\nlands given to it sithence the first foundation thereof? by\\nwhom? by how many? and when?\\n5. Item, To what sum of money those revenues and\\nrents of this house do extend and amount unto yearly.\\n6. Item, Whether this house was ever translated from\\none habit and order to another? by whose authority? and\\nfor what cause\\nTranslationem exhibeant.\\n7. Item, How the lands and possessions appertaining unto\\nthis monastery, given by the first founder, and all other\\nlands given sithence the first foundation, were granted,\\ngiven, and established, and so first brought to morte main?\\nwhether by the only authority of the giver, or by the author-\\nization of the prince for that time reigning, and by what\\ntenor and form ye hold them?\\nDonationem et C onfirmationem exhibeant.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 249\\n8. Item, What evidence have you to show for all and sin-\\ngular your lands, manors, tenements, and other your possesv\\nsons mortisate, and given unto you, and this your monas^\\ntery\\n9. Item, Wherefore, for what causes and considerations\\nye were exempt from your diocesan? and what was your\\nsuggestion and motive at the obtaining of your said exemp-\\ntion?\\nExemptionem exhibeant.\\n10. Item, Whether ye have any private, peculiar, or local\\nstatutes, confirmations, ordinances, or rules, made only for\\nthe behoof, good order, and singular weal of this house, be-\\nsides the rules of your profession? and whether they were\\nmade either by your founders before your exemption, or by\\nthe good fathers of this house, with the whole consent of the\\nbrethren, being sinneth your exemption to what use they\\nwere made, and how ye observe them?\\nStatuta ilia localia, et alia quotquot hahent, exhibeant.\\n11. Item, By what way and form the master of this house\\nwas elected and chosen? And whether all the brethren\\nhaving, or ought to have by the law, statutes, or laudable\\ncustom of this house, voices in the election, were present\\nin the same election, or lawfully called or cited to it?\\n12. Item, Whether any persons excommunicate, suspended,\\nor interdicted, did give voices in the same election\\n13. Item, Within what time after the election was made\\nand done, the master of this house was confirmed? and by\\nwhom\\n14. Item, Whether unto the confirmation, all that had in-\\nterest, or that would object against the same, were lawfully\\ncited, monished, and called?\\nExhibeat Electionem, Confirmationem; et Titii-\\nlum sua I ncumb entice.\\n15. Item, What rule the master of this house, and other\\nthe brethren, do profess?\\n16. Item, How many be professed, and how many be\\nnovices; and whether the novices have like habit, or use to\\nwear an habit distinct from the habit of the brethren pro-\\nfessed\\n17. Item, Whether ye do use to profess your novices in due", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "250 SDCRCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntime, and within what time and space after they have taken\\nthe habit upon them?\\ni8. Item, Whether the brethren of this house do know the\\nrule that they have professed, and whether they keep their\\nprofession according to that their rule and custom of this\\nhouse; an in especial, the three substantial and principal\\nvows, that is to say, pove^ ty, chastity, and obedience.\\n19. Item, Whether any of the brethren use any propriety\\nof money or of plate in their chambers or of any other\\nmanner thing unwarre of the master, and without his knowl-\\nedge and license, or by his sufferance and knowledge? and\\nfor what cause?\\n20.\\n21. [These relate to questions of chastity.]\\n22.\\n23. Item, Whether the brethren of this house keep their\\nobedience, being ready at their master s commandment, in\\nall things honest, lawful, and reasonable?\\nSequuntiir Regulcu Cceremoniales.\\n24. Item, Whether ye do keep silence in the church,\\ncloister, fraitry, and dormitory, at the hours and time spe-\\ncified in your rule?\\n25. Item, Whether ye do keep fasting and abstinence, ac-\\ncording to your rules, statutes, ordinances, and laudable\\ncustoms of this house\\n26. Item, Whether ye abstain from flesh in time of Ad-\\nvent, and other times declared and specified by the law, rules,\\nand laudable customs of this house\\n2y. Item, Whether ye wear shirts and sheets of woollen,\\nor that ye have any constitution, ordinance, or dispensation,\\ngranted or made to the contrary, by sufficient and lawful\\nauthority\\nProfitentes Regulam Benedicti quam arctissime\\ntenentiir ad prcudicta Cceremonialia obser-\\nvanda.\\n28. Item, Whether ye do sleep altogether in the dormitory,\\nunder one roof, or not?\\n29. Item, Whether ye have all separate beds, or any one\\nof you doth lay with another?\\n30. Item, Whether ye do keep the fraitry at meals, so\\nthat two parts, or the least, the two part of the whole", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 251\\ncovent be always there, unless the master at every one time\\ndispense with you to the contrary?\\n31. Item, Whether, ye do wear your religious habit con-\\ntinually, and never leave it off but when ye go to bed?\\n2^2. Item, Whether every brethren of this house have\\nlightly departed hence, and hath gone to any other house of\\nlike order and profession, without special letters and license\\nof their master?\\n33. Item, Whether the master and brethren of this house\\nhave received and admitted any brother of another house,\\nwithout special license and letters of his master and head?\\n34. Item, Whether any of you, sithence the time of your\\nprofession, hath gone out of this house to his friends, or\\notherwise?\\n35. Item, How oftimes he did so, and how long at every\\ntime ye tarried forth\\n36. Item, W^hether ye had special license of your master\\nso to go forth, or not?\\n37. Item, Whether at every time of your being forth, ye\\nchanged or left off your habit, or every part thereof?\\n38. Item, Whether ye, or any of you be, or hath been, in\\nmanifest apostacy, that is to say, fugitives or vagabonds?\\n39. Item, For what cause or occasion ye have so gone\\nforth and been in apostacy and whether the cause of your\\ngoing forth was by reason of the great cruelty of your\\nmaster, or by his negligence, not calling you home to your\\ncloister?\\n40. Item, W^hether ye be weekly shaven, and do not\\nnourish or suffer your hair to be long? and whether ye\\nwear your apparel according to the rule, not too excessive\\nnor too exquisite and in likewise the trappos of your horses,\\nand other your bearing beasts?\\n41. Item, Whether the master and head of this house do\\nuse his brethren charitably, without partiality, malice, envy,\\ngrudge, or displeasure, more showed to one than to another?\\n42. Item, Whether he do use his disciplines, corrections,\\nand punishments upon his brethren, with mercy, pity, and\\ncharity, without cruelty, rigorousness, and enormous hurt,\\nno more favouring one than another?\\n43. Item, Whether any brother, or religious person of this\\nhouse, be incorrigible\\n44. Item, Whether the master of this house do use his\\nbrethren charitably when they be sick and diseased? and\\nwhether in time of their sickness he do procure unto them\\nphysicians, and all other necessaries?", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "252\\nSOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n45. Item, Whether he make his accompts (as he ought to\\ndo) once every year before his brethren, and chiefly the\\nseniors and officers, to the intent they may be made privy\\nto the state and condition of the house, and know perfectly\\nthe due administration thereof?\\n46. Item, Whether the prior, subprior, sellerar, kitchener,\\nterrure, sacristen, or any such like officer, having adminis-\\ntration of every manner revenues of this house, do make his\\nwhole and true accompt, according as he is bound to do,\\nnot applying anything by him received to his own proper\\nuse or commodity?\\n47. Item, Whether any religious person of this house do\\nbear, occupy, or exercise more offices than one, for, and\\nto his own singular commodity, advantage, or profit, by the\\npartial dealing of the master\\n48. Item, Whether all and singular the revenues and\\nprofits of this house be converted and employed to the be-\\nhove and use thereof, and of the brethren, according to the\\nfounder s mind and giver?\\n49. Item, Whether the master do make sufficient repara-\\ntions upon his monastery, as the church and all other hous-\\ning thereto adjoined, and also upon all other the lands,\\ngranges, farms, and tenements belonging to the same and\\nwhether he suffer any dilapidation, decay, or ruin in any part\\nof them?\\n50. Item, Whether there be any inventory made of all and\\nsingular the moveables, goods, which from time to time have\\nbeen, and yet be in this house, as of jewels, reliques, orna-\\nments, vestiments, ready money, plate, bedding, with other\\nutensils also of corn, chattels, and other commodities, to the\\nintent the state and condition of this house may be always\\nknown\\n51. Item, That ye express truly and sincerely the whole\\nstate and condition of this house, as in money, plate, cattle,\\ncorn, and other goods?\\n52. Item, Whether this monastery be indebted? to whom?\\nand for what cause?\\n53. Item, Whether any of the lands be sold, or mortgaged?\\nand for what sums?\\n54. Item, Whether any be let to farm by the master of this\\nhouse for term of years, and for how many years and\\nspecially, whether they be letten for small sums, or for less\\nsums than they were wont to be letten for, to the intent to\\nhave great sums of ready money beforehand?", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 253\\n55. Item, Whether he do enforce, compel or constrain his\\nbrethren, or any of them, to consent to the sealing of any\\nleases, grants, farm-holds, annuities, corrodies, or any other\\nalienations?\\n56. Item, Whether the plate and jewels, or any part or\\nparcel thereof, or of any other moveable goods of this house\\nbe laid to pledge, sold, or alienated for a time, or for ever?\\nfor what cause, and to whom? or otherwise embezzled, or\\nconsumed?\\n57. Item, Whether the master of this house be wont to\\ngive under his seal or office, or convent-seal, farms, corrodies,\\nannuities, or offices, to his kinsfolk, alliances, friends, or\\nacquaintances, for term of years, or otherwise, to the hurt,\\nhindrance, damage, and impoverishment of this house?\\n58. hem. Whether he be wont to grant any patent, or\\nconvent-seal, without the consent of his brethren?\\n59. Item, Whether the convent-seal of this house be surely\\nand safely kept under three keys that is to say, one remain-\\ning and being in the custody of the master, and the other\\ntwo in the custody of two seniors\\n60. Item, Whether the muniments and evidences of the\\nlands, rents, and revenues of this house, be safely kept from\\nvermin and moistness?\\n61. Item, Whether the master do keep hospitality accord-\\ning to the ability of his house, and in like manner as other\\nfathers hereof have done heretofore\\n62. Item, Whether the master of this house in receiving\\nany novice, being of willing and toward mind to enter into\\nreligion, hath demanded or received, or convented to receive\\nany money, rewards, or any other temporal commodities of\\nhim so entering, or willing to enter, or of any other his\\nfriends? and whether for not promising, granting, or giving\\nsuch rewards or gifts, any hath been repelled and not re-\\nceived?\\n63. Item, Whether the novices, and other received into\\nreligion, have a preceptor and master deputed unto them to\\nteach them grammar and good letters?\\n64. Item, Whether any senior of this house be deputed\\nto declare, inform, and instruct them their rules, and where-\\nunto they shall be bounden to observe and keep after their\\nprofession\\n65. Item, Whether any of you have taken upon him the\\nhabit and profession of your religion, chiefly for the intent,\\nhope, or trust to be made head and master of this house?", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "254 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n66. Item, Whether the master of this house, in giving any\\nadvocation, nomination, presentation, or collation of any\\nparsonage, vicarage, chapel, or benefice of the patronage or\\ngift of this house, do take or use to take any manner pension,\\nportion, or other commodity or gains or else doth make any\\nconvention or compaction, whereby any lucre many ensue\\nto him in that behalf?\\n67. Item, Whether he do receive, or use to receive, the\\nfruits and revenues of every such benefice vacant, or use to\\nborrow any money of him to whom he intendeth to give\\nsuch benefice unto, expressly covenanting or intending, that\\nhe so obtaining the said benefice shall freely and clearly\\nremit the said money so borrowed?\\n68. Item, What and how many benefices the master of this\\nhouse doth occupy and keep in his own hands\\n69. Item, Whether the same benefices be appropriate and\\nunited to this house by sufficient authority?\\n70. Item, Whether the master of this house doth make\\ndistributions amongst the parishioners of the benefices ap-\\npropriate, and doth keep and observe all and singular other\\nprovisions and ordinances specified and expressed in the ap-\\npropriations of the same benefices?\\nExhiheant omnes et singulas Appropriationes,\\nuna cum Ordinationibus et Donationibus Vi-\\ncariatuum.\\nyi. Item, Whether he do promote unto such benefices as\\nbe of his gift sufficient and able persons in learning, man-\\nners, and virtue?\\ny2. Item, Whether any brother of this house do serve any\\nparish-church, being appropriate and united to the same, and\\nhow many churches appropriate to be so served?\\n73. Item, Whether the master of this house hath and pos-\\nsesseth any benefice with cure, or any other dignity with his\\nabbey\\nSi aliqiwd tale habet, Dispensationem exhibeat.\\n74. Item., Whether the master of this house at any time\\nsince he was first made abbot, or master, did know or believe\\nthat he was suspended, or excommunicate, either by the law,\\nor by any judge; and whether he knowing or supposing him-\\nself so to be, did sing mass in the mean time, and before he\\nwas absolved?\\nIn Visitatione Monialium ad PrcBmissa addantur\\nhcec.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIIL AND THE CHURCH 255\\n75. Item, Whether this monastery hath good and sufficient\\nenclosure, and whether the doors and windows be diHgently\\nkept shut, so that no man can have any entry into the same\\nor any part thereof at inconvenient times?\\nPropter quod necessarium erit Visitatori circiim-\\nire Monasterium, ac videre et rimare dis-\\npositionem ccdificiontiii, et an sint aliqna loca\\npervia per qiicc secrete iiitrari possit; et una\\nseciiin Jiabeat Abbafissain cum duabus aiit\\ntribus senioribus Monialibus, a quibus fuiii\\ninterroget, an ostia Monasterii singulis qui-\\nhusque noctibus sub clavibus clausa tenean-\\ntiir, et qu r earuui Monialiuni senio confecta-\\nrum, vel an Abbas ipsa elavimn custodiam\\ntempore nocturno habeant et teneant: nam\\nnon est tutum clavium custodiam Junioribus\\ncommittere.\\n76. hetn, Whether strangers, both men and women, usetli\\ncommonly to have communication with the sisters of this\\nhouse, without license of the abbess or prioress, especially in\\nsecret places, and in the absence of their sisters?\\nyy. Item, Whether any sister of this house were professed\\nfor any manner of compulsion of her friends and kinsfolks,\\nor by the abbess or prioress?\\n78. Item, Whether any of the sisters of this house useth\\nto go forth any whither out of the precinct thereof, without\\nspecial license of their abbess or prioress?\\n79. Item, Whether any sister doth use her habit con-\\ntinually out of her cell\\n80. Item, Wherein every one of you occupieth herself, be-\\nside the time of divine service?\\n81. Item, Whether any sister of this house hath any famil-\\niarity with religious men, secular priests, or lay-men, being\\nnot near of kin unto them\\n82. Item, Whether any sister of this house hath been\\ntaken and found with any such accustomably so communing,\\nand could not shew any reasonable cause why they so did?\\n83. Item, Whether any of you doth use to write any letters\\nof love or lascivious fashion to any person, or receive any\\nsuch, or have any privy messengers coming or resorting\\nunto you, or any of you, with token or gifts, from any man-\\nner secular person or other?\\n84. Item, Whether any of you doth use to speak with any", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "256 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmanner of person, by night or by day, by grates or back\\nwindows, or other privy places within this monastery, with-\\nout license of your head?\\n85. Itenij Whether the confessor of this house be a dis-\\ncreet man, of good learning, virtue and honest behaviour,\\nof good name and fame, and whether he hath been always so\\ntaken\\n86. Item, How oftimes in the year the sisters of this house\\nuseth to be confessed and communicate?\\nRestat pro Ecclesiis Collegiatis, Hospatalibus, Ec-\\nclesiis Cathedralihus, Parochialihus, Eccle-\\nsiis, Episcopo, et Archiepiscopo, pro ordine\\nJ erosolomitarum f\\nExhiheant omnia scripta, munimenta, Inventaria, Scedu-\\nlas quascunque, unde aliqnid cognitionis eorum reformationi\\nMonasteriorum, sive domorum utilitati, necessaries explicari,\\naut quoquo modo coligi possit.\\n(Collection of Records, vol. 11, p. 59. History of the Reformation of the Church\\nof Englafid, ed. cited.)\\n116. Letters concerning the Suppression of the Monasteries\\nOriginal Letters\\nThe agents who were sent to suppress the monasteries have\\nleft many letters detailing their acts in this office. Several\\ntypical documents are here given. The ancient form of spelling,\\nv-ith all the inconsistencies of each writer in this respect, has\\nbeen preserved.\\n(a) DR. LONDON TO THE LORD PRIVY SEAL\\nOriginal Letters\\nIn my most humble maner I have me commendyd unto\\nyour gudde Lordeschippe. I have with moche adoo dis-\\npacchyde the Priory of Black Monks at Coventrye, the\\nCharterhowse, and Combe Abbay. The Priory wasse in dett\\nbefor he com ther, and he hathe made me an apparent rea-\\nsonable accompte. I have left the Churche and Howse vn-\\nspoylede and vndefacyd, because as yet I do nott know the\\nKings Grace s pleasur and yowrs what schalbe don ther-\\nwith. At the Charter howse I found scase the valor of xx^i\\nnobles worth of gudds to dispach the hole Howse. Howbeit\\nGodde hath so disclosyd ther crafty dealing, that I have\\ngevyn every brodor xl^ towards ther apparell, have payd all\\nthe servants wages, have gevyn to every brodor his. ,celle.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "HENRY J lII. AND THE CHURCH 257\\nsaving the Howse and a vestyment, have payde all ther\\ndetts within x^^, and yit schall the Kings Grace have above\\ncc. vnc. of plate ther, wher I found but iij. chalyces scasly\\nwaying all iij. xl. vnc. I have gevin the Prior a salt of\\nsyluer with a cover, a drynking cuppe of syluer with a\\ncover, a maser, a chales, a suyte of vestyments with bedding\\nand other stuff, lyke an hpnest man, and so I have dis-\\npacchyd that House clerlye.\\nAt Combe, I have left the hole Howse with implyments\\nvnspoyled thorowlye. Hardforde now schyryue of Coven-\\ntrye informyd me that the x\\\\bbot of Combe hadde ccccc in\\na fetherbedd at hys brodors Howse. Of truythe I serchyd\\nthe bedd, and the Abbot hymself, with owt any difficulty,\\nconfessed unto me what money was ther, and farther in-\\nformyd me of every thing he hadd lyk an honest man, and of\\ntruythe ther wasse no more monye ther in that bedde but\\nxxv wiche vpon hys oothe he tolde me that he putt yt ther\\nto paye certen detts with all now at Candelmas, wich in dede\\nys trew dett. and he layd those things at his brothers bycause\\nhe cowde yvill trust any servant he hadde. He surrenderyd\\nhys Howse the same day twelve monyth he was made Mas-\\nter, and therfor every thing consideryd he left hys Howse in\\ncompetent gudd state. The dyspacching of that Howse\\nwasse som thing chardgeable for I founde ther xv. monks\\nand Ixviij. seruants. I have made safe the evydences in\\nevery Howse wher I com, and in som of them I founde the\\nevydences dispersyd and neglecte, moche pytie to see yt.\\nWherfor I beseke your Lordeschippe that aswell to stay the\\nspoyle of the Howsys as for safgarde of suche evydences\\nthe Surveyors may com as spedyly after me as may be.\\nI have folowyd your pleasure for your servant M. Whalley,\\nat PoUesworth, wherfore I besek your Lordeschipp to re-\\nniembre M. Cheyrey, at Bowsvale, Charterhowse Monks bye\\nNottingham, or in som other place.\\nIf I hadde made rasch ryddyng of thees iij. Howsys I\\nhadde don the Kings Grace butt yvell service. And I trust\\nnow I have don both for hys Grace is profytt, and as every\\nthing is savyd and all parts well pleasyd, I schall forwards\\nmak all the spede I can possiblie.\\nI have of thees iij. Howsys above DCCC. vnc. of plate,\\nwich schalbe at London safly caryede by my commyng\\nthedyr. And my servant now shall delyuer to your Lorde-\\nshippe such ornaments as I have sent uppe. I besek your\\nLordeshippe to take these things I do in gudd part, for of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "258 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmy fayth I do truly my best diligence to serve the Kinge as\\nour Lord knoweth, who with encresc of moch honor longe\\npreserve your gudde Lordeshippe\\nYour most bounden orator and servant,\\nJohn London.\\nTo the right honerable and my most\\nsinguler goode Lorde, my Lorde of\\nPrive Sealle.\\n{Original Letters illustrative of English History, ed. H. Ellis, Lond., 1846.\\nThird series, vol. Ill, p. 183.)\\nJOHN TREGONWELL TO SECRETARY CROMWELL\\nOriginal Letters\\nPleasyth you to be advertised that after my departyng\\nfrom Oxforde I went to Godstowe, where I fownde all thyngs\\nwell, and yn good order aswell yn the Monasteri and the\\nAbbas there, as also yn the Convent of the same, excepte\\nthat one sister xiij. or xiiij. yers past, beyng then of a nothere\\nhowse, brake her chastyte {^quia peperit), the whych for cor-\\nreccyon and punysment afterward was sent to Godstowe by\\nthe Byschope of Lyncolne, where now and euer sethens that\\ntyme she hath levyd vertuowse.\\nFrom thens I went to Ensham, where I fownde a rawe\\nsort of Relygouse parsons and offences emongst them (al-\\nmoste yn all kyndys of synne commyttede, et etiam crimen\\npessimum) for the whych offences they have byne pun-\\nyschede by theire ordynarye in his Visitation. Yet by as\\nmych as I can perceve by inquisition th abbot ys chaste of\\nhys levyng, and dothe right well over loke the reparracons\\nof his Howse, to whom I can obiecte nothyng but that he ys\\nneglygent yn over seyng hys bretherne. He sayethe that\\nhys dayly ynfyrmyty is th occasion therof, whych ynfyr-\\nmytye somwhat dyd appere by hys face to be trewe.\\nFrom Ensham to Bruwerne, wher th abbot ys (as hyt ap-\\nperyth to me) not only vertuowse and well lernyde in holy\\nScrypture, but also hathe ryght well reparyde the rewen and\\ndekeye of that howse, lefte by hys predycessors neglygens,\\nand the Convent whych heretofore were insolent) byn now\\nbrought to good order.\\nFrom Brewerne, I rode to Wraxton, a Howse of smalle\\nrents, and stondeth moast be husbandry. The Prior there\\nalthoghe he be a good husbande and kepyth good hospitalite\\nto hys abylyte, yet he is rewde and unlernyd. Et qualis\\npater tales filij.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "HENRV yill. AND THE CHURCH 259\\nFrom thens to Clathercott a Howse of th Order of the Gil-\\nbertynes, where I fownde iij. Chanons beside the Pryor.\\nThat Howse ys olde, fowle, and fylthe. Whethere there\\nlevyng be accordyng, I cannot tell, for they desyryd me that\\nI wolde not vyset them by cause (as they sayd) that yow\\nhadde gevyne (by your commyssion) full autoryte to the\\nPrior of Semperyngham to vyset all there Order, so that no\\nman but he shulde medle with that Order and by cause I\\nwolde not mitt ere f ale em in messem alienam with owt your\\npleasure to me knowen, I departed thens negotio infecto.\\nAnd from that howse of the Gilbertynese I came to a\\nHowse of Nunnes called Catysby of Ixxxx^ landys yerly,\\nof th order of Cistiowxe, under my Lorde of Lyncolnes\\njurysdiction (as I suppos) by usurpation. For that Order as\\nyou knowe hathe allwayes byn exempte from the Byschope.\\nThe Priores there ys a ryght sadde matrone, the systers also\\nthere now beyng by the space of xx** yeres hath byn (by as\\nmyche as I can lerne) without suspicon of incontynent\\nlevyng.\\nFrom Catesby I rode to Chanons Asbye whych howse is\\nClx^* yn dette, by reason of the late preferment of the Prior\\nthere now beyng. The Howse also, by the neglygens of hys\\npredycessor, ys yn rewen and dekey. Howbehyt the sayde\\nPrior (all thought he be unlernyde) ys dysposed to thryve,\\nand by the lernyng and good example of levyng of the Sup-\\nprior of that Howse, the relygowse men there byn lyke to\\ndoo well.\\nFrom Chanons Asbye, I rode to Chacofhbe, the Prior ys\\nnewly come thether whoo ys competently well lernyde in\\nholy Scripture. The Chanons byn rewde and vnlernyde.\\nHe begynnyth to bryng them to some order. I fere nothyng\\nyn hym but neglygens and overmyche famylyarite whych he\\nvseth emongst them.\\nFrom Chacombe, I came to Burcestre, ther I fynde that\\nthe Prior doth well over loke his bretherne, and also the\\nprofettys of hys Howse. His said bretherne by hys tyme\\nhathe byn yn good order, exceptyde one (for fray of pun-\\nysment for hys incontenant levyng) ran away and soo he\\nremaynyth at thys tyme yn apostacye.\\nFrom thens, yester nyght, I came to Stoodlye. From\\nthens, I yntende to Notley, and thens to Tame Abbeye, and\\nlast of all to Dorchester, where I make an end vnto the tyme\\nI may knowe your farder pleasure, whych (Code wyllyng)\\nI shall accomplysche. Vpon Frydaye nexte, I trust to be", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "26o SOURCE-BOOK Of ENGLISH HISTORY\\nredye to come to your Masterschype accordyng to your com-\\nmaundement sent to me by yo letters, besechyng you that I\\nmaye knowe whethere you wyll remayne yn the Cowrte or\\nreturne to London. And thus the holy Goast preserve you.\\nFrome Stoodley, the xxvij*^^ day of Septembre.\\nYours moast bownden\\nJohn Tregonwell.\\nTo the ryght honerable Mr. Thomas\\nCromwell, Cheff Secretarye to the\\nKynges Maiestye, be this dd. w*^\\nspeade.\\n{Orighial Letters, ed. cit., Ill, p. 37.)\\n(c) JOHN LONDON TO LORD CROMWELL\\nOriginal Letters\\nIn my most humble manner I have me comendyd unto\\nyour gudde Lordeshipp, as your most boundon orator and\\nservant. I have not so moche rasyd Howses I have be at\\nas I perceve the Kings Grace and your Lordeschippe ys in-\\nformyd, and hadde rasyd noon saving for the words of suche\\nComissions as I have to schew, and dydd nott extremely so\\ndo butt wher necessitee compellyd me by reason of the im-\\nportunytie of the people, wich els wold have pilledd all so as\\nthe Kings Grace schulde have hadd no profytt of those\\nHowses; and in every place I savyd the hole ledd unto the\\nKings Graces use, and the hole plate. Yet have I be in soni\\nvery beggarly Howses, as now I am at oon, the Whyte Fryers\\nin Northampton, wher all they have ys nott able to pay ther\\ndetts. And bravely I will rehersse what I dydd in euery\\nHowse.\\nAt Reding I dydd oonly deface the Church all the windoes\\nbeing full of Fryers and left the rof f and wallys hole to the\\nKings use. I solde the ornaments and the sellys in the dorter\\nand certen utensyls wiche els wold have be stolen as dyvers\\nwere indede.\\nAt Aylesbury, I founde them very powr and in dett. Ther\\nornaments wor very coursse and very litill stuff of howshold.\\nTher I oonly solde the glasse wyndoes and ther ornaments\\nwith ther vtensyles. I left the Howse hole and oonly de-\\nfaced the Churche. Ther the hole churche ys well coveryd\\nwith ledd, and a gudd new roff.\\nAt Bedford, I dydd sell the ornaments of ther churche and", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "HENRY l/III. AND THE CHURCH 261\\ncerten vtensiles. All the ledde I savyd with certen vten-\\nsyles, because I myzt leve them in saff custody with Mr.\\nGostwike.\\nAt Stamford, I left in the Grey Fryers all ther brewyng\\nvessels, and ther kechyn stuff wasse so gud that I cowde gete\\nbutt viij^ for all. I solde ther ornaments and glasse of ther\\nchurche with certen stuff, and solde no glass in the Grey,\\nWhyte, or Blacke Fryers, saving oonly in ther churches. At\\nthe Austen Fryers I sold all there glasse, for els all wold have\\nbe stollyd, ffor it stondeth owt of the town. In thre Fryers\\nther I sold ther brewyng vessels wich wer very ny worn.\\nIn Coventry, I dydd partly rase that Howse of the Gray\\nFryers, thou after the powr people lay so sore vpon ytt.\\nButt the Whyte Fryers I dydd litill vnto.\\nAt Warwick, the Fryers Howse ys withowt the town, an\\nolde ruynose howse and no ledd butt gutters and the couer-\\nyng of the steple. Ther I defacyd the church wyndoes and\\nthe sellys of the dorter as I dydd in euery place saving in\\nBedford and Aylisbury wher were few byars. I pullyd\\ndown no Howse thorowly at noon of the Fryers butt so de-\\nfacyd them as they shuld not lyztly be made Fryerys agen.\\nAt Tellisford Crosse Fryers, I have oonly recyvyd the\\nsurrendere: and have left the Howse with all the stuff in\\nsafe custody with the late mynyster and oon of the Kings ser-\\nuants dwelling therbye. In that Howse I must farther know\\nyour Lordeships pleasur or I do any more, as by my servant\\nI shall shortly more at lengeth expresse every thing. Ther\\nwasse a fonde fasschon of Idolytrye. In the body of the\\nChurche wasse an Image at an Awters end callyd Mayden\\nCutbrogh, and vnder her feete wasse a trowgh of wodde des-\\ncending undre the Awter wich wasse hollow. Thyder re-\\nsortyd suche as wer trobelyd with the hedde ache, or hadde\\nany slottiche wydowes lockes, viz. here growen to gether in\\na tufte. Ther must they putt in to the trowgh a peckke of\\noots, and when they wer 00ns slydyd vndre the Awter, the\\nCrosse Fryers schuld behynd the Awter pryvily stele them\\nowt, and the sykk person must give to the Fryer a peny for\\na pynte of these Maydon Cutbrogh oots, and then ther beds\\nschuld ak no more till the next tyme. I have pullyd downe\\nthys Idoll with herre manage.\\nAt Northampton, I fynd the Prior of Augustyns lyk a\\nFryer, and oon of the most unthrifts that yet I have mett\\nwith all yet have I found butt few trew or gud, and amongs\\nmany blessyd reformations don by the Kings Grace, I sup-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "262 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\npose thys be nott the lest, vtterly to suppresse theis Fryars,\\nin whom I fynd so moch dissymylation as may be in men.\\nI trust to bring all ther falshudds here to lyzt, butt in the\\nmean tyme I am fayne to sett the Prior and almost all hys\\nbrethern in warde. They have delyuered owt of ther Howse\\nall ther plate and gudd stuff, and made billes of sale and\\nknovvledging of receipt of certen sommys of money wher\\nthey receyvyd, nor owzt, oon peny, and all to disseyve the\\nKinge. I have in som of those billes her enclosyd, and moo\\nI will have or I depart, and have agen the best stuff I saw\\nyet, and more I trust to have. Howbeit by hys own con-\\nfession he made away thys yere above a C^^ plate. He ys\\na great lyar and a gyvelar [shuffler].\\nI will hensforth deface no Howse unlesse I have your or\\nthe King s Grace speciall comaundment. Butt then if ther\\nbe no Surveyor to do ytt immedyaty or som suer man to in-\\nhabitt the same, the Howsys will be so spoyl3^d as litill profytt\\nwill com of them. I thowzt I dydd for the beste in defacinge\\nthose Howses, and have to the Kings Grace use above all,\\ndispacchyng of the Fryers, payng ther detts and rewarding\\nevery oon of them, savyng also all the coveryng and wallys\\nof the Howses, aswell in ledde, slatt, as tyle, and my chard-\\nges of expens born, and all the plate also thorowly savyd\\nwhole to the Kings use, CC^^ and above in gudd gold. And\\nhave also savyd to the Kings use the best ornaments wher any\\nwere with all. I will now owt of hand upon All Halon tyde\\nsend vppe or I execute any of these commissions last sent\\nfrom your Lordeschippe to me. For I have a great dele of\\ngudd plate wiche I wold fayn be dischargyd of. Thus I be-\\nsech your Lordeschipp to take my powr meanyng in gudd\\npartt intending to my littell powr to serve the Kings Grace,\\nand so I dowbt nott butt his Majesty will accept my doings\\nwhen his Grace knowith what beggarly and crafty merchants\\nI have to be occupyed with all. And most humble I do thank\\nyour gudd Lordeshippe for yourgudnes and gudd mediation\\nvnto hys most noble Grace for me, and shalbe during my liff\\nyour assured seruant and orator vnto Almyztie Godd long to\\npreserue your guud Lordeshipp with increse of moch honor.\\nAt Northampton, XXIX. Octobris.\\nYour most bovndon orator and seruant,\\nJohn London.\\n{Original Letters, ed.cit., vol. Ill, p. 130.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "HENRY yill. AND THE CHURCH 26j\\n117. A Summons to the Pilgrimage of Grace\\nOriginal Letters\\nThe popular discontent which followed the dissolution of the\\nsmaller monasteries resulted in two insurrections the first was\\nin Lincolnshire, the second, in Yorkshire. The latter was a\\nmost formidable movement, and was directed by Robert Aske,\\nwho gave to the uprising the name of the Pilgrimage of Grace.\\nHe issued several addresses, the selection given being his appeal\\nto the common people.\\nMasters, all men to be redie to morrw, and this neighte\\nand in the niornyng to ryng your bellis in every towne, and\\nto assemble your selfs apon Skypwithe mowre, and thare\\napoynte your Captayns, Master Hussye, Master Babthorp,\\nand Master Gascoygn, and other gentilmen and to gef f\\nwarnyng to all be yonde the v^atter to be redy vpon payn of\\ndethe for the Comen Welthe and make your proclymacon,\\nevery man to be trewe to the Kings issue, and the noble\\nblode to preserve the Churche of God from spolyng and to\\nbe trew^ to the Comens and the vvelthis and ye shall have\\nto morrowe the Articles and causis of your assemble and\\npeticon to the Kyng, and the place of oure meting, and all\\nother of poure and commen v^elthe. In haste, etc.\\nBy me Robt. Aske, Chieffe Captayn of\\nM ches land, Thile, and How den\\nshyre, Thomas Metham, Robt. Aske\\nYonger, Thomas Salte-Marche,\\nWyll~m. Monketon, M. Ffranke,\\nMaster Cawood, Captayns of the\\nsame.\\n{Original Letters illustrative of Jinglish History, ed. H. Ellis.\\nLond., 1846, III, p. 53.)\\n118. The Lancaster Herald s Mission to the Insurgents\\nOriginal Letters\\nThe Pilgrimage of Grace was of such formidable character\\nthat great exertions were made to rapidly suppress it. These\\nefforts were successful when force of numbers overawed the\\ninsurgents whose ranks were thinned by discontent and distress\\nbred by the diplomacy, or treachery, of the Duke of Norfolk, the\\ncommander of the forces of the king. The leaders of this re-\\nbellion, Aske, and the Lords Darcy and Hussey were pardoned,\\nbut another rebellion having broken out in Lancaster convenient\\npretext was taken for connecting them with it, and they suffered\\nthe death penalty. The Lancaster Herald, whose account of a\\nmission to the insurgents on the Pilgrimage we give, was also\\nexecuted, not for participation in the rebellion, but for kneeling\\nto its leaders while he was on the king s mission.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "26.[ SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nThe manner, fashion, and ordering of me Lancaster Her-\\nald at Arms to our Sovereign Lord the King, sent from Sroby\\nthe 2 1 St day of October, by the right honourable Lord the\\nEarl of Shrewsbury, Lord Steward of the King s most hon-\\nourable household, and Lieutenant General from the Trent\\nnorthward, and the right honourable Earls of Rutland and\\nHuntingdon of the King s most honourable Counsell, to Pom-\\nfret, with a Proclamation to be read amongst the traitorous\\nand rebellious persons assembled at Pomfret contrary to\\nKing s laws. And when I did approach near the town of\\nPomfret, I overtook certain companies of the said rebellious,\\nbeing common people of the husbandry, which saluted me\\ngently, and gave great honour to the King s coat of arms\\nwhich I ware. And I demanded of them why they were in\\nharness, and assembled of such sort; and they answered me\\nthat it was for the Commonwealth; and said if they did not\\nso, the Commonalty and the Church should be destroyed.\\nAnd I demanded of them how. And they said that no man\\nshould bury, nor christen, nor wedd, nor have their beast un-\\nmarked, but that the King would have a certain sum of\\nmoney for every such thing, and the beast unmarked to his\\nown house, which had never been seen. And I answered\\nthem and told them how good and gracious Lord the King\\nhad been to them, and how long he had kept them in great\\nwealth, tranquillity and peace; and also that his Grace, nor\\nnone of his Counsel, never intended nor thought no such\\nthings and articles as they found them grieved with. And\\nwith such persuasions as I found and said to them, riding\\ninto the Town, I had gat grant of three or four hundred of\\nthe Commonalty to go gladly home to their houses, and to\\nask the King s mercy; and said, they were weary of that life\\nthey were in. And resorted first to the Market Cross, where\\nI should have made the proclamation. And Robert Aske,\\ncaptain of the host, being in the Castle, heard tell that I was\\ncomen, and sent for me to come to him and so I did and as\\nI entered into the first ward, there I found many in harness,\\nof very cruel fellows, and a porter with a white staff in his\\nhand; and at the two other ward-gates every of them a\\nporter with his staff, accompanied with harnessed men; and\\nso I was brought into the Hall, which I found full of people.\\nAnd I was commanded to tarry to such time as the said trai-\\ntorous captain s pleasure was known; and in that space I\\nstood up at the high table in the Hall, and there shewed to\\nthe people the cause of my coming, and the effect of the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "HENRV VIII. AXD THE CIILRCH 2C5\\nProclamation; and in doing the same, the said Aske sent\\nfor me in to his chamber; and there keeping his port and\\ncountenance as though he had been a great Prince, with\\ngreat rigour and like a tyrant who was accompanied with\\nthe Archbishop of York, the Lord Darcy, Sir Robert Con-\\nstable, Mr. Magnus, Sir Christopher Danby, and divers\\nother. And, as my dutie was, I saluted the Archbishop of\\nYork and my Lord Darcy, showing to them the cause I came\\nthither for. And then the said Robert Aske, with a cruell\\nand inestimable proud countenance, stretched himself, and\\ntook the hearing of my tale, which I opened to him at large,\\nin as much honour to our Sovereign Lord the King as my\\nreason would serve me which the said Captain Aske gave\\nno reverance to, and superstitiously demanded the sight of\\nmy Proclamation. And then I took it out of my purse and\\ndelivered it to him, and then he read it openly, w^ithout any\\nreverence to my person and said, it should not need to call\\nno counsell for the answer of the same, for he would of his\\nown wit give me the answer, which was this. He, standing\\nin the highest place of the chamber, taking the high estate\\nupon him, said, Herald, as a messenger you are welcome to\\nme and all my company, intending as I do. And as for the\\nProclamation sent from the Lords, from whence you come,\\nshall not be read at the Market Cross, nor in no place\\namongst my people, which be all under my guiding; nor for\\nfear of loss of lands, life, and goods, not for the power which\\nis against us, doth not enter into our hearts with fear, but\\nare all of one accord with the points of our articles, clearly\\nintending to see a reformation, or else to die in those causes.\\nAnd then I demanded of him what his article was. And he\\nsaid, one was that he and his company would go to London\\nof pilgrimage to the King s Highness, and there to have all\\nvile blood of his Counsell put from him, and all noble blood\\nset up again, and also the Faith of Christ and his laws to be\\nkept, and full restitution of Christ s Church of all wrongs\\ndone unto it, and also the Commonalty to be used as they\\nshould be and bade me trust to this, for it should be done,\\nor he would die for it. And then I required him, that he\\nwould give me this in writing, for my capacity would not\\nserve to bear it away and he said, With a good will and\\ncalled for his oath which he gave to his people, and said\\nth articles was comprehended within the said oath, and\\ndelivered it in writing to me, and caused me to read it my-\\nself; and he sayd, to that he would sett to his hand, and die", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "266 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nin the quarrel, and his people with him. And then I prayed\\nhim to put his hand to the said bill, and so he did, and with a\\nproud voice said, This is mine act, whosoever say the con-\\ntrary. And also he said, he meant no harm to the King s\\nperson, but to see reformation. And I fell down on my knee\\nbefore him, showing him how I was a messenger, and\\ncharged by the King s Counsell to read the Proclamation\\nwhich I brought, for my discharge and he clearly answered\\nme, that of my life I should not; for he would have nothing\\nput into his people s head that should sound contrary to his\\nintent; and said at all times I should have his safe conduct,\\nto come and go in message, wearing the King s coat of arms,\\nor else not and also said, if my Lord of Shrewsbury, or any\\nother of the Lords of the King s army, would come and speak\\nwith him, they should have of him their safe conducts, to\\ncome safe and go safe; and also said, Herald, recommend\\nme to the Lords from whence you come, and say to them it\\nwere mete that they were with me, for it is for all their\\nwealths that I do. And then he commanded the Lord\\nDarcy to give me two crowns of five shillings to reward,\\nwhether I wold or no; and then took me by the arm, and\\nbrought me forth of the Castle, and there made a proclama-\\ntion that I should go safe and come safe, wearing the King s\\ncoat, in payne of death and so took his leave of me, and re-\\nturned into the Castle in high honour of the people, as a\\ntraitor may. And I missed my horse, and I called to him\\nagain, for to have my horse, and then he made a proclama-\\ntion that who so held my horse, and brought him not again\\nimmediately, bad kill him without mercy. And then both my\\nhorse was delivered to me, and then he commanded that\\ntwenty or forty men should bring me out of the Town where\\nI should see the least of his people, nor that I should not speak\\nwith them. For surely I think, if I might have redd the\\nProclamacion and good words unto the people, that all the\\nplough-commonalty would have gone home to their houses\\nimmediately, for they say they be weary of that life they\\nlead, and if they say to the contrary to the captain s will, he\\nshall die immediately. And this all to be true, I, the said\\nLancaster, hath written this with my hand and true report as\\nmine Oath is.\\nLancaster Herrald.\\n{Original Letters, ed. cit., Ill, 54.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 267\\n119. The Six Articles\\n(31 Henry VIII, c 14, 1539)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nNo single document so well illustrates the attitude of Henry\\nVIII. to the Catholic Church as does the Act Abolishing Diver-\\nsity in Opinions. In this enactment we find no departure from\\nthe tenets of the ancient faith. In its preservation of the funda-\\nmental doctrines of the Catholic Communion, we find proof that\\nthe Church of Henry VIII. was not Protestant, as to any doctrine\\nexcept that of papal supremacy. Yet in breaking away from the\\nCatholic Church, and in repudiating the supremacy of the pope,\\nHenry gave a fresh impetus to the Protestant movement, which\\nhad been for centuries accumulating force.\\nAN ACT ABOLISHING DIVERSITY IN OPINIONS\\nWhereas the King s most excellant Majesty is by God s\\nlaw supreme head immediately under Him of this whole\\nChurch and Congregation of England, intending the conser-\\nvation of the same Church and Congregation in a true,\\nsincere, and uniform doctrine of Christ s Religion, calling\\nalso to His blessed and most gracious remembrance as well\\nthe great and quiet assurance, prosperous increase, and other\\ninnumerable commodities which have ever ensued, come, and\\nfollowed of concord, agreement, and unity in opinions, as\\nalso the manifold perils, dangers, and inconveniences, which\\nhave heretofore in many places and regions grown, sprung,\\nand arisen of the diversities of minds and opinions, es-\\npecially of matters of Christian Religion and therefore\\ndesiring that such an unity might and should be charitably\\nestablished in all tlihigs touching and concerning the same,\\nas the same so being established might chiefly be to the\\nhonor of Almighty God, the very Author and Fountain of all\\ntrue unity and sincere concord, and consequently redowned\\nto the common-wealth of this his highness most noble\\nrealm, and of all his loving subjects and other residents and\\ninhabitants of or in the same hath therefore caused and\\ncommanded this his most high Court of Parliament, for\\nsundry and many urgent causes and considerations, to be at\\nthis time summoned, and also a synod and convocation of all\\nthe archbishops, bishops, and other learned men of the clergy\\nof this his realm, to be in like manner assembled and foras-\\nmuch as in the said Parliament, synod, and convocation\\nthere were certain articles, matters, and questions appointed\\nand set forth touching Christian Religion, that is to say;\\nFirst, whether in the Pio\u00c2\u00a7t blessed Sacrament of the Altar re-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "268 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmaineth after the consecration the substance of bread and\\n[wine] or no; Secondly, whether it be necessary by God s\\nlaw that all men should be communicate with both kinds or\\nno; Thirdly, whether priests, that is to say men dedicated to\\nGod by priesthood, may by the law of God marry after or no\\nFourthly, whether vow of chastity or widowhood made to God\\nadvisedly by man or woman be by the law of God to be ob-\\nserved or no Fifthly, whether private Masses stand with the\\nlaw of God and be to be used and continued in the Church\\nand Congregation of England as things whereby good\\nChristian people may and do receive both Godly consolation\\nand wholesome benefits or no; Sixthly, whether auricular\\nconfession is necessary to be retained, continued, used, and\\nfrequented in the Church or no; the King s most Royal\\nMajesty, most prudently pondering and considering that by\\noccasion of variable and sundry opinions and judgments of\\nthe said Articles, great discord and variance hath arisen as\\nwell amongst the clergy of this his realm, as amongst a great\\nnumber of vulgar people, his loving subjects of the same,\\nand being in a full hope and trust that a full and perfect re-\\nsolution of the said Articles should make a perfect concord\\nand unity generally amongst all his loving and obedient\\nsubjects; of his most excellant goodness not only com-\\nmanded that the said Articles should deliberately and ad-\\nvisedly by his said archbishops, bishops, and other learned\\nmen of his clergy, be debated, argued, and reasoned, and\\ntheir opinions therein to be understood, declared, and known,\\nbut also most graciously vouchsafed in his own princely\\nperson to descend and come into his said high court of Par-\\nliament and Council, and there, like a prince of most high\\nprudence and no less learning, opened and declared many\\nthings of high learning and great knowledge touching the\\nsaid articles, matters, and questions, for an unity to be had\\nin the same Whereupon, after a great and long deliberate\\nand advised disputation and consultation had and made con-\\ncerning the said Articles, as well by the consent of the King s\\nHighness as by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Tem-\\nporal, and other learned men of his clergy in- their con-\\nvocation, and by the consent of the Commons in this present\\nParliament assembled, it was, and is, finally resolved, ac-\\ncorded, and agreed in manner and form following, that is\\nto say; First, that in the most blessed Sacrament of the\\nAltar, by the strength and efficacy of Christ s mighty word,\\nit being spoken by the priest, is present really, under the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 269\\nform of bread and wine, the natural body and blood of our\\nSaviour Jesus Christ, conceived of the Virgin Mary, and that\\nafter the consecration there remaineth no substance of bread\\nor wine, nor any other substance but the substance of Christ,\\nGod and Man Secondly, that communion in both kinds is\\nn.ot necessary ad salutem by the law of God to all persons\\nand that it is to be believed and not doubted of, but that in\\nthe flesh under form of bread is the very blood, and with the\\nblood under form of wine is the very flesh, as well apart as\\nthough they were both together Thirdly, that priests after\\ntlie order of priesthood received, as before, may not marry\\nby the law of God; Fourthly, that vows of chastity or\\nwidowhood by man or woman made to God advisedly ought\\nto be observed by the law of God, and that it exempts them\\nfrom other liberties of Christian people, which, without that,\\ntliey might enjoy; Fifthly, that it is meet and necessary\\nthat private Masses be continued and admitted in this the\\nKing s English Church and Congregation, as whereby good\\nChristian people ordering themselves accordingly do receive\\nboth Godly and goodly consolations and benefits, and it is\\nagreeable also to God s law Sixthly, that auricular confes-\\nsion is expedient and necessary to be retained and continued,\\nused and frequented, in the Church of God\\n(Ed. from Statutes of the Realm, ed. cit., Ill, 739.)\\n120. The Bible in the English Churches\\n(33 Henry VI II, 1542)\\nRecords, Burnet\\nTlie close of the reign of Henry VIII. was marked by a de-\\ncided movement toward Protestantism. The influence of Cran-\\nmer and Cromwell was thrown against the fundamental doctrines\\nof the Catholic Church. The changed attitude of the Crown is\\nshown in the statute enforcing the keeping of a pubhc Bible in\\nthe English churches, and in the proclamation ordering prayers\\nto be read in the English tongue. These two statutes indicated\\nthe approaching era of ultra-Protestantism brought about by the\\nadvisers of Edward VI.\\nPROCLAMATION ORDAINED BY THE KING s MAJESTY, WITH THE\\nADVICE OF HIS HONOURABLE COUNCIL, FOR THE BIBLE OF\\nTHE LARGEST AND GREATEST VOLUME TO BE HAD IN EVERY\\nCHURCH DEVISED THE SIXTH DAY OF MAY, THE THIRTY-\\nTHIRD YEAR OF THE KING s MOST GRACIOUS REIGN,\\nWHEREBY injunctions heretofore set forth by the au-\\nthority of the king s royal majesty, supreme head of the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "270 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nchurch of this his reahn of England, it was ordained and\\ncommanded, amongst other things, that in all and singular\\nparish churches, there should be provided, by a certain day\\nnow expired, at the costs of the curates and parishioners,\\nBibles containing the Old and New Testament in the English\\ntongue, to be fixed and set up openly in every of the said\\nparish churches; the which godly commandment and injunc-\\ntion was to the only intent that every of the king s majesty s\\nloving subjects, minding to read therein, might, by occasion\\nthereof, not only consider and perceive the great and inef-\\nfable omnipotent power, promise, justice, mercy and good-\\nness of Almighty God, but also to learn thereby to observe\\nGod s commandments, and to obey their sovereign lord and\\nhigh powers, and to exercise godly charity, and to use them-\\nselves according to their vocations, in a pure and sincere\\nChristian life without murmur or grudging: by the which\\ninjunctions, the king s royal majesty intended that his loving\\nsubjects should have and use the commodities of the reading\\nof the said Bibles, for the purpose above rehearsed, humbly,\\nmeekly, reverently, and obediently, and not that any of\\nthem should read the said Bibles with high and loud voices,\\nin time of the celebration of the holy mass, and other divine\\nservices used in the church or that any of his lay-subjects\\nreading the same, should presume to take upon them any\\ncommon disputation, argument, or exposition of the mysteries\\ntherein contained; but that every such layman should, hum-\\nbly, meekly, and reverently, read the same for his own in-\\nstruction, edification, and amendment of his life, according\\nto God s holy word therein mentioned. And notwithstand-\\ning the king s said most godly and gracious commandment\\nand injunction, in form as aforesaid, his royal majesty is in-\\nformed, that divers and many towns and parishes within this\\nhis realm have neglected their duties in the accomplishment\\nthereof; whereof his highness marvelleth not a little; and\\nminding the execution of his said former most godly and\\ngracious injunctions, doth straitly charge and command, that\\nthe curates and parishioners of every town and parish within\\nthis his realm of England, not having already Bibles pro-\\nvided within their parish churches, shall, on this side the\\nfeast of All Saints next coming, buy and provide Bibles of\\nthe largest and greatest volume, and cause the same to be\\nset and fixed in every of the said parish churches, there to\\nbe used as is aforesaid, according to the said former in-\\njunctions, upon pain that the curate and inhabitants of the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "HENRY VIII. AND THE CHURCH 271\\nparishes and towns shall lose and forfeit to the king s ma-\\njesty for every month that they shall lack and want the said\\nBibles, after the same feast of All Saints, 40s., the one half\\nof the same forfeit to be to the king s majesty, and the other\\nhalf to him or them which shall first find and present the\\nsame to the king s majesty s council And his highness\\nstraitly chargeth and commandeth that all and singular\\nordinaries, having ecclesiastical jurisdiction w^ithin this his\\nchurch and realm of England, and dominion of Wales, that\\nthey and every of them shall put their effectual endeavours\\nthat the curates and parishioners shall obey and accomplish\\nthis his majesty s proclamation and commandment, as they\\ntender the advancement of the king s most gracious and\\ngodly purpose in that behalf and as they will answer to his\\nhighness for the same.\\nGod save the king.\\n{Collection of Records, Burnet, ed. cit., cvii.)\\n121. Church Services to be in English\\n(36 Henry VIII, 1545)\\nRecords, Burnet\\nThis mandate produced a complete overturn of the old custom\\nof using Latin in the services of the Church and since its issue\\nthe services of the Church of England have been held in the\\nEnglish tongue.\\nA MANDATE FOR PUBLISHING AND USING THE PRAYERS IN THE\\nENGLISH TONGUE.\\nMandatum Domino Episcopo London, direct, pro puhlica-\\ntione Regiarum Injunctionuni.\\nMost reverend father in God, right trusty and right well-\\nbeloved, we greet you w^ell. and let you wit, that calling to\\nour remembrance the miserable state of all Christendom,\\nbeing at this present, besides all other troubles, so plagued\\nwith most cruel wars, hatred, and dissensions, as no place of\\nthe same almost (being the whole reduced to a very narrow\\ncorner) remaineth in good peace, agreement, and concord;\\nthe help and remedy whereof far exceeding the power of\\nany man, must be called for of Him who only is able to grant\\nour petitions, and never forsaketh nor repelleth any that\\nfirmly believe and faithfully call on him unto whom also\\nthe example of Scripture encourageth us, in all these and\\nother our troubles and necessities, to fly and to cry for aid", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "IS\\n272 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand succour; being therefore resolved to have continually\\nfrom henceforth general processions, in all cities, towns,\\nchurches, and parishes in this our realm, said and sung, with i\\nsuch reverence and devotion as appertaineth. Forasmuch\\nas heretofore the people, partly for lack of good instruction\\nand calling, and partly for that they understood no part of\\nsuch prayers or suffrages as were used to be sung and said,\\nhave used to come very slackly to the procession, when the\\nsame have been commanded heretofore; we have set forth\\ncertain godly prayers and suffrages in our native English\\ntongue, which we send you herewith, signifying unto you,\\nthat for the special trust and confidence we have of your\\ngodly mind, and earnest desire, to the setting forward of\\nthe glory of God, and the true worshipping of his most holy\\nname, within that province committed by us unto you, we\\nhave sent unto you these suffrages, not to be for a month or\\ntwo observed, and after slenderly considered, as other our\\ninjunctions have, to our no little marvel, been used but to the\\nintent that as well the same, as other our injunctions, may be\\nearnestly set forth by preaching good exhortations and other-\\nwise to the people, in such sort as they feeling the godly\\ntaste thereof, may godly and joyously, with thanks, receive,\\nembrace, and frequent the same, as appertaineth. Where-\\nfore we will and command you, as you will answer unto us\\nfor the contrary, not only to cause these prayers and suf-\\nfrages aforesaid to be published, frequented, and openly used\\nin all towns, churches, villages, and parishes of your own\\ndiocess, but also to signify this our pleasure unto all other\\nbishops of your province, willing and commanding them in\\nour name, and by virtue hereof, to do and execute the same\\naccordingly. Unto whose proceedings, in the execution of\\nthis our commandment, we will that you have a special\\nrespect, and make report unto us, if any shall not with good\\ndexterity accomplish the same not failing, as our special\\ntrust is in you.\\nAt St. James s, Junii Regni 36. Directed to\\nthe Archbishop of Canterbury.\\n{Collectio7i 0/ Records, Burnet, ed. cit., cxiii.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVI\\nTHE REIGN OF EDWARD VI.\\n122. Regulations concerning the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper\\n(i Edw. VI, 1547)\\nStatutes at Large 0/ England\\nThe following Act strikingly illustrates one of the results of\\nthe sudden overthrow of Catholicism. The sacrament, which had\\nonce been to all the most sacred of ceremonies, became a subject\\nof blasphemy on both sides. So widespread was this evil that\\nit was necessary to take legal measures to suppress it, lest religion\\nshould be utterly subverted by being brought into almost uni-\\nversal disrepute.\\nAN ACT AGAINST SUCH PERSONS AS SHALL UNREVERENTLY\\nSPEAK AGAINST THE SACRAMENT OF THE BODY AND BLOOD\\nOF CHRIST, COMMONLY CALLED THE SACRAMENT OF THE\\nALTAR, AND FOR THE RECEIVING THEREOF IN BOTH KINDS.\\nI. (PREAMBLE. This describes the nature and sanc-\\ntity of the Sacrament, recites the abuses thereof, and pro-\\nvides against irreverent speaking thereof.)\\nII. (Provides for the methods of examination of Ac-\\ncusers.)\\nIII. (Provides for process under this Act.)\\nIV. (Provision that justices of the peace, before whom\\ntrial is held, shall summons bishop of diocese to trial.)\\nV. (Provides that indictment must be laid within three\\nmonths after committal of offense.)\\nVI. (Method of proof of innocence.)\\nVII. And forasmuch as it is more agreeable, both to the\\nfirst institution of the said Sacrament of the most precious\\nbody and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and also more\\nconformable to the common use and practice both of the\\nApostles and the primitive Church by the space of 500 years\\nand more after Christ s ascension, that the said blessed\\nSacrament should be administered to all Christian people\\nunder both the kinds of bread and wine, than under the\\n273", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "274 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nform of bread only: And also it is more agreeable to the\\nfirst institution of Christ, and to the usage of the Apostles\\nand the primitive Church, that the people being present\\nshould receive the same with the priest than that the priest\\nshould receive it alone: Therefore be it enacted by our said\\nsovereign lord the King, w^ith the consent of the Lords\\nSpiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present\\nParliament assembled, and by the authority of the same.\\nThat the said most blessed Sacrament be hereafter commonly\\ndelivered and administered unto the people within the Church\\nof England and Ireland, and other the King s dominions,\\nunder both the kinds, that is to say, of bread and wine,\\nexcept necessity otherwise require And also the priest\\nwhich shall administer the same shall, at the least one day\\nbefore, exhort all persons which shall be present likewise\\nto resort and prepare themselves to receive the same. And\\nwhen the day prefixed cometh, after a godly exhortation by\\nthe minister made (wherein shall be further expressed the\\nbenefit and comfort promised to them which worthily re-\\nceive the said Holy Sacrament, and danger and indignation\\nof God threatened to them which shall presume to receive\\nthe same unworthily, to the end that every man may try and\\nexamine his own conscience before he shall receive the\\nsame), the said minister shall not without a lawful cause\\ndeny the same to any person that will devoutly and humbly\\ndesire it; any law, statute, ordinance, or custom contrary\\nthereto in any wise notwithstanding: Not condemning here-\\nby the usage of any church out of the King s Majesty s\\ndommiOnS. (E^ from statutes at Large, ed. cit., Ill, 478.)\\n123. The Act of Uniformity\\n(2 Edw. VI, 1548)\\nStatutes at Large of England\\nConfusion in order and lack of reverence in religious services,\\nfollowed the innovations of Henry VHI. As Protestantism\\ngained control, the disorder increased. The inevitable end was\\nclearly foreseen by the advisers of Edward VI., and prompt action\\nwas taken by the following Act, which was designed to cause all\\nthe various forms of divine service to conform to one model,\\nthat of the Protestant Church of England.\\nAN ACT FOR THE UNIFORMITY OF SERVICE AND ADMINISTRA-\\nTION OF THE SACRAMENTS THROUGHOUT THE REALM\\n(The preamble recites the uses of various forms of ser-\\nvice; the attempt of the King and Lord Protector to prevent", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF EDWARD VI. 275\\ninnovations; the clemency of the King in not punishing of-\\nfenders against his decrees; the appointment of the Arch-\\nbishop of Canterbury and others to frame a common order\\nof prayer and rites the framing of the Book of Common\\nPrayer; and the thanks of Parliament for the latter. It\\nalso asks amnesty for all offenders in the premises, and\\nproceeds\\nand that all and singular ministers in any cathedral or\\nparish church or other place within this realm of England,\\nWales, Calais, and the marches of the same, or other the\\nKing s dominions, shall, from and after the feast of Pente-\\ncost next coming, be bounden to say and use the matins,\\nevensong, celebration of the Lord s Supper, commonly called\\nthe Mass, and administration of each of the Sacraments, and\\nall their common and open prayer, in such order and form\\nas is mentioned in the same book, and none other or other-\\nwise. And albeit that the same be so godly and good that\\nthey give occasion to every honest and conformable man\\nmost willingly to embrace them, yet lest any obstinate person\\nwho willingly would disturb so godly order and quiet in\\nthis realm should not go unpunished, that it may also be\\nordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, That if any\\nmanner of parson, vicar, or other whatsoever ministers, that\\nought or should sing or say Common Prayer mentioned in\\nthe said Book, or administer the Sacraments, shall after the\\nsaid feast of Pentecost next coming refuse to use the said\\nCommon Prayers, or to administer the Sacraments in such\\ncathedral or parish church, or other places as he should use\\nor administer the same, in such order and form as they be\\nmentioned and set forth in the said Book or shall use, wil-\\nfully and obstinately standing in the same, any other rite,\\nceremony, order, form, or manner of Mass openly or privily,\\nor matins, evensong, administration of the Sacraments, or\\nother open prayer than is mentioned and set forth in the said\\nBook (open prayer, in and throughout this Act, is meant\\nthat prayer which is for other to come unto and hear, either\\nin common churches or private chapels or oratories, com-\\nmonly called the Service of the Church) or shall preach,\\ndeclare, or speak any thing in the derogation or depraving\\nof the said Book, or any thing therein contained, or of any\\npart thereof; and shall be thereof lawfully convicted ac-\\ncording to the laws of this realm, by verdict of twelve men,\\nor by his own confession, or by the notorious evidence of the\\nfact, shall lose and forfeit to the King s Highness, his heirs", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "276 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand successors, for his first offence, the profits of such one\\nof his spiritual benefices or promotions as it shall please the\\nKing s Highness to assign or appoint, coming and arising\\nin one whole year next after his conviction. [The rest of\\nthis section deals with form of penalty for first, second, and\\nthird offences.]\\nII. And it is ordained and enacted by the authority above-\\nsaid. That if any person or persons whatsoever, after the\\nsaid feast of Pentecost next coming, shall in any interludes,\\nplays, songs, rhymes, or by other open words, declare or\\nspeak any thing in the derogation, depraving, or despising\\nof the same Book, or of any thing therein contained, or any\\npart thereof; or shall by open fact, deed, or by open threat-\\nenings, compel or cause, or otherwise procure or maintain\\nany parson, vicar, or other minister in any cathedral or\\nparish church, or in any chapel or other place, to sing or say\\nany common and open prayer, or to administer any Sacra-\\nment otherwise or in any other manner or form than is\\nmentioned in the said Book; or that by any of the said\\nmeans shall unlawfully interrupt or let any parson, vicar,\\nor other ministers in any cathedral or parish church, chapel,\\nor any other place, to sing or say common and open prayer,\\nor to administer the Sacraments, or any of them, in any\\nsuch manner and form as is mentioned in the said Book that\\nthen every person being thereof lawfully convicted in form\\nabovesaid, shall forfeit to the King our sovereign lord, his\\nheirs and successors, for the first offence ten pounds. [The\\nrest of this section deals with forms of penalties.]\\nIII. (Provides that justices of oyer may sit in judgment.)\\nIV. (Provides that a bishop may at his pleasure join with\\nthe justices at the trial.)\\nV. Provided always. That it shall be lawful to any man\\nthat understandeth the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew tongue,\\nor other strange tongue, to say and have the said prayers\\nheretofore specified of matins and evensong in Latin, or any\\nsuch other tongue, saying the same privately, as they do\\nunderstand.\\nVI. And for the further encouragement of learning in the\\ntongues in the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford to use\\nand exercise in their common and open prayer in their\\nchapels (being no parish churches), or other places of\\nprayer, the matins, evensong, litany, and all other prayers\\n(the Holy Communion, commonly called the Mass, ex-\\ncepted), prescribed in the said Book, in Greek, Latin, or", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF EDWARD VI. 277\\nHebrew; any thing in this present Act to the contrary\\nnotwithstanding.\\nVII. Provided also, That it shall be lawful for all men,\\nas well in churches, chapels, oratories, or other places, to\\nuse openly any psalms or prayer taken out of the Bible, at\\nany due time, not letting or omitting thereby the Service,\\nor any part thereof, mentioned in the said Book.\\nVIII. (Provides that Service Books shall be gotten by all\\nchurches before the next feast of Pentecost.)\\nIX. X, XI, XII, and XIII provide for procedure and juris-\\ndiction under this Act.\\n(Ed. from Statutes at Large, ed. cit., Ill, p. 517.)\\n124. Against Books and Images\\n(3 Edw. VI, 1549)\\nStatutes at Large of England\\nThe zeal of the Protestant party led to the issue of stringent\\nacts against all practices that recalled the doctrines of the Catho-\\nlic Church. Uniformity of worship was secured by careful sup-\\npression and drastic legislation.\\nWhereas the King s most excellent Majesty hath of late\\nset forth and established by authority of Parliament an\\nuniform, quiet, and godly order for Common and Open\\nPrayer, in a book entitled. The Book of Common Prayer\\nand Administration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and\\nCeremonies of the Church, after the Church of England, to\\nbe used and observed in the said Church of England, agree-\\nably to the order of the primitive Church, much more com-\\nfortable unto his loving subjects than other diversity of ser-\\nvice, as heretofore of long time hath been used, being in the\\nsaid book ordained, nothing to be read but the very pure\\nWord of God, or which is evidently grounded upon the\\nsame and in the other, things corrupt, untrue, vain, and\\nsuperstitious, and as it were a preparation to superstition\\nwhich for that they be not called in, but permitted to re-\\nmain undefaced, do not only give occasion to such perverse\\npersons as do impugn the order and godly meaning of the\\nKing s said Book of Common Prayer, to continue in their\\nold accustomed superstitious service, but also minister great\\noccasion to diversity of opinions, rites, ceremonies, and\\nservices Be it therefore enacted by the King our Sovereign\\nLord, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons,\\nin the present Parliament assembled. That all books called\\nantiphoners, missals, grailes, processionals, manuals, legends,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "278 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\npies, portuasses, primers in Latin or English, couchers,\\njournals, ordinals, or other books or writings heretofore\\nused for service of the Church, written or printed in the\\nEnglish or Latin tongue, other than such as are or shall be\\nset forth by the King s Majesty, shall be by authority of this\\npresent Act clearly and utterly abolished, extinguished, and\\nforbidden for ever to be used or kept in this realm, or else-\\nwhere within any of the King s dominions.\\nIL And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid.\\nThat if any person or persons, of what estate, degree, or\\ncondition soever he, she, or they be, body politic or cor-\\nporate, that now have or hereafter shall have in his, her, or\\ntheir custody, any the books or writings of the sorts afore-\\nsaid, or any images of stone, timber, alabaster, or earth,\\ngraven, carved, or painted, which heretofore have been\\ntaken out of any church or chapel, or yet stand in any\\nchurch or chapel, and do not before the last day of June\\nnext ensuing deface and destroy, or cause to be defaced and\\ndestroyed, the same images and every of them, and deliver\\nor cause to be delivered all and every the same books to the\\nmayor, bailiff, constable, or church-wardens of the town\\nwhere such books then shall be, to be by them delivered over\\nopenly within three months next following after the said\\ndelivery, to the archbishop, bishop, chancellor, or commis-\\nsary, of the same diocese, to the intent the said archbishop,\\nbishop, chancellor, or commissary, and every of them, cause\\nthem immediately either to be openly burnt or otherwise de-\\nfaced and destroyed shall for every such book or books will-\\ningly retained in his, her, or their hands or custody within the\\nrealm, or elsewhere within any of the King s dominions, and\\nnot delivered as is aforesaid, after the said last day of June,\\nand be thereof lawfully convict, forfeit and lose to the King\\nour Sovereign Lord, for the first offence xx s., and for the\\nsecond offence shall forfeit and lose (being thereof lawfully\\nconvict) iv U, and for the third offence shall suffer im-\\nprisonment at the King s will.\\nIIL (Provides penalty in case of default of duty by any\\nMayor, etc.)\\nIV. (Provides for jurisdiction by Justices of the Assize.)\\nV. Provided also, and be it enacted by the authority afore-\\nsaid. That any person or persons may use, keep, have, and\\nretain any primers in the English or Latin tongue, set forth\\nby the late King of famous memory. King Henry the Eighth,\\nso that the sentences of invocation or prayer to the saints in\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF EDWARD VI. 279\\nthe same primers be blotted or clearly put out of the same;\\nany thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding.\\nVL Provided always, That this Act, or any thing therein\\ncontained, shall not extend to any image or picture set or\\ngraven upon any tomb in any church, chapel, or church-\\nyard, only for a monument of any king, prince, nobleman, or\\nother dead person, which hath not been commonly reputed or\\ntaken for a saint, but that such pictures and images my\\nstand and continue in like manner and form as if this Act\\nhad never been had nor made; any thing in this Act to the\\ncontrary in any wise notwithstanding.\\n(Ed. from Statutes at Large, ed. cited, III, p. 565.\\n125. Journal of Edward VI.\\nRecords, Burnet\\nThe following extracts from the journal of Edward VL, a mere\\nboy, are pathetic in their evidence of abnormal precocity. They\\nare also important in that they foreshadow the attitude of Mary\\ntoward the Protestant religion.\\nMarch [1550]\\n18. The lady Mary, my sister, came to me at Westminster,\\nwhere, after salutations, she was called with my council, into\\na chamber where was declared how long I had suffered her\\nmass, in hope of her reconciliation, and how now being no\\nhope, which I perceived by her letters, except I saw some\\nshort amendment, I could not bear it. She answered, that\\nher soul was God s, and her faith she would not change,\\nnor dissemble her opinion with contrary doings. It was\\nsaid, T constrained not her faith, but willed her not as a\\nking to rule, but as a subject to obey; and that her example\\nmight breed too much inconvenience.\\n19. The emperor s ambassador came with a short message\\nfrom his master of war, if I would not suffer his cousin, the\\nprincess, to use her mass. To this was no answer given at\\nthis time.\\n20. The bishops of Canterbury, London, Rochester, did\\nconsider to give license to sin, was sin; to suffer and wink\\nat it for a time might be born, so all haste possible might\\nbe used.\\n23. The council having the bishop s answers, seeing my\\nsubjects taking their vent in Flanders, might put the whole\\nrealm in danger. The Flemings had cloth enough for a year in\\ntheir hand, and were kept far under the danger of the papists;", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "28o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthe fifteen hundred cinquetales of powder I had in Flanders, i\\nthe harness they had for preparation of the gendarmory,\\nthe goods my merchants had there at the Woolfleet, decreed\\nto send an ambassador to the emperor, Mr. Wotton, to deny\\nthe matter wholly, and persuade the emperor in it, thinking,\\nby his going, to win some time for a preparation of a mart,\\nconvenience of powder, harness, etc., and for the surety of the\\nrealm. In the mean season, to punish the offenders, first of\\nmy servants that heard mass, next of hers.\\n24. Sir Anthony Brown sent to the Fleet for hearing mass\\nwith Serjeant Morgan, Sir Clement Smith, which a year be-\\nfore heard mass, chidden.\\n25. The ambassador of the emperor came to have his\\nanswer, but had none, saving, that one should go to the\\nemperor within a month or two to declare the matter.\\n{Collection of Records, Burnet, ed. cit., clxvi.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVII\\nTHE REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM\\n126. Lady Jane Grey s Claim to the Throne\\nRecords^ Bttrnet\\nThe claim of Lady Jane Dudley or, as she is better known,\\nof Lady Jane Grey to the throne of England is set forth in the\\nfollowing document. The text has been given in full, as it throws\\nlight upon a little-understood period, and gives the complete\\nground of claim of the unfortunate lady whose reign was the\\nbriefest of England s queens.\\nJane, by the grace of God queen of England, France, and\\nIreland, defender of the faith, and of the Church of England,\\nand also of Ireland, under Christ on earth the supreme head.\\nTo all our most loving, faithful, and obedient subjects, and\\nto every of them, greeting. Whereas our most dear cousin\\nEdward the 6th, late king of England, France, and Ireland,\\nDefender of the Faith and on earth supreme head, under\\nChrist, of the Church of England and Ireland by his letters\\npatents, signed with his own hand, and sealed with his great\\nseal of England, bearing date the 21st day of June, in the sev-\\nenth year of his reign in the presence of the most part of\\nhis nobles, his counsellors, judges, and divers other grave\\nand sage personages, for the profit and surety of his whole\\nrealm, thereto assenting and subscribing their names to the\\nsame, hath, by the same his letters patent, recited, foras-\\nmuch as the imperial crown of his realm, by an act made in\\nthe 35th year of the reign of the late king, of worthy memory,\\nking Henry the 8th, our progenitor, and great uncle, was,\\nfor lack of issue by his body lawfully begotten and for lack\\nof issue of the body of our said late cousin king Edward the\\n6th, by the same act, limited and appointed to remain to the\\nlady Mary his eldest daughter, and to the heirs of her body\\nlawfully begotten and for default of such issue, the re-\\nmainder thereof to the lady Elizabeth, by the name of the\\n281", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "282 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nlady Elizabeth his second daughter, and to the heirs of her\\nbody lawfully begotten; with such conditions as should be\\nlimited and appointed by the said late king of worthy mem-\\nory, king Henry the 8th, our progenitor, and great uncle, by\\nhis letters patent under his great seal, or by his last will\\nin writing, signed with his hand. And forasmuch as the\\nsaid limitation of the imperial crown of his realm being\\nlimited, as is aforesaid, to the said lady Mary, and lady\\nElizabeth, being illegitimate, and not lawfully begotton, for\\nthat the marriage had, between the said late king, king\\nHenry the 8th, our progenitor, and great uncle, and the\\nlady Katherine, mother of the said lady Mary; and also the\\nmarriage had between the said late king, king Henry the\\n8th, our progenitor, and great uncle, and the lady Ann,\\nmother of the said lady Elizabeth, were clearly and lawfully\\nundone, by sentences of divorce, according to the word of\\nGod, and the ecclesiastical laws; and which said several\\ndivorcements have been severally ratified and confirmed\\nby authority of Parliament, and especially in the 28th year\\nof the reign of king Henry the 8th, our said progenitor,\\nand great uncle, remaining in force, strength, and effect,\\nwhereby, as well the said lady Mary, as also the said\\nlady Elizabeth, to all intents and purposes, are, and been\\nclearly disabled, to ask, claim, or challenge the said imperial\\ncrown, or any other of the honours, castles, manours, lord-\\nships, lands, tenements, or other hereditaments, as heir or\\nheirs to our said late cousin king Edward the 6th, or as heir\\nor heirs to any other person or persons whatsoever, as well\\nfor the cause before rehearsed, as also for that the said lady\\nMary, and lady Elizabeth, were unto our said late cousin but\\nof the half-blood, and therefore by the ancient laws, statutes,\\nand customs of this realm, be not inheritable unto our said\\nlate cousin, although they had been born in lawful matri-\\nmony; as indeed they were not, as by the said sentences of\\ndivorce, and the said statute of the 28th year of the reign of\\nking Henry the 8th, our said progenitor, and great uncle,\\nplainly appeareth, and forasmuch also, as it is to be thought,\\nor at the least much to be doubted, that if the said lady Mary,\\nor lady Elizabeth, should hereafter have or enjoy the said\\nimperial crown of this realm, and should then happen to\\nmarry with any stranger born out of this realm, that then the\\nsaid stranger, having the government and the imperial crown\\nin his hands, would adhere and practice not only to bring\\nthis noble, free realm into the tyranny and servitude of the\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 283\\nbishops of Rome, but also to have the laws and customs of\\nhis or their own native country or countries, to be practised\\nand put in use within this realm, rather than the laws, stat-\\nutes, and customs here of long time used; whereupon the\\ntitle of inheritance, of all and singular the subjects of this\\nrealm to depend, to the peril of conscience, and the utter\\nsubversion of the common-weal of this realm whereupon\\nour said late dear cousin, weighing and considering within\\nhimself which ways and means were most convenient to be\\nhad for the stay of the said succession, in the said imperial\\ncrown, if it should please God to call our said late cousin\\nout this transitory life, having no issue of his body; and\\ncalling to his remembrance, that we, and the lady Katherine,\\nand the lady Mary, our sisters (being the daughters of the\\nlady Frances, our natural mother, and then, and yet, wife of\\nour natural and most loving father, Henry duke of Suffolk;\\nand the lady Margaret, daughter of the lady Elianor, then\\ndeceased, sister of the said lady Frances, and the late wife\\nof our cousin Henry earl of Cumberland) were very nigh\\nof his grace s blood, of the part of his father s side, our said\\nprogenitor, and great uncle and being naturally born here,\\nwithin the realm and for the very good opinion our said\\nlate cousin had of our said sisters and cousin Margaret s\\ngood education, did therefore, upon good deliberation and\\nadvice herein had, and taken, by his said letters patents,\\ndeclare, order, assign, limit, and appoint, that if it should\\nfortune himself, our said late cousin, king Edward the Sixth,\\nto decease, having no issue of his body lawfully, begotten,\\nthat then the said imperial crown of England and Ireland,\\nand the confines of the same, and his title to the crown of\\nthe realm of France and all and singular honours, castles,\\nprerogatives, privileges, preeminencies and authorities, ju-\\nrisdictions, dominions, possessions, and hereditaments, to\\nour said late cousin, king Edward the Sixth, or to the said\\nimperial crown belonging, or in any-wise appertaining,\\nshould, for lack of such issue of his body, remain, come, and\\nbe to the eldest son of the body of the said lady Frances, law-\\nfully begotten, being born into the world in his life-time, and\\nto the heirs males of the body of such eldest son lawfully be-\\ngotten and so from son to son, as he should be of vicinity of\\nbirth of the body of the said lady Francis, lawfully begotten,\\nbeing born into the world in our said late cousin s life-time,\\nand to the heirs male of the body of every such son lawfully\\nbegotten. And for default of such son born into the world", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "284 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nin his life-time, of the body of the said lady Frances, law-\\nfully begotten and for lack of heirs males of every such son\\nlawfully begotten, that then the said imperial crown, and all\\nand singular other the premises, should remain, come, and\\nbe to us, by the name of the lady Jane, eldest daughter of\\nthe said lady Frances, and to the heirs male of our body\\nlawfully begotten, and for the lack of such issue, then to the\\nlady Katherine aforesaid, our said second sister, and the heirs\\nmale of her body lawfully begotten, with divers other re-\\nmainders, as by the same letters-patents more plainly and\\nat large it may and doth appear. Sithence the making of\\nour letters patents, that is to say, on Thursday, which was\\nthe 6th day of this instant month of July, it hath pleased God\\nto call unto his infinite mercy our said most dear and entirely\\nbeloved cousin Edward the Sixth, whose soul God pardon;\\nand forasmuch as he is now deceased, having no heirs of his\\nbody begotten; and that also there remaineth at this present\\ntime no heirs lawfully begotten, of the body of our said pro-\\ngenitor, and great uncle, king Henry the Eighth and for-\\nasmuch also as the said lady Frances, our said mother, had\\nno issue begotten of her body, and born into the world, in\\nthe life-time of our said cousin king Edward the Sixth, so\\nas the said imperial crown, and other the premises to the\\nsame belonging, or in any-wise appertaining, now be, and\\nremain to us, in our actual and royal possession, by authority\\nof the said letters patents we do therefore by these presents\\nsignify, unto all our most loving, faithful, and obedient sub-\\njects, that like-as we for our part shall, by God s grace, shew\\nourselves a most gracious and benign sovereign queen and\\nlady to all our good subjects, in all their just and lawful suits\\nand causes; and to the uttermost of our power, shall preserve\\nand maintain God s most holy word. Christian policy, and\\nthe good laws, customs, and liberties of these our realms and\\ndominions; so we mistrust not but they, and every of them,\\nwill again, for their parts, at all times, and in all cases, shew\\nthemselves unto us, their natural liege queen and lady, most\\nfaithful, loving, and obedient subjects, according to their\\nbounden duties and allegiance, whereby they shall please\\nGod, and do the things that shall tend to their own preserva-\\ntion and sureties; willing and commanding all men, of all\\nestates, degrees, and conditions, to see our peace and accord\\nkept, and to be obedient to our laws, as they tender our\\nfavour, and will answer for the contrary at their extreme\\nperils. In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 2S5\\nto be made patents. Witness ourself, at our Tower of Lon-\\ndon, the tenth day of July, in the first year of our reign.\\nGod save the Queen.\\n{Collection o/ Records, Burnet, ed. cit., ccliii.)\\n127. Execution of Lady Jane Grey\\nFoxe\\nThe brief reign of Lady Jane Grey Dudley was brought to a\\npathetic close with her condemnation to death. Her bearing on\\nthe scaffold was marked by resignation and dignity, and the\\nsympathies of all, even those who were opposed to her claim as\\nqueen, were given to the young girl who died so bravely.\\nThese are the words that the lady Jane spake upon the\\nscaffold, at the hour of her death. First, when she mounted\\nupon the scaffold, she said to the people standing thereabout,\\nGood people, I am come hither to die, and by a law I am\\ncondemned to the same. The fact against the queen s high-\\nness was unlawful, and the consenting thereunto by me but\\ntouching the procurement or desire thereof by me, or on my\\nbehalf, I do wash my hands thereof in innocency before God,\\nand the face of you, good Christian people, this day and\\ntherewith she wrung her hands, wherein she had her book.\\nThen said she, T pray you all, good Christian people, to bear\\nme witness that I die a true Christian woman, and that I do\\nlook to be saved by no other mean, but only by the mercy of\\nGod, in the blood of his only son Jesus Christ: and I confess,\\nthat when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same,\\nloved myself and the world; and therefore this plague and\\npunishment is happily and worthily happened unto me for\\nmy sins; and yet I thank God, that of his goodness he hath\\nthus given me a time and respite to repent. And now, good\\npeople, while I am alive, I pray you to assist me with your\\nprayers. And then, kneeling down, she turned her to Feck-\\nnam, saying: Shall I say this psalm? And he said, Yea.\\nThen said she the psalm of Miserere nici Dens in English,\\nin most devout manner, throughout to the end and then she\\nstood up, and gave her maiden, mistress Ellen, her gloves\\nand handkerchief, and her book to master Bruges. And\\nthen she untied her gown, and the hangman pressed upon her\\nto help her off with it but she, desiring him to let her alone,\\nturned towards her two gentlewomen, who helped her off\\ntherewith, and also with her frowes paste and neckerchief,\\ngiving to her a fair handkerchief to knit about her eyes.\\nThen the hangman kneeled down and asked her forgive-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "286 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nness, whom she forgave most willingly. Then he willed her\\nto stand upon the straw; which doing, she saw the block.\\nThen she said, *T pray you despatch me quickly. Then she\\nkneeled down, saying, Will you take it off, before I lay me\\ndown? And the hangman said, **No, madam. Then tied\u00c2\u00bb|\\nshe the handkerchief about her eyes, and feeling for the.\\nblock, she said, What shall I do? Where is it? Where is\\nit? One of the standers-by guiding her thereunto she laid\\nher head down upon the block, and then stretched forth her\\nbody, and said, Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit;\\nand so finished her life, in the year of our Lord God 1554,\\nthe I2th day of February.\\n{Acts and Mominients, of John Foxe, ed. J. Pratt, Lond. n. d. 4th ed., VI, 423.)\\n128. Mary s Claim to the Throne\\nActs and Memorials, Foxe\\nThat the claim of Lady Jane Grey was not without strong\\nsupport is shown by the following correspondence between Mary\\nand the lords of the council. The answer of the prominent lords\\nto the claim of Mary is very sharp in its tone, and some of the\\nProtestants afterward paid dearly for their partisanship of Lady\\nJane and for their strictures upon the legitimacy of Mary.\\nMy lords, we greet you well, and have received sure adver-\\ntisement, that our dearest brother the king, our late sover-\\neign lord, is departed to God s mercy; which news how wo-\\nful they be unto our heart, he only knoweth, to whose will\\nand pleasure we must, and do, humbly submit us and our\\nwills. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit now,\\nafter his majesty s departure and death, concerning the\\ncrown and governance of this realm of England, with the\\ntitle of France, and all things thereto belonging, what hath\\nbeen provided by act of Parliament, and the testament and\\nlast will of our dearest father, besides other circumstances\\nadvancing our right, you know, the realm and the whole\\nworld knoweth the rolls and records appear by the authority\\nof the king our said father, and the king our said brother,\\nand the subjects of this realm; so that we verily trust that\\nthere is no true good subject, that is, can, or would pretend\\nto be ignorant thereof and of our part we have of ourselves\\ncaused, and, as God shall aid and strengthen us, shall cause,\\nour right and title in this behalf to be published and pro-\\nclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty matter\\nseemeth strange, that our said brother, dying upon Thursday,\\nat night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 287\\nthereof, yet we consider your wisdoms and prudence to be\\nsuch, that having eftsoons among you debated, pondered, and\\nwell weighed this present case with our estate, with your\\nown estate, the commonwealth, and all our honours, w^e shall\\nand may conceive great hope and trust, with much assurance\\nin your loyalty and service and therefore for the time inter-\\npret and take things not to the worst, and that ye will, like\\nnoblemen, work the best. Nevertheless, we are not ignorant\\nof your consultations, to undo the provisions made for our\\npreferment, nor of the great bands, and provisions forcible,\\nwherewith ye be assembled and prepared by whom, and to\\nwhat end, God and you know, and nature cannot but fear\\nsome evil. But be it that some consideration politic, or\\nwhatsoever thing else hath moved you thereto yet doubt you\\nnot, my lords, but we can take all these your doings in gra-\\ncious part, being also right ready to remit and fully pardon\\nthe same, and that freely, to eschew bloodshed and vengeance,\\nagainst all those that can or will intend the same; trust-\\ning also assuredly you will take and accept this grace and\\nvirtue in good part, as appertaineth, and that we shall not be\\nenforced to use the service of others our true subjects and\\nfriends, which in this our just and right cause, God, in whom\\nour whole affiance is, shall send us. Wherefore, my lords,\\nwe require you, and charge you and every of you, that of\\nyour allegiance which you owe to God and us, and to none\\nother, for our honour and the surety of our person, only em-\\nploy yourselves, and forthwith, upon receipt hereof, cause\\nour right and title to the crown and government of this\\nrealm to be proclaimed in our city of London and other\\nplaces, as to your wisdom shall seem good, and as to this\\ncase appertaineth not failing hereof as our very trust is in\\nyou. And this our letter, signed with our hand, shall be\\nyour sufficient warrant in this behalf.\\nGiven under our signet, at our Manor of Kenning-hall,\\nthe ninth of July, 1553.\\n(Ads and Monuments, of John Foxe, ed. cit., VI, 385.)\\n128a. Answer of the Lords of the Council unto the Lady Mary s\\nLetter\\nMadam, we have received your letters, the ninth of this in-\\nstant, declaring your supposed title, which you judge your-\\nself to have, to the imperial crown of this realm, and all the\\ndominions thereunto belonging. For answer whereof, this\\nis to advertise you, that forasmuch as our sovereign lady", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "288 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nqueen Jane is, after the death of our sovereign lord Edward\\nthe Sixth, a prince of most noble memory, invested and pos-\\nsessed with the just and right title in the imperial crown of\\nthis realm, not only by good order of old ancient laws of this\\nrealm, but also by our late sovereign lord s letters patent,\\nsigned with his own hand, and sealed with the great seal of\\nEngland in presence of the most part of the nobles, coun-\\ncillors, judges, with divers other grave and sage personages,\\nassenting and subscribing to the same: we must, therefore,\\nas of most bounden duty and allegiance, assent unto her said\\ngrace, and to none other, except we should (which faithful\\nsubjects cannot) fall into grievous and unspeakable enormi-\\nties. Wherefore we can no less do, but, for the quiet both\\nof the realm and you also, to advertise you, that forasmuch\\nas the divorce made between the king of famous memory,\\nking Henry the Eighth, and the lady Katherine your mother^\\nwas necessary to be had both by the everlasting laws of God,\\nand also by the ecclesiastical laws, and by the most part of\\nthe noble and learned universities of Christendom, and con-\\nfirmed also by the sundry acts of parliaments remaining yet\\nin their force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate and\\nunheritable to the crown imperial of this realm, and the\\nrules, and dominions, and possessions of the same, you will,\\nupon just consideration hereof, and of divers other causes\\nlawful to be alleged for the same, and for the just inheritance\\nof the right line and godly order taken by the late king our\\nsovereign lord king Edward the Sixth, and agreed upon by-\\nthe nobles and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease byf\\nany pretence to vex and molest any of our sovereign lady\\nqueen Jane s subjects from their true faith and allegiance due\\nunto her grace: assuring you, that if you will for respect\\nshow yourself quiet and obedient (as you ought), you shall\\nfind us all and several ready to do you any service that we\\nwith duty may, and be glad, with your quietness, to preserve\\nthe common state of this realm, wherein you may be otherwise\\ngrievous unto us, to yourself, and to them. And thus we bid\\nyou most heartily well to fare. From the Tower of London,\\nin this ninth of July, 1553.\\nYour Ladyship s friends, showing yourself an obedient\\nsubject.\\nThomas Canterbury. Shrewsbury. John Gates.\\nThe Marquis of Winchester. Pembroke. W. Peter.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM\\n289\\nJohn Bedford.\\nWilliam Northampton.\\nThomas Ely, chancellor.\\nNorthumberland.\\nHenry Suffolk.\\nHenry Arundel.\\nCobham. W. Cecil.\\nR. Riche. John Cheke.\\nHuntingdon. John Mason.\\nDarcy. Edward North.\\nCheney. R. Bowes.\\nR. Cotton.\\n(^Acts and Monitvtents, Foxe, ed. cit., VI, 386.)\\n129. Mary s Status as Queen\\n(i Marv, s. 3, 1553)\\nStatutes at Large of England\\nThe question of the status of a queen regnant had never been\\nlegally fixed. Custom had given to the queen consort many\\nrights, privileges, and powers, but it had not found occasion to\\nfix the amount of power vested in that unknown quantity in\\nEngland, a reigning queen. The question was raised as to\\nwhether a woman could rule England. The Salic Law appeared\\nto forbid, and favourable precedent was lacking. It was there-\\nfore necessary to define and confirm the status of the queen by\\nan Act of Parliament.\\nAn Act declaring that the regal power of this realm is\\nIN the queen s majesty, as fully and absolutely as\\never it was in any of her most noble progenitors,\\nKINGS of this realm.\\nForasmuch as the imperial crown of this realm, with all\\ndignities, honours, prerogatives, authorities, jurisdictions\\nand preeminences thereunto annexed, united and belong-\\ning, by the divine providence of Almighty God, is most\\nlawfully, justly and rightfully descended and come unto the\\nQueen s Highness that now is, being the very, true and un-\\ndoubted heir and inheritrix thereof, and invested in her\\nmost royal person, according unto the laws of this realm:\\nAnd by force and virtue of the same, all regal power,\\ndignity, honour, authority, prerogative, preeminence and\\njurisdictions doth appertain, and of right ought to apper-\\ntain and belong unto her Highness, as unto the sovereign\\nsupreme governor and queen of this realm, and of the do-\\nminions thereof, is as full, large and ample manner, as it\\nhath done heretofore to any other her most noble progeni-\\ntors, kings of this realm Nevertheless, the most ancient\\nstatutes of this realm, being made by kings then reigning,\\ndo not only atribute and refer all prerogative, preeminence,\\npower and jurisdiction royal unto the name of king, but\\nalso do give, assign and appoint the correction and punish-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "290 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nment of all offenders against the regality and dignity of\\nthe crown, and the laws of this realm, unto the king: By\\noccasion whereof, the malicious and ignorant persons may\\nbe hereafter induced and persuaded unto this error and\\nfolly, to think that her Highness could nor should have, en-\\njoy and use such like royal authority, power, preeminence,\\nprerogative and jurisdiction, nor do nor execute and use all\\nthings concerning the said statutes, and take the benefit\\nand privilege of the same, nor correct and punish offenders\\nagainst her most royal person and the regality and dignity\\nof the crown of this realm and the dominions thereof, as\\nthe kings of this realm, her most noble progenitors, have\\nheretofore done, enjoyed, used and exercised.\\nII. For the avoiding and clear extinguishment of which\\nsaid error or doubt, and for a plain declaration of the laws\\nof this realm in that behalf.\\nIII. Be it declared and enacted by the authority of this\\npresent Parliament, That the law of this realm is, and ever\\nhath been, and ought to be understood, that the kingly or\\nregal office of his realm, and all dignities, prerogatives\\nroyal, power, preeminences, privileges, authorities and\\njurisdictions thereunto annexed, united or belonging, being\\ninvested either in male or female, are and be, and ought to\\nbe, as fully, wholly, absolutely and entirely deemed, judged,\\naccepted, invested and taken in the one as in the other; so\\nthat what or whensoever statute or law doth limit and ap-\\npoint that the king of this realm may or shall have, execute\\nand do any thing as king, or doth give any profit or com-\\nmodity to the king, or doth limit or appoint any pains or\\npunishment for the corrections of offenders or transgres-\\nsors against the regality and dignity of the king or of the\\ncrown; the same, the Queen (being supreme) governess,\\npossessor and inheritrix to the imperial crown of this\\nrealm, as our said sovereign lady the Queen most justly\\npresently is, may be the same authority and power likewise\\nhave, exercise, execute, punish, correct and do, to all intents,\\nconstructions and purposes, without doubt, ambiguity,\\nscruple or question; any custom, use or scruple, or any\\nother thing whatsoever to be made to the contrary notwith-\\nstanding.\\n(Ed. from Statutes at Large, ed. cit., IV, 3.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 291\\n130. Mary Attempts to restore Church Lands\\n(1554)\\nSomers Tracts\\nThe fidelity of Queen Mary to the Catholic Church was dis-\\nplayed in many ways. Her attitude toward heretics has been\\nshown, and the following Act indicates another phase in her\\ndesire to restore to the Church the lands taken from it during\\nthe previous reigns. The attempt was only partially successful,\\nas vested private interests were too strong to be abrogated,\\nespecially as their possessors formed the legislature through\\nwhich Mary sought to effect the restitution.\\nA SPEECH OF QUEEN MARY S TO HER COUNCIL^ UPON HER RE-\\nSOLUTION OF RESTORING CHURCH LANDS. ANNO REG.\\nMAR. 4.\\nWe have willed you to be called to us, to the intent you\\nmight hear of me, my conscience, and the resolution of my\\nmind, concerning the lands and possessions, as v^ell of mon-\\nasteries, as other churches whatsoever, being now in my pos-\\nsession.\\nFirst, I do consider, that the said lands were taken away\\nfrom the churches aforesaid in time of schism and that by\\nunlawful means, such as are contrary both to the law of God,\\nand of the church for which cause my conscience doth not\\nsuffer me to detain them. And therefore I here expressly\\nrefuse, either to claim, or retain those lands for mine: but\\nwith all my heart, freely and willingly, without all paction\\nor condition, here, and before God, I do surrender and relin-\\nquish the said lands and possessions, or inheritances what-\\nsoever; and renounce the same with this mind and purpose,\\nthat order and disposition thereof may be taken, as shall\\nseem best liking to the Pope, or his legate, to the honour of\\nGod, and the wealth of this our realm. And albeit you may\\nobject to me again. That the state of my kingdom, the dignity\\nthereof, and my crown imperial, cannot be honourably main-\\ntained and furnished without the possessions aforesaid: yet\\nnotwithstanding (and so she had affirmed before, when she\\nwas bent upon the restitution of the tenths and first fruits),\\nI set more by the salvation of my soul, than by ten such king-\\ndoms and therefore the said possessions I utterly refuse\\nhere to hold, after that sort and title and I give most hearty\\nthanks to God, who hath given me a husband of the same\\nmind, who hath no less good affection in his behalf, than I\\nmyself. Wherefore I charge and command that my chan-\\ncellor, (with whom I have conferred my mind in this mat-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "292 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nter,) and you four, to resort to-morrow together, to the\\nlegate, signifying to him the premises in my name. And give\\nyour attendance upon me, for the more full declaration o^j\\nthe state of my kingdom, and of the aforesaid possessions,\\naccording as you yourselves do understand the matter, and\\ncan inform him in the same.\\n{CoUectioti of Tracts, Somers ed. by Walter Scott, Lond., 1809. I, 56.)\\n131. Mary s Orders for the Execution of John Hooper\\n555)\\nHistorical Doctinieiits, Goldstmd\\nMary s extreme anxiety for the stamping out of heresy may be\\nseen in her instructions as to the execution of Hooper. He was\\nnot to be allowed to speak lest he should further spread his\\npernicious doctrines. The original manuscript is subscribed A\\nTrue Copy of an Old Paper in my Custody, which seems to be\\nthe first Draught of a Letter from the Queen to the lord Chan-\\ndois, etc., who went to see Execution done on Bishop Hooper.\\nRight Trusty and Well-beloved, etc. Whereas John\\nHooper, who of late was called Bishop of Worcester and\\nGloucester, is, by due order of the laws Ecclesiastique,con-\\ndempned and judged for a moste obstinate, false, detestable\\nHeretique, and committed to our Secular Power, to be burned\\naccording to the holsome and good Lawes of our Realme in\\nthat Case provided. Forasmuche as in those Cityes, and the\\nDiocesse thereof, he hath in Tymes paste preached and taught\\nmost pestilent Heresyes and Doctryne to our Subjects there:\\nWe have therefore geven Order, that the said Hooper, who\\nyet persisteth obstinate, and hath refused Mercy when it was\\ngracyously offred, shall be put to Execution in the sayd Cytie\\nof Gloucester, for the Example and Terror of suche as he\\nhath there seduced and mistaught, and bycause he hath doone\\nmoste Harme there. And woll that you, calling unto you\\nsome of Reputation dwelling in the Shire, such as ye thinke\\nbest, shall repayre unto our said Cytye, and be at the said\\nExecution, assisting our Mayor and Shriefs of the same\\nCytie, in this Behalf. And forasmuche also as the said\\nHooper is, as Heretiques be, a vain-glorious Person, and\\ndelyteth in his Tongue, and having Liberty, may use his sayd\\nTongue to perswade such as he hath seduced, to persist in\\nthe myserable Opinion that he hath sowen among them:\\nOur Pleasure is therefore, and we require you to take Order,\\nthat the said Hooper be neither, at the Tyme of his Execu-\\ntion, nor in goyng to the Place thereof, suffred to speak at\\nlarge; but thither to be ledde quietly, and in Sylence, for", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 293\\neschuyng of further Infection, and such Inconvenyence, as\\nmay otherwise ensue in this Parte. Whereof fayle not, as\\nye tender our Pleasure\\nA True Copy of an Old Paper in my Custody, which\\nseems to be the first Draught of a Letter from the Queen to\\nthe Lord Chandois, etc., who went to see Execution done on\\nBishop Hooper.\\nThom. Tanner.\\n(Collection of Historical Docunients Illustrative of the Reigns of the Tudor\\nand Stuart Sovereigns. Ed. by E. Goldsmid, Edinburg, 1886. II, 16.)\\n132. The Burning of Ridley and Latimer\\nFoxe\\nThe History of the Acts and Monuments of the Church has\\nhad, under the name of the Book of Martyrs, a wide circulation\\namong Protestants. The writer, John Foxe (1517-1587) was a\\nman of great discernment and unquestioned integrity, and his\\nwork is a leading source for the Reformation period. The\\nexecution of bishops Ridley and Latimer has been selected as\\ntypical of such scenes. In a later page is given (No. 141), as\\ncontrast, an execution of a Catholic during the reign of Eliza-\\nbeth.\\nTHE BEHAVIOUR OF DR. RIDLEY AND MASTER LATIMER, AT THE\\nTIME OF THEIR DEATH, WHICH WAS THE i6tH OF OCTOBER,\\n1555.\\nUpon the north-side of the town, in the ditch over against\\nBalliol-college, the place of execution was appointed and\\nfor fear of any tumult that might arise, to let the burning of\\nthem, the lord Williams was commanded, by the queen s let-\\nters, and the householders of the city, to be there assistant,\\nsufficiently appointed. And when every thing was in readi-\\nness, the prisoners were brought forth by the mayor and the\\nbailiffs.\\nMaster Ridley had a fair black gown furred, and faced\\nwith foins, such as he was wont to wear being bishop, and a\\ntippet of velvet furred likewise about his neck, a velvet night-\\ncap upon his head, and a corner cap upon the same, going in\\na pair of slippers to the stake, and going between the mayor\\nand an alderman, etc.\\nAfter him came master Latimer in a poor Bristol frieze\\nfrock all worn, with his buttoned cap, and a kerchief on his\\nhead, all ready to the fire, a new long shroud hanging over\\nhis hosC; down to the feet: which at the first sight stirred", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "294 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmen s hearts to rue upon them, beholding on the one side,\\nthe honour they sometime had, and on the other, the calamity\\nwhereunto they were fallen.\\nMaster doctor Ridley, as he passed toward Bocardo, looked\\nup where master Cranmer did lie, hoping belike to have seen\\nhim at the glass-window, and to have spoken unto him. Bu\\nthen master Cranmer was busy with friar Soto and hisj\\nfellows, disputing together, so that he could not see him,\\nthrough that occasion. Then master Ridley, looking back,\\nespied master Latimer coming after, unto whom he said,\\nOh, be ye there? Yea, said Master Latimer, have\\nafter as fast as I can follow. So he, following a pretty\\nway off, at length they came both to the stake, the one after\\nthe other, where first Dr. Ridley entering the place, marvel-\\nlous earnestly holding up both his hands, looked towards\\nheaven. Then shortly after espying master Latimer, with a\\nwonderous cheerful look he ran to thim, embraced, and kissed\\nhim; and, as they that stood near reported, comforted him,\\nsaying, Be of good heart, brother, for God will either as-\\nsuage the fury of the flame, or else strengthen us to abide it.\\nWith that went he to the stake, kneeled down by it, kissed\\nit, and most effectuously prayed, and behind him master Lati-\\nmer kneeled, as earnestly calling upon God as he. After\\nthey arose, the one talked with the other a little while, till\\nthey which were appointed to see the execution, removed\\nthemselves out of the sun. What they said I can learn of\\nno man.\\nIncontinently they were commanded to make them ready,\\nwhich they with all meekness obeyed. Master Ridley took\\nhis gown and his tippet, and gave it to his brother-in-law\\nShipside, who all his time of imprisonment, although he\\nmight not be suffered to come to him, lay there at his own\\ncharges to provide him necessaries, which from time to time\\nhe sent him by the serjeant that kept him. Some other of\\nhis apparel that was little worth, he gave away; other the\\nbailiffs took.\\nHe gave away besides, divers other small things to gentle-\\nmen standing by, and divers of them pitifully weeping, as to\\nsir Henry Lea he gave a new groat and to divers of my lord\\nWilliam s gentlemen some napkins, some nutmegs, and rases\\nof ginger; his dial, and such other things as he had about\\nhim, to every one that stood next him. Some plucked the\\npoints off his hose. Happy was he that might get any rag\\nof him.\\n1", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 295\\nMaster Latimer gave nothing, but very quietly suffered\\nhis keeper to pull off his hose, and his other array, which to\\nlook unto was very simple and being stripped into his\\nshroud, he seemed as comely a person to them that were there\\npresent, as one should lightly see; and whereas in his clothes\\nhe appeared a withered and crooked silly old man, he now\\nstood bolt upright, as comely a father as one might lightly\\nbehold.\\nThen master Ridley, standing as yet in his truss, said to\\nhis brother, It were best for me to go in my truss still.\\nNo, quoth his brother, it will put you to more pain and\\nthe truss will do a poor man good. Whereunto master Ridley\\nsaid, Be it, in the name of God and so unlaced himself.\\nThen, being in his shirt, he stood upon the foresaid stone,\\nand held up his hand and said, O heavenly Father, I give\\nunto thee most hearty thanks, for that thou hast called me to\\nbe a professor of thee, even unto death. I beseech thee, Lord\\nGod, take mercy upon this realm of England, and deliver the\\nsame from all her enemies.\\nThen the smith took a chain of iron, and brought the same\\nabout both Dr. Ridley s, and master Latimer s middles and,\\nas he was knocking in a staple. Dr. Ridley took the chain\\nin his hand, and shaked the same, for it did gird in his belly,\\nand looking aside to the smith said, Good fellow, knock it in\\nhard, for the flesh will have his course. Then his brother\\ndid bring him gunpowder in a bag, and would have tied the\\nsame about his neck. Master Ridley asked, what it was.\\nHis brother said, Gunpowder. Then, said he, I take it\\nto be sent of God; therefore I will receive it as sent of him.\\nAnd have you any, said he, for my brother; meaning\\nmaster Latimer. Yea sir, that I have, quoth his brother.\\nThen give it unto him, said he, betime; lest ye come too\\nlate. So his brother went, and carried of the same gun-\\npowder unto master Latimer.\\nIn the mean time Dr. Ridley spake unto my lord Williams,\\nand said, My lord, I must be a suitor unto your lordship in\\nthe behalf of divers poor men, and especially in the cause of\\nmy poor sister I have made a supplication to the queen s\\nmajesty in their behalfs. I beseech your lordship for Christ s\\nsake, to be a mean to her grace for them. My brother here\\nhath the supplication, and will resort to your lordship to\\ncertify you thereof. There is nothing in all the world that\\ntroubleth my conscience, I praise God, this only excepted.\\nWhilst I was in the see of London, divers poor men took", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "296 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nleases of me, and agreed with me for the same. Now I hear\\nsay the bishop that now occupieth the same room, will not\\nallow my grants unto them made, but, contrary unto all law\\nand conscience, hath taken from them their livings, and will\\nnot suffer them to enjoy the same. I beseech you, my lord,\\nbe a mean for them you shall do a good deed, and God will\\nreward you.\\nThen they brought a faggot, kindled with fire, and laid the\\nsame down at Dr. Ridley s feet. To whom master Latimer\\nspake in this manner: Be of good comfort, master Ridley,\\nand play the man. We shall this day light such a candle, by\\nGod s grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put out.\\nAnd so the fire being given unto them, when Dr. Ridley\\nsaw the fire flame up towards him, he cried with a wonderful\\nloud voice, In manus tiias, Domine, commendo spiritum\\nmeum: Domine recipe spiritum meum. And after, repeated\\nthis latter part often in English, Lord, Lord, receive my\\nspirit; master Latimer crying as vehemently on the other\\nside, O Father of heaven, receive my soul who received\\nthe flame as it were embracing of it. After that he had\\nstroked his face with his hands, and as it were bathed them a\\nlittle in the fire, he soon died (as it appeareth) with very\\nlittle pain or none. And thus much concerning the end of\\nthis old and blessed servant of God, master Latimer, for\\nwhose laborious travails, fruitful life, and constant death,\\nthe whole realm hath cause to give great thanks to Almighty\\nGod.\\nBut master Ridley, by reason of the evil making of the fire\\nunto him, because the wooden faggots were laid about the\\ngorse, and overhigh built, the fire burned first beneath, being\\nkept down by the wood which when he felt, he desired them\\nfor Christ s sake to let the fire come unto him. Which when\\nhis brother-in-law heard, but not well understood, intending\\nto rid him out of his pain (for the which cause he gave at-\\ntendance), as one of such sorrow not well advised what he\\ndid, heaped faggots upon him, so that he clean covered him,\\nwhich made the fire more vehement beneath, that it burned\\nclean all his nether parts, before it once touched the upper;\\nand that made him leap up and down under the faggots, and\\noften desire them to let the fire come unto him, saying, I\\ncannot burn. Which indeed appeared well; for, after his\\nlegs were consumed by reason of his struggling through the\\npain (whereof he had no release, but only his contentation in\\nGod), he showed that side toward us clean, shirt and all un-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "REACTION AGAINST PROTESTANTISM 297\\ntouched with flame. Yet in all this torment he forgot not\\nto call unto God still, having in his mouth, Lord have mercy\\nupon me, intermingling his cry, Let the fire come unto me,\\nI cannot burn. In which pangs he laboured till one of the\\nstanders by with his bill pulled off the faggots above, and\\nwhere he saw the fire flame up, he wrested himself unto that\\nside. And when the flame touched the gunpowder, he was\\nseen to stir no more, but burned on the other side, falling\\ndown at master Latimer s feet; which, some said, happened\\nby reason that the chain loosed others said, that he fell over\\nthe chain by reason of the poise of his body, and the weak-\\nness of the nether limbs.\\n{Acis mid Monuments, Foxe, ed. cit., VII, 547.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XVIII\\nELIZABETH\\n133. Classes of the People in the XVIth Century\\nSmith\\nSir Thomas Smith (1512-1577), in his capacity of Secretary\\nof State under Elizabeth, enjoyed peculiar opportunities of ob-\\nircrvation, which his wide learning and philosophical inclination\\nenabled him to use to great result. His description of the\\nclasses of the people is accurate and comprehensive. It is taken\\nfrom the best known of his works, the posthumous volume en-\\ntitled De Republica Anglorum a work which passed through\\nmany editions and is one of the classics of English Constitutional\\nHistory.\\nOf the first part of Gentlemen of England, called nobilitas\\nmajor.\\nIn England no man is created a baron, except he may\\ndispend of yearly revenue one thousand pounds, or one thou-\\nsand marks at the least\\nOf the second sort of Gentlemen, which may be called nobi-\\nlitas minor, and first of knights.\\nNo man is a knight by succession, not the king or\\nprince knights therefore be not born but made In\\nEngland whosoever may dispend of his free lands forty\\npounds sterling of yearly revenue may be by the king\\ncompelled to take that order and honour, or to pay a fine\\nOf Esquires.\\nEsquires (which we commonly call squires) be all those\\nwhich bear arms (as we call them) or armories these be\\ntaken for no distinct order of the commonwealth, but do go\\nwith the residue of the gentlemen\\n298", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 299\\nOf Gentlemen.\\nGentlemen be those whom their blood and race doth make\\nnoble and known Ordinarily the king doth only make\\nknights and create barons or higher degrees, for as for\\ngentlemen they be made good cheap in England. For who-\\nsoever studieth the law^s of the realm, who studieth in the\\nUniversities, who professeth liberal sciences, and to be short,\\nwho can live idly and without manual labour, and will bear\\nthe port, charge and countenance of a gentleman, he shall\\nbe called master, and be taken for a gentleman\\nOf Yeomen.\\nThose whom we call yeomen, next unto the nobility,\\nknights and squires, have the greatest charge and doings in\\nthe commonwealth I call him a yeoman whom our laws do\\ncall legalem hoininem which is a freeman born English,\\nand may dispend of his own free land in yearly revenue to\\nthe sum of 40^. sterling This sort of people confess them-\\nselves to be no gentlemen and yet they have a certain\\npreeminence and more estimation than labourers and arti-\\nficers, and commonly live wealthily These be (for the\\nmost part) farmers unto gentlemen, and by these means\\ndo come to such wealth, that they are able and daily do buy\\nthe lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and after setting their sons\\nto the school at the Universities, to the laws of the realm, or\\notherwise leaving them sufficient lands whereon they may\\nlive without labour, do make their said sons by those means\\ngentlemen\\nOf the fourth sort of men which do not rule.\\nThe fourth sort or class amongst us, is of those which the\\nold Romans called capite censi day labourers, poor hus-\\nbandmen, yea merchants or retailers which have no free\\nland, copyholders and all artificers These have no voice\\nnor authority in our commonwealth, and no account is made\\nof them, but only to be ruled.\\n{Manner of Government or Policies of the Realme of Engla7id, ed. 1589.\\nBk. I, c. 17-24.)\\nOf Bondage and Bondmen.\\nAfter that we have spoken of all the sorts of freemen,\\naccording to the diversity of their estates and persons, it", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "300 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nresteth to say somewhat of bondmen The Romans had\\ntwo kinds of bondmen, the one which were called servi\\nall those kind of bondmen be called in our law villains in\\ngross Another they had which they called adscriptitii\\nglehcB and in our law are called villains regardant Of\\nthe first I never knew any in the realm in my time; of the\\nsecond, so few there be, that it is not almost worth the speak-\\ning, but our law doth acknowledge them in both those sorts.\\n(T/ie ComTnonwealth of England, ed. 1589, Bk. Ill, c. 10.)\\nRELIGIOUS SECTS IN THE TIME OF ELIZABETH\\nThe four great religious parties of the age of Elizabeth were\\nthe Anglican, the Catholic, the Presbyterian, and the Puritan,\\nThe attitude of the Catholic Church needs no illustration. The\\npositions of the other sects are well illustrated by the excerpts\\nwhich follow. For exposition of the Anglican stand we have\\nselected extracts from the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, by\\nRichard Hooker (1553-1600). No man stands as prominently\\nas the exponent of the doctrines of the Church of England as\\ndoes this divine. Richard Bancroft (1544-1610), Archbishop of\\nCanterbury, was the bitter and uncompromising opponent of the\\nPuritans, a staunch and even violent supporter of the royal\\npower and episcopal system but his sympathies and teachings\\nwere those which led to Presbyterianism in its modern form.\\nThe Convocation of 1583 tersely and yet comprehensively for-\\nmulated the Puritan demands and the articles drawn up in\\n1583 by John Whitgift (1530 or 1533-1604), Archbishop of\\nCanterbury, mark the latest stage of ecclesiastical development\\nin the Elizabethan period.\\n134. The Anglican Standpoint\\nHooker\\n(a) The plain intent of the Book of Ecclesiastical Dis-\\ncipline is to shew that men may not devise laws of church\\ngovernment, but are bound for ever to use and to execute\\nonly those which God himself hath already devised and de-\\nlivered in the scripture. The self -same drift the Admoni-\\ntioners also had, in urging that nothing ought to be done in\\nthe Church according unto any law of man s devising, but all\\naccording to that which God in his word hath commanded\\nDemand of them, wherefore they conform not themselves\\nunto the order of our Church, and in every particular their\\nanswer for the most part is, We find no such thing com-\\nmanded in the world.\\n(b) Touching points of doctrine, as for example the Unity\\nof God, they have been since the first hour that there was\\na Church in the world, and till the last they must be believed.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 301\\nBut as for matters of regiment, they are for the most part of\\nanother nature. To make new articles of faith and doctrine\\nno man thinketh it lawful new laws of government what\\ncommonwealth or church is there which maketh not either\\nat one time or another? There is no reason in the world\\nwherefore we should esteem it as necessary always to do, as\\nalways to believe the same things seeing every man knoweth\\nthat the matter of faith is constant, the matter contrariwise\\nof action daily changeable, especially the matter of action\\nbelonging unto church polity.\\n(c) Let not any man imagine, that the bare and naked\\ndifference of a few ceremonies could either have kindled so\\nmuch fire, or have caused it to flame so long; but that the\\nparties which herein laboured mightily for change and (as\\nthey say) for reformation, had somewhat more than this\\nmark only whereat to aim. Having therefore drawn out a\\ncomplete form, as they supposed, of public service to be done\\nto God, and set down their plot for the office of the ministry\\nin that behalf, they very well knew how little their labours so\\nfar forth bestowed would avail them in the end, without a\\nclaim of jurisdiction to uphold the fabric which they had\\nerected; and this neither likely to be obtained but by the\\nstrong hand of the people, nor the people unlikely to favour\\nit; the more if overture were made of their own interest,\\nright and title thereunto.\\n{d) This we boldly set down as a most infallible truth,\\nthat the Church of Christ is at this day lawfully, and so hath\\nbeen since the fir.st beginning, governed by bishops, having\\npermanent superiority and ruling power over other ministers\\nof the word and sacraments Let us not fear to be herein\\nbold and peremptory, that, if anything in the Church s\\ngovernment, surely the first institution of bishops was from\\nheaven, was even of God: the Holy Ghost was the author\\nof it.\\n{e) The drift of all that hath been alleged to prove per-\\npetual separation and independency between the Church and\\nthe Commonwealth is, that this being held necessary, it\\nmight consequently be thought, that in a Christian kingdom,\\nhe whose power is greatest over, the Commonwealth may not\\nlawfully have supremacy of power also over the Oiurch\\nWhereupon it is grown a question whether power ecclesias-\\ntical over the Church, power of dominion in such degree as\\nthe laws of this land do grant unto the sovereign governor\\nthereof, may by the said supreme Head and Governor law-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "302 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfully be enjoyed and held? Unto which supreme power in\\nkings two kinds of adversaries there are that have opposed\\nthemselves one sort defending that supreme power in\\ncauses ecclesiastical throughout the world appertaineth of\\ndivine right to the bishop of Rome/ another sort that the\\nsaid power belongeth in every national Church unto the\\nclergy thereof assembled. We defend as well against the\\none as the other, that king s within their own precincts may\\nhave it.\\n{Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, R. Hooker, ed. Keble,Lond., 1834.)\\n135. The Presbyterian Position\\nBancroft\\nFor the first ten or eleven years of her Majesty s reign,\\nthrough the outcries and exclamations of those that came\\nhome from Geneva, against the garments prescribed to\\nministers and other such like matters, no man of any ex-\\nperience is ignorant what great contention and strife was\\nraised\\nAbout the twelfth year of her Highness government, these\\nmalcontents began to stir up new quarrels, concerning the\\nGeneva discipline Hereupon (the 14 of her Majesty) two\\nAdmonitions were framed, and exhibited to the High Court\\nof Parliament. The first contained their pretended griefs,\\nwith a declaration, forsooth, of the only way to reform them,\\nviz. by admitting of that platform which was there described.\\nThis Admonition finding small entertainment, (the authors\\nor chief preferrers thereof being imprisoned), out cometh\\nthe Second Admonition, towards the end of the same par-\\nliament In this Second Admonition, the first is wholly\\njustified, and in plain terms it is there affirmed that, if\\nthey of that assembly would not then follow the advice of\\nthe First Admonition, they would surely themselves be their\\nown carvers Whereupon, presently after the said parlia-\\nment (viz. the 2oth of November, 1572), there was a pres-\\nbytery erected at Wandsworth in Surrey.\\nHitherto it should seem that in all their former pro-\\nceedings they had relied chiefly upon the First Admonition\\nand Cartwright s book But now, at the length (about the\\nyear 1583), the form of discipline, which is lately come to\\nlight, was compiled: and thereupon an assembly or council\\nbeing held (as I think at London, or at Cambridge), certain\\ndecrees were made concerning the establishing and the prac-\\ntice thereof", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 303\\nAbout which time also [viz. 1587] the further prac-\\ntice of the discipline began to spread itself more freely;\\nbut especially it was most friendly entertained among\\nthe ministers of Northamptonshire, as it appeareth in record\\nby some of their own depositions, i6th of May, 1590, in these\\nwords following. About two years and a half since, the\\nwhole shire was divided into three Classes. I. The Classis\\nof Northamptonshire IT. The Classis of Daventry side\\nIII. The Classis of Kettering side .This device (saith\\nMaster Johnson) is commonly received in most parts of Eng-\\nland, but especially in Warwickshire, Suffolk, Norfolk.\\nEssex, etc.\\nThe next year after, viz. 1588, the said Warwickshire\\nclasses, etc. assembling themselves together in council (as it\\nseemeth, at Coventry), there w^as a great approbation\\nobtained of the aforesaid Book of Discipline This book,\\nhaving thus at the last received this great allowance more\\nauthentically, was carried far and near, for a general ratifi-\\ncation of all the brethren\\nMutual conference is to be practised in the Church\\nby common assemblies Such as are to meet in the assem-\\nblies, let them be chosen by the suffrages of those churches\\nor assemblies that have interest or to do in it, and out of\\nthese let such only be chosen as have exercised the public\\noffice in that church either of a minister or of an elder\\nIt shall be lawful for other elders and ministers, yea, and\\nfor deacons and students in divinity, by the appointment of\\nthe assembly to be both present, and to be asked their\\njudgments Yet let none be counted to have a voice, but\\nthose only that were chosen by the Church\\nIt is expedient that in every ecclesiastical assembly there\\nbe a president, which may govern the assembly, and that he\\nbe from time to time changed The assemblies according\\nto their several kinds, if they be greater are of more, if they\\nbe less, they are of less authority. Therefore it is lawful to\\nappeal from a less assembly to a greater\\nAssemblies are either Classes or Synods.\\nClasses are conferences of the fewest ministers of churches,\\nstanding near together, as for example of twelve. The\\nchosen men of all the several churches of that assembly are\\nto meet in conference: that is to say, for every church a min-\\nister and an elder and they shall meet every fortnight. They\\nshall chiefly endeavour the oversight and censure of that\\nClassis", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "304 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nA Synod Is an assembly of chosen men from more churches\\nthan those that be in one Classis or conference.\\nIn these, the articles of the holy discipline and synodical\\nmust always be read also in them censures or inquisition\\nmade upon all that be present\\nOf Synods there be two sorts: the first is particular, and\\nthis containeth under it, both Provincial and National\\nSynods.\\nA Provincial Synod is an assembly of those which be\\ndelegated from all the Classes or Conferences of that prov-\\nince. Let every province contain in it 24 Classes Let\\nevery Classis send unto the Provincial Synod two ministers\\nand as many elders. It shall be called every half year, or\\nmore often, until the discipline be confirmed\\nLet the acts of all the Provincial Synods be sent unto the\\nNational\\nThe National is a Synod consisting of the delegates from\\nall the Synods Provincial that are within the dominion of\\none commonwealth\\nFor the National Synod, three ministers and three elders\\nmust be chosen out of every Synod Provincial.\\nIn it the common affairs of all the churches of the whole\\nnation and kingdom are to be handled: as of doctrine, dis-\\ncipline and ceremonies, causes not decided in inferior as-\\nsemblies, appellations and such like\\nNo follows the universal or Oecumenical Synod of the\\nwhole world. And this is the Synod that consisteth and is\\ngathered together of the chosen men out of every particular\\nnational Synod.\\n(^Dangerous Positions a7i.d Proceedings, Richard Bancroft, Lond., 1593.)\\n136. Whitgift s Articles touching Preachers and other Orders\\nfor the Church\\nI. That the laws late made against the recusants be put\\nin more due execution, considering the benefit that hath\\ngrown unto the Church thereby, where they have been exe-\\ncuted, and the encouragement which they and others do re-\\nceive by remiss executing thereof.\\nII. That all preaching, reading, catechising and other\\nsuch like exercises in private places and families whereunto\\nothers do resort, being not of the same family, be utterly\\ninhibited\\nIII. That none be permitted to preach, read or catechise\\nin the church or elsewhere unless he do four times in the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 30S\\nyear at least say service and minister the sacraments accord-\\ning to the Book of Common Prayer.\\nIV. That all preachers and others in ecclesiastical orders\\ndo at all times wear and use such kind of apparel as is\\nprescribed unto them by the book of Advertisements and her\\nMajesty s Injunctions anno pritno.\\nV. That none be permitted to preach or interpret the\\nScriptures unless he be a priest or deacon at the least, ad-\\nmitted thereunto according to the laws of this realm.\\nVI. That none be permitted to preach, read, catechise,\\nminister the sacraments or to execute any other ecclesias-\\ntical function unless he first consent and subscribe to\\nthese articles following videlicet\\n(a) That her Majesty, under God, hath and ought to have\\nthe sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born\\nwithin her realms, dominions and countries, of what estate\\necclesiastical or temporal soever they be and that no foreign\\npower, prelate, state or potentate hath or ought to have any\\njurisdiction authority ecclesiastical or temporal wnthin\\nher Majesty s said realms, dominions and countries.\\n(b) That the Book of Common Prayer and of ordering\\nbishops, priests and deacons containeth nothing in it con-\\ntrary to the word of God, and that the same may lawfully\\nbe used, and that he himself will use the form of the said\\nbook prescribed in public prayer and administration of the\\nsacraments, and none other.\\n(c) That he alloweth the book of Articles of Religion,\\nagreed upon by the archbishops and bishops in both provinces\\nand the whole clergy in the Convocation holden at London\\nin the year of our Lord God 1562 and set forth by her\\nMajesty s authority, and that he believeth all the articles\\ntherein contained to be agreeable to the word of God.\\nJo. Cant. Jo. London. Jo. Sarum.\\nEd. Petriburg. Tho. Lincoln. Edm. Norwich.\\nJo. Roffen. Tho. Exon. Marmad. Meneven.\\n{Li/e and Acts of John U hitgift, John Strype I, pp. 228-232, Oxford, 1822.)\\n137. Puritan Demands in Convocation of 1563\\nI. That all the Sundays in the year, and principal feasts\\nof Christ, be kept holydays; and all other holydays to be\\nabrogated.\\nII. That in all parish churches the minister in common\\nprayer turn his face toward the people; and there distinctly", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "3o6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nread the divine service appointed, where all the people as-\\nsembled may hear and be edified.\\nIII. That in ministering the sacrament of baptism, the\\nceremony of making the cross in the child s forehead may\\nbe omitted, as tending to superstition.\\nIV. That, forasmuch as divers communicants are not able\\nto kneel during the time of the communion for age, sickness,\\nand sundry other infirmities and some also superstitiously\\nboth kneel and knock that order of kneeling to be left to the\\ndiscretion of the ordinary within his jurisdiction.\\nV. That it be sufficient for the minister, in time of saying\\ndivine service, and ministering the sacraments, to use a sur-\\nplice; and that no minister say service or minister the sacra-\\nments, but in a comely garment or habit.\\nVI. That the use of organs be removed.\\n{Annals, Stry^e, Oxford, 1824, I, p. 502.)\\n138. Privileges of Parliament\\n(1562)\\nD^ Ewes Jmirnals\\nThe privileges of the modern Parliament may be classed under\\nseven heads: (i) Freedom of members from arrest and mo-\\nlestation; (2) freedom of speech and debate; (3) secrecy of\\ndebate; (4) privilege of access to the sovereign; (5) favourable\\nconstruction by the sovereign of all actions of Parliament; (6)\\nright of deciding contested elections; (7) right of each House\\nto settle the order of its business. Various parliamentary rights\\nbelong to each House. It is the custom for the Speaker of the\\nHouse of Commons to make the demand for the recognition of\\nprivilege at the meeting of each Parliament. The present privi-\\nleges are the result of continued effort against the royal assump-\\ntions. The original privileges were far less extensive, including\\nonly the four privileges first enumerated in the following ex-\\ntract from the speech of Speaker Williams at the opening of\\nParliament of 1562.\\nFurther,- I am to be a suitor to your Majesty, that\\nwhen matters of importance shall arise whereupon it shall\\nbe necessary to have your Highness opinion, that then I\\nmay have free access unto you for the same; and the like to\\nthe Lords of the Upper House.\\nSecondly, that in repairing from the Nether House to your\\nMajesty or the Lords of the Upper House, to declare their\\nmeanings, and I mistaking or uttering the same contrary to\\ntheir meaning, that then my fault or imbecility in declaring\\nthereof be not prejudicial to the House, but that I may again\\nrepair to them, the better to understand their meanings, and\\nso they to reform the same.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH\\n307\\nThirdly, that the assembly of the Lower House may have\\nfrank and free liberties to speak their minds without any\\ncontrolment, blame, grudge, menaces or displeasure, accord-\\ning to the old ancient order.\\nFinally, that the old privilege of the House be observed,\\nwhich is that they and theirs might be at liberty, frank and\\nfree, without arrest, molestation, trouble or other damage to\\ntheir bodies, lands, goods or servants, with all other their\\nliberties, during the time of the said parliament; whereby\\nthey may the better attend and do their duty; all which\\nprivileges I desire may be enrolled, as at other times it hath\\nbeen accustomed (D Ewes journals, Lond. 1682, p. 65.)\\n139. Elizabeth and Mary Stuart\\nD Ewes Journals\\nNo Student of history can pass lightly over the pages which\\ndeal with Mary, Queen of Scots. This romantic figure in an age\\nof romance is a character enigma not yet solved. The attitude\\nof Elizabeth and Parliament toward Mary, when a prisoner in\\ntheir hands, is well shown by the accompanying extract.\\nMay it please your most excellent Majesty, We, your\\nhumble, loving and faithful subjects, the Lords and Com-\\nmons in this present parliament assembled, having of long\\ntime, to our intolerable grief, seen by how manifold, most\\ndangerous and execrable practices, Mary commonly called\\nthe Queen of Scots, hath compassed the destruction of your\\nMajesty s sacred and most royal person, in whose safety\\n(next under God) our chief and only felicity doth lie, and\\nthereby not only to bereave us of the sincere and true religion\\nof Almighty God, bringing us and this noble crown back\\nagain into the thraldom of the Romish tyranny, but also\\nutterly to ruinate and overthrow the happy state and com-\\nmonweal of this most noble realm and seeing also what\\ninsolent boldness is grown in the heart of the same Queen,\\nthrough your Majesty s former exceeding favours and clem-\\nencies towards her; and thereupon weighing, with heavy\\nand sorrowful hearts, in what continual peril of such-\\nlike desperate conspiracies and practices your Majesty s\\nmost royal and sacred person and life (more dear unto\\nus than our own) is and shall be still, without any pos-\\nsible means to prevent it, so long as the said Scottish Queen\\nshall be suffered to continue, and shall not receive that\\ndue punishment which, by justice and the laws of this your\\nrealm, she hath so often and so many ways, for her most", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "3o8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nwicked and detestable offences, deserved therefore We\\ndo most humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty that,\\nas well in respect of the continuance of the true religion\\nnow professed amongst us and of the safety of your most\\nroyal person and estate, as in regard of the preservation\\nand defence of us your most loving, dutiful and faithful\\nsubjects and the whole commonweal of this realm, it may\\nplease your Highness to take speedy order, that declaration\\nof the same sentence and judgment be made and published\\nby proclamation, and that thereupon direction be given for\\nfurther proceedings against the said Scottish Queen, accord-\\ning to the effect and true meaning of the said statute [Stat.\\n27 Eliz. I. i] because, upon advised and great consultation,\\nwe cannot find that there is any possible means to provide\\nfor your Majesty s safety, but by the just and speedy execu-\\ntion of the said Queen and if the same be not put in\\npresent execution, we your most loving and dutiful subjects,\\nshall thereby (so far as man s reason can reach) be brought\\ninto utter despair of the continuance amongst us of the true\\nreligion of Almighty God, and of your Majesty s life, and the\\nsafety of all your faithful subjects, and the good estate of\\nthis most flourishing commonweal.\\nThe Queen answered, 24 November, 1586:\\nThat her Highness, moved with some commiseration for\\nthe Scottish Queen, in respect of her former dignity and\\ngreat fortunes in her younger years, her nearness of kindred\\nto her Majesty and also of her sex, could be well pleased to\\nforbear the taking of her blood, if, by any other means to be\\ndevised by her Highness Great Council of this realm, the\\nsafety of her Majesty s person and governm.ent might be\\npreserved, without danger of ruin and destruction, and else\\nnot; therein leaving them all nevertheless to their own free\\nliberty and dispositions of proceeding otherwise at their\\nchoice.\\nTo which the Houses made reply\\nThat having often conferred and debated on that ques-\\ntion, according to her Highness commandment, they could\\nfind no other way than was set down in their petition.\\nThe Queen s second answer.\\nIf I should say unto you that I mean not to grant your\\npetition, by my faith I should say imto you more than per-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 309\\nhaps I mean. And if I should say unto you I mean to grant\\nyour petition, I should then tell you more than is fit for\\nyou to know. And thus I must deliver you an answer answer-\\n{D Ewes Journals, Rev, Ed. Lond., 1628 pp. 380-402.)\\n140. Defeat of the Spanish Armada\\nSomers Tracts\\nThe Great Armada has given a theme to innumerable writers.\\nOf these Sir Robert Carey, Earl of Monmouth, best among con-\\ntemporaries, condenses in a succinct yet vivid form the story of\\nthe futile attempt to conquer England.\\nCarey s account of the armada\\nThe next year (1588) the King of Spain s great Armado\\ncame upon our coast, thinking to devour us all. Upon the\\nnews sent to court from Plymouth of their certain arrival,\\nmy Lord Cumberland and myself took post horse, and rode\\nstraight to Portsmouth, where we found a frigate that car-\\nried us to sea and having sought for the fleets a whole day,\\nthe night after we fell amongst them where it was our\\nfortune to light first on the Spanish fleet and finding our-\\nselves in the wrong, we tacked about, and in some short time\\ngot to our own fleet, which was not far from the other. At\\nour coming aboard our admiral, we stayed there awhile; but\\nfinding the ship much pestered, and scant of cabins, we left\\nthe admiral, and went aboard Captain Reyman, where we\\nstayed, and were very welcome, and much made of. It was\\non Thursday that we came to the fleet. All that day we\\nfollowed close the Spanish Armado, and nothing was at-\\ntempted on either side the same course we held all Friday\\nand Saturday, by which time the Spanish fleet cast anchor\\njust before Calais. We likewise did the same, a very small\\ndistance behind them, and so continued till Monday morning\\nabout two of the clock in which time our council of war\\nhad provided six old hulks, and stuffed them full of all com-\\nbustible matter fit for burning, and on Monday, at two in the\\nmorning, they were let loose, with each of them a man in\\nher to direct them. The tide serving, they brought them\\nvery near the Spanish fleet, so that they could not miss to\\ncome amongst the midst of them then they set fire to them,\\nand came off themselves, having each of them a little boat\\nto bring him off. The ships set on fire came so directly to\\nthe Spanish fleet, as they had no way to avoid them, but to\\ncut all their halsers, and so escape and their haste was such,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "310 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthat they left one of their four great galeasses on ground\\nbefore Calais, which our men took, and had the spoil of,\\nwhere many of the Spaniards were slain with the governor\\nthereof, but most of them were saved with wading ashore\\nto Calais. They being in this disorder, we made ready to\\nfollow them, where began a cruel fight, and we had such ad-\\nvantage both of wind and tide, as we had a glorious day of\\nthem; continuing fight from four o clock in the morning till\\nalmost five or six at night, where they lost a dozen or four-\\nteen of their best ships, some sunk, and the rest run ashore\\nin divers parts to keep themselves from sinking. After God\\nhad given us this great victory, they made all the haste they\\ncould away, and we followed them Tuesday and Wednesday,\\nby which time they were gotten as far as Flamborough-\\nhead. It was resolved on Wednesday at night, that, by four\\no clock on Thursday, we should have a new fight with them\\nfor a farewell but by two in the morning, there was a flag\\nof council hung out in our vice-admiral, when it was found\\nthat in the whole fleet there was not municion sufficient to\\nmake half a fight; and therefore, it was there concluded,\\nthat we should let them pass, and our fleet to return to the\\ndowns. That night we departed with them, we had a mighty\\nstorm. Our fleet was cast anchor, and endured it; but the\\nSpanish fleet, wanting their anchors, were many of them\\ncast ashore on the west of Ireland, where they had all their\\nthroats cut by the kernes; and some of them on Scotland,\\nwhere they were no better used; and the rest, with much\\nado, got into Spain again. Thus did God bless us, and gave\\nvictory over this invincible navy the sea calmed, and all our\\nships came to the Downs on Friday in safety.\\n(Somers Collection of Tracts, ed. cit., I, 445.)\\n141. The Armada Speech of Elizabeth\\nSeiners Tracts\\nThe following speech of Elizabeth to Parliament is full of\\ninterest, not only for its subject matter, but also for the clear\\nlight which it throws upon the character of the queen. Her\\nfirmness, her finesse, her duplicity, and above all, her ability to\\nmanage men, can be read by the student of history in the public\\nutterances of the great queen.\\nA SPEECH MADE BY QUEEN ELIZABETH (OF FAMOUS MEMORY)\\nIN PARLIAMENT, ANNO 1593 ^ND IN THE THIRTY-FIFTH\\nYEAR OF HER REIGN_, CONCERNING THE SPANISH INVASION.\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen,\\nThis kingdom hath had many wise, noble, and victorious", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 311\\nprinces; I will not compare with any of them in wisdom,\\nfortitude, or any other virtues; but saving the duty of a\\nchild, that is not to compare with his father in love, care,\\nsincerity, and justice, I will compare with any prince that\\never you had, or shall have.\\nIt may be thought simplicity in me, that, all this time of\\nmy reign, I have not sought to advance my territories, and\\nenlarge my dominions; for opportunity hath served me to\\ndo it. I acknowledge my womanhood and weakness in that\\nrespect but though it hath not been hard to obtain, yet I\\ndoubted how to keep the things so obtained; and I must say,\\nmy mind was never to invade my neighbours, or to usurp\\nover any; I am contented to reign over my own, and to rule\\nas a just princess.\\nYet the king of Spain doth challenge me to be the quar-\\nreller, and the beginner of all these wars; in which he doth\\nme the greatest wrong that can be, for my conscience doth\\nnot accuse my thoughts, wherein I have done him the least\\ninjury; but I am persuaded in my conscience, if he knew\\nwhat I know, he himself would be sorry for the wrong, that\\nhe hath done me.\\nI fear not all his threatenings his great preparations and\\nmighty forces do not stir me for though he come against\\nme with a greater power than ever was his invincible navy,\\nI doubt not (God assisting me, upon whom I always trust)\\nbut that I shall be able to defeat and overthrow him. I have\\ngreat advantage against him, for my cause is just.\\nI heard say, when he attempted his last invasion, some\\nupon the sea-coast forsook their towns, and flew up higher\\ninto the country, and left all naked and exposed to his en-\\ntrance but, I swear unto you, if I knew those persons, or any\\nthat should do so hereafter, I will make them know and feel\\nwhat it is to be so fearful in so urgent a cause.\\nThe subsidies you give me, I accept thankfully, if you give\\nme your good wills with them; but if the necessity of the\\ntime, and your preservations, did not require it, I would\\nrefuse them; but let me tell you that the sum is not so\\nmuch, but that it is needful for a princess to have so much\\nalways lying in her coffers for your defence in time of need,\\nand not to be driven to get it, when we should use it.\\nYou that be lieutenants and gentlemen of command in\\nyour countries, I require you to take care that the people be\\nwell armed, and in readiness upon all occasions. You that\\nbe judges and justices of the peace, I command and straightly", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "31^ SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncharge you, that you see the laws to be duly executed, and\\nthat you make them living laws, when we have put life into\\nthem.\\n(Somers Collection of Historical Tracts, ed. cit., I, 463.)\\n142. Execution of Margaret Clitherow\\nJohn Mush\\nJohn Mush, who gives the following account, was an Eng-\\nlish secular priest, who was ordained in Rome and then came\\nto the English mission. He was several times imprisoned, and\\nonce sentenced to death, for his fearless defence of his faith, yet\\nhe finally died peacefully at an extreme old age. Margaret\\nClitherow was executed on the charge of treason in concealing\\nattainted priests, although in the account of her death it is\\nstrongly intimated that she was martyred because she would not\\nrecant her faith.\\nThe martyr coming to the place, kneeled her down, and\\nprayed to herself. The tormentors bade her pray with them,\\nand they would pray with her. The martyr denied, and said,\\nT will not pray with you, and you shall not pray with me\\nneither will I say Amen to your prayers, nor shall you to\\nmine. Then they willed her to pray for the Queen s ma-\\njesty. The martyr began in this order. First, in the hear-\\ning of them all, she prayed for the Catholic Church, then for\\nthe Pope s Holiness, Cardinds, and other Fathers which have\\ncharge of souls, and then for all Christian princes. At which\\nwords the tormentors interrupted her, and willed her not to\\nput her majesty among that company, yet the martyr pro-\\nceeded in this order, and especially for Elizabeth, Queen\\nof England, that God turn her to the Catholic faith, and that\\nafter this mortal life she may receive the blessed joys of\\nheaven. For I wish as much good, quoth she, to her ma-\\njesty s soul as to mine own. Sheriff Gibson, abhorring\\nthe cruel fact, stood weeping at the door. Then said Faw-\\ncet, Mrs. Clitherow, you must remember and confess that\\nyou die for treason. The martyr answered, No, no, Mr.\\nSheriff, I die for the love of my Lord Jesu which last\\nwords she spake with a loud voice\\nThe women took off her clothes, and put upon her the\\nlong habit of linen. Then very quietly she laid her down\\nupon the ground, her face covered with a handkerchief, the\\nlinen habit being placed over her as far as it would reach,\\nall the rest of her body being naked. The door was laid\\nupon her, her hands she joined towards her face. Then the\\nsheriff said, Nay, you must have your hands bound. The", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 313\\nmartyr put forth her hands over the door still joined. Then\\ntwo sergeants parted them, and with the inkle strings, which\\nshe had prepared for that purpose bound them to two posts,\\nso that her body and her arms made a perfect cross. They\\nwilled her again to ask the Queen s Majesty s forgiveness,\\nand to pray for her. The martyr said she had prayed for\\nher. They also willed her to asked her husband s forgive-\\nness. The martyr said, If ever I have offended him, but\\nfor my conscience, I ask him forgiveness.\\nAfter this they laid weight upon her, which w^hen she\\nfirst felt, she said, Jesu Jesu Jesu have mercy upon\\nme which were the last words she was heard to speak.\\nShe was in dying one quarter of an hour. A sharp stone,\\nas much as a man s fist, put under her back; upon her was\\nlaid to the quantity of seven or eight hundred-weight at the\\nleast, which, breaking her ribs, caused them to burst forth of\\nthe skin.\\nThus most victoriously this gracious martyr overcame\\nall her enemies, passing [from] this mortal life with marvel-\\nlous triumph into the peaceable city of God, there to receive\\na worthy crown of endless immortality and joy.\\nThis was at nine of the clock, and she continued in the\\npress until three at afternoon. Her hat before she died she\\nsent to her husband, in sign of her loving duty to him as to\\nher head. Her hose and shoes to her eldest daughter, Anne,\\nabout twelve years old, signifying that she should serve God\\nand follow her steps of virtue.\\n{The Troubles of O^tr Catholic Forefathers Related by Themselves, p. 430 et seq.\\nMr. John Mush s Life of Margaret Clitherow, London, 1877.)\\n143. Death of Elizabeth\\nSomers^ Tracts\\nThe death of Queen Elizabeth closed the Tudor dynasty, the\\nmost brilliant completed period of English history. The ac-\\ncount given is of especial interest for the portion concerning the\\nact of the dying sovereign in relation to the succession to the\\nthrone. Other contemporary writers deny the intention of\\nElizabeth to appoint James of Scotland as her successor; and\\neven if the account selected is true, the claim that James was\\nabsolutely named by Elizabeth as her heir was evidently largely\\nfounded on imagination and desire.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "314 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nTHE DEATH OF QUEEN ELIZABETH, WITH HER DECLARATION\\nOF HER SUCCESSOR. MSS.\\nAbout the Friday sevenight after Christmas last, being\\nabout the 14th of January, 1602, in the 45th year of her\\nreign, the late queen about two days before sickened of a\\ncolde, (being ever forewarned by Doctor Dee, to beware of\\nWhite-hall,) and the said 14th da} removed to Richniond;\\nbut a little before her going, even the same morning, the\\nEarle of Nottingham, high admiral of England, coming to\\nher, partly to speak with her as concerning her removall, and\\npartly touching other matters, wherein her pleasure and\\ndirection was to be knowne, they fell into some speech of the\\nsuccession; and then she told him that her seate had been\\never the throne of kings, and none but her next heir of\\nblood and descent should succeed her. After falling into\\nother matters, they left that speech, and she departed to\\nRichmond; where she was well amended of the cold. But\\non Monday the 20th of February, she begann to sicken\\nagaine, and so continued till Monday the 7th of March, at\\nwhich time notice was given to the lords of the councell,\\nthat she was sick of a cold, and so she continued sick till\\nTuesday the 15th of March following; after which day she\\nbegan somewhat to amend. But the i8th of March follow-\\ning being Friday, she began to be very ill, whereupon the\\nlords of the councell were sent for to Richmond, and there\\ncontinued till Wednesday the 24th of March, about three of\\nthe clock in the morning (being our Lady even) at which\\ntime she died; but on Tuesday before her death, being the\\n23d of March, the lord admirall being on the right side of the\\nbed, the lord keeper at the left, and Mr. Secretary Cecill\\n(after Earle of Salisbury) at the beds feete; all standing.\\nThe lord admirall put her in mind of her speech, con-\\ncerning the succession, had at White-hall; and that they, in\\nthe name of all the rest of her councell, came unto her to\\nknowe her pleasure who should succeede. Whereunto she\\nthus replyed *T told you my seat had been the seat of kings,\\nand I will have no rascall to succeed me, and who should\\nsucceed me, but a king?\\nThe lords not understanding this darke speech, and look-\\ning the one on the other, at length Mr. Secretary boldly\\nasked her, what she meant by these words, That no rascall\\nshould succeed her whereunto she replyed, That her mean-\\n1", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETH 315\\ning was, that a king should succeed her, and who, quoth she.\\nshould that be, but our cozen of Scotland.\\nThey asked her whether that were her absolute resolution\\nwhereunto she answered, I pray you trouble me no more,\\nI ll have none but him with which answer they departed.\\nNotwithstanding, after again, about four a clock in the\\nafternoon, the next day, being Wednesday, (after the arch-\\nbishopp of Canterbury and other divines had been w^ith her,\\nand left her in a manner speechlesse), the three lords afore-\\nsaid repaired unto her againe, asking her if she remained\\nin her former resolution, and who should succeed her but\\nshe not being able to speak, was asked by Mr. Secretary in\\nthis sort, wee beseech your majesty if you remain in your\\nformer resolution, and that you would have the King of\\nScots to succeed you in your kingdom, shewe some sign unto\\nus whereat suddenly heaveing herself upwards in the bed,\\nand putting her arms out of bed, she held both her hands\\njointly together over her head in manner of a crown, where-\\nby as they guessed she signified, that she did not only wish\\nhim the kingdome, but desired the continuance of his estate,\\nafter which they departed.\\nAnd the next morning (as is aforesaid) she dyed. Im-\\nmediately after her death, all the lords, as well of the councell\\nas other noblemen that were at the courte, came from Rich-\\nmond to White-hall by six o clock in the morning, where other\\nnoblemen that were at London met them; but as they began\\nto sitt in councell in the privy chamber at White-hall, the\\nlord keeper, (Sir Thomas Egerton,) and the rest of the coun-\\ncell that were no barons, offered to sitt at the lower end of\\nthe councell table, and not above any of the meanest nobility\\nbut the noblemen, in respect of their former authority, called\\nthem to the higher end of the table, and wished them to\\nkeepe their places whereunto the lord keeper answered, viz.\\nIf it be your lordshipps pleasure, wee will do so, but that is\\nmore of your courtesies then we can demand of duty and\\nso they sat downe, every man according to his degree in\\ncouncell touching the succession, where after some speech\\nhad of divers competitors and matters of state, at length the\\nlord admirall rehearsed all the aforesaid premises, which the\\nlate queen had spoken to him, and to the lord keeper, and\\nMr. Secretary, with the manner thereof; which they being\\nasked, did affirme to be true upon their honours.\\n(Somers Collectio?t of Historical Tracts, ed cit., I, 246.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIX\\nELIZABETHAN SEAMEN\\n144. Hawkins Third Voyage\\nHakluyi\\nThe activities of the Elizabethan seamen who bore the banner\\nof England north, south, and west, and defied the power of\\nSpain, the then lord of the New World, found their historian\\nin Richard Hakluyt (circa 1553-1616). The greatest of his\\nworks is The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and\\nDiscoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598-1600). It is\\nan invaluable treasure of material for the history of geographical\\ndiscovery and colonization. Various editions are accessible. I\\nhave selected four accounts of voyages, each typical of the enter-\\nprise of the sea-rovers, who traversed many oceans in quest of\\nslaves, treasure, discovery of a passage to Cathay, or spots on\\nwhich to found colonies. The first of these voyages is that of\\nSir John Hawkins, told by that seaman himself. John Hawkins\\n(circa 1532- 1595) was Vice- Admiral in the time of the Armada,\\nand before that day had been untiring in voyages of exploration.\\nThese were often extremely lucrative, as he secured large cargoes\\nof slaves. His third voyage, of which the following is the ac-\\ncount, is illustrative of one of the expeditions made for the latter\\npurpose. In this traffic he did not stand alone among his con-\\ntemporaries.\\nThe Third troublesome Voyage made w^ith the Jesus of\\nLubeck, the Minion, and four other ships, to the parts of\\nGuinea and the West Indies, in the years 1567 and 1568, by\\nMaster John Hawkins.\\nThe ships departed from Plymouth, the 2nd day of Oc-\\ntober, Anno 1567, and had reasonable w^eather until the\\nseventh day. At which time, forty leagues north from Cape\\nFinisterre, there arose an extreme storm, which continued\\nfour days, in such sort, that the fleet was dispersed, and all\\nour great boats lost; and the Jesus, our chief ship, in such\\ncase as not thought able to serve the voyage. Whereupon in\\nthe same storm we set our course homeward, determining to\\ngive over the voyage. But the eleventh day of the same\\nmonth, the wind changed with fair weather, whereby we\\n316", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 317\\nwere animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, directing\\nour course with the islands of the Canaries, where, accord-\\ning to an order before prescribed, all our ships before dis-\\npersed, met at one of those islands, called Gomera, where we\\ntook water, and departed from thence on the 4th day of No-\\nvember, towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape\\nVerde, on the i8th day of November: where we landed 150\\nmen, hoping to obtain some negroes, where we got but few,\\nand those with great hurt and damage to our men, which\\nchiefly proceeded of their envenomed arrows. And although\\nin the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there\\nhardly escaped any that had blood drawn of them, but died in\\nstrange sort, with their mouths shut some ten days before they\\ndied, and after their wounds were whole where I myself had\\none of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped.\\nFrom thence we passed the tim.e upon the coast of Guinea,\\nsearching with all diligence the rivers from Rio Grande\\nunto Sierra Leone, till the 12th of January, in which time\\nwe had not gotten together a hundred and fifty negroes.\\nYet notwithstanding, the sickness of our men and the late\\ntime of the year commanded us away and thus having noth-\\ning wherewith to seek the coast of the West Indies, I was\\nwith the rest of our company in consultation to go to the\\ncost of the Mine, hoping there to have obtained some gold\\nfor our wares, and thereby to have defrayed our charge.\\nBut even in that present instant, there came to us a negro,\\nsent from a king, oppressed by other kings his neighbours,\\ndesiring our aid, with promise that as many negroes as by\\nthese wars might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours,\\nshould be at our pleasure. Whereupon we concluded to give\\naid, and sent 120 of our men, which on the 15th of January\\nassaulted a town of the negroes of our allies adversaries,\\nwhich had in it 8,000 inhabitants, being very strongely im-\\npaled and fenced after their manner. But it was so well de-\\nfended, that our men prevailed not, but lost six men and forty\\nhurt: so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help.\\nWhereupon, considering that the good success of this en-\\nterprise might highly further the commodity of our voyage,\\nI went myself, and with the help of the king of our side, as-\\nsaulted the town, both by land and by sea and very hardly\\nwith fire (their houses being covered with dry palm leaves)\\nobtained the town and put the inhabitants to flight, where\\nwe took 250 persons, men, women, and children, and by our\\nfriend the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "3i8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nwhereof we hoped to have had our choice. But the negro\\n(in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant\\nnothing less for that night he removed his camp and prison-\\ners, so that we were fain to content us with those few which\\nwe had gotten ourselves.\\nNow had we obtained between four and five hundred\\nnegroes, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to\\nseek the coast of the West Indies and there, for our negroes,\\nand other our merchandise, we hoped to obtain whereof to\\ncountervail our charges with some grains. Whereunto we\\nproceeded with all diligence, furnished our watering, took\\nfuel, and departed the cost of Guinea on the 3d of February,\\ncontinuing at the sea with a passage more hard than before\\nhast been accustomed till the 27th day of March, which day\\nwe had sight of an island, called Dominica, upon the coast of\\nthe West Indies, in fourteen degrees. From thence we coasted\\nfrom place to place, making our traffic with the Spaniards\\nas we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straitly\\ncommanded all his governors in those parts by no means to\\nsuffer any trade to be made with us. Notwithstanding, we\\nhad reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment, from the\\nIsle of Margarita unto Cartagena, without anything greatly\\nworth the noting, saving at Capo de la Vela, in a town called\\nRio de la Hacha, from whence come all the pearls. The\\ntreasurer, who had the charge there, would by no means\\nagree to any trade, or suffer us to take water. He had forti-\\nfied his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it\\nmight be entered, and furnished himself with a hundred\\narquebusiers, so that he thought by famine to have inforced\\nus to have put on land our negroes. Of which purpose he\\nhad not greatly failed, unless we had by force entered the\\ntown; which (after we could by no means obtain his favour)\\nwe were enforced to do, and so with two hundred men brake\\nin upon their bulwarks, and entered the town with the loss\\nonly of two men of our part, and no hurt done to the Span-\\niards, because after their volley of shot discharged, they all\\nfled. Thus having the town with some circumstance, as\\npartly by the Spaniards desire of negroes, and partly by\\nfriendship of the treasurer, we obtained a secret trade:\\nwhereupon the Spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought\\nof us to the number of 200 negroes. In all other places\\nwhere we traded the Spanish inhabitants were glad of us\\nand traded willingly.\\n(Hakluyt, as. ed. by J. A. Payne in Voyages of the Elizabeikan Seamen\\nLond. 1880. p. 52.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 319\\n145. Drake s famous Voyage\\nHakluyt\\nSir Francis Drake {circa 1 545-1 595) began his naval career as\\na chaplain and died an admiral. His greatest voyage was that\\naround the world, begun in 1577. This was made in the ship\\nThe Golden Hind, which Elizabeth ordered to be forever pre-\\nserved as a monument of the glory of the navigators and the\\ncountry. Drake s circumnavigation of the world was but one\\nof many successful voyages. In these days, when piracy and\\nrobbery are not the necessary accompaniments of exploration,\\nhis exploits appear well-nigh incredible. Yet there is good\\nevidence of the truth of the tales of towns sacked, galleons\\nplundered, and treasures of silver, gold, and jewels secured.\\nAbove all seamen of his time, Drake bearded the Spanish power\\nand tore from it the mastery of the seas. The voyage given is\\nfrom the pen of one who himself sailed with Drake. It well\\nillustrates the progress of the second great incentive to English\\nexploration in the sixteenth century, the plunder of the Spaniard.\\nNARRATIVE OF FRANCIS PRETTY\\nThe Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, into the South\\nSea, and therehence about the whole globe of the earth, begun\\nin the year of our Lord, 1577.\\nOn the 15th day of November, in the year of our Lord\\n1577, Mr. Francis Drake, v^ith a fleet of five ships and\\nbarques, and to the number of 164 men, gentlemen and\\nsailors, departed from Plymouth.\\nOn the 17th of August we Departed the port of St. Julian,\\nand on the 20th we fell in with the Straits of Magellan, going\\ninto the South Sea, at the cape or headland whereof we\\nfound the body of a dead man, whose flesh was clean con-\\nsumed. On the 2 1 St day we entered the Straits We con-\\ntinuing our course, fell the 29th of November with an island\\ncalled La Mocha. .the next day repairing again to the shore,\\nand sending two men to land with barrels to fill water, the\\npeople taking them for Spaniards (to whom they use to\\nshow no favor if they take them) laid violent hands on them,\\nand, as we think, slew them.\\nOur General seeing this, stayed here no longer, but\\nweighed anchor, and set sail towards the coast of Chili, and\\ndrawing towards it, we met near to the shore an Indian in a\\nCanoe, who thinking us to have been Spaniards, came to us\\nand told us, that at a place called Santiago, there was a great\\nSpanish ship laden from the kingdom of Peru, for which\\ngood news our General gave him divers trifles. Whereof he", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "320 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nwas glad, and went along with us and brought us to the place,\\nwhich is called the port of Valparaiso. When we came\\nthither we found, indeed, the ship riding at anchor, having\\nin her eight Spaniards and three negroes, who, thinking us\\nto have been Spaniards, and their friends, welcomed us with\\na drum, and made ready a Bottija of wine of Chili to drink\\nto us. But as soon as we were entered, one of our company\\ncalled Thomas Moon began to lay about him, and struck one\\nof the Spaniards, and said unto him, Abaxo perro that is\\nin English, Go down, dog! One of these Spaniards, see-\\ning persons of that quality in these seas, all to crossed and\\nblessed himself. But, to be short, we stowed them under\\nhatches, all save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately\\nleapt over-board into the sea, and swam ashore to the town\\nof Santiago, to give them warning of our arrival.\\nThey of the town being not above nine households, pres-\\nently fled away and abandoned the town. Our General\\nmanned his boat and the Spanish ship s boat and went to the\\ntown, and being come to it, we rifled it, and came to a small\\nchapel, which we entered, and found therein a silver chalic,\\ntwo cruets, and one altar-cloth, the spoil whereof our Gen-\\neral gave to Mr. Fletcher, his minister. We found, also in\\nthis town a warehouse stored with wine of Chili and many\\nboards of cedar-wood, all which wine we brought away with\\nus, and certain of the boards to burn for firewood. And so,\\nbeing come aboard, we departed the haven, having first set\\nall the Spaniards on land, saving one John Griego, a Greek\\nborn, whom our General carried with him as pilot to bring\\nhim into the haven of Lima.\\nWhen we were at sea our General rifled the ship, and\\nfound in her good store of the wine of Chili, and 25,000\\npesos of very pure and fine gold of Valdivia, amounting in\\nvalue to 37,000 ducats of Spanish money, and above. So,\\ngoing on our course, we arrived next at a place called Co-\\nquimbo, where our General sent fourteen of his men on land\\nto fetch water. But they were espied by the Spanish, who\\ncame with 300 horsemen and 200 footmen, and slew one of\\nour men with a piece. The rest came aboard in safety, and\\nthe Spaniards departed. We went on shore again and buried\\nour man, and the Spaniards came down again with a flag\\nof truce; but we set sail, and would not trust them. From\\nhence we went to a certain port called Tarapaca, where,\\nbeing landed, we found by the sea a Spaniard lying asleep,\\nwho had lying by him thirteen bars of silver, which weighed", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 321\\nabout 4,000 ducats Spanish. We took the silver and left the\\nman. Not far from hence, going on land for fresh water,\\nwe met with a Spaniard and an Indian boy driving eight\\nllamas or sheep of Peru, which are as big as asses everyone\\nof which sheep had on his back two bags of leather, each\\nbag containing 50 lbs. weight of fine silver. So that, bring-\\ning both the sheep and their burthen to the ship, we found in\\nall the bags 800 weights of silver.\\nHerehence we sailed to a place called Arica, and, being\\nentered the haven, we found there three small barques, which\\nwe rifled, and found in one of them fifty-seven wedges of\\nsilver, each of them weighing about 20 lbs. weight, and every\\nof these wedges were of the fashion and bigness of a brick-\\nbat. In all these three barques we found not one person.\\nFor they, mistrusting no strangers, were all gone on land to\\nthe town, which consisteth of about twenty houses, which\\nwe would have ransacked if our company had been better and\\nmore in number. But our General, contented with the spoil\\nof the ships, left the town and put off again to sea, and set\\nsail for Lima, and, by the way, met with a small barque,\\nwhich he boarded, and found in her good store of linen\\ncloth. Whereof taking some quantity, he let her go.\\nTo Lima we came on the 13th of February, and, being\\nentered the haven, we found there about twelve sail of ships\\nlying fast moored at anchor, having all their sails carried on\\nshore; for the masters and merchants were here most secure,\\nhaving never been assaulted by enemies, and at this time\\nfeared the approach of none such as we were. Our General\\nrifled these ships, and found in one of them a chest full of\\nreals of plate, and good store of silks and linen cloth, and\\ntook the chest into his own ship, and good store of silks and\\nlinen. In which ship he had news of another ship called the\\nCacafuego, which was gone towards Payta, and that the\\nsame ship was laden with treasure. Whereupon we stayed\\nno longer here, but, cuting all the cables of the ships in the\\nhaven, we let them drive whither they would, either to sea\\nor to the shore, and with all speed we followed the Cacafuego\\ntoward Payta, thinking there to have found her; but before\\nwe arrived there she was gone from thence towards Panama,\\nwhom our General still pursued, and by the way met with a\\nbarque laden with ropes and tackle for ships, which he\\nboarded and searched, and found in her 80 lbs. weight of gold,\\nand a crucifix of gold with goodly great emeralds set in it,\\nwhich he took, and some of the cordage also for his own ship.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "J--\\nSOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nFrom hence we departed, still following the Cacafnego;\\nand our General promised Our company that whosoever\\nshould first descry her should have h s chain of gold for his\\ngood news. It fortuned that John Drake, going up into the\\ntop, descried her at about three o clock, and at about six\\no clock we came to her and boarded her, and shot at her\\nthree pieces of ordnance, and struck down her mizen, and,\\nbeing entered, we found in her great riches, as jewels and\\nprecious stones, thirteen chests full of reals of plate, four-\\nscore pounds weight of gold, and six-and-twenty tons of\\nsilver. The place where we took this prize was called Cape\\nde San Francisco, about 150 leagues from Panama. The\\npilot s name of this ship was Francisco, and amongst other\\nplate that our General found in this ship he found two very\\nfair gilt bowls of silver, which were the pilot s, to whom our\\nGeneral said, Senor Pilot, you have here two silver cups\\nbut I must needs have one of them, which the pilot, because\\nhe could not otherwise choose, yielded unto, and gave the\\nother to the steward of our General s ships. When this pilot\\ndeparted from us, his boy said thus unto our General, Cap-\\ntain, our ship shall be called no more the Cacafuego, but the\\nCacaplata, and your ship shall be called the Cacafuego,\\nwhich pretty speech of the pilot s boy ministered matter of\\nlaughter to us, both then and long after. When our General\\nhad done what he would with this Cacafuego, he cast her\\noff, and we went on our course still towards the west, and\\nnot long after met with a ship laden with linen cloth and\\nfine China dishes of white earth, and great store of China\\nsilks, of all which things we took as we listed. The owner\\nhimself of this ship was in her, who was a Spanish gentle-\\nman, from whom our General took a faulcon of gold, with\\na great emerald in the breast thereof; and the pilot of the\\nship he took also with him, and so cast the ship off.\\nThis pilot brought us to the haven of Aguatulco, the town\\nwhereof, as he told us, had but seventeen Spaniards in it.\\nAs soon as we were entered this haven, we landed, and went\\npresently to the town and to the Town-house, where we\\nfound a judge sitting in judgment, being associated with\\nthree other officers, upon three negroes that had conspired\\nthe burning of the town. Both which judges and prisoners\\nwe took, and brought them a-shipboard, and caused the chief\\njudge to write his letter to the town to command all the\\ntownsmen to avoid, that we might safely water there, which\\nbeing done, and they departed, we ransacked the town, and", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 323\\nin one house we found a pot, of the quantity of a bushel, full\\nof reals of plate, which we brought to our ship. And here\\none Thomas Moon, one of our company, took a Spanish\\ngentlemen as he was flying out of the town, and, searching\\nhim, he found a chain of gold about him, and other jewels,\\nwhich he took, and so let him go. At this place our General,\\namong other Spaniards, set ashore his Portuguese pilot\\nwhich he took at the Islands of Cape Verde out of a ship of\\nSt. Mary Port, of Portugal and having set them ashore we\\ndeparted hence, and sailed to the Island of Canno, where our\\nGeneral landed, and brought to shore his own ship, and dis-\\ncharged her, mended and graved her, and furnished our ship\\nwith water and food sufficiently.\\nOn the 5th of June, being in forty-three degrees towards\\nthe Arctic Pole, we found the air so cold, that our men being\\ngrievously pinched with the same, complained of the ex-\\ntremity thereof, and the further we went, the more the cold\\nincreased upon us. Whereupon we thought it best for that\\ntime to seek the land, and did so, finding it not mountainous,\\nbut low plain land, till we came within thirty-eight degrees\\ntowards the line. In which height it pleased God to send us\\ninto a fair and good bay, with a good wind to enter the same.\\nIn this bay we anchored, and the people of the country having\\ntheir houses close by the waterside, shewed themselves unto\\nus, and sent a present to our General. When they came unto\\nus, they greatly wondered at the things that we brought, but\\nour General (according to his natural and accustomed hu-\\nmanity) courteously entreated them, and liberally bestowed\\non them necessary things to cover their nakedness, where-\\nupon they supposed us to be gods, and would not be pur-\\nsuaded to the contrary the presents which they sent to our\\nGeneral, were feathers, and cauls of net-work. Their houses\\nwere digged round about with earth, and have from the utter-\\nmost brims of the circle, clifts of wood set upon them, joined\\nclose together at the top like a spire steeple, which by reason\\nof that closeness are very warm. Their bed is the ground\\nwith rushes strewed on it, and lying about the house, they\\nhave the fire in the midst. The men go naked, the women\\ntake bulrushes, and comb them after the manner of hemp,\\nand thereof make their loose garments, which being knit\\nabout their middles, hang down about their hips, having also\\nabout their shoulders a skin of deer, with the hair upon it.\\nThese women are very obedient and serviceable to their\\nhusbands,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "324 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nOur General called this country New Albion, and that for\\ntwo causes, the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs,\\nwhich lie towards the sea, and the other, because it might\\nhave some affinity with our country in name, which some-\\ntimes was so called. There is no part of earth here to be\\ntaken up, wherein there is not probable show of gold or\\nsilver.\\nWhen we had ended our business here we w^eighed, and\\nset sail to run for the Moluccas; but having at that time a\\nbad wind, and being amongst the islands, with much diffi-\\nculty we recovered to the northward of the island of Celebes,\\nwhere by reason of contrary winds, not able to continue our\\ncourse to run westwards, we were enforced to alter the same\\nto the southward again, finding that course also to be very\\nhard and dangerous for us, by reason of infinite shoals which\\nlie off and among the islands; whereof we had too much\\ntrial to the hazard and danger to our ship and lives. For,\\nof all other days, upon the 9th of January, in the year 1580,\\nwe ran suddenly upon a rock, where w^e stuck fast from\\neight o clock at night till four o clock in the afternoon the\\nnext day, being indeed out of all hope to escape the danger;\\nbut our General as he had always hitherto shewed himself\\ncourageous, and of a good confidence in the mercy and pro-\\ntection of God so now he continued in the same, and lest he\\nshould seem to perish wilfully, both he and we did our best\\nendeavour to save ourselves, which it pleased God so to bless,\\nthat in the end vv ^e cleared ourselves most happily of the\\ndanger.\\nWe lightened our ship upon the rocks of three tons of\\ncloves, eight pieces of ordnance, and certain meal and beans\\nand then the wind (as it were in a moment by the special\\ngrace of God) changing from the starboard to the larboard of\\nthe ship, we hoisted our sails, and the happy gale drove our\\nship off the rock, into the sea again, to the no little comfort\\nof all our hearts, for which we gave God such praise and\\nthanks, as so great a benefit required.\\nOn the 8th of February following, we fell in with the\\nfruitful island of Barateue, [Borneo] having in the mean\\ntime suffered many dangers by winds and shoals.\\nAt our departure from Barateue, we set our course for\\nJava Major, [Java] where arriving, we found great cour-\\ntesy, and honourable entertainment\\nNot long before our departure, they told us that not far\\noff there were such great ships as ours, wishing us to be-\\nt", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 325\\nware; upon this our captain would stay no longer. From\\nJava Major we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, which\\nwas the first land we fell in withal; neither did we touch\\nwith it, or any other land, until we came to Sierra Leone,\\nupon the cost of Guinea notwithstanding we ran hard\\naboard the Cape, finding the report of the Portuguese to\\nbe most false, who affirm that it is the most dangerous Cape\\nof the world, never without intolerable storms and present\\ndanger to travellers which come near the same. This Cape\\nis a most stately thing, and the fairest Cape we saw in the\\nwhole circumference of the earth, and we passed by it on the\\ni8th of June. From thence we continued our course to\\nSierra Leone, on the cost of Guinea, where we arrived on\\nthe 22nd of July, and found necessary provisions, great store\\nof elephants, oysters upon trees of one kind, spawing and in-\\ncreasing infinitely, the oyster suffering no bud to grow. We\\ndeparted thence on the 24th day.\\nWe arrived in England on the 3rd of November, 1580,\\nbeing the third year of our departure.\\n(Hakluyt, ed. cit., p. 145.)\\n146. Frobisher s First Voyage\\nHakluyt\\nSir Martin Frobisher (1535-1594) was distinctively the navi-\\ngator of the time of Elizabeth in whom Cohmibus desire to\\ndiscover a short passage to Cathay found expression. Through\\nthis, the third great incentive to English exploration, he made\\nvoyage after voyage to the northern coast of America. The ac-\\ncount of George Best, one of those who accompanied Frobisher\\non his first voyage, well illustrates the character of the expedi-\\ntion, and also gives us a view of the speculative fever that\\nburned in the veins of Englishmen. To these the pyrites\\nwell termed fools gold brought back by Frobisher, opened\\nvisions of treasure surpassing that of the fabled city of Manoa.\\nNARRATIVE BY GEORGE BEST\\nWhich thing being well considered, and familiarly known\\nto our general Captain Frobisher, as well for that he is\\nthoroughly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and\\nall other skills appertaining to the art of navigation as also\\nfor the confirmation he hath of the same by many years\\nexperience both by sea and land, and being persuaded of a\\nnew and nearer passage to Cathay than by Capo de Buona\\nSperanza, which the Portuguese yearly use: he began first\\nwith himself to. devise, and then with his friends to confer,\\nand laid a plain plot unto them that that voyage was not only", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "326 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\npossible by the north-west, but also, he could prove, easy to\\nbe performed.\\nHe prepared two small barques of twenty and five-and-\\ntwenty tons a-piece, wherein he intended to accomplish his\\npretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnished with the\\nforsaid two barques, and one small pinnace of ten tons bur-\\nden, having therein victuals and other necessaries for twelve\\nmonths provision, he departed upon the said voyage from\\nBlackwall, on the 15th of June, anno domini 1576.\\nAnd on the 20th of July he had sight of an high land,\\nwhich he called Queen Elizabeth s Foreland, after her Ma-\\njesty s name. And sailing more northerly along that coast,\\nhe descried another foreland, with a great gut, bay, or pas-\\nsage, dividing as it were two main lands or continents asun-\\nder. There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this\\ncoast along, and coveting still to continue his course to the\\nnorthwards, was always by contrary winds detained over-\\nthwart these straits, and could not get beyond. Within a few\\ndays after, he perceived the ice to be well consumed and\\ngone, either there engulfed in by some swift currents or in-\\ndrafts, carried more to the southwards of the same straits,\\nor else conveyed some other way; wherefore he determined\\nto make proof of this place, to see how far that gut had con-\\ntinuance, and whether he might carry himself through the\\nsame into some open sea on the back-side, whereof he con-\\nceived no small hope; and so entered the same on the 21st\\nday of July, and passed above fifty leagues therein, as he re-\\nported, having upon either hand a great main of con-\\ntinent.\\nAnd it is especially to be remembered that at their first\\narrival in those parts there lay so great store of ice all the\\ncoast along, so think together, that hardly his boat could pass\\nunto the shore. At length, after divers attempts, he com-\\nmanded his company, if by any possible means they could get\\nashore, to bring him whatsoever thing they could first find,\\nwhether it were living or dead, stock or stone, in token of\\nChristian possession, which thereby he took in behalf of\\nthe Queen s Most Excellent Majesty, thinking that thereby\\nhe might justify the having and enjoying of the same things\\nthat grew in these unknown parts.\\nSome of his company brought flowers, some green grass,\\nand one brought a piece of black stone, much like to a sea\\ncoal in colour, which by the weight seemed to be some kind\\nof metal or mineral. This was a thing of no account in the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 327\\njudgment of the captain at first sight; and yet for novehy\\nit was kept in respect of the place from whence it came.\\nAfter his arrival in London, being demanded of sundry\\nhis friends what thing he had brought them home out of\\nthat country, he had nothing left to present them withal but\\na piece of this black stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman,\\none of the adventurers wives, to have a piece thereof, which\\nby chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at\\nthe length being taken forth and quenched in a little vinegar,\\nit glistered with a bright marquesite of gold. Whereupon\\nthe matter being called in some question, it was brought to\\ncertain gold-finers in London to make assay thereof, who\\ngave out that it held gold, and that very richly for the quan-\\ntity. Afterwards the same gold-finers promised great mat-\\nters thereof if there were any store to be found and offered\\nthemselves to adventure for the searching of those parts\\nfrom whence the same was brought. Some that had great\\nhope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at Her\\nMajesty s hands of those places, whereby to enjoy the mass\\nof so great a public profit unto their own private gains.\\n(Hakluyt, ed. cit., p. 64.)\\n147. The Beginnings of American Colonization\\nIn 1584 Sir Walter Raleigh fitted out an expedition for the\\npurpose of exploration with a view to establishing a colony.\\nThis resulted in the discovery of a country which was afterward\\nknown as Virginia. The extract given was written by Arthur\\nBarlowe, one of the captains of the expedition, and by him sent\\nto Raleigh. The account is more picturesque than accurate, but\\nis interesting as illustrating the fourth of the great incentives to\\nthe sea-rovers of the Elizabethan era the incentive of coloniza-\\ntion.\\nFIRST VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA\\n(1584)\\nThe 27th day of April, in the year of our redemption,\\n1584, we departed the West of England, with two barks\\nwell furnished with men and victuals, having received our\\nlast and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the\\nformer instructions and commandments delivered by your-\\nself at our leaving the river of Thames. And I think, in a\\nmatter both unneccessary, for the manifest discovery of the\\nCountry, as also for tediousness sake, to remember unto you\\nthe diurnal of our course, sailing thither and returning; only\\nI have presumed to present unto you this brief discourse, by", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "328 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nwhich you may judge how profitable this land is like to\\nsucceed, as well to yourself (by whose direction and charge,\\nand by whose servants this our discourse hath been per-\\nformed) as also to her Highness, and the Commonwealth,\\nin which we hope your wisdom will be satisfied, considering\\nthat as much by us hath been brought to light, as by those\\nsmall means, and number of men we had, could any way\\nhave been expected, or hoped for.\\nThe tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the\\ntenth of June in this present year, we w^ere fallen with the\\nIslands of the West Indies.\\nThe second of July, we found shoal water, where we smelt\\nso sweet and so strong a smell, as if we had been in the midst\\nof some delicate garden abounding with all kinds of odorif-\\nerous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could\\nnot be far distant: and keeping good watch, and bearing\\ngood slack sail, the fourth of the same month we arrived\\nupon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firm\\nland, and we sailed along the same a hundred and twenty\\nEnglish miles before we could find any entrance, or river\\nissuing into the sea. The first that appeared unto us, we\\nentered, though not without some difficulty, and cast anchor\\nabout three arquebus-shot within the haven s mouth, on the\\nleft hand of the same; and after thanks given to God for\\nour safe arrival thither, we manned our boats, and went to\\nview the land next adjoining, and to take possession of the\\nsame, in the right of the Queen s most excellent Majesty, as\\nrightful Queen, and Princess of the same, and after de-\\nlivered the same over to your use, according to her Majesty s\\ngrant, and letters patent, under her Highness Great Seal.\\nWhich being performed, according to the ceremonies used\\nin such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, being,\\nwhereas we first landed, very sandy and low towards the\\nwater s side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating and\\nsurge of the sea overflowed them.\\nWe passed from the sea side towards the tops of those\\nhills next adjoining, being but of mean hight, and from\\nthence we beheld the sea on both sides to the north, and to\\nthe south, finding no end any of both ways. This land lay\\nstretching itself to the west, which after we found to be but\\nan island of twenty miles long, and not above six miles\\nbroad. Under the bank or hill whereon we stood, we beheld\\nthe valleys replenished with goodly cedar trees, and having\\ndischarged our harquebus-shot, such a flock of cranes (the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 329\\nmost part white) arose under us, with such a cry redoubled\\nby many echoes, as if an army of men had shouted all\\ntogether.\\nThe islands had many goodly woods full of deer, conies,\\nhares, and fowl, even in the midst of summer in incredible\\nabundance. The woods are not such as you find in Bohe-\\nmia, Moscovia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the\\nhighest and reddest of cedars in the world, far bettering\\nthe cedars of the Azores, of the Indies, or Libanus pines,\\ncypress, sassafras, the lentiscus, or the tree that beareth the\\nmastic, the tree that beareth the rinde of black cinammon,\\nof which Master Winter brought from the Straits of Magel-\\nlan, and many other of excellent smell and quality. We re-\\nmained by the side of the Islands two whole days before we\\nsaw any people of the country: the third day we espied one\\nsmall boat rowing towards us, having in it three persons\\nthis boat came to the Island side, four arquebus-shot from\\nour ships, and there two of the people remaining, the third\\ncame along the shoreside towards us, and we being then all\\nwithin board, he walked up and down upon the point of the\\nland next unto us then the master and the pilot of the Ad-\\nmiral, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captain Philip Amadas,\\nmyself, and others rowed to the land, whose coming this fel-\\nlow attended, never making any show of fear or doubt. And\\nafter he had spoken of many things not understood by us,\\nwe brought him with his own good liking, aboard the ships,\\nand gave him a shirt, a hat, and some other things, and made\\nhim taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very\\nwell: and after having viewed both barks, he departed, and\\nwent to his own boat again, which he had left in a little cove\\nor creek adjoining: as soon as he was two bow shot into the\\nwater, he fell to fishing, and in less than half an hour, he had\\nladen his boat as deep, as it could swim, w^ith which he came\\nagain to the point of land, and there he divided his fish into\\ntwo parts, appointing one part to the ship, and the other to\\nthe pinnace: which, after he had (as much as he might)\\nrequited the former benefits received, departed out of our\\nsight.\\nThe next day there came unto us divers boats, and in one\\nof them the King s brother, accompanied with forty or fifty\\nmen, very handsome and goodly people, and in their be-\\nhavior as mannerly and civil as any in Europe. His name\\nwas Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the coun-\\ntry Wingandacoa, and now by her Majesty Virginia", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "330 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nThe soil is very plentiful, sweet, fruitful and wholesome of\\nall the world there are about fourteen several sweet smell-\\ning timber trees, and most part of their underwoods are\\nbays, and such like: They have those oaks that we have,\\nbut far greater and better. After they had been divers times\\naboard our ships, myself, with seven more went twenty mile\\ninto the river, that runneth toward the city of Skicoak,\\nwhich river they call Occam and the evening following, we\\ncame to an island, which they call Roanoak, distant from\\nthe harbor by which we entered, seven leagues: and at the\\nnorth end thereof there was a village of nine houses, built\\nof cedar, and fortified round about with sharp trees, to keep\\nout their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turn-\\npike very artifically.\\nBeyond this island there is the main land, and over against\\nthis island falleth into this spacious water, the great river\\ncalled Occam by the inhabitants, on which standeth a town\\ncalled Pomeiock, and six days journey from the same is\\nsituated their greatest city, called Skicoak, which this people\\naffirm to be very great: but the savages were never at it,\\nonly they speak of it by the report of their fathers and other\\nmen, whom they have heard affirm it to be about one hour s\\njourney about.\\nInto this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in\\nwhich there is found great store of muscles in which there\\nare pearls likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another\\nriver, called Nomopana.\\nTowards the Southwest, four day s journey is situated a\\ntown called Sequotan, which is the southermost town of\\nWingandacoa, near unto which, six and twenty years past,\\nthere was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were\\nsaved, and those were white people, whom the country people\\npreserved other than these, there was never any people\\napparelled, or white of colour, either seen, or heard of\\namongst these people, and these aforesaid were seen only\\nby the inhabitants of Secotan, which appeared to be very\\ntrue, for they wondered marvelously when we were amongst\\nthem at the whiteness of our skins, ever coveting to touch\\nour breasts, and to view the same. Besides they had our\\nships in marvelous admiration and all things else were so\\nstrange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had\\never seen the like. When we discharged any piece, were it\\nbut an arquebus, they would tremble thereat for very fear,\\nand for the strangeness of the same for the weapons which", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 331\\nthemselves use are bows and arrows: the arrows are but of\\nsmall canes, headed with a sharp shell or tooth of a fish\\nsufficient enough to kill a naked man. Their swords be of\\nwood hardened: likewise they use wooden breastplates for\\ntheir defence. They have beside a kind of club, in the end\\nwhereof they fasten the sharp horns of a stag, or other\\nbeast. When they go to wars they carry about with them\\ntheir idol, of whom they ask counsel, as the Romans were\\nwont of the oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they\\nmarch towards the battle instead of drums and trumpets:\\ntheir wars are very cruel and bloody, by reason whereof and\\nof their civil dissensions which have happened of late years\\namongst them, the people are marvelously wasted, and in\\nsome places the country left desolate.\\nBeyond this island called Roanoak, are main islands very\\nplentiful of fruits and other natural increases, together with\\nmany towns, and villages, along the side of the continent,\\nsome bounding upon the islands, and some stretching up\\nfurther into the land.\\nThus Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars\\nof our discovery made this present voyage, as far forth as\\nthe shortness of the time we were continued would afford\\nus to take views of: and so contenting ourselves with this\\nservice at this time, which we hope hereafter to enlarge, as\\noccasion and assistance shall be given, we resolved to leave\\nthe country, and to apply ourselves to return for England,\\nwhich we did accordingly, and arrived safely in the west of\\nEngland about the middle of September.\\n(Ed. from Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, etc., Lond., 1598-1600.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "PART VI\\nTHE STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITU-\\nTIONAL GOVERNMENT\\n(1603-1688)\\n333", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XX\\nTHE REIGN OF JAMES I.\\n148. Coronation Oath of James I.\\nTattner Jl/SS,\\nThe following oath should be compared with that taken by-\\nEdward II., two centuries before (No. 89). In that space of\\nfour centuries, with all the tremendous changes in ecclesias-\\ntical organization, the coronation oaths of the sovereigns of Eng-\\nland altered but little yet in comparing those instanced, we find\\nsufficient difference to indicate that the king had taken the place\\nwhich the Pope once held, and that the Church of the State was\\nno longer the child of Rome.\\nArchbishop. Sir, will you grant and keep and by your oath\\nconfirm to your people of England the laws and customs to\\nthem granted by the kings of England your lawful and re-\\nligious predecessors and namely the laws, customs and\\nfranchises granted to clergy and to the people by the glorious\\nking, St. Edward, your predecessor, according and con-\\nformable to the laws of God and true profession of the\\ngospel established in this kingdom, and agreeing to the\\nprerogatives of the kings thereof and to the ancient customs\\nof this realm\\nKing. I grant and promise to keep them.\\nA. Will you keep peace and agreement entirely, according\\nto your power, both to God, the holy church, the clergy and\\nthe people\\nK. 1 will keep it.\\nA. Will you to your power cause law, justice and discre-\\ntion in mercy and truth to be executed in all your judg-\\nments\\nK. I will.\\nA. Sir, will you grant to hold and keep the laws and right-\\nful customs which the commonalty of your kingdom have,\\nand to defend and uphold them to the honour of God, so\\nmuch as in you lieth\\nK. I grant and promise so to do.\\n335", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "33^ SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nSequitur admonitio episcoporum, etc.\\nOur lord and king, we beseech you to grant and preserve\\nunto us and every one of us and the churches committed to\\nour charge all canonical privileges and due law and justice,\\nand that you would protect and defend us as every good\\nking in his kingdom ought to be a protector and defender\\nof the bishops and churches under their government.\\nK. With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant\\nthat I will preserve and maintain to you and every of you\\nand the churches committed to your charge all canonical\\nprivileges and due law and justice, and that I will be your\\nprotector and defender to my power by the assistance of God,\\nas every good king in his kingdom ought to protect and de-\\nfend the bishops and churches under their government.\\n{Statutes afid Constittitiojial D ocumetits Prothero, Oxford, 1894, p. 391.)\\n149. The Crown above the Courts\\nJames I.\\nThe cause of the ruin of the Stuart dynasty may be read in\\nthe political works of the first English king of that house. In\\nthe mind of James I. the doctrine of the divine right of kings\\nand of the absolute power of the sovereign were firmly fixed.\\nThese theories were expressed by the acts as well as the words\\nof the first Stuart. In the speech which he made in the Star\\nChamber on June 20, 1601, the subordination of the judicial\\npower to that of the Crown is stated clearly and positively.\\nI am next to come to the limits wherein you are to\\nbound yourselves, which likewise are three. First, encroach\\nnot upon the prerogative of the crown if there falls out a\\nquestion that concerns my prerogative or mystery of state,\\ndeal not with it, till you consult with the king or his council,\\nor both; for they are transcendent matters and must not be\\ndeliberately carried out with over-rash wilfulness. That\\nwhich concerns the mystery of the king s power is not lawful\\nto be disputed; for that is to wade into the weakness of\\nprinces, and to take away the mystical reverence that be-\\nlongs unto them that sit on the throne of God.\\nSecondly, that you keep yourselves within your own\\nbenches, not to invade other jurisdictions, which is unfit and\\nan unlawful thing. Keep therefore all in your own\\nbounds, and for my part, I desire you to give me no more\\nright, in my private prerogative, than you give any subject,\\nand therein I will be acquiescent as for the absolute prerog-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF JAMES I.\\njj7\\natlve of the crown, that is no subject for the tongue of a\\nlawyer, nor is lawful to be disputed.\\nIt is atheism and blasphemy to dispute what God can do:\\ngood Christians content themselves with his will revealed in\\nhis word, so it is presumption and high contempt in a subject\\nto dispute what a king can do, or say that a king cannot do\\nthis or that; but rest in that which is the king s revealed will\\nin his law.\\n(JVorks of James Lond., 1616, p. 556.)\\n150. The King is above the Law\\nJames I.\\nJames I. from the first day of his reign disclaimed the power\\nof Parliament to control the will of the sovereign. He claimed\\nthe power to make, amend or alter laws as w^ell as the right to\\nabrogate them. The dispensing and suspending power was af-\\nfirmed in its most arbitrary form. The following selection aptly\\nillustrates the Stuart theory of the royal prerogative.\\nAccording to these fundamental laws already alleged, we\\ndaily see that in the parliament (which is nothing else but\\nthe head court of the king and his vassals) the laws are\\nbut craved by his subjects, and only made by him at their\\nrogation and with their advice for albeit the king make\\ndaily statutes and ordinances, enjoining such pains thereto\\nas he thinks meet, without any advice of parliament or\\nestates, yet it lies in the power of no parliament to make any\\nkind of law or statute, without his sceptre be to it, for giving\\nit the force of a law And as ye see it manifest that the\\nking is over-lord of the whole land, so is he master over\\nevery person that inhabiteth the same, having power over the\\nlife and death of every one of them: for although a just\\nprince will not take the life of any of his subjects without\\na clear law, yet the same laws whereby he takeththem are\\nmade by himself or his predecessors and so the power flows\\nalways from himself as by daily experience we see good and\\njust princes will from time to time make new laws and\\nstatiites, adjoining the penalties to the breakers thereof, which\\nbefore the law was made had been no crime to the subject to\\nhave committed And where he sees the law doubtsome or\\nrigorous, he may interpret or mitigate the same, lest other-\\nwise snmmnm jus be suinnia injuria: and therefore general\\nlaws made publicly in parliament may upon known respects\\nto the king by his authority be mitigated and suspended upon\\ncauses only known to him.\\nAs likewise, although I have said a good king will frame", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "338 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nall his actions to be according to the law, yet is he not bound\\nthereto but of his good will, and for good example-giving\\nto his subjects So as I have already said, a good king,\\nthough he .be above the law, will subject and frame his ac~\\ntions thereto, for example s sake to his subjects, and of his\\nown free will, but not as subject or bound thereto.\\n(Lam of Free Monarchies in Works of James p. 202, ed. cit.)\\n151. The Millenary Petition\\n(1603)\\nChtirch History, Fuller\\nWhile James I. was journeying to London to take his place\\non the English throne, the Puritan clergy presented to him the\\npaper known to us as the Millenary Petition. This document\\nreceived its name from the number of signatures supposed to\\nbe attached thereto, although it is doubtful if it was signed at\\nall. The petition prayed for a reformation in the church ser-\\nvice, ministry, livings, and discipline. The petition led to the\\nHampton Court Conference, in which James declared his ad-\\nherence to the Episcopal form of church government as carried\\nout by the Anglican Church.\\nTHE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH\\nOF ENGLAND DESIRING REFORMATION OF CERTAIN CER-\\nEMONIES AND ABUSES OF THE CHURCH\\nTo the most Christian and excellent prince, our gracious\\nand dread Sovereign, James, by the grace of God, etc., we,\\nthe ministers of the Church of England that desire reforma-\\ntion, wish a long, prosperous and happy reign over us in this\\nlife, and in the next everlasting salvation.\\nMost gracious and dread Sovereign, seeing it hath pleased\\nthe Divine Majesty, to the great comfort of all good Chris-\\ntians, to advance your Highness, according to your just title,\\nto the peaceable government of this church and common-\\nwealth of England, we, the ministers of the gospel in this\\nland, neither as factious men affecting a popular parity in\\nthe church nor as schismatics aiming at the dissolution of\\nthe state ecclesiastical, but as the faithful servants of Christ\\nand loyal subjects of your Majesty, desiring and longing for\\nthe redress of divers abuses of the church, could do no less\\nin our obedience to God, service to your Majesty, love to his\\nchurch, than acquaint your princely Majesty with our par-\\nticular griefs. For, as your princely pen writeth, the King as\\na good physician must first know what peccant humours his\\npatient naturally is most subject unto before he can begin", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF JAMES I. 339\\nhis cure. And although divers of us that sue for reforma-\\ntion have formerly in respect of the times subscribed to the\\nbook, some upon protestation, some upon exposition given\\nthem, some with condition, rather than the church should\\nhave been deprived of their labour and ministry, yet now we,\\nto the number of more than a thousand of your Majesty s\\nsubjects and ministers, all groaning as under a common\\nburthen of human rites and ceremonies, do with one joint\\nconsent humble ourselves at your Majesty s feet, to be eased\\nand relieved in this behalf. Our humble suit then unto your\\nMajesty is, that [of] these offences following, some may be\\nremoved, some amended, some qualified:\\nI. In the church service: That the cross in baptism, in-\\nterrogatories ministered to infants, confirmation, as super-\\nfluous, may be taken away. Baptism not to be ministered\\nby women, and so explained. The cap and surplice not\\nurged. That examination may go before the communion.\\nThat it be ministered w^ith a sermon. That divers terms of\\npriests and absolution and some other used, with the ring in\\nmarriage, and other such like in the book may be corrected.\\nThe longsomeness of service abridged. Church songs and\\nmusic moderated to better edification. That the Lord s day\\nbe not profaned the rest upon holidays not so strictly urged.\\nThat there be an uniformity of doctrine prescribed. No\\npopish opinion to be any more taught or defended no minis-\\nters charged to teach their people to bow at the name of\\nJesus. That the canonical scriptures only be read in the\\nchurch.\\nII. Concerning church ministers: That none hereafter\\nbe admitted into the ministry but able and sufficient men, and\\nthose to preach diligently, and especially upon the Lord s\\nday. That such as be already entered and cannot preach\\nmay either be removed and some charitable course taken with\\nthem for their relief, or else to be forced, according to the\\nvalue of their livings, to maintain preachers. That non-\\nresidency be not permitted. That King Edward s statute\\n[5 6 E. VI. 12] for the lawfulness of ministers marriage\\nbe revived. That ministers be not urged to subscribe but\\naccording to the law to the articles of religion and the King s\\nsupremacy only.\\nIII. For church living and maintenance: That bishops\\nleave their commendams, some holding prebends, some par-\\nsonages, some vicarages, with their bishoprics. That double-\\nbeneficed men be not suffered to hold some two, some three", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "340 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nbenefices with cure, and some two, three or four dignities\\nbesides. That impropriations annexed to bishoprics and\\ncolleges be demised only to the preachers incumbents for the\\nold rent. That the impropriations of layman s fees may be\\ncharged with a. sixth or seventh part of the worth, to the\\nmaintenance of the preaching minister.\\nIV. For church discipline: That the discipline and ex-\\ncommunication may be administered according to Christ s\\nown institution, or at least that enormities may be redressed\\nas, namely, that excommunication come not forth under the\\nname of lay persons, chancellors, officials, etc. That men be\\nnot excommunicated for trifles and twelve-penny matters:\\nthat none be excommunicated without the consent of his\\npastor. That the officers be not suffered to extort un-\\nreasonable fees. That none having jurisdiction or registers\\nplaces put out the same to farm. That divers popish canons\\n(as for restraint of marriage at certain times) be reversed.\\nThat the longsomeness of suits in ecclesiastical courts,\\nwhich hang sometimes two, three, four, five, six or seven\\nyears, may be restrained. That the oath ex officio, whereby\\nmen are forced to accuse themselves, be more sparingly used.\\nThat licences for marriage without banns asked be more\\ncautiously granted.\\nThese, with such other abuses yet remaining and practised\\nin the Church of England, we are able to show not to be\\nagreeable to the Scriptures, if it shall please your Highness\\nfurther to hear us, or more at large by writing to be in-\\nformed, or by conference among the learned to be resolved.\\nAnd yet we doubt not but that without any further process\\nyour Majesty (of whose Christian judgment we have re-\\nceived so good a taste already) is able of yourself to judge\\nof the equity of this cause. God, we trust, hath appointed\\nyour Highness our physician to heal these diseases. And we\\nsay with Mordecai to Hester, Who knoweth whether you are\\ncome to the kingdom for such a time? [Esth, iv. 14].\\nThus your Majesty shall do that which we are persuaded\\nshall be acceptable to God, honourable to your Majesty in all\\nsucceeding ages, profitable to his church, which shall be\\nthereby increased, comfortable to your ministers, who shall\\nbe no more suspended, silenced, disgraced, imprisoned for\\nmen s traditions, and prejudicial to none but to those that\\nseek their own quiet, credit and profit in the world. Thus\\nwith all dutiful submission referring ourselves to your Ma-\\njesty s pleasure for your gracious answer as God shall direct", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF JAMES I. 341\\nyou, we most humbly recommend your Highness to the\\nDivine Majesty, whom we beseech for Christ his sake to\\ndispose your royal heart to do herein what shall be to his\\nglory, the good of his church, and your endless comfort.\\nYour Majesty s most humble subjects, the ministers of the\\ngospel, that desire, not a disorderly innovation, but a due and\\ngodly reformation.\\n(^The Church History of Brit ai7t, from the Birth of Jesus Christ initil the\\nyear 162? ed. T. Fuller, 3rd Ed., Lond. 1842, vol. Ill, p. 193.)\\n152. Levying a Feudal Aid\\n(l6l2)\\nFcedera, Ryiner\\nEven in the seventeenth century, the feudal dues continued to\\nbe an important source of the royal revenue, and so continued\\nuntil abolished in 1660 by the statute of 12 Car. II, c. 24. The\\ndirections, given below, for the levying of an aid in 1612 should\\nbe compared with those given in the reign of Richard I. (No.\\n65.)\\nWhereas our eldest daughter Elizabeth hath long since ac-\\ncomplished the age of seven years, by reason whereof there is\\ndue unto us by the laws and statutes of this our realm of\\nEngland reasonable aid to be had and levied of all our im-\\nmediate tenants by knight s service and in soccage for her\\nmarriage These are therefore to will and require you our\\nChancellor to cause to be made and sealed under our great\\nseal of England as well several commissions to be directed\\nunto all the counties of this our said realm according to the\\nform of a draught of a commission for that purpose to these\\npresents annexed, as also several commissions for the Cinque\\nPorts and for compounding with all the Lords spiritual and\\ntemporal of this our realm and with the masters and\\nother the heads of houses, halls and colleges of our Uni-\\nversities of Oxford and Cambridge, according to several\\ndraughts hereunto likewise annexed, changing such things\\ntherein as are to be changed, and to direct them to such com-\\nmissioners as you with the Lord Privy Seal and our Chan-\\ncellor of our Exchequer shall name and appoint, returnable\\nat the days of the several draughts prefixed, and the same\\nseveral commissions to renew to the same commissioners or\\nany others according to your directions as often as need\\nshall require, and also to name and choose any two of the\\nsaid commissioners in every county respectively to be col-\\nlectors for the same aid; and these shall be your sufficient\\nwarrant in that behalf.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "W.\\n342 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nGiven under our signet at Woodstock the 30th day of\\nAugust in the loth year of our reign of England, France and\\nIreland, and of Scotland the six and fortieth.\\nPe7 ipsum Regem\\n{Fxdera, Rymer, vol. XVI, p. 724.)\\n153. Benevolences\\n(1622)\\nRushworth Collection\\nCar dwell Documents\\nEdward IV., in 1473, was the first king to mask the forced\\nloans exacted by several of. his predecessors and successors as\\nBenevolences. After his time, though the kings continued to\\nextort loans, or more properly tribute, from their subjects with-\\nout legal warrant, the extortions were to be free gifts. The\\npractice was declared illegal by Richard II. in the first year of\\nhis reign, yet in the second it was made use of. The extortion\\nof Benevolences was practised by the Tudors, and under the\\nStuarts it became a crying abuse, which the express prohibition\\ncontained in the Petition of Right did not overcome, for in 1661\\na limited Benevolence was authorized by Parliament. To this,\\nhowever, was attached the condition that in future the exaction\\nof these Benevolences was to be under the absolute control of\\nParliament instead of the king. The following letters are ex-\\ntremely illuminating: .(A) the form that was sent to the Jus-\\ntices of the Courts at Westminster and to the Barons of the\\nExchequer as well as to civil officials was with the addition of\\n(5) sent by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the greater ec-\\nclesiastics generally on receipt of letters from the king requir-\\ning contributions from ecclesiastics.\\n(A) What endeavours his Majesty hath used by treaty\\nand by all fair and amiable ways to recover the patrimony of\\nhis children in Germany, nov/ for the most part withholden\\nfrom them by force, is not unknown to all his loving subjects,\\nsince his Majesty was pleased to communicate to them in\\nparliament his whole proceedings in that business of which\\ntreaty, being of late frustrate, he was enforced to take other\\nresolutions, namely, to recover that by the sword which by\\nother means he saw no likelihood to compass. For which\\npurpose it was expected by his Majesty that his people in\\nparliament would (in a cause so nearly concerning his and\\nhis children s interest) have cheerfully contributed there-\\nunto. But the same unfortunately failing, his Majesty is\\nconstrained, in a case of so great necessity, to try the dutiful\\naffections of his loving subjects in another way, as his pre-\\ndecessors have done in former times, by propounding unto\\nthem a voluntary contribution. And therefore, as yourselves\\nhave already given a liberal and worthy example (which his\\nMajesty doth take in very gracious part), so his pleasure is,\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN Of JAMES I. 343\\nand we do accordingly hereby authorize and require your\\nlordships, as well to countenance and assist the service by\\nyour best means, in your next circuits, in the several counties\\nwhere you hold general assizes, as also now presently with\\nall convenient expedition to call before you all the officers\\nand attorneys belonging to any his Majesty s courts of jus-\\ntice, and also all such others of the houses and societies of\\ncourt or that otherwise have dependence upon the law, as are\\nmeet to be treated withal in this kind and have not already\\ncontributed; and to move them to join willingly in this con-\\ntribution in some good measure, answerable to that your-\\nselves and others have done before, according to their means\\nand fortunes; wherein his Majesty doubteth not, but beside\\nthe interest of his children and his own crown and dignity,\\nthe religion professed by his Majesty and happily flourishing\\nunder him within this kingdom (having a great part in the\\nsuccess of this business) will be a special motive to incite and\\npersuade them thereunto. Nevertheless, if any person shall,\\nout of obstinacy or disaffection, refuse to contribute herein\\nproportionably to their estates and means, you are to certify\\ntheir names unto this board.\\nAnd so recommending this service to your best care and\\nendeavour, and praying you to return unto us notes of the\\nnames of such as shall contribute and of the sums offered by\\nthem, we bid [etc.].\\n{^Historical Collections of Private Passages of State, etc.,\\ned. J. Rushworth, 1682, I, p. 60.)\\n(B) Your Lordship by these letters may see how far it\\nconcerneth his Majesty in honour and the realm in safety,\\nthat the patrimony of the King s children should be recovered\\nagain by force of war, since it cannot be obtained by treaty.\\nWe therefore, who upon the receipt of these his Majesty s\\nletters have met together and duly considered what was most\\nconvenient to be done, have resolved that 3.9. \\\\od. in the\\npound is as little as we can possibly offer towards so great\\nan enterprise, yet hoping that such as be of ability will ex-\\nceed the same. You shall therefore do well by all forcible\\nreason, drawn from the defence of religion and justice, to\\nincite all your clergy as also the lecturers and licensed\\nschoolmasters within your diocese, that with all readiness\\nthey do contribute towards this noble action. And whereas\\nthere be divers commendataries, dignitaries, prebendaries\\nand double-beneficed men that have livings in several dioce-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "344 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nses, we hold it fit that for every one of these within your\\nLordship s diocese the contribution be rateable, so that the\\nmonies in such sort to be given may be brought to London by\\nthe loth day of March next, to be delivered to the hands of\\nsuch receivers as for that purpose shall be appointed. And\\nto the end that true notice may be taken of such as are best\\ndisposed to this so good a service, we expect that your\\nLordship send up to the Archbishop of Canterbury the sev-\\neral sums and names of all those who contribute; and lastly\\nthat you cause the preachers within your diocese in a\\ngrave and discreet fashion to excite the people that, when\\noccasion shall serve, they do extend their liberalities to so\\nChristian and worthy an enterprise Wherein not doubting\\nbut your lordship will use alll your best, prudent, and most\\ncareful endeavours, we leave you to the Almighty. From\\nLambeth, 21. Januarii MDCXXL Junxta etc.\\nG. Cant.\\nJo. Lincoln, C.S.\\n[and twelve other bishops].\\n(Cardwell, Docuvt. Annals, Oxford, 1844, vol. II, p. 196.)\\n154. James I. and the Commons\\nParliamentary History\\nThe policy of James L was the reverse of conciliatory in the\\ncontest with Parliament upon its constitutional rights. The\\nCommons side of the question is set forth in the protest re-\\ncorded on December 18, the day of the forced adjournment, in\\nthe Journal Book. The King struck out the record with his\\nown hand, and the memorial which is given by the historian\\nshows the royal opinion on the matter immediately in question,\\nas well as hinting James general conceptions of constitutional\\nrule. The incident forms a fitting introduction to the stormy\\nrule of Charles I.\\nThe Commons now assembled in Parliament, being justly\\noccassioned thereunto concerning sundry Liberties, Fran-\\nchises, and Privileges of Parliament, amongst others here\\nmentioned, do make this Protestation following. That the Lib-\\nerties, Franchises, Privileges, and Jurisdictions of Parliament,\\nare the ancient and undoubted Birth-right and Inheritance\\nof the Subjects of England; and that the arduous and urgent\\nAffairs concerning the King, State, and Defence of the\\nRealm, and of the Church of England; and the Maintenance\\nand Making of Laws, and Redress of Mischiefs and Griev-\\nances which daily happen within this Realm, are proper\\nSubjects and Matter of Counsel and Debate in Parliament;", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF JAMES I. 34S\\nand that in the handling and proceeding of those Businesses,\\nevery Member of the House of Parliament hath, and of\\nRight, ought to have Freedom of Speech, to propound, treat,\\nreason, and bring to Conclusion the same And that the\\nCommons in Parliament have like Liberty and Freedom to\\ntreat of these Matters in such Order, as in their Judgments\\nshall seem fittest: And that every Member of the said House\\nhath like Freedom from all Impeachment, Imprisonment, and\\nMolestation (other than by Censure of the House itself) for\\nor concerning any speaking, reasoning, or declaring any\\nMatter or Matters touching the Parliament, or Parliament-\\nBusiness: And that if any of the said Members be com-\\nplained of, and questioned for any thing done or said in\\nParliament, the same is to be shewed to the King by the\\nAdvice and Assent of all the Commons assembled in Par-\\nliament, before the King give Credence to any private In-\\nformation.\\nThis Protestation was made and recorded in the Journal-\\nBook of the Commons, December the i8th, the Day of Ad-\\njournment. But how the King took it, will best appear, by\\nhis sending for the Journal-Book of the Commons, in Council,\\nand striking out the Protestation zvith his ozvn hand; and by\\nthe following Memorial, which was published soon after, as\\nis seen by the Date of it\\nWhitehall, December 30, 1621.\\nHis Most Excellent Majesty coming this Day to the\\nCouncil, the Prince his Highness, and all the Lords and\\nothers of his Majesty s Privy-Council sitting about him, and\\nall the Judges then in London, which were six in Number,\\nthere attending upon his Majesty; the Clerk of the Commons\\nHouse of Parliament was called for, and commanded to\\nproduce his Journal-Book, wherein was noted, the Entries\\nmade of most Passages that were in the Commons House\\nof Parliament; and amongst other Things there was written\\ndown the Form of a Protestation concerning sundry Liberties,\\nPrivileges, and Franchises of Parliament; with which Form\\nof Protestation his Majesty was justly offended. Never-\\ntheless his Majesty, in a most gracious Manner, there ex-\\npressed. That he never meant to deny that House of Com-\\nmons any lawful Privileges that ever they had enjoyed but\\nwhatsoever Privileges or Liberties they had by any Law\\nor Statute, the same should be inviolably preserved unto\\nthem; and whatsoever Privileges they enjoyed by Custom,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "346 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nor uncontroulled and lawful Precedent, his Majesty would\\nbe careful to preserve. But this Protestation of the Com-\\nmons House, so contrived and carried as it was, his Majesty\\nthought fit to be razed out of Sll Memorials, and utterly to\\nbe annihilated; both in respect of the Manner by which it was\\ngained, and the Matter therein contained. For the Manner\\nof getting it, first, in respect of the Time: For after such\\nTimes as his Majesty, out of princely Grace, as to take away\\nall Mistakings, had directed his Letters to Secretary Calvert,\\ndated at Royston, i6 Decembris, and therein had so explained\\nhimself, in the Point of maintaining the Privileges of the\\nHouse of Commons, as that most of the said House rested\\nfully satisfied, and freed from any Scruple of having their\\nLiberties impeached: And after that, by his Majesty s Let-\\nters, directed to the Speaker, dated i8 December, being Tues-\\nday, his Majesty, at the humble Suit of the House of Com-\\nmons, condescended to make this Meeting a Session before\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Christmas, and for the Purpose had assigned Saturday fol-\\nlowing: Now, upon this very Tuesday, and while the Mes-\\nsengers from the House of Commons were with his Majesty\\nat Theobalds, to return Thanks unto his Majesty, and there-\\nwith an Excuse from them not to make it a Session, in\\nrespect of the Strait of Time whereunto they were driven;\\nwhich Deferment his Majesty admitted of at their Desires,\\nand thereupon gave Order for the Adjournment of the Parlia-\\nment until the 8th of February next, which was the first\\nDay formerly appointed by his Majesty for the meeting\\ntogether of the Parliament And whilst their Messengers\\nwere with his Majesty, and had received a gracious Answer\\nto return unto their House; even that Afternoon, a Com-\\nmittee was procured to be made for taking their Liberties into\\nConsideration: And this Afternoon a Protestation was made\\n(to whom, appears not) concerning their Liberties, and at\\nsix o clock at Night, by Candle-light, the same Protestation\\nwas brought into the House by the Committee; and at that\\nTime of Night it was called upon to be put to the Question,\\nthere not being the third Part of the House then present;\\nwhereas in all Matters of Weight, their usual Custom is, to\\nput nothing of Importance to the Question, till the House be\\nfull And at this Time many of them that were present, ex-\\npected that the Question would have been deferred to another\\nDay, and a fuller House; and some then present stood up to\\nhave spoken to it, but could not be seen or heard in that\\nDarkness and Confusion. Now for the Matter of the Pro-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "THE REIGX OF IAMBS I. 347\\ntestation, it is penned in such ambiguous and general Words,\\nas may serve for future Times to invade most of the Rights\\nand Prerogatives annexed to the Imperial Crown the\\nClaim of some Privileges being grounded upon the Words\\nof the Writ for assembling the Parliament, wherein some\\nWords, viz. Ardiiis rcgni, are cunningly mentioned, but the\\nWord quibusdain, which restraineth the Generality to such\\nparticular Cases, as his Majesty pleaseth to consult with\\nthem upon, is purposely omitted.\\nThese Things considered, his Majesty did, this present\\nDay, in full Assembly of the Council, and in the Presence of\\nthe Judges, declare the said Protestation to be invalid, an-\\nnulled, void, and of no Effect: And did further, Mann sua\\npropria; take the said Protestation out of the Journal-Book\\nof the Clerk of the Commons House of Parliament and com-\\nmanded an Act of Council to be made thereupon, and this\\nAct to be entered in the Register of Common-Causes.\\n{Parliatnentary History, ed. cit., V, p. 512,)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXI\\nTHE PURITAN REVOLUTION\\n155. The Petition of Right\\n(3 Car. I, c. I, June 7, 1628)\\nStatutes of the Reahn\\nIn 1628 the position of Charles I. had gone from bad to worse.\\nRash enterprises, lavish and illegal expenditure, and broken\\npromises of better government had almost produced open rupture\\nbetween the monarch and his subjects. In his third Parliament\\nmatters reached a point in which the Commons felt the strongest\\naction to be necessary. Under the leadership of Wentworth, a\\nCommittee of Grievances discussed the illegal methods of the\\nking, and particularly considered the matters of forced loans,\\nimprisonment of subjects who refused to make such loans to\\nthe king, the billeting of soldiers on private persons, and punish-\\nment by the methods of martial law. The Commons then sought\\nthe concurrence of the Lords by means of a petition embodying\\nprotest against these grievances. For two months both Houses\\ndebated the question of steps to be taken. Aids were granted\\nthe king, but no regular Money Bill was passed. This Charles\\nsought to secure, but the Commons refused to be cajoled by\\nblandishments or frightened by threats. The king offered to\\ngrant a Confirmation of the Great Charter, such as had often\\nbeen issued and disregarded by former monarchs. The Com-\\nmons refused this offer, and under the leadership of Sir Edward\\nCoke they drew up and passed the Petition of Right. Charles\\nmade repeated attempts to avoid ratifying it in a legal manner.\\nHe was finally compelled to give his assent in due form. The\\nstatute, in form of a petition, is one of the five most important\\nconstitutional documents of English history.\\nTHE PETITION EXHIBITED TO HIS MAJESTY BY THE LORDS\\nSPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL, AND COMMONS IN THIS PRES-\\nENT PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED, CONCERNING DIVERS RIGHTS\\nAND LIBERTIES OF THE SUBJECTS, WITH THE KING s\\nMAJESTY^S ROYAL ANSV^ER THEREUNTO IN FULL PARLIA-\\nMENT\\nTo the King s Most Excellent Majesty.\\nHumbly show unto our Sovereign Lord the King, the\\nLords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in Parliament\\n348", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 349\\nassembled, that whereas it is declared and enacted by a statute\\nmade in the time of the reign of King Edward the First,\\ncommonly called Statiitum de Tallagio non concedendo, that\\nno tallage or aid shall be laid or levied by the King or his\\nheirs in this realm, without the goodwill and assent of the\\nArchbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, Knights, Burgesses,\\nand other the freemen of the commonality of this realm\\nand by authority of Parliament holden in the five and\\ntwentieth year of the reign of King Edward the Third, it\\nis declared and enacted, that from thenceforth no person\\nshall be compelled to make any loans to the King against his\\nwill, because such loans were against reason and the franchise\\nof the land; and by other laws of this realm it is provided,\\nthat none should be charged by any charge or imposition,\\ncalled a Benevolence, or by such like charge, by which the\\nstatutes before-mentioned, and other the good laws and\\nstatutes of this realm, your subjects have inherited this\\nfreedom, that they should not be compelled to contribute to\\nany tax, tallage, aid, or other like charge, not set by com-\\nmon consent in Parliament\\nYet nevertheless, of late divers commissions directed to\\nsundry Commissioners in several counties with instructions\\nhave issued, by means whereof your people have been in\\ndivers places assembled, and required to lend certain sums\\nof money unto your Majesty, and many of them upon their\\nrefusal so to do, have had an oath administered unto them,\\nnot warrantable by the laws or statutes of this realm, and\\nhave been constrained to become bound to make appearance\\nand give attendance before your Privy Council, and in other\\nplaces, and others of them have been therefore imprisoned,\\nconfined, and sundry other ways molested and disquieted:\\nand divers other charges have been laid and levied upon\\nyour people in several counties, by Lords Lieutenants, Deputy\\nLieutenants, Commissioners for Musters, Justices of Peace\\nand others, by command or direction from your Majesty or\\nyour Privy Council, against the laws and free customs of this\\nrealm\\nAnd where also by the statute called, The Great Charter\\nof the Liberties of England, it is declared and enacted, that\\nno freeman may be taken or imprisoned or be disseised of his\\nfreeholds or liberties, or his free customs, or be outlawed or\\nexiled; or in any manner destroyed, but by the lawful judg-\\nment of his peers, or by the law of the land\\nAnd in the eight and twentieth year of the reign of King", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "350 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nEdward the Third, it was declared and enacted by authority\\nof Parliament, that no man of what estate or condition that\\nhe be, should be put out of his lands or tenements, nor taken,\\nnor imprisoned, nor disherited, nor put to death, without\\nbeing brought to answer by due process of law\\nNevertheless, against the tenor of the said statutes, and\\nother the good laws and statutes of your realm, to that end\\nprovided, divers of your subjects have of late been imprisoned\\nwithout any cause showed, and when for their deliverance\\nthey were brought before your Justices, by your Majesty s\\nwrits of Habeas Corpus, there to undergo and receive as the\\nCourt should order, and their keepers commanded to certify\\nthe causes of their detainer no cause was certified, but that\\nthey were detained by your Majesty s special command, sig-\\nnified by the Lords of your Privy Council, and yet were re-\\nturned back to several prisons, without being charged with\\nanything to which they might make answer according to the\\nlaw:\\nAnd whereas of late great companies of soldiers and\\nmariners have been dispersed into divers counties of the\\nrealm, and the inhabitants against their will have been com-\\npelled to receive them into their houses, and there to suffer\\nthem to sojourn, against the laws and customs of this realm,\\nand to the great grievance and vexation of the people:\\nAnd whereas also by authority of Parliament, in the 25tli\\nyear of the reign of King Edward the Third, it is declared\\nand enacted, that no man shall be forejudged of life or limb\\nagainst the form of the Great Charter, and the law of the\\nland and by the said Great Charter and other the laws and\\nstatutes of this your realm, no man ought to be adjudged to\\ndeath but by the laws established in this your realm, either\\nby the customs of the same realm or by Acts of Parliament:\\nand whereas no offender of what kind soever is exempted\\nfrom the proceedings to be used, and punishments to be in-\\nflicted by the laws and statutes of this your realm: never-\\ntheless of late divers commissions under your Majesty s Great\\nSeal have issued forth, by which certain persons have been\\nassigned and appointed Commissioners with power and au-\\nthority to proceed within the land according to the justice\\nof martial law against such soldiers and mariners, or other\\ndissolute persons joining with them, as should commit any\\nmurder, robbery, felony, mutiny, or other outrage or mis-\\ndemeanour whatsoever, and by such summary course and\\norder, as is agreeable to martial law, and is used in armies", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 351\\nin time of war, to proceed to the trial and condemnation of\\nsuch offenders, and them to cause to be executed and put to\\ndeath, according to the law martial\\nBy pretext whereof, some of your Majesty s subjects have\\nbeen by some of the said Commissioners put to death, when\\nand where, if by the laws and statutes of the land they had\\ndeserved death, by the same laws and statutes also they\\nmight, and by no other ought to have been, adjudged and\\nexecuted\\nAnd also sundry grievous offenders by colour thereof,\\nclaiming an exemption, have escaped the punishments due\\nto them by the laws and statutes of this your realm, by\\nreason that divers of your officers and ministers of justice\\nhave unjustly refused, or forborne to proceed against such\\noffenders according to the same laws and statutes, upon pre-\\ntence that the said offenders were punishable only by martial\\nlaw, and by authority of such commissions as aforesaid, which\\ncommissions, and all other of like nature, are wholly and\\ndirectly contrary to the said laws and statutes of this your\\nrealm:\\nThey do therefore humbly pray your Most Excellent Ma-\\njesty, that no man hereafter be compelled to make or yield\\nany gift, loan, benevolence, tax, or such like charge, without\\ncommon consent by Act of Parliament and that none be\\ncalled to make answer, or take such oath, or to give atten-\\ndance, or be confined, or otherwise molested or disquieted\\nconcerning the same, or for refusal thereof; and that no\\nfreeman, in any such manner as is before-mentioned, be im-\\nprisoned or detained; and that your Majesty will be pleased\\nto remove the said soldiers and mariners, and that your\\npeople may not be so burdened in time to come and that the\\nforesaid commissions for proceeding by martial law, may be\\nrevoked and annulled; and that hereafter no commissions\\nof like nature may issue forth to any person or persons what-\\nsoever, to be executed as aforesaid, lest by colour of them\\nany of your Majesty s subjects be destroyed or put to death,\\ncontrary to the laws and franchise of the land.\\nAll which they most humbly pray of your Most Excellent\\nMajesty, as their rights and liberties according to the laws\\nand statutes of this realm: and that your Majesty would\\nalso vouchsafe to declare, that the awards, doings, and pro-\\nceedings to the prejudice of your people, in any of the pre-\\nmises, shall not be drawn hereafter into consequence or\\nexample: and that your Majesty would be also graciously", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "352 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\npleased, for the further comfort and safety of your people,\\nto declare your royal will and pleasure, that in the things\\naforesaid all your officers and ministers shall serve you,\\naccording to the laws and statutes of this realm, as they\\ntender the honour of your Majesty, and the prosperity of this\\nkingdom.\\n[The King s first answer, June 2, 1628:\\nThe King willeth that right be done according to the laws\\nand customs of the realm; and that the statutes be put in\\ndue execution, that his subjects may have no cause to com-\\nplain of any wrong or oppressions, contrary to their just\\nrights and liberties, to the preservation whereof he holds\\nhimself as well obliged as of his prerogative.\\nThe King s second answer, June 7, 1628:\\nSo it droit fait comme il est desire.\\n(Ed. from Stattites of the Realm., V, 24.)\\n156. The First Writ of Ship-Money\\n(Oct. 20, 1634)\\nRtiskworth\\nThe Petition of Right did not put an end to the illegal extor-\\ntions of Charles I. Among other expedients, he ordained a\\nrevival of the old law which compelled coast cities and counties\\nto send ships at the call of the king. But the demand of Charles,\\nin the hands of Lord Keeper Finch, extended to inland cities\\nas well. As these could send no ships, and as the lesser maritime\\ntowns could not send vessels of the size required by the king,\\nprovision was made that in these cases a money equivalent was to\\nbe rendered. In October, 1664,^ the first writs of ship-money\\nof which an example is given below were issued. There was\\nsome opposition, but the expedient proved successful until suc-\\ncessive writs in time of peace convinced the people that the king\\nwas using the money at the royal pleasure instead of for the\\ndefense of the nation. John Hampden headed the opposition\\nwhich then became general, and the matter was taken to the\\nCourt of Exchequer, where the venal judges gave judgment for\\nthe king. The royal victory weakened the power of the crown\\nas it exposed the subserviency of the Bench to the wishes of the\\nCrown.\\nTo the Mayor, commonalty, and citizens of our city of\\nLondon, and to the sheriffs of the same city, and good men\\nin the said city and in the liberties, and members of the same,\\ngreeting: Because we are given to understand that certain\\nthieves, pirates, and robbers of the sea, as well Turks, enemies\\nof the Christian name, as others, being gathered together,\\nwickedly taking by force and spoiling the ships, and goods,\\nand merchandises, not only of our subjects, but also the sub-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 353\\njects of our friends in the sea, which hath been accustomed\\nanciently to be defended by the English nation, and the same,\\nat their pleasure, have carried away, delivering the men in\\nthe same into miserable captivity and forasmuch as we see\\nthem daily preparing all manner of shipping farther to\\nmolest our merchants, and to grieve the kingdom, unless\\nremedy be not sooner applied, and their endeavours be not\\nmore manly met withal; also the dangers considered which,\\non every side, in these times of war do hang over our heads,\\nthat it behoveth us and our subjects to hasten the defence of\\nthe sea and kingdom with all expedition or speed that we\\ncan; we willing by the help of God chiefly to provide for the\\ndefence of the kingdom, safeguard of the sea, security of our\\nsubjects, safe conduct of ships and merchandises to our king-\\ndom of England coming, and from the same kingdom to\\nforeign parts passing forasmuch as we, and our progenitors.\\nKings of England, have been always heretofore masters of\\nthe aforesaid sea, and it would be very irksome unto us if\\nthat princely honour in our times should be lost or in any\\nthing diminished. And although that charge of defence\\nwhich concerneth all men ought to be supported by all, as by\\nthe laws and customs of the kingdom of England hath been\\naccustomed to be done: notwithstanding we considering that\\nyou constituted in the sea-coasts, to whom by sea as well\\ngreat dangers are imminent, and who by the same do get\\nmore plentiful gains for the defence of the sea, and con-\\nservation of our princely honour in that behalf, according to\\nthe duty of your allegiance against such attempts, are chiefly\\nbound to set to your helping hand; we command firmly, en-\\njoining you the aforesaid Mayor, commonalty and citizens,\\nand sheriffs of the said city, and the good men in the same\\ncity and in the liberties, and members of the same, in the\\nfaith and allegiance wherein you are bound unto us, and as\\nyou do love us and our honour, and under the forfeiture of\\nall which you can forfeit to us, that you cause to be pre-\\npared and brought to the port of Portsmouth, before the\\nfirst day of March now next ensuing, one ship of war of the\\nburden of nine hundred tons, with three hundred and fifty\\nmen at the least, as well expert masters, as very able and\\nskilful mariners one other ship of war of the burden of eight\\nhundred tons, with two hundred and sixty men at the least,\\nas well skilful masters, as very able and expert mariners:\\nfour other ships of war, every of them of the burden of five\\nhundred tons, and every of them with two hundred men at", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "354 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthe least, as well expert masters, as very able and skilful\\nmariners: and one other ship of war of the burden of three\\nhundred tons, with a hundred and fifty men, as well expert\\nmasters, as very able and skilful mariners and also every\\nof the said ships with, ordnance, as well greater as lesser,\\ngunpowder, and spears and weapons, and other necessary\\narms sufficient for war, and with double tackling, and with\\nvictuals, until the said first of March, competent for so many\\nmen; and from that time, for twenty-six weeks, at your\\ncharges, as well in victuals as men s wages, and other things\\nnecessary for war, during that time, upon defence of the sea\\nin our service, in command of the admiral of the sea, to whom\\nwe shall commit the custody of the sea, before the aforesaid\\nfirst day of March, and as he, on our behalf, shall command\\nthem to continue; so that they may be there the same day,\\nat the farthest, to go from thence with our ships, and the\\nships of other faithful subjects, for the safeguard of the sea,\\nand defence of you and yours, and repulse and vanquishing\\nof whomsoever busying themselves to molest or trouble upon\\nthe sea our merchants, and other subjects, and faithful people\\ncoming into our dominions for cause of merchandise, or from\\nthence returning to their own countries. Also we have as-\\nsigned you, the aforesaid Mayor and Aldermen of the city\\naforesaid, or any thirteen, or more of you, within thirteen\\ndays after the receipt of this writ, to assess all men in the\\nsaid city, and in the liberties, and members of the same, and\\nthe landholders in the same, not having a ship, or any part\\nof the aforesaid ships, nor serving in the same, to contribute\\nto the expenses, about the necessary provision of the pre-\\nmises and to assess and lay upon the aforesaid city, with the\\nliberties and members thereof, viz. upon every of them ac-\\ncording to their estate and substances, and the portion as-\\nsessed upon them; and to nominate and appoint collectors in\\nthis behalf. Also we have assigned you, the aforesaid\\nMayor, and also the Sheriffs of the city aforesaid, to levy\\nthe portions so as aforesaid assessed upon the aforesaid men\\nand landholders, and every of them in the aforesaid city, with\\nthe liberties and members of the same, by distress and other\\ndue means and to commit to prison all those whom you shall\\nfind rebellious and contrary in the premises, there to remain\\nuntil we shall give further order for their delivery. And\\nmoreover we command you, that about the premises you\\ndiligently attend, and do, and execute those things -with ef-\\nfect, upon peril that shall fall thereon: but we will not, that", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 355\\nunder colour of our aforesaid command, more should be\\nlevied of the said men than shall suffice for the necessary-\\nexpenses of the premises; or that any who have had levied\\nmoney for contribution to raise the aforesaid charges, should\\nby him detain the same, or any part thereof; or should pre-\\nsume, by any manner of colour, to appropriate the same to\\nother uses; willing, that if more than may be sufficient shall\\nbe collected, the same may be paid out among the contrib-\\nutors, for the rate of the part to them belonging.\\nWitness myself, at Westminster the twentieth day\\nof October, in the tenth year of our reign.\\n(Rushworth s Collection, ed. cit., II, 257.)\\n157. Ship-Money declared Illegal\\n(17 Car. I, c. 14, 1641.)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe injustice of the practice of levying ship-money and the\\nprostitution of justice to be an instrument of the king s will\\nhad never ceased to be a source of irritation and complaint.\\nTo this discontent Charles was indifferent, but the people\\nwatched and worked for the opportunity to right the wrong.\\nIn the Long Parliament the act given below was passed. It is\\nimportant not only because it abolished one illegal tax and an-\\nnulled the judgment of the Exchequer Court against Hampden\\nas contrary to the laws and statutes of the realm, the right of\\nproperty, the liberty of the subject, and the Petition of Right,\\nbut also because it completed the long line of statutes that de-\\nprived the Crown of the power of arbitrary taxation.\\nAN ACT FOR THE DECLARING UNLAWFUL AND VOID THE LATE\\nPROCEEDINGS TOUCHING SHIP-MONEY^ AND FOR THE\\nVACATING OF ALL RECORDS AND PROCESSES CONCERNING\\nTHE SAME\\nWhereas divers writs of late time issued under the\\nGreat Seal of England, commonly called Ship-writs, for the\\ncharging of the Ports, Towns, Cities, Boroughs, and Counties\\nof this realm respectively, to provide and furnish certain\\nships for His Majesty s service; and whereas upon the execu-\\ntion of the same writs and returns of certioraries thereupon\\nmade, and the sending the name by Mittimus into the Court\\nof Exchequer, process hath been thence made against sundry\\npersons pretended to be charged by way of contribution for\\nthe making up of certain sums assessed for the providing\\nof the said ships and in especial in Easter Term in the thir-\\nteenth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord the King that", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "356 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nnow is, a Writ of Scire facias was awarded out of the Court\\nof Exchequer to the then Sheriff of Buckinghamshire against\\nJohn Hampden, Esquire, to appear and show cause why he\\nshould not be charged with a certain sum so assessed upon\\nhim upon whose appearance and demurrer to the proceedings\\ntherein the Barons of the Exchequer adjourned the same case\\ninto the Exchequer Cham.ber, where it was solemnly argued\\ndivers days and at length it was there agreed by the greater\\npart of all the Justices of the Courts of King s Bench and\\nCommon Pleas, and of the Barons of the Exchequer there\\nassembled, that the said John Hampden should be charged\\nwith the said sum so as aforesaid assessed on him The main\\ngrounds and reasons of the said Justices and Barons, which\\nso agreed, being, that when the good and safety of the king-\\ndom in general is concerned, and the whole kingdom in\\ndanger, the King might by writ under the Great Seal of Eng-\\nland command all the subjects of this his kingdom at their\\ncharge to provide and furnish such number of ships with\\nmen, victuals and munition, and for such time as the King\\nshould think fit for the defence and safeguard of the king-\\ndom from such danger and peril, and that by law the King\\nmight compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or re-\\nfractoriness, and that the King is the sole judge both of the\\ndanger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and\\navoided; according to which grounds and reasons all the\\nJustices of the said Courts of King s Bench and Common\\nPleas, and the said Barons of the Exchequer, having been\\nformerly consulted with by His Majesty s command, had set\\ntheir hands to an extrajudicial opinion expressed to the same\\npurpose, which opinion with their names thereunto was also\\nby His Majesty s command enrolled in the Courts of Chan-\\ncery, King s Bench, Common Pleas and Exchequer, and\\nlikewise entered among the remembrances of the Court of\\nStar Chamber, and according to the said agreement of the\\nsaid Justices and Barons, judgment was given by the Barons\\nof the Exchequer that the said John Hampden should be\\ncharged with the said sum so assessed on him and, whereas\\nsome other actions and process depend, and have depended\\nin the said Court of Exchequer and in some other Courts,\\nagainst other persons for the like kind of charge grounded\\nupon the said writs commonly called Ship-writs; all which\\nwrits and proceedings as aforesaid were utterly against the\\nlaw of the land: be it therefore declared and enacted by the\\nKing s Most Excellent Majesty and the Lords and the Com-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 357\\nmons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the au-\\nthority of the same, that the said charge imposed upon the\\nsubject for the providing and furnishing of ships, commonly\\ncalled Ship-money, and the said extrajudicial opinion of the\\nsaid Justices and Barons and the said writs, and every of\\nthem, and the said agreement or opinion of the greater part\\nof the said Justices and Barons, and the said judgment given\\nagainst the said John Hampden, were and are contrary to\\nand against the laws and statutes of this realm, the right of\\nproperty, the liberty of the subjects, former resolutions in\\nParliament, and the Petition of Right made in the third year\\nof the reign of His Majesty that now is.\\nAnd it is further declared and enacted by the authority\\naforesaid, that all and every the particulars prayed or desired\\nin the said Petition of Right shall from henceforth be put in\\nexecution accordingly, and shall be firmly and strictly holden\\nand observed as in the same Petition they are prayed and ex-\\npressed and that all and every the records and remembrances\\nof all and every the judgment, enrolments, entry, and pro-\\nceedings as aforesaid, and all and every the proceedings what-\\nsoever, upon or by pretext or colour of any of the said writs\\ncommonly called Ship-writs, and all and every the dependents\\non any of them, shall be deemed and adjudged, to all intents,\\nconstructions and purposes, to be utterly void and disannul-\\nled; and that all and every the said judgment, enrolments,\\nentries, proceedings and dependents of what kind soever,\\nshall be vacated and cancelled in such manner and form as\\nrecords use to be that are vacated.\\n{Statutes of the Realm, V, it6.)\\n158. Charles I. and Strafford\\n(1641)\\nLetters and Dispatches.\\nThe letter of Charles to Strafford, and that of the monarch\\nto Parliament in behalf of the earl, with the subjoined account\\nof the interview of the messenger with Charles, conclusively\\nprove the weakness and timidity of the king. The letters are of\\nthe greatest interest as being unimpeachable evidence of the\\nfaithlessness of the master to his chosen servant, whom he had\\npromised at all hazards to protect.\\nCHARLES I. TO THE EARL OF STRAFFORD\\nStrafford,\\nThe misfortune that is fallen upon you by the strange\\nmistaking and conjuncture of these times, being such, that", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "35^ SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nI must lay by the thought of employing you hereafter in my\\naffairs; yet I cannot satisfy myself in honour or conscience\\nwithout assuring you (now in the midst of your troubles),\\nthat upon the word of a king you shall not suffer in life,\\nhonour or fortune. This is but justice, and therefore a very\\nmean reward from a master to so faithful and able a servant\\nas you have showed yourself to be; yet it is as much as I\\nconceive the present times will permit, though none shall\\nhinder me from being\\nYour constant, faithful friend,\\nCharles R.\\nWhitehall, April 23, 1641.\\n(Earl of Strafford s Letters and Dispatches, Lond., 1739, II, p. 416.)\\n158a. Charles I. to the House of Lords, in Behalf of the\\nEarl of Strafford\\nMy lordS)\\nI did yesterday satisfy the justice of the kingdom, by\\npassing of the bill of attainder against the earl of Strafford;\\nbut mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a king as\\njustice, I desire at this time in some measure, to show that\\nlikewise, by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfil the\\nnatural course of his life in a close imprisonment, yet so that,\\nif ever he make the least offer to escape, or offer, directly or\\nindirectly, to meddle with any sort of public business, es-\\npecially with me, either by message or letter, it shall cost\\nhim his life, without further process.\\nThis, if it may be done without the discontent of my people,\\nwill be an unspeakable contentment to me; to which end,\\nas in the first place, I by this letter do earnestly desire your\\napprobation; and to endear it the more, have chosen him to\\ncarry, that of all your house is most dear to me; so I de-\\nsire, that by a conference you will endeavour to give the\\nHouse of Commons contentment likewise assuring you, that\\nthe exercise is no more pleasing to me than to see both\\nHouses of Parliament content, for my sake, that I should\\nmoderate the severity of the law in so important a case. I\\nwill not say, that your complying with me in this my pre-\\ntended mercy, shall make me more willing, but certainly it\\nwill make me more cheerful in granting your just grievances\\nbut, if no less than his life can satisfy my people, I must say,\\nfiat justitia.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REl/OLUTION 359\\nThus again earnestly recommending the consideration of\\nmy intentions to you, I rest\\nYour unalterable and affectionate friend,\\nCharles R.\\nWhitehall, loth May, 1641.\\nIf he must die, it were charity to reprieve him till Satur-\\nday. {Journals of the House of Lords, May ii, 1641.)\\n158b. Parliament considers the King s Letter\\n(The following record of the proceedings upon receipt of the\\nabove letter, taken from the Parliament Journals, throws further\\nlight upon the attitude of Charles.)\\nThis letter, all written with the king s own hand, the peers,\\nthis day received in Parliament, delivered by the hand of the\\nprince. It was twice read in the House, and, after serious\\nand sad consideration, the House resolved presently to send it\\nby twelve of the peers, messengers to the king Humbly to\\nsignify, that neither of the intentions expressed in the letter\\ncould, with duty to them, or without evident danger to him-\\nself, his dearest consort the queen, and all the young princes\\ntheir children, possibly be advised.\\nWhich being delivered, and more expressions offered,\\nhis majesty suffered no more words to come from them, but,\\nout of the fulness of his heart, to the observance of justice,\\nand for contentment of his people, told them, that what he\\nintended by his letter was with an If, if it may be done\\nwithout discontentment to his people. If that cannot be, I\\nsay again the same that I wrote, Fiat Jnstitia; my other in-\\ntention, proceeding out of charity, for a few days respite, was\\nupon certain information that his estate was so distracted,\\nthat it necessarily required some few days for settlement\\nthereof.\\nWhereunto the lords answered, Their purpose was to be\\nsuitors to his majesty, for favour to be shown to his innocent\\nchildren and, if he himself had made any provision for them,\\nthat the same might hold.\\nThis was well-liking to his majesty, who thereupon parted\\nfrom the lords. At his majesty s parting, the peers offered\\nup into his hands the letter itself, which he had sent; but he\\npleased to say My lords, what I have written to you I\\nshall be content it be registered by you in your House; in it\\nyou see my mind. I know you will use it to my honour.\\n(^/aurnals of the House of Lords, May 11, 1641.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "36o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n159. A Summary of Grievances\\n(1642)\\nContemporary Tract\\nIn the reign of Charles I. the discontent which had been grow-\\ning since the time of Henry VIII. reached its culmination. The\\npopular grievances found voice in many pamphlets and tracts\\nand from this political literature we have chosen, as particularly\\nsuggestive, the following illustration\\nCERTAIN QUERIES OF THINGS DONE SINCE KING CHARLES\\nHIS REIGN BEGAN\\n1. When our good King James his death was by one of\\nhis physicians tendered to the King and Parliament, to be\\nexamined, why the Parliament was so soon dissolved?\\n2. When in the first and succeeding Parliaments, they be-\\ngan to fall upon Reformation in Kirk and State, why still\\nwere the Parliaments dissolved?\\n3. Why, presently after the Petition of Right in England\\nwas signed, it was violated and nulled by imprisonment of\\nsundry members of Parliament, which cost some of them\\ntheir lives?\\n4. Why at length came Parliaments to be so out of date\\nand request, as that a proclamation was published inhibiting\\nthe least mention of ever having any more Parliaments in\\nEngland\\n5. W^hy against the Petition of Right was tonnage and\\npoundage extorted?\\n6. Why against the Petition of Right was ship-money\\nlevied\\n7. Why against the Petition of Right was coat-and-con-\\nduct money imposed?\\n8. Why against the Petition of Right was such an in-\\nfinite number of monopolies to the drainage and exhatist-\\ning of the subjects, granted?\\n9. Why was it attempted to make all England a forest,\\nand so to make the people so many deer for Nimrods to\\nhunt?\\n10. Who is the author of all the evils and grievances in\\nthe kingdom, and so the great troubler of Israel, seeing so\\nmany malefactors, and delinquents, and instruments of\\ncruelty, are authorized and protected as innocents?\\n11. Who aided the French King with eight ships, by means\\nwhereof the Protestants in Rochelle were most miserably\\ndestroyed, and all the rest in France left to the mercy of", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REl/QLUTION 361\\nPapists, the more easily to exercise their massacres upon\\nthem\\n12. How, or b}^ whom was it, that we poor harmless, yet\\nmuch oppressed Scots, were proclaimed rebels, when we only\\nfought for right and justice\\n13. By whose authority, and for what end was it, that\\nthat more than heathenish book for sports, to profane the\\nLord s day, was published in every kirk in England?\\n14. By whose countenance was it, that so many novations\\nhave taken place, so much idolatry and superstition hath\\noverspread England, so many notorious papist books in\\nEnglish of late days printed with their high dedications,\\nso much restaint of preaching, so grievous persecuting of\\npreachers even unto blood and banishment, with all ways\\nand crafts to root out the Gospel, and to let up popery every-\\nwhere, and so to put the prince of the apostles (Peter, or the\\npope) in possession of that noble and long flourishing island?\\n15. Who hath murdered so many innocents in Ireland by\\nthe long retarding of sending succors in due time, by means\\nwherof so many thousands, and they Protestants, might\\nhave been preserved from such horrid and bloody butcheries\\nOr how came it to pass (then when the plot among us in\\nScotland for murdering some of our prime nobles in the\\nKing s chamber, should have taken place) that the rebellion\\nin Ireland began to break forth just about the same time?\\nSuch a sympathy and harmony (it seems) there was be-\\ntween the two.\\n16. What was the end of plotting, the coming up of the\\nYork army towards the City and Parliament?\\n17. What w^as the end of the King s going to the Parlia-\\nment with his armed troops of furious Cavaliers, and their\\nmanner of carriage there?\\n18. What was the end of turning out our faithful brother\\nSir William Belphore from being Lieutenant of the Tower,\\nand placing in his room that desperate Cavalier Lunsford?\\n19. By what authority was it, that the captains that were\\nby the Parliament sent into Ireland to suppress the rebels\\nthere, came into England again to help the Malignant party\\nagainst the Parliament?\\n20. Whether the present taking of Portsmouth by the\\nKing, through the infamous perfidiousness of Goring, may\\nnot stand the Malignants in as good stead against the\\nParliament and people as Hull, considering that Portsmouth\\nis nearer both to France and Spain?", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "362 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n21. Whether the King s Commission of Array, though it\\nmay seem to have in general some countenance from the law,\\nyet can possibly be imagined to have any law at this time,\\nwhen the King stands out against his Parliaments, to over-\\nthrow their militia, which is to no other end but to pre-\\nserve both King and kingdom from imminent ruin consider-\\ning that no laws of the kingdom are destructive thereof, but\\npreservative only?\\n22. Whether the gentry of England, who now appear for\\nthe King against the Parliament, and so against the whole\\nkingdom, be true bred Englishmen, and gentlemen, or no\\nor if true bred, whether they be not so far degenerate as to\\nbecome enemies of God and their country, and with Esau to\\nsell their birthright of laws and liberties for a mess of\\nbroth, and so to purchase to their house a perpetual slavery,\\nby shedding the blood of their brethren, which they prize\\nat so vile and ignoble a rate?\\n23. Whether the displacing of the good old justices ail\\nover England, and setting up of new, being of the Malignant\\nparty and enemies of the kingdom, do not hasten the ruin\\nthereof, while they labor to root out the Gospel, and all good-\\nness, to destroy the Parliament and all good laws, and to\\ncountenance and maintain the most profane in the land, who\\nare ready everywhere to make war against the Gospel, and\\nall the faithful preachers thereof?\\n24. Whether the w^ounding of religion by reproachful\\nnames, as calling all the true professors thereof Roundheads\\nand the like, be not a sleight of Jesuits to set the Protestants\\ntogether by the ears, and their swords in one another s sides,\\nthat so they may all perish together?\\n25. Whether it be not the wisdom of all true-hearted Eng-\\nlish, and such as account it their honor to be called and be\\ntrue Protestants, and namely such as are enemies to papistry,\\nhowever they may differ in opinion in matter of religion,\\naccording to the different degrees of light in their souls, yet\\nnot to differ in their affections one to another, but to be fast\\nunited in the bond of charity, and combined in a firm resolu-\\ntion for the rooting out of all papery, according to the late\\nprotestation, which no true Protestant, and such as it not\\npapishly affected, nor a lover of Antichrist, and so a hater\\nof his own soul and salvation, will ever refuse to take, pro-\\nfess, and maintain.\\n26. Why, notwithstanding so many protestations, and\\ndeclarations to the contrary, are papish priests and Jesuits,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 363\\nafter they are justly condemned, according to the law, for\\ntraitors, reprieved, time after time, so as no justice can be\\nexecuted on them\\n2y. Whether so many proclamations, declarations, protes-\\ntations or remonstrances, as are published in the King s\\nname, being so full of manifest and palpable falshoods, and\\nshameless untruths, whereby the true meaning people are\\nmost pitifully abused, seduced, deluded and blindfolded, to\\nthe undoing of themselves and of their dear country, by\\nbetraying it and themselves into the hands of most wicked\\ntyrants and cut-throats, and open enemies of both God and\\nmen, ought not to be laid upon the King himself, as the su-\\npreme author of them, seeing he is pleased to be the owner\\nand maintainer of them? And whether, in particular, it be\\nnot a meer mockery to send forth proclamations against\\npapist-recusants, inhibiting and forbidding them upon pain\\nof high displeasure to approach the King s person, court or\\narmy, whenas, for all this, most of them that be of the\\nKing s cavalry, and of his commanders, are papists, having\\nnothing to excuse them from being recusants, but merely\\nthe pope s dispensation for going to kirk and all men know\\nby \u00e2\u0080\u00a2experience, that Kirk-Papists are the worst and most\\ndangerous\\n28. Whether the setting-up of the King s standard against\\nthe Parliament and the best subjects of the kingdom be not\\nan actual unkinging of him, as whereby he professeth an\\nopen hostility against that kingdom and State, w^hich at his\\ncoronation he swore to protect and as now, intending and\\nendeavoring with might and main to come in as a conqueror,\\nand so to set up a lawless and tyranical government over his\\nland, and so to make good what he hath promised, and (in\\nhis letter to the Pope of Rome lately published in English, as\\naforesaid) solemnly protested and vowed.\\nThese queries and questions being seriously and impar-\\ntially satisfied and foyled, it cannot but most evidently appear\\nto every intelligent heart that will not be wilfully blind, what\\nis the aim and end of the Malignant party now in England,\\nfrom the head to the foot of them and how much it concerns\\nthem all who love their religion, laws, and liberties to look\\nabout them, and timely to endeavor (by God s assistance) to\\nprevent their great and imminent dangers.\\nFINIS\\nSeptem. 8, 1642.\\n(P rom King James, His Jndgine7ii of a King and of a Tyrant,\\nPolitical tract, published Lond., 1642.}", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "364 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n160. The Charge against the King\\nRush-worth s Collection\\nThe deeds which cost Charles I. his crown are summed up in\\nthe formal charge against him at his trial. Although many-\\ngrievances are omitted, and those presented are coloured by the\\nspirit of a people in revolt, yet the arraignment places clearly\\nbefore us the reasons for the action of that people.\\nTHE CHARGE AGAINST THE KING\\nThat the said Charles Stuart, being admitted King of Eng-\\nland, and therein trusted with a limited power to govern by\\nand according to the laws of the land, and not otherwise and\\nby his trust, oath, and office, being obliged to use the power\\ncommitted to him for the good and benefit of the people, and\\nfor the preservation of their rights and liberties yet, never-\\ntheless, out of a wicked design to erect and uphold in himself\\nan unlimited and tyrannical power to rule according to his\\nwill, and to overthrow the rights and liberties of the people,\\nyea, to take away and make void the foundations thereof, and\\nof all redress and remedy of misgovernment, which by the\\nfundamental constitutions of this kingdom were reserved on\\nthe people s behalf in the right and power of frequent and\\nsuccessive Parliaments, or national meetings in Council he,\\nthe said Charles Stuart, for accomplishment of such his de-\\nsigns, and for the protecting of himself and his adherents in\\nhis and their wicked practices, to the same ends hath traitor-\\nously and maliciously levied war against the present Parlia-\\nment, and the people therein represented, particularly upon\\nor about the 30th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1642,\\nat Beverley, in the County of York; and upon or about the\\n30th day of July in the year aforesaid in the County of\\nthe City of York; and upon or about the 24th day of\\nAugust in the same year, at the County of the Town of\\nNottingham, where and when he set up his standard of\\nwar; and also on or about the 23rd day of October in the\\nsame year, at Edgehill or Keynton-field, in the County of\\nWarwick; and upon or about the 30th day of November in\\nthe same year, at Brentford, in the County of Middlesex;\\nand upon or about the 30th day of August, in the year of our\\nLord 1643, at the Caversham Bridge, near Reading, in the\\nCounty of Berks and upon or about the 30th day of October\\nin the year last mentioned, at or upon the City of Gloucester\\nand upon or about the 30th day of November in the year last\\nmentioned, at Newbury, in the County of Berks and upon or", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION iCs\\nj\\nabout the 31st day of July, in the year of our Lord 1644, at\\nCropredy Bridge, in the County of Oxon and upon or about\\nthe 30th day of September in the last year mentioned, at Bod-\\nmin and other places near adjacent, in the County of Corn-\\nwall and upon or about the 30th day of November in the year\\nlast mentioned, at Newbury aforesaid and upon or about the\\n8th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1645, the Town of\\nLeicester; and also upon the 14th day of the same month in\\nthe same year, at Naseby-field, in the County of Northamp-\\nton. At which several times and places, or most of them, and\\nat many other places in this land, at several other times\\nwithin the years aforementioned, and in the year of our Lord\\n1646, he, the said Charles Stuart, hath caused and procured\\nmany thousands of the free people of this nation to be slain;\\nand by divisions, parties, and insurrections within this land,\\nby invasions from foreign parts, endeavoured and procured\\nby him, and by many other evil ways and means, he, the said\\nCharles Stuart, hath not only maintained and carried on the\\nsaid war both by land and sea, during the years beforemen-\\ntioned, but also hath renewed, or caused to be renewed, the\\nsaid war against the Parliament and good people of this na-\\ntion in this present year 1648, in the Counties of Kent, Essex,\\nSurrey, Sussex, Middlesex, and many other Counties and\\nplaces in England and Wales, and also by sea. And particu-\\nlarly he, the said Charles Stuart, hath for that purpose given\\ncommission to his son the Prince, and others, whereby, be-\\nsides multitudes of other persons, many such as were by the\\nParliament entrusted and employed for the safety of the\\nnation (being by him or his agents corrupted to the betraying\\nof their trust, and revolting from the Parliament), have had\\nentertainment and commission for the continuing and renew-\\ning of war and hostility against the said Parliament and\\npeople as aforesaid. By which cruel and unnatural wars, by\\nhim, the said Charles Stuart, levied, continued, and renewed\\nas aforesaid, much innocent blood of the free people of this\\nnation hath been spilt, many families have been undone, the\\npublic treasure wasted and exhausted, trade obstructed and\\nmiserably decayed, vast expense and damage to the nation\\nincurred, and many parts of this land spoiled, some of them\\neven to desolation. And for further prosecution of his said\\nevil designs, he, the said Charles Stuart, doth still continue\\nhis commissions to the said Prince, and other rebels and\\nrevolters, both English and foreigners, and to the Earl of\\nOrmond, and the Irish rebels and revolters associated with", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "366 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nhim from whom further invasions upon this land are threat-\\nened, upon the procurement, and on the behalf of the said\\nCharles Stuart,\\nAH which wicked designs, wars, and evil practices of him,\\nthe said Charles Stuart, have been, and are carried on for the\\nadvancement and upholding of a personal interest of will,\\npower, and pretended prerogative to himself and his family,\\nagainst the public interest, common right, liberty, justice, and\\npeace of the people of this nation, by and from whom he was\\nentrusted as aforesaid.\\nBy all which it appeareth that the said Charles Stuart hath\\nbeen, and is the occasioner, author, and continuer of the said\\nunnatural, cruel and bloody wars; and therein guilty of all\\nthe treasons, murders, rapines, burnings, spoils, desolations,\\ndamages and mischiefs to this nation, acted and committed\\nin the said wars, or occasioned thereby.\\n{Rushworth s Collection, ed. cit., VII, 1396.)\\n161. Charles Refuses to Plead\\nRushworth s Collection.\\nThe Stuart theory of the Divine Right of Kings a theory\\nwhich placed the sovereign above the law (see Nos. 148, 149 and\\n154) is clearly set forth in the reasoning by which Charles I.\\nexplained his refusal to submit to the jurisdiction of the High\\nCourt of Justice. While denying the right of the court to try\\nhim, Charles attempted to vindicate his conduct. The document\\nis an excellent demonstration of the characteristics of the Stuarts.\\nHaving already made my protestations, not only against\\nthe illegality of this pretended Court, but also, that no earthly\\npower can justly call me (who am your king) in question as\\na delinquent, I would not any more open my mouth upon this\\noccasion, more than to refer myself to what I have spoken,\\nwere I in this case alone concerned but the duty I owe to\\nGod in the preservation of the true liberty of my people will\\nnot suffer me at this time to be silent for, how can any free-\\nborn subject of England call life or anything he possesseth\\nhis own, if power without right daily make new, and abrogate\\nthe old fundamental laws of the land which I now take to be\\nthe present case Wherefore when I came hither, I expected\\nthat you would have endeavoured to have satisfied me con-\\ncerning these grounds which hinder me to answer to your pre-\\ntended impeachment. But since I see that nothing I can say\\nwill move you to it (though negatives are not so naturally\\nproved as affirmatives) yet I will show you the reason why\\nI am confident you cannot judge me, nor indeed the meanest", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 367\\nman in England: for I will not (like you) without showing\\na reason, seek to impose a belief upon my subjects.\\nThere is no proceeding just against any man, but what is\\nwarranted, either by God s laws or the municipal laws of the\\ncountry where he lives. Now I am most confident this day s\\nproceeding cannot be warranted by God s laws for, on the\\ncontrary, the authority of obedience unto Kings is clearly\\nwarranted, and strictly commanded in both the Old and New\\nTestament, which, if denied, I am ready instantly to prove.\\nAnd for the question now in hand, there it is said, that\\nwhere the w^ord of a King is, there is power and who may\\nsay unto him, what dost thou Eccles. viii. 4. Then for the\\nlaw of this land, I am no less confident, that no learned\\nlawyer w^ill affirm that an impeachment can lie against the\\nKing, they all going in his name and one of their maxims is,\\nthat the King can do no wrong. Besides, the law upon which\\nyou ground your proceedings, must either be old or new: if\\nold, show it; if new, tell what authority, warranted by the\\nfundamental laws of the land, hath made it, and when. But\\nhow the House of Commons can erect a Court of Judicature,\\nwhich was never one itself (as is well known to all lawyers)\\nI leave to God and the world to judge. And it were full as\\nstrange, that they should pretend to make laws without King\\nor Lords House, to any that have heard speak of the laws of\\nEngland.\\nAnd admitting, but not granting, that the people of Eng-\\nland s commission could grant your pretended power, I see\\nnothing you can show for that; for certainly you never asked\\nthe question of the tenth man in the kingdom, and in this\\nw^ay you manifestly wrong even the poorest ploughman, if\\nyou demand not his free consent; nor can you pretend any\\ncolour for this your pretended commission, without the con-\\nsent at least of the major part of every man in England of\\nwhatsoever quality or condition, which I am sure you never\\nwent about to seek, so far are you from having it. Thus you\\nsee that I speak not for my own right alone, as I am your\\nKing, but also for the true liberty of all my subjects, which\\nconsists not in the power of government, but in living under\\nsuch laws, such a government, as may give themselves the\\nbest assurance of their lives, and property of their goods\\nnor in this must or do I forget the privileges of both Houses\\nof Parliament, which this day s proceedings do not only\\nviolate, but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their\\npublic faith that (I believe) ever was heard of, with which I", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "368 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nam far from charging the two Houses for all the pretended\\ncrimes laid against me bear date long before this Treaty at\\nNewport, in which I having concluded as much as in me lay,\\nand hopefully expecting the Houses agreement thereunto, I\\nwas suddenly surprised and hurried from thence as a\\nprisoner; upon which account I am against my will brought\\nhither, where since I am come, I cannot but to my power\\ndefend the ancient laws and liberties of this kingdom, to-\\ngether with my own just right. Then for anything I can see,\\nthe higher House is totally excluded and for the House of\\nCommons, it is too well known that the major part of them\\nare detained or deterred from sitting so as if I had no other,\\nthis were sufficient for me to protest against the lawfulness\\nof your pretended Court. Besides all this, the peace of the\\nkingdom is not the least in my thoughts and what hope of\\nsettlement is there, so long as power reigns without rule or\\nlaw, changing the whole frame of that government under\\nwhich this kingdom hath flourished for many hundred years?\\n(nor will I say what will fall out in case this lawless, unjust\\nproceeding against me do go on) and believe it, the Commons\\nof England will not thank you for this change for they will\\nremember how happy they have been of late years under the\\nreigns of Queen Elizabeth, the King my father, and myself,\\nuntil the beginning of these unhappy troubles, and will have\\ncause to doubt, that they shall never be so happy under any\\nnew and by this time it will be too sensibly evident, that the\\narms I took up were only to defend the fundamental laws of\\nthis kingdom against those who have supposed my power\\nhath totally changed the ancient government.\\nThus, having showed 3^ou briefly the reasons why I cannot\\nsubmit to your pretended authority, without violating the\\ntrust which I have from God for the welfare and liberty of\\nmy people, I expect from you either clear reasons to convince\\nmy judgment, showing me that I am in an error (and then\\ntruly I will ansv/er) or that you will withdraw your pro-\\nceedings.\\nThis I intended to speak in Westminster Hall, on Monday,\\nJanuary 22, but against reason was hindered to. show my\\nreasons. {Rtish-worth Collection, ed. cit., VII, 1403.)\\n162. The Sentence of the King\\nRushwortJi s Collection\\nThe sentence of the High Court of Justice affirms the limited\\npower of the English monarclis, and sternly enumerates Charles\\nmisuses of his royal prerogative. The judges reiterate the doc-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 369\\ntrine which formed the basis of the Puritan Revolution, that a\\nking can be guilty of treason and. and if thus guilty, can be\\npunished by the nation from whom alone is derived the right to\\nrule.\\nWhereas the Commons of England assembled in Parlia-\\nment, have by their late Act intituled an Act of the Commons\\nof England assembled in Parliament, for erecting an High\\nCourt of Justice for the trying and judging of Charles Stuart,\\nKing of England, authorised and constituted us an High\\nCourt of Justice for the trying and judging of the said\\nCharles Stuart for the crimes and treasons in the said Act\\nmentioned; by virtue whereof the said Charles Stuart hath\\nbeen three several times convented before this High Court,\\nwhere the first day, being Saturday, the 20th of January\\ninstant, in pursuance of the said Act, a charge of high treason\\nand other high crimes was, in the behalf of the people of\\nEngland, exhibited against him, and read openly unto him,\\nwherein he was charged, that he, the said Charles Stuart,\\nbeing admitted King of England, and therein trusted with a\\nlimited power to govern by, and according to the law of the\\nland, and not otherwise and by his trust, oath, and office,\\nbeing obliged to use the power committed to him for the good\\nand benefit of the people, and for the preservation of their\\nrights and liberties; yet, nevertheless, out of a wicked design\\nto erect and uphold in himself an unlimited and tyrannical\\npower to rule according to his will, and to overthrow the\\nrights and liberties of the people, and to take away and make\\nvoid the foundations thereof, and of all redress and remedy\\nof misgovernment, which by the fundamental constitutions\\nof this kingdom were reserved on the people s behalf in the\\nright and power of frequent and successive Parliaments, or\\nnational meetings in Council he, the said Charles Stuart, for\\naccomplishment of such his designs, and for the protecting\\nof himself and his adherents in his and their wicked practices,\\nto the same end hath traitorously and maliciously levied war\\nagainst the present Parliament, and people therein repre-\\nsented, as with the circumstances of time and place is in the\\nsaid charge more particularly set forth and that he hath\\nthereby caused and procured many thousands of the free\\npeople of this nation to be slain and by divisions, parties,\\nand insurrections within this land, by invasions from foreign\\nparts, endeavoured and procured by him, and by many other\\nevil ways and means, he, the said Charles Stuart, hath not\\nonly maintained and carried on the said war both by sea and", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "370 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nland, but also hath renewed, or caused to be renewed, the said\\nwar against the Parliament and good people of this nation in\\nthis present year 1648, in several counties and places in this\\nkingdom in the charge specified; and that he hath for that\\npurpose given his commission to his son the Prince, and\\nothers, whereby, besides multitudes of other persons, many\\nsuch as were by the Parliament entrusted and employed for\\nthe safety of this nation, being by him or his agents corrupted\\nto the betraying of their trust, and revolting from the Par-\\nliament, have had entertainment and commission for the\\ncontinuing and renewing of the war and hostility against the\\nsaid Parliament and people: and that by the said cruel and\\nunnatural war so levied, continued and renewed, much in-\\nnocent blood of the free people of this nation hath been\\nspilt, many families undone, the public treasure wasted, trade\\nobstructed and miserably decayed, vast expense and damage\\nto the nation incurred, and many parts of the land spoiled,\\nsome of them even to desolation and that he still continues\\nhis commission to his said son, and other rebels and revolters,\\nboth English and foreigners, and to the Earl of Ormond, and\\nto the Irish rebels and revolters associated with him, from\\nwhom further invasions of this land are threatened by his\\nprocurement and of his behalf: and that all the said wicked\\ndesigns, wars, and evil practices of him, the said Charles\\nStuart, were still carried on for the advancement and up-\\nholding of the personal interest of will, power, and pretended\\nprerogative to himself and his family, against the public\\ninterest, common right, liberty, justice, and peace of the\\npeople of this nation: and that he thereby hath been and is\\nthe occasioner, author, and continuer of the said unnatural,\\ncruel, and bloody wars, and therein guilty of all the treasons,\\nmurders, rapines, burnings, spoils, desolations, damage, and\\nmischief to this nation, acted and committed in the said wars,\\nor occasioned thereby; whereupon the proceedings and judg-\\nment of this Court were prayed against him, as a tyrant,\\ntraitor, and murderer, and public enemy to the Common-\\nwealth, as by the said charge more fully appeareth. To\\nwhich charge, being read unto him as aforesaid, he, the said\\nCharles Stuart, was required to give his answer; but he\\nrefused to do so and upon Monday, the 22nd day of January\\ninstant, being again brought before this Court, and there\\nrequired to answer directly to the said charge, he still refused\\nso to do; whereupon his default and contumacy was entered;\\nand the next day, being the third time brought before the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "THE PURITAN REVOLUTION 371\\nCourt, judgment was then prayed against him on the behalf\\nof the people of England for his contumacy, and for the\\nmatters contained against him in the said charge, as taking\\nthe same for confessed, in regard of his refusing to answer\\nthereto. Yet notwithstanding this Court (not willing to take\\nadvantage of his contempt) did once more require him to\\nanswer to the said charge; but he again refused so to do:\\nupon which his several defaults, this Court might justly have\\nproceeded to judgment against him, both for his contumacy\\nand the matters of the charge, taking the same for confessed\\nas aforesaid.\\nYet nevertheless this Court, for its own clearer informa-\\ntion and further satisfaction, have thought fit to examine\\nwitnesses upon oath and take notice of other evidences\\ntouching the matters contained in the said charge, which\\naccordingly they have done.\\nNow therefore upon serious and mature deliberation of\\nthe premises, and consideration had of the notoriety of the\\nmatters of fact charged upon him as aforesaid, this Court is\\nin judgment and conscience satisfied that he, the said Charles\\nStuart, is guilty of levying war against the said Parliament\\nand people, and maintaining and continuing the same for\\nwhich in the said charge he stands accused, and by the gen-\\neral course of his government, counsels, and practices, before\\nand since this Parliament began (which have been and are\\nnotorious and public, and the effects whereof remain abund-\\nantly upon record) this Court is fully satisfied in their judg-\\nments and consciences that he has been and is guilty of the\\nwicked design and endeavours in the said charge set forth;\\nand that the said war hath been levied, maintained, and con-\\ntinued by him as aforesaid, in prosecution and for accom-\\nplishment of the said designs; and that he hath been and is\\nthe occasioner, author, and continuer of the said unnatural,\\ncruel, and bloody wars, and therein guilty of high treason,\\nand of the murders, rapines, burnings, spoils, desolations,\\ndamage, and mischief to this nation acted and committed in\\nthe said war, and occasioned thereby. For all which treasons\\nand crimes this Court doth adjudge that he, the said Charles\\nStuart, as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and public enemy to the\\ngood people of this nation, shall be put to death by severing\\nof his head from his body.\\n{Rushworth Collection, ed. cit., VII, 1418.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "372 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n163. The Death Warrant of the King\\nRushworth s Collection\\nThe death warrant of Charles I., however pathetic in its tra-\\ngedy of misspent opportunities and of a monarch dying at the\\nhands of his subjects, yet bears in its words the triumphant\\nvindication of the will of the people as the real force and\\nmajesty of all law.\\nAt the High Court of Justice for the trying and judging of\\nCharles Sinart, King of England, Jan. 2p, 1648.\\nWhereas Charles Stuart, King of England, is, and standeth\\nconvicted, attainted, and condemned of high treason, and\\nother high crimes and sentence upon Saturday last was pro-\\nnounced against him by this Court, to be put to death by the\\nsevering of his head from his body; of w^hich sentence, execu-\\ntion yet remaineth to be done These are therefore to will and\\nrequire you to see the said sentence executed in the open\\nstreet before Whitehall, upon the morrow, being the 30th\\nday of this instant month of January, between the hours of\\n10 in the morning and 5 in the afternoon of the same day,\\nwith full effect. And for so doing this shall be your suffi-\\ncient warrant. And these are to require all officers, soldiers,\\nand others, the good people of this nation of England, to be\\nassisting unto you in this service.\\nTo Col. Francis Hacker, Col. Huncks, and Lieut.-Col.\\nPhray, and to every of them.\\nGiven under our hands and seals.\\nJohn Bradshaw.\\nThomas Grey.\\nOliver Cromwell,\\netc., etc.\\n{Rushwortk Collection, ed. cit., VII, 1426.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXII\\nENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH\\nFormal Declaration of the Commonwealth\\nActs and Ordinances, Sc obeli\\nThe Acts abolishing the office of king and the House of\\nLords were followed by the statute which declared England to\\nbe a commonwealth. Yet these enactments, while they close the\\nfirst period of the English monarchy, did not promote a real\\ndemocracy. The despotism of the king was succeeded by the\\ndespotism of the Lord Protector, and the change of government\\nwas only in name. The oath of fidelity required to be taken,\\nran as follows I do declare and promise that I will be true\\nand faithful to the Commonwealth of England, as it is now\\nestablished, without a King or House of Lords.\\n164. The Act Abolishing the Office of King\\n(May 17, 1649)\\nActs arid Ordinances, Scohell\\nWhereas Charles Stuart, late King of England, Ireland,\\nand the territories and dominions thereunto belonging, hath\\nby authority derived from Parliament been and is hereby\\ndeclared to be justly condemned, adjudged to die, and put to\\ndeath, for many treasons, murders, and other heinous offences\\ncommitted by him, by which judgment he stood, and is hereby\\ndeclared to be attained to high treasons, whereby his issue\\nand posterity, and all other pretending title under him, are\\nbecome incapable of the said Crowns, or of being King or\\nQueen of the said kingdom or dominions, or either or any of\\nthem; be it therefore enacted and ordained, and it is enacted,\\nordained, and declared by this present Parliament, and by\\nauthority thereof, that all the people of England and Ireland,\\nand the dominions and territories thereunto belonging, of\\nwhat degree or condition soever, are discharged of all fealty,\\nhomage, and allegiance which is or shall be pretended to be\\ndue unto any of the issue and posterity of the said late King,\\nor any claiming under him and that Charles Stuart, eldest\\nson, and James called Dtike of York, second son, and all other\\nthe issue and posterity of him the said late King, and all and\\n373", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "374 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nevery person and persons pretending title from, by, or under\\nhim, are and be disabled to hold or enjoy the said Crown of\\nEngland and Ireland, and other the dominions thereunto be-\\nlonging, or any of them; or to have the name, title, style, or\\ndignity of King or Queen of England and Ireland, Prince of\\nWales, or any of them; or to have and enjoy the power and\\ndominion of the said kingdom and dominions, or any of them,\\nor the honors, manors, lands, tenements, possessions, and\\nhereditaments belonging or appertaining to the said Crown\\nof England and Ireland, and other the dominions aforesaid,\\nor to any of them or to the Principality of Wales, Duchy of\\nLancaster or Cornwall, or any or either of them, any law,\\nstatute, ordinance, usage, or custom to the contrary hereof in\\nany wise notwithstanding.\\nAnd whereas it is and hath been found by experience, that\\nthe office of a King in this nation and Ireland, and to have\\nthe power thereof in any single person, is unnecessary, bur-\\ndensome, and dangerous to the liberty, safety, and public\\ninterest of the people, and that for the most part, use hath\\nbeen made of the regal power and prerogative to oppress and\\nimpoverish and enslave the subject; and that usually and\\nnaturally any one person in such power makes it his interest\\nto incroach upon the just freedom and liberty of the people,\\nand to promote the setting up of their own will and power\\nabove the laws, that so they might enslave these kingdoms\\nto their own lust; be it therefore enacted and ordained by\\nthis present Parliament, and by authority of the same, that\\nthe office of a King in this nation shall not henceforth reside\\nin or be exercised by any one single person and that no one\\nperson whatsoever shall or may have, or hold the office, style,\\ndignity, power, or authority of King of the said kingdoms\\nand dominions, or any of them, or of the Prince of Wales,\\nany law, statute, usage, or custom to the contrary thereof in\\nany wise notwithstanding.\\nAnd it is hereby enacted, that if any person or persons shall\\nendeavour to attempt by force of arms or otherwise, or be\\naiding, assisting, comforting, or abetting unto any person or\\npersons that shall by any ways or means whatsoever en-\\ndeavour or attempt the reviving or setting up again of any\\npretended right of the said Charles, eldest son to the said late\\nKing, James called Duke of York, or of any other the issue\\nand posterity of the said late King, or of any person or per-\\nsons claiming under him or them, to the said regal office,\\nstyle, dignity, or authority, or to be Prince of Wales; or the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 375\\npromoting of any one person whatsoever to the name, style,\\ndignity, power, prerogative, or authority of King of England\\nand Ireland, and dominions aforesaid, or any of them; that\\nthen every such offence shall be deemed and adjudged high\\ntreason, and the offenders therein, their counsellors, pro-\\ncurers, aiders and abettors, being convicted of the said of-\\nfence, or any of them, shall be deemed and adjudged traitors\\nagainst the Parliament and people of England, and shall\\nsuffer, lose, and forfeit, and have such like and the same\\npains, forfeitures, judgments, and execution as is used in case\\nof high treason.\\nAnd whereas by the abolition of the kingly office provided\\nfor in this Act, a most happy way is made for this nation (if\\nGod see it good) to return to its just and ancient right, of\\nbeing governed by its own representatives or national meet-\\nings in council, from time to time chosen and entrusted for\\nthat purpose by the people, it is therefore resolved and de-\\nclared by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that they\\nVvill put a period to the sitting of this present Parliament, and\\ndissolve the same so soon as may possibly stand with the\\nsafety of the people that hath betrusted them, and wdth what\\nis absolutely necessary for the preserving and upholding the\\nGovernment now settled in the way of a Commonwealth and\\nthat they will carefully provide for the certain choosing,\\nmeeting, and sitting of the next and future representatives,\\nwith such other circumstances of freedom in choice and\\nequality in distribution of members to be elected thereunto,\\nas shall most conduce to the lasting freedom and good of this\\nCommonwealth.\\nAnd it is hereby further enacted and declared, notwith-\\nstanding any thing contained in this Act, no person or per-\\nsons of what condition and quality soever, wdthin the Com-\\nmonw^ealth of England and Ireland, dominion of Wales, the\\nislands of Guernsey and Jersey, and town of Berwick-upon-\\nTweed, shall be discharged from the obedience and subjec-\\ntion which he and they owe to the Government of this nation,\\nas it is now declared, but all and every of them shall in all\\nthings render and perform the same, as of right is due unto\\nthe supreme authority hereby declared to reside in this and\\nthe successive representatives of the people of this nation,\\nand in them only.\\n{A Collection of Acts and Ordinances of General Use, tic, ed. H. Scobell,\\nLond., 1698, II, 7.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "376 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n165. The House of Lords Abolished\\n(March 19, 1649)\\nThe Commons of England assembled in Parliament, find-\\ning by too long experience that the House of Lords is useless\\nand dangerous to the people of England to be continued, have\\nthought fit to ordain and enact, and be it ordained and en-\\nacted by this present Parliament, and by the authority of the\\nsame, that from henceforth the House of Lords in Parliament\\nshall be and is hereby wholly abolished and taken away and\\nthat the Lords shall not from henceforth meet or sit in the\\nsaid House called the Lords House, or in any other house\\nor place whatsoever, as a House of Lords nor shall sit, vote,\\nadvise, adjudge, or determine of any matter or thing what-\\nsoever, as a House of Lords in Parliament nevertheless it is\\nhereby declared, that neither such Lords as have demeaned\\nthemselves with honour, courage, and fidelity to the Com-\\nmonwealth, nor their posterities who shall continue so, shall\\nbe excluded from the public councils of the nation, but shall\\nbe admitted thereunto, and have their free vote in Parlia-\\nment, if they shall be thereunto elected, as other persons of\\ninterest elected and qualified thereunto ought to have.\\nAnd be it further ordained and enacted by the authority\\naforesaid, that no Peer of this land, not being elected, quali-\\nfied and sitting in Parliament as aforesaid, shall claim, have,\\nor make use of any privilege of Parliament, either in relation\\nto his person, quality, or estate, any law, usage, or custom to\\nthe contrary notwithstanding.\\n{Scobell Collection, ed. cited, II, 8.)\\n166. England declared to be a Commonwealth\\n(May 19, 1649)\\nBe it declared and enacted by this present Parliament, and\\nby the authority of the same, that the people of England, and\\nof all the dominions and territories thereunto belonging, are\\nand shall be, and are hereby constituted, made, established,\\nand confirmed, to be a Commonwealth and Free State, and\\nshall from henceforth be governed as a Commonwealth and\\nFree State by the supreme authority of this nation, the repre-\\nsentatives of the people in Parliament, and by such as they\\nshall appoint and constitute as officers and ministers under\\nthem for the good of the people, and that without any King\\nor House of Lords.\\n{Scobell Collection, ed. cited, II, 30.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH Z17\\n167. The Instrument of Government\\nParliamentary History\\nIn the stormy period of the Puritan Revokition, three great\\nmodels for the constitutional government of the realm were\\nevolved. These were, the Agreement of the People (Jan. 15,\\n1648-9), the Instrument of Government (Dec. 16, 1653), and the\\nHumble Petition and Advice (May 25, 1657), with its amend-\\nments (June 26, 1657), In these documents is foreshadowed\\nmuch of the constitutional and political development of Great\\nBritain and of the United States of America. Although these\\nconstitutional plans failed of immediate effect, this was not be-\\ncause of their lack of merit. The circumstances of the times\\nwere such as to prevent the realization of the political ideals\\ntherein set forth. The models themselves do not entirely escape\\nthe influence of the personal equation of the environment which\\nmade them possible. The Instrument of Government, however,\\nis least affected by the fears of the people and the ambitions of\\ntheir leaders. It has therefore been selected as a type of the\\nhighest development of constitutional theory that had yet been\\nreached in English history.\\nThe government of the Commonwealth of England, Scot-\\nland, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging.\\nI. That the supreme legislative authority of the Common-\\nwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the dominions\\nthereunto belonging, shall be and reside in one person, and\\nthe people assembled in Parliament the style of which person\\nshall be the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng-\\nland, Scotland, and Ireland.\\nII. That the exercise of the chief magistracy and the ad-\\nministration of the government over the said countries and\\ndominions, and the people thereof, shall be in the Lord Pro-\\ntector, assisted with a council, the number whereof shall not\\nexceed twenty-one, nor be less than thirteen.\\nIII. That all writs, processes, commissions, patents, grants,\\nand other things, which now run in the name and style of the\\nkeepers of the liberty of England by authority of Parliament,\\nshall run in the name and style of the Lord Protector, from\\nwhom, for the future, shall be derived all magistracy and\\nhonours in these three nations; and have the power of par-\\ndons (except in case of murders and treason) and benefit of\\nall forfeitures for the public use and shall govern the said\\ncountries and dominions in all things by the advice of the\\ncouncil, and according to these presents and the laws.\\nIV. That the Lord Protector, the Parliament sitting, shall\\ndispose and order the militia and forces, both by sea and land,\\nfor the peace and good of the three nations, by consent of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "378 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nParliament and that the Lord Protector, with the advice and\\nconsent of the major part of the comicil, shall dispose and\\norder the militia for the ends aforesaid in the intervals of\\nParliament.\\nV. That the Lord Protector, by the advice aforesaid, shall\\ndirect in all things concerning the keeping aod holding of a\\ngood correspondency with foreign kings, princes, and states\\nand also, with the consent of the major part of the council,\\nhave the power of war and peace.\\nVI. That the laws shall not be altered, suspended, abro-\\ngated, or repealed, nor any new law made, nor any tax,\\ncharge, or imposition laid upon the people, but by common\\nconsent in Parliament, save only as is expressed in the thir-\\ntieth article.\\nVIL That there shall be a Parliament summoned to meet\\nat Westminster upon the third day of September, 1654, and\\nthat successively a Parliament shall be summoned once in\\nevery third year, to be accounted from the dissolution of the\\npresent Parliament.\\nVIIL That neither the Parliament to be next summoned,\\nnor any successive Parliaments, shall, during the time of five\\nmonths, to be accounted from the day of their first meeting,\\nbe adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, without their own\\nconsent.\\nIX. That as well the next as all other successive Parlia-\\nments shall be summoned and elected in manner hereafter\\nexpressed; that is to say, the persons to be chosen within\\nEngland, Wales, the Isles of Jersey, Guernsey, and the town\\nof Berwick-upon-Tweed, to sit and serve in Parliament, shall\\nbe, and not exceed, the number of four hundred. The per-\\nsons to be chosen within Scotland, to sit and serve in Parlia-\\nment, shall be, and not exceed, the number of thirty and the\\npersons to be chosen to sit in Parliament for Ireland shall be,\\nand not exceed, the number of thirty.\\nX. That the persons to be elected to sit in Parliament from\\ntime to time, for the several counties of England, Wales, the\\nIsles of Jersey and Guernsey, and the town of Berwick-upon-\\nTweed, and all places within the same respectively, shall be\\naccording to the proportions and numbers hereafter ex-\\npressed that is to say, [Here follows the apportionment.]\\nThe distribution of the persons to be chosen for Scotland\\nand Ireland, and the several counties, cities, and places\\ntherein, shall be according to such proportions and number\\nas shall be agreed upon and declared by the Lord Protector", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 379\\nand the major part of the council, before the sending forth\\nwrits of summons for the next Parliament.\\nXI. That the summons to Parliament shall be by writ under\\nthe Great Seal of England, directed to the sheriffs of the\\nseveral and respective counties, with such alteration as may\\nsuit with the present government, to be made by the Lord\\nProtector and his council, which the Chancellor, Keeper, or\\nCommissioners of the Great Seal shall seal, issue, and send\\nabroad by warrant from the Lord Protector. If the Lord Pro-\\ntector shall not give warrant for issuing of writs of summons\\nfor the next Parliament, before the first of June, 1654, or for\\nthe Triennial Parliaments, before the first day of August in\\nevery third year, to be accounted as aforesaid that then the\\nChancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal for\\nthe time being, shall, without any warrant or direction, within\\nseven days after the said first day of June, 1654, seal, issue,\\nand send abroad writs of summons (changing therein what\\nis to be changed as aforesaid) to the several and respective\\nSheriffs of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for summoning\\nthe Parliament to meet at Westminster, the third day of Sep-\\ntember next; and shall likewise, within seven days after the\\nsaid first day of August, in every third year, to be accounted\\nfrom the dissolution of the precedent Parliament, seal, issue,\\nand send forth abroad several writs of summons (changing\\ntherein what is to be changed) as aforesaid, for summoning\\nthe Parliament to meet at Westminster the sixth of Novem-\\nber in that third year. That the said several and respective\\nSheriffs shall, within ten days after the receipt of such writ\\nas aforesaid, cause the same to be proclaimed and published\\nin every market-town within his county upon the market-\\ndays thereof, between twelve and three of the clock and shall\\nthen also publish and declare the certain day of the week and\\nmonth, for choosing members to serve in Parliament for the\\nbody of the said county, according to the tenor of the said\\nwrit, which shall be upon Wednesday five weeks after the\\ndate of the writ and shall likewise declare the place where\\nthe election shall be made for which purpose he shall appoint\\nthe most convenient place for the whole county to meet in\\nand shall send precepts for elections to be made in all and\\nevery city, town, borough, or place within his county, where\\nelections are to be made by virtue of these presents, to the\\nMayor, Sheriff, or other head officer of such city, town,\\nborough, or place, within three days after the receipt of such\\nwrit and writs; which the said Mayors, Sheriffs, and officers", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "o\\n80 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nrespectively are to make publication of, and of the certain day\\nfor such elections to be made in the said city, town, or place\\naforesaid, and to cause elections to be made accordingly.\\nXII. That at the day and place of elections, the Sheriff of\\neach county, and the said Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, and\\nother head officers within their cities, towns, boroughs, and\\nplaces respectively, shall take view of the said elections, and\\nshall make return into the chancery within twenty days after\\nthe said elections, of the persons elected by the greater num-\\nber of electors, under their hands and seals, between him on\\nthe one part, and the electors on the other part wherein shall\\nbe contained, that the persons elected shall not have power to\\nalter the government as it is hereby settled in one single\\nperson and a Parliament.\\nXIII. That the Sheriff, who shall wittingly and willingly\\nmake any false return, or neglect his duty, shall incur the\\npenalty of 2000 marks of lawful English money; the one\\nmoiety to the Lord Protector, and the other moiety to such\\nperson as will sue for the same.\\nXIV. That all and every person and persons, who have\\naided, advised, assisted, or abetted in any war against the\\nParliament, since the first day of January, 1641 (unless they\\nhave been since in the service of the Parliament, and given\\nsignal testimony of their good affection thereunto) shall be\\ndisabled and incapable to be elected, or to give any vote in\\nthe election of any members to serve in the next Parliament,\\nor in the three succeeding Triennial Parliaments.\\nXV. That all such, who have advised, assisted, or abetted\\nthe rebellion of Ireland, shall be disabled and incapable for\\never to be elected, or give any vote in the election of any\\nmember to serve in Parliament; as also all such who do or\\nshall profess the Roman Catholic religion.\\nXVI. That all votes and elections given or made contrary,\\nor not according to these qualifications, shall be null and\\nvoid; and if any person, who is hereby made incapable, shall\\ngive his vote for election of members to serve in Parliament,\\nsuch person shall lose and forfeit one full year s value of his\\nreal estate, and one full third part of his personal estate one\\nmoiety thereof to the Lord Protector, and the other moiety\\nto him or them who shall sue for the same.\\nXVII. That the persons w^ho shall be elected to serve in\\nParliament, shall be such (and no other than such) as are\\npersons of known integrity, fearing God, and of good conver-\\nsation, and being of the age of twenty-one years.\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 381\\nXVIII. That all and every person and persons seised or\\npossessed to his own use, of any estate, real or personal, to\\nthe value of \u00c2\u00a3200, and not within the aforesaid exceptions,\\nshall be capable to elect members to serve in Parliament for\\ncounties.\\nXIX. That the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of\\nthe Great Seal, shall be sworn before they enter into their\\noffices, truly and faithfully to issue forth, and send abroad,\\nwrits of summons to Parliament, at the times and in the\\nmanner before expressed and in case of neglect or failure\\nto issue and send abroad writs accordingly, he or they shall\\nfor every such offence be guilty of high treason, and suffer\\nthe pains and penalties thereof.\\nXX. That in case writs be not issued out, as is before ex-\\npressed, but that there be a neglect therein, fifteen days\\nafter the time wherein the same ought to be issued out by the\\nChancellor, Keeper, or Commissioners of the Great Seal\\nthat then the Parliament shall, as often as such failure shall\\nhappen, assemble and be held at Westminster, in the usual\\nplace, at the times prefixed, in manner and by the means\\nhereafter expressed; that is to say, that the sheriffs of the\\nseveral and respective counties, sheriffdoms, cities, boroughs,\\nand places aforesaid within England, Wales, Scotland, and\\nIreland, the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the Uni-\\nversities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the Mayor and\\nBailiffs of the borough of Berwick-upon-Tweed, and other\\nplaces aforesaid respectively, shall at the several courts and\\nplaces to be appointed as aforesaid, within thirty days after\\nthe said fifteen days, cause such members to be chosen for\\ntheir said several and respective counties, sheriffdoms, uni-\\nversities, cities, boroughs, and places aforesaid, by such per-\\nsons, and in such manner, as if several and respective writs\\nof summons to Parliament under the Great Seal had issued\\nand been awarded according to the tenor aforesaid: that if\\nthe sheriff, or other persons authorised, shall neglect his or\\ntheir duty herein, that all and every such sheriff and person\\nauthorised as aforesaid, so neglecting his or their duty,\\nshall, for every such offence, be guilty of high treason, and\\nshall suffer the pains and penalties thereof.\\nXXI. That the clerk, called the clerk of the Common-\\nwealth in Chancery for the time being, and all others, who\\nshall afterwards execute that office, to whom the returns\\nshall be made, shall for the next Parliament, and the two\\nsucceeding triennial Parliaments, the next day after such re-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "382 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nturn, certify the names of the several persons so returned,\\nand of the places for which he and they were chosen respect-\\nively, unto the Council; who shall peruse the said returns,\\nand examine whether the persons so elected and returned be\\nsuch as is agreeable to the qualifications, and not disabled to\\nbe elected: and that every person and persons being so duly\\nelected, and being approved of by the major part of the\\nCouncil to be persons not disabled, but qualified as afore-\\nsaid, shall be esteemed a member of Parliament, and be ad-\\nmitted to sit in Parliament, and not otherwise.\\nXXII. That the persons so chosen and assembled in man-\\nner aforesaid, or any sixty of them, shall be, and be deemed\\nthe Parliament of England, Scotland, and Ireland; and the\\nsupreme legislative power to be and reside in the Lord Pro-\\ntector and such Parliament, in manner herein expressed.\\nXXIII. That the Lord Protector, with the advice of the\\nmajor part of the Council, shall at any other time than is\\nbefore expressed, when the necessities of the State shall\\nrequire it, summon Parliaments in manner before expressed,\\nwhich shall not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved with-\\nout their own consent, during the first three months of their\\nsitting. And in case of future war with any foreign State,\\na Parliament shall be forthwith summoned for their advice\\nconcerning the same.\\nXXIV. That all Bills agreed unto by the Parliament, shall\\nbe presented to the Lord Protector for his consent; and in\\ncase he shall not give his consent thereto within twenty days\\nafter they shall be presented to him, or give satisfaction to\\nthe Parliament within the time limited, that then, upon de-\\nclaration of the Parliament that the Lord Protector hath not\\nconsented nor given satisfaction, such Bills shall pass into\\nand become laws, although he shall not give his consent\\nthereunto; provided such Bills contain nothing in them\\ncontrary to the matters contained in these presents.\\nXXV. That Henry Lawrence, Esq., [The names of fifteen\\nmembers follow], or any seven of them, shall be a Council\\nfor the purposes expressed in this writing; and upon the\\ndeath or other removal of any of them, the Parliament shall\\nnominate six persons of ability,, integrity, and fearing God,\\nfor every one that is dead or removed out of which the\\nmajor part of the Council shall elect two, and present them\\nto the Lord Protector, of which he shall elect one; and in\\ncase the Parliament shall not nominate within twenty days\\nafter notice given unto them thereof, the major part of the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 383\\nCouncil shall nominate three as aforesaid to the Lord Pro-\\ntector, who out of them shall supply the vacancy; and until\\nthis choice be made, the remaining part of the Council shall\\nexecute as fully in all things, as if their number were full.\\nAnd in case of corruption, or other miscarriage in any of the\\nCouncil in their trust, the Parliament shall appoint seven of\\ntheir number, and the Council six, who, together with the\\nLord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or Commissioners of the\\nGreat Seal for the time being, shall have power to hear and\\ndetermine such corruption and miscarriage, and to award\\nand inflict punishment, as the nature of the offence shall\\ndeserve, which punishment shall not be pardoned or remitted\\nby the Lord Protector; and, in the interval of Parliaments,\\nthe miajor part of the Council, with the consent of the Lord\\nProtector, may, for corruption or other miscarriage as afore-\\nsaid, suspend any of their number from the exercise of their\\ntrust, if they shall find it just, until the matter shall be heard\\nand examined as aforesaid.\\nXXVL That the Lord Protector and the major part of\\nthe Council aforesaid may, at any time before the meeting\\nof the next Parliament, add to the Council such persons as\\nthey shall think fit, provided the number of the Council be\\nnot made thereby to exceed twenty-one, and the quorum to\\nbe proportioned accordingly by the Lord Protector and the\\nmajor part of the Council.\\nXXVIL That a constant yearly revenue shall be raised,\\nsettled, and established for maintaining of 10,000 horse and\\ndragoons, and 20,000 foot, in England, Scotland and Ireland,\\nfor the defence and security thereof, and also for a con-\\nvenient number of ships for guarding of the seas besides\\n\u00c2\u00a3200,000 per annum for defraying the other necessary\\ncharges of administration of justice, and other expenses of\\nthe Government, which revenue shall be raised by the\\ncustoms, and such other ways and means as shall be agreed\\nupon by the Lord Protector and the Council, and shall not\\nbe taken away or dimished, nor the way agreed upon for\\nraising the same altered, but by the consent of the Lord Pro-\\ntector and the Parliament.\\nXXVIIL That the said yearly revenue shall be paid into\\nthe public treasury, and shall be issued out for the uses\\naforesaid.\\nXXIX. That in case there shall not be cause hereafter to\\nkeep up so great a defence both at land or sea, but that there\\nbe an abatement made thereof, the money which will be", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "384 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nsaved thereby shall remain in bank for the public service,\\nand not be employed to any other use but by consent of\\nParliament, or, in the intervals of Parliament, by the Lord\\nProtector and major part of the Council.\\nXXX. That the raising of money for defraying the charge\\nof the present extraordinary forces, both at sea and land, in\\nrespect of the present wars, shall be by consent of Parlia-\\nment, and not otherwise save only that the Lord Protector,\\nwith the consent of the major part of the Council, for pre-\\nventing the disorders and dangers which might otherwise fall\\nout both by sea and land, shall have power, until the meeting\\nof the first Parliament, to raise money for the purposes\\naforesaid; and also to make laws and ordinances for the\\npeace and welfare of these nations where it shall be necess-\\nary, which shall be binding and in force, until order shall be\\ntaken in Parliament concerning the same,\\nXXXL That the lands, tenements, rents, royalties, juris-\\ndictions and hereditaments which remain yet unsold or\\nundisposed of, by Act or Ordinance of Parliament, belonging\\nto the Commonwealth (except the forests and chases, and the\\nhonours and manors belonging to the same; the lands of the\\nrebels in Ireland, lying in the four counties of Dublin, Cork,\\nKildare, and Carlow; the lands forfeited by the people of\\nScotland in the late wars, and also the lands of Papists and\\ndelinquents in England who have not yet compounded), shall\\nbe vested in the Lord Protector, to hold, to him and his suc-\\ncessors. Lords Protectors of these nations, and shall not be\\nalienated but by consent in Parliament. And all debts, fines,\\nissues, amercements, penalties and profits, certain and casual,\\ndue to the Keepers of the liberties of England by authority\\nof Parliament, shall be due to the Lord Protector, and be\\npayable into his public receipt, and shall be recovered and\\nprosecuted in his name.\\nXXX That the office of Lord Protector over these nations\\nshall be elective and not hereditary; and upon the death of\\nthe Lord Protector, another fit person shall be forthwith\\nelected to succeed him in the Government; which election\\nshall be by the Council, who, immediately upon the death of\\nthe Lord Protector, shall assemble in the Chamber where\\nthey usually sit in Council and, having given notice to all\\ntheir members of the cause of their assembling, shall, being\\nthirteen at least present, proceed to the election and, before\\nthey depart the said Chamber, shall elect a fit person to\\nsucceed in the Government, and forthwith cause proclama-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 385\\ntion thereof to be made in all the three nations as shall be\\nrequisite; and the person that they, or the major part of\\nthem, shall elect as aforesaid, shall be, and shall be taken to\\nbe, Lord Protector over these nations of England, Scotland\\nand Ireland, and the dominions thereto belonging. Provided\\nthat none of the children of the late King, nor any of his line\\nor family, be elected to be Lord Protector or other Chief\\nMagistrate over these nations, or any the dominions thereto\\nbelonging. And until the aforesaid election be past, the\\nCouncil shall take care of the Government, and administer in\\nall things as fully as the Lord Protector, or the Lord Pro-\\ntector and Council are enabled to do.\\nXXXIIL That Oliver Cromwell, Captain-General of the\\nforces of England, Scotland and Ireland, shall be, and is\\nhereby declared to be. Lord Protector of the Commonwealth\\nof England, Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions thereto\\nbelonging, for his life.\\nXXXIV. That the Chancellor, Keeper or Commissioners\\nof the Great Seal, the Treasurer, Admiral, Chief Governors\\nof Ireland and Scotland, and the Chief Justices of both the\\nBenches, shall be chosen by the approbation of Parliament;\\nand, in the intervals of Parliament, by the approbation of the\\nmajor part of the Council, to be afterwards approved by the\\nParliament.\\nXXXV. That the Christian religion, as contained in the\\nScriptures, be held forth and recommended as the public\\nprofession of these nations; and that, as soon as may be, a\\nprovision, less subject to scruple and contention, and more\\ncertain than the present, be made for the encouragement and\\nmaintenance of able and painful teachers, for the instructing\\nthe people, and for discovery and confutation of error, here-\\nby, and whatever is contrary to sound doctrine and until\\nsuch provision be made, the present maintenance shall not be\\ntaken away or impeached.\\nXXXVI. That to the public profession held forth none\\nshall be compelled by penalties or otherwise but that en-\\ndeavours be used to win them by sound doctrine and the\\nexample of a good conversation.\\nXXXVII. That such as profess faith in God by Jesus\\nChrist (though differing in judgment from the doctrine, wor-\\nship or discipline publicly held forth) shall not be restrained\\nfrom, but shall be protected in, the profession of the faith\\nand exercise of their religion; so as they abuse not this\\nliberty to the civil injury of others and to the actual dis-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "386 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nturbance of the public peace on their parts provided this\\nliberty be not extended to Popery or Prelacy, nor to such as,\\nunder the profession of Christ, hold foith and practise licen-\\ntiousness.\\nXXXVIII. That all laws, statutes and ordinances, and\\nclauses in any law, statute or ordinance to the contrary of\\nthe aforesaid liberty, shall be esteemed as null and void.\\nXXXIX. That the Acts and Ordinances of Parliament\\nmade for the sale or other disposition of the lands, rents and\\nhereditaments of the late King, Queen, and Prince, of Arch-\\nbishops and Bishops, etc.. Deans and Chapters, the lands of\\ndelinquents and forest-lands, or any of them, or of any other\\nlands, tenements, rents and hereditaments belonging to the\\nCommonwealth, shall nowise be impeached or made invalid,\\nbut shall remain good and firm and that the securities given\\nby Act and Ordinance of Parliament for any sum or sums of\\nmoney, by any of the said lands, the excise, or any other\\npublic revenue; and also the securities given by the public\\nfaith of the nation, and the engagement of the public faith\\nfor satisfaction of debts and damages, shall remain firm and\\ngood, and not be made void and invalid upon any pretence\\nwhatsoever.\\nXL. That the Articles given to or made with the enemy,\\nand afterwards confirmed by Parliament, shall be performed\\nand made good to the persons concerned therein; and that\\nsuch appeal as were depending in the last Parliament for\\nrelief concerning bills of sale of delinquents estates, may be\\nheard and determined the next Parliament, any thing in this\\nwriting or otherwise to the contrary notwithstanding.\\nXLL That every successive Lord Protector over these\\nnations shall take and subscribe a solemn oath, in the\\npresence of the Council, and such others as they shall call to\\nthem, that he will seek the peace, quiet and welfare of these\\nnations, cause law and justice to be equally administered;\\nand that he will not violate or infringe the matters and\\nthings contained in this writing, and in all other things will,\\nto his power and to the best of his understanding, govern\\nthese nations according to the laws, statutes and customs\\nthereof.\\nXLII. That each person of the Council shall, before they\\nenter upon their trust, take and subscribe an oath, that they\\nwill be true and faithful in their trust, according to the best\\nof their knowledge; and that in the election of every suc-\\ncessive Lord Protector they shall proceed therein impartially,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 387\\nand do nothing therein for any promise, fear, favour or\\nreward.\\n{Parlia7netitary History, ed. cit., XX, 248.)\\n168. Cromwell disciplines his First Parliament\\nGoddard\\nThe first Parliament of the Commonwealth met in September,\\n1654. Its members seemed to be resolved to take from Crom-\\nwell much of the power which he considered necessary to the\\noffice of Lord Protector. These members desired to make\\nabsolute the authority of Parliament. Some of them were\\nanxious to set aside the Instrument of Government others had\\nno love for the Commonwealth or its leaders. So great was the\\npopular dissatisfaction, so imminent was the danger that the\\nroyalists might regain power, that Cromwell resolved upon a\\ndesperate remedy. He proposed to the members of Parliament\\na form of oath of allegiance, binding them to himself and his\\nform of government and pledging them not to alter that form.\\nAll members who refused to subscribe to this oath he turned out\\nof the House. An account of this high-handed, though from\\nthe Puritan point of view justifiable proceeding, is given in\\nthe following selection.\\nTuesday 12. [1654.] This morning news was brought to\\nthe Herald s Office, where I lay, with my brother Bish, that\\nthe Parliament House was dissolved, and that, for certain,\\nthe Council of State and Council of War, had sat together all\\nthe Sabbath-day before, and had then contrived this dissolu-\\ntion. Notwithstanding, I was resolved to go to Westminster,\\nto satisfy myself of the truth, and to take my share of what\\nI should see or learn there.\\nGoing by water to Westminster, I was told that the Par-\\nliament doors were locked up and guarded with soldiers, and\\nthe barges were to attend the Protector to the Painted Cham-\\nber. As I went, I saw two barges at the Privy Stairs.\\nBeing come to the Hall, I was confirmed in what I had\\nheard. Nevertheless, I did purpose not to take things merely\\nupon trust, but would receive an actual repulse, to confirm\\nmy faith.\\nAccordingly, I attempted up the Parliament-stairs, but\\nthere was a guard of soldiers, who told me there was no\\npassage that way; t-kat the House was locked up, and com-\\nmand given to give no admittance to any. That, if I were a\\nmember, I might go into the Painted Chamber, where the\\nProtector would presently be.\\nThe mace was taken away by Conmiissary-general Whal-\\nley. The Speaker and all the members were walking up and\\ndown the Hall, the Court of Requests, and the Painted Cham-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "388 SOURCE-BOOK OP ENGLISH HISTORY\\nber, expecting the Protector s coming; the passages there,\\nbeing likewise guarded with soldiers.\\nThe Protector coming about ten of the clock, attended\\nwith his officers, life-guard, and halberds, he took his place\\nupon the scaffold, where it was before, and made a speech\\nof about an hour and a-half long. Wherein he did not for-\\nbear to tell us, that he did expect and hope for better fruit\\nand effect of our last meeting in that place than he had\\nyet found; that he perceived there was a necessity upon him\\nto magnify, as he called it, his office. He told us a large\\nseries of the providences of God and the suffrages of the\\npeople, which were so many witnesses, evidences, and seals,\\nof his calling to the government, and which did cause him to\\nput a greater value upon his title so derived, than upon the\\nbroken hereditary title of any prince whatsoever. That\\nhaving received his office from God and from the people,\\nhe was resolved never to part with it, until God and the\\npeople should take it from him.\\nThat it could not be expected, when he told us before, that\\nwe were a free Parliament, that he meant it otherwise free\\nthan as it should act under the government. That those\\npitiful forwardnesses and peevishnesses, which were abroad,\\nhe valued no more than the motes in the sun. But that the\\nParliament should now dispute his office under whose au-\\nthority we were then met, was a great astonishment to him.\\nThat he was unwilling to break privileges; but necessity\\nhad no law.\\nHe told us, he had ordered the Parliament doors to be\\nlocked up and guarded, and had appointed an officer to take\\nsubscriptions to a recognition of his authority; which being\\ndone might give us an entrance. Which being said, we were\\ndismissed about eleven o clock.\\nHis party, that is, courtiers and officers of the army, and\\nsome others, presently subscribed. Before they adjourned,\\nwhich was about twelve of the clock, there were about one\\nhundred subscriptions; which being entered, they sent for\\nthe Speaker, who came, subscribed, entered, and adjourned\\nuntil two of the clock.\\nIn the mean time, the rest of the members consulted one\\nanother s judgments. I went to see what it was that we were\\nto subscribe unto. It was written in a long piece of parch-\\nment in these words, or to that effect, viz.\\nI do hereby freely promise and engage, that I will be true\\nand faithful to the Lord Protector and the Commonwealth", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 389\\nof England, Scotland, and Ireland, and that according to the\\ntenor of the indentures whereby I am returned to serve in\\nthis present Parliament, I will not propose, or consent to alter\\nthe government as it is settled in a sole person and the Parlia-\\nment/\\nOur Norfolk members did not presently subscribe, saving\\nonly Mr. Frere, who instantly subscribed it. The rest of our\\nmembers did most of us dine together, purposely to consult\\nwhat was fitted to be done in so great an exigent, in order\\nto the discharge of our trust. And, truly, the subscription\\nwas, in effect, no more than what we were restrained unto by\\nour Indentures, and the thing would be done without us, and\\nwe had fairly contended for it we had not given the ques-\\ntion, but it was forced from us, and we were told that plainly\\nit must be so. For these and several other considerations\\nand reasons, which we thought ought to prevail with men\\npreferring the peace of our countries and the safety of our\\npeople immediately concerned in this affair, before passions\\nand humours, we thought fit rather to give way to the present\\nnecessity, and to comply with it by submitting than refusing.\\nAccordingly we did subscribe, all except Mr. Woodhouse,\\nMr. Hobart, and Mr. Church. And although w^e condemn the\\nbreach of privilege as much as any, yet we doubt not but to\\nacquit ourselves to God, and to our country, in so doing,\\nrather than to put the nation into another combustion and\\nconfusion.\\nAfter we had subscribed, we went into the House, and\\nafter some expressions of tenderness and respects to our\\nfellow members without, we adjourned until Thursday morn-\\ning the next day, Wednesday, being the Fast.\\n{An Account of the Parlianietit o/ 1654 front the fournal of Giiibou Goddard,\\nin Diary of Thomas Burton, ed. G. T. Ruth, Lond., 1828, vol. I, p. 32.)\\n169. Cromwell and the Kingship\\nKeiinett\\nThat Cromwell desired to be king seems, in this day, fully\\nestablished. When matters had been so arranged that the crown\\nseemed within his grasp, and while the voice of the army had\\nnot yet been raised to warn him that his acceptance of the king-\\nship would lead to his overthrow, Cromwell took counsel with\\nhis intimates upon the wisdom of the step. The following ac-\\ncount of his interview with Whitlock is most characteristic.\\nUpon this juncture Cromwell advises with Commissioner\\nWhitlock how to maintain all things in order and obedience;\\nWhat if a man should take upon him to be King? Whit-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "39 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nlock, 1 think that remedy would be worse than the disease.\\nCromwell, Why do you think so? Whitlock, As to your\\nown person the title of king would be of no advantage, be-\\ncause you have the full kingly power in you already con-\\ncerning the militia, as you are general. As to the nomina-\\ntion of civil officers, those whom you think fittest are sel-\\ndom refused and altho you have no negative vote in the\\npassing of laws, yet what you dislike will not easily be\\ncaried; and the taxes are already settled and in your power\\nto dispose the money raised. And as to foreign affairs, tho\\nthe ceremonial application be made to the Parliament, yet the\\nexpectation of good or bad success in it is from your Ex-\\ncellency; and particular solicitations of foreign ministers\\nare made to you only. So that I apprehend indeed less envy\\nand danger and pomp, but not less power and real op-\\nportunities of doing good in your being general, than would\\nbe if you had assumed the title of king. Cromwell went\\non to argue, that whoever was actually king by election, the\\nacts done by him were as lawful and justifiable as if done\\nby a king who had the crown by inheritance; and that by\\nan act of Parliament in Henry VII s time, it was safer for the\\npeople to act under a king (let his title be what it will) than\\nunder any other power.\\nWhitlock agreed to the legality, but questioned the ex-\\npediency of it and being asked what danger he apprehended,\\nanswered thus, The danger I think would be this one of the\\nmain points of controversy between us and our adversaries\\nis whether the government of this nation shall be established\\nin monarchy or in free state or a commonwealth and most\\nof our friends have engaged with us upon the hopes of having\\nthe government settled in a free state; and to effect that,\\nhave undergone all their hazards and difficulties. They\\nbeing persuaded (tho I think much mistaken) that under\\nthe government of a commonwealth they shall enjoy more\\nliberty and right, both as to their spiritual and civil con-\\ncernments than they shall under monarchy, the pressures and\\ndislikes whereof are so fresh in their memories and suffer-\\nings. Now if your Excellency shall take upon you the title\\nof king, this state of your cause will be thereby wholly deter-\\nmined, and monarchy established in your person, and the\\nquestion will be no more, whether our government shall be by\\na monarch or by a free state, but whether Cromwell or Stuart\\nshall be our king or monarch? And that question wherein\\nbefore so great parties of the nation were engaged, and", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONWEALTH 391\\nwhich was universal, will by this means become in effect a\\nprivate controversy only. Before it was national, what kind\\nof government we should have? Now it will become parti-\\ncular, who shall be governour Whether of the family of he\\nStuarts or of the family of the Cromwells? Thus the state\\nof our controversy being totally changed, all those who\\nwere for a commonwealth (and they are a very great and\\nconsiderable party) having their hopes therein frustrate, will\\ndesert you your hands will be weakened, your interests\\nstraightened, and your cause in apparent danger to be\\nruined, Cromwell confessed he spoke reason, and desired to\\nknow if he could find any other expedient. Whitlock, after\\nsuggesting the danger he was in from his own officers and\\nfrom the Parliament, who were plotting to bring him down,\\nor to clip his wings, proceeded thus Pardon me. Sir, in the\\nnext place, a little to consider the condition of the King of\\nScots. This prince being now by your valour, and the suc-\\ncess which God has given to the Parliament, and to the army\\nunder your command, reduced to a very low condition, both\\nhe and all about him cannot but be very inclinable to hearken\\nto any terms, whereby their last hopes may be revived of his\\nbeing restored to the crown, and they to their fortunes and\\nnative country. By a private treaty with him, you may\\nsecure yourself and your friends, and their fortunes you\\nmay make yourself and prosterity as great and permanent,\\nto all human probability, as ever any subject was, and provide\\nfor your friends. You may put such limits to monarchical\\npower, as will secure our spiritual and civil liberties and\\nyou may secure the cause in which we are all engaged. And\\nthis may be effectually done, by having the power of the\\nmilitia continued in yourself, and whom you shall agree upon\\nafter you.\\nCromwell adjourned the discourse to some farther time,\\nand went off with a countenance and carriage of displeasure.\\nAnd Whitlock says, That Cromwell s carriage toward him\\nfrom that time was altered, and his advising with him not so\\nfrequent and intimate as before and, that it was not long\\nafter, he found an occasion, by an honourable employment, to\\nsend him out of the way, that he might be no obstacle or\\nimpediment to his ambitious designs. For certainly Crom-\\nwell in his thoughts and intentions, was for bringing the\\ncrown upon his own head; and it was a great providence\\nthat his friends would not permit him to have his own way.\\nHowever, to carry it as far as it would bear, he and his", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "392 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nofficers were always complaining of the grievance of the\\nLong Parliament, and were zealous and loud in recommend-\\ning to the people the common pretences of right and justice,\\nand public liberty, to put a period to their session; and if\\nthey would not shortly do it themselves, the army and the\\npeople must do it for them.\\n(Compleat History of England, ed. W. Kennett, 2nd ed., Lond., 1719, III, 204.)\\n170. Richard Cromwell becomes Lord Protector\\nKennet\\nAt the death of Oliver Cromwell, his son Richard was called\\nto office. The following selection gives the proclamation made\\nat the installation, and also gives a very valuable account of\\nthe character of the new ruler.\\nWhereas it has pleased the most wise God in his provi-\\ndence to take out of this world the most serene and renowned\\nOliver, late Ld. Protector of his Commonwealth: And his\\nhighness having in his life-time, according to the Humble\\nPetition and Advice declared and appointed the most noble\\nand illustrious the Lord Richard, eldest son of his late High-\\nness, to succeed him in the government of these nations, we\\ntherefore of the Privy Council, together with the Lord-\\nMayor, aldermen and citizens of London, the officers of the\\narmy, and numbers of other principal gentlemen, do now\\nhereby with one full voice and consent of tongue and heart,\\npublish and declare the said noble and illustrious Lord\\nRichard to be rightful Protector of this Commonwealth of\\nEngland, Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions and ter-\\nritories thereto belonging: To whom we do acknowledge\\nall fidelity and constant obedience, according to law, and the\\nsaid Humble Petition and Advice, with all hearty and humble\\naffections beseeching the Lord, by whom princes rule, to\\nbless him with long life, and these nations with peace and\\nhappiness under his government.\\n(signed) Richard Chiverton, Mayor.\\nHenry Laurence, President.\\nAnd T. j others.\\nGod save his Highness Richard Lord Protector.\\nThen the Council proceeded to give the oath of govern-\\nment to the new Protector, who published a proclamation for\\nall officers to continue in their places and the master of the\\nceremonies was ordered to acquaint all foreign minister^", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND A COMMONtVEALTH 393\\nwith the death of the late Protector, and the succession of\\nhis son Richard; which soon brought over many new ambas-\\nsadors and envoys from the neighbour princes and States,\\nall admitted with due ceremony to a solemn audience given\\nby his Highness, to condole the death of his father, and to\\ncongratulate his succession to the government; while infinite\\nadresses came up from all parts of the three kingdoms, to\\ncompliment the new Protector with mighty professions of\\npublic joy and satisfaction, and with solemn resolutions and\\npromises of adhering to him against all his enemies. And\\nindeed the general exultation of the people and armies was\\nso very great upon this new succession, that it must be im-\\nputed more to the common sense of deliverance from one\\ntyrant, than to their hopes or expectations from this other\\nProtector; who was raised to the government without any\\nrespect or good opinion in the minds of the people or the\\nsoldiers. For he had been neither a military man nor a\\nstatesman rather an honest country gentleman, bred to\\nprivacy and sports, and willing to serve his neighbours, and\\neven the cavaliers, by the little interest he had in his father s\\ncourt. His own father seemed to have the least affection\\nand lowest opinion of this son, among all his other children:\\nHe never trusted him in any command, nor employed him in\\nany true business He made him indeed Chancellor of Ox-\\nford, and put him at the top of the other House in Parliament\\nbut this was rather for the honour of his family, than for the\\nlove of his son. Pie never let him into any secrets of policy\\nnor any arts of war; and therefore it is plain, he never de-\\nsigned him for his successor, because he never trained him\\nup to it.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, p. 228.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIII\\nTHE RESTORATION\\n171. The Declaration of Breda\\n(April 4, 1660)\\nParlia-mentary History\\nIn the Declaration of Breda Charles II. set forth the principles\\non which he promised to rule England. The difference between\\nthese promises and their fulfilment presents an interesting study-\\non the theory and practice of kingcraft.\\nCharles R.\\nCharles, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland,\\nFrance and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To all our\\nloving subjects, of what degree or quality soever, greeting.\\nIf the general distraction and confusion which is spread\\nover the whole kingdom doth not awaken all men to a desire\\nand longing that those wounds which have so many years\\ntogether been kept bleeding, may be bound up, all we can say\\nwill be to no purpose; however, after this long silence, we\\nhave thought it our duty to declare how much we desire to\\ncontribute thereunto; and that as we can never give over\\nthe hope, in good time, to obtain the possession of that right\\nwhich God and nature hath made our due, so we do make\\nit our daily suit to the Divine Providence, that He will, in\\ncompassion to us and our subjects after so long misery and\\nsufferings, remit and put us into a quiet and peaceable pos-\\nsession of that our right, with as little blood and damage to\\nour people as is possible; nor do we desire more to enjoy\\nwhat is ours, than that all our subjects may enjoy what by\\nlaw is theirs, by a full and entire administration of justice\\nthroughout the land, and by extending our mercy where it\\nis wanted and deserved.\\nAnd to the end that the fear of punishment may not\\nengage any, conscious to themselves of what is past, to a\\nperseverance in guilt for the future, by opposing the quiet\\n394", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 395\\nand happiness of their country, in the restoration of King,\\nPeers and people to their just, ancient and fundamental\\nrights, we do, by these presents, declare, that we do grant\\na free and general pardon, which we are ready, upon demand,\\nto pass under our Great Seal of England, to all our subjects,\\nof what degree or quality soever, who, within forty days after\\nthe publishing hereof,shall lay hold upon this our grace and\\nfavour, and shall, by any public act, declare their doing so,\\nand that they return to the loyalty and obedience of good\\nsubjects; excepting only such persons as shall hereafter be\\nexcepted by Parliament, those only to be excepted. Let all\\nour subjects, how faulty soever, rely upon the word of a\\nKing, solemnly given by this present declaration, that no\\ncrime whatsoever, committed against us or our royal father\\nbefore the publication of this, shall ever rise in judgment, or\\nbe brought in question, against any of them, to the least\\nendamagement of them, either in their lives, liberties or\\nestates, or (as far forth as lies in our power) so much as to\\nthe prejudice of their reputations, by any reproach or term\\nof distinction from the rest of our best subjects we desiring\\nand ordaining that henceforth all notes of discord, separation\\nand difference of parties be utterly abolished among all our\\nsubjects, whom we invite and conjure to a perfect union\\namong themselves, under our protection, for the re-settlement\\nof our just rights and theirs in a free Parliament, by which,\\nupon the word of a King, we will be advised.\\nAnd because the passion and uncharitableness of the\\ntimes have produced several opinions in religion, by which\\nmen are engaged in parties and animosities against each\\nother (which, when they shall hereafter unite in a freedom\\nof conversation, will be composed or better understood), we\\ndo declare a liberty to tender consciences, and that no man\\nshall be disquieted or called in question for differences of\\nopinion in matter of religion, which do not disturb the peace\\nof the kingdom and that we shall be ready to consent to such\\nan Act of Parliament, as, upon mature deliberation, shall be\\noffered to us, for the full granting that indulgence.\\nAnd because in the continued distractions of so many years,\\nand so many and great revolutions, many grants and pur-\\nchases of estates have been made to and by many officers,\\nsoldiers and others, who are now possessed of the same, and\\nwho may be liable to actions at law upon several titles, we\\nare likewise willing that all such differences, and all things\\nrelating to such grants, sales and purchases, shall be deter-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "396 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nmined in Parliament, which can best provide for the satis-\\nfaction of all men who are concerned.\\nAnd we do further declare, that we will be ready to consent\\nto any Act or Acts of Parliament to the purposes aforesaid,\\nand for the full satisfaction of all arrears due to the officers\\nand soldiers in the army under the command of General\\nMonk; and that they shall be received into our service upon\\nas good pay and conditions as they now enjoy.\\nGiven under our Sign Manual and Privy Signet,\\nat our Court at Breda, this V^^ day of April,\\n1660, in the twelfth year of our reign.\\n{Parliamentary History, ed. cit., XXII, 238.)\\n172. Reception of the Declaration of Breda by Parliament\\nParliamentary Intelligencer\\nParliament s enthusiastic, if not servile, reception of the com-\\nmunication from Charles II. is in strong contrast to the actions\\nof that body in the preceding decade. It may be questioned\\nwhether either body faithfully expressed the W\\\\\\\\\\\\ of the majority\\nof the people; but it was evident that the (commonwealth had\\nproved a failure and that there was in the popular mind a strong\\nloyalty to the House of Stuart. A king was the only means of\\nreconciling the warring factions and Parliament recognized at\\nonce its necessity and opportunity.\\nRECEPTION OF THE DECLARATION OF BREDA BY THE LORDS\\n(May I, 1660)\\nWhitehall, Tuesday. The House of Lords being informed\\nthat Sir John Grenville attended at the door with a letter\\nfrom his Majesty, the earl of Manchester, speaker to the\\nHouse of Lords, went down near the clock to receive it of\\nhim. The letter with a declaration enclosed was read in the\\nHouse, and thanks ordered to be given to Sir John Grenville\\nfor bringing the gracious letter.\\nThe House resolved that they do own and declare that\\naccording to the ancient and fundamental laws of this king-\\ndom, the government is and ought to be by king, lords, and\\ncommons. That the lords having a deep sense of the miser-\\nies and distractions that the kingdom hath been involved in\\nsince the violent attempts to dissolve the established govern-\\nment, do desire that some way may be considered how to\\nmake up these breaches; and to obtain the king s return\\nagain to his people.\\n{Parliamentary Intelligencer no. 19, pp. 291, 292.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 397\\nBY THE COMMONS\\nResolved nemine contradicente. That a committee be\\nappointed to prepare an answer to his Majesty s letter, ex-\\npressing the great and joyful sense of House of his gracious\\noffers and their humble and hearty thanks to his Majesty\\nfor the same, and with professions of their loyalty and\\nduty to his Majesty, and that this House will give a speedy\\nanswer to his Majesty s gracious proposals.\\n*A committee was appointed accordingly.\\nResolved ncuiinc contradicente.\\nThat the sum of \u00c2\u00a350,000\\nbe presented to his Majesty by the House.\\nTuesday afternoon. Resolved that this House doth agree\\nwith the lords and do own and declare, that according to the\\nancient and fundamental laws of this kingdom, the govern-\\nment is and ought to be by king, lords, and commons.\\n(^Parliamentary Intelligencer, no. 19, p. 293.)\\n173. The Commons thank Sir John Grenville for Bringing\\nthe Declaration\\n(May 3, 1660)\\nMercurius Publicus\\nThe words of the Speaker of the House of Commons merely-\\nvoiced the thought of the nation. Beneath the exuberance of\\nlanguage lies the true spirit of loj^alty. Throughout the period\\nof the Commonwealth, the majority of Englishmen had clung to\\nthe hope that the king would yet come to his own.\\nTHE COMMONS THANK SIR JOHN GRENVILLE FOR BRINGING\\nTHE DECLARATION\\nThursday. The House being informed that Sir John\\nGrenville was at the door, he was called in to receive the\\nthanks of the House, which Mr. Speaker delivered, as fol-\\nloweth\\nSir John Grenville, I need not tell you with what grate-\\nful and thankful hearts the Commons now assembled in Par-\\nliament have received his Majesty s gracious letter, res ipsa\\nloquitur: you yourself have been aiiricidaris ct ocularis testis\\nde rei veritate. Our bells and our bonfires have already be-\\ngun the proclamation of his Majesty s goodness and of our\\njoys. We have told the people that our king, the glory of\\nEngland, is coming home again, and they have resounded it\\nback again in our ears that they are ready and their hearts\\nare open to receive him; both Parliament and people have", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "398 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncried aloud in their prayers to the King of Kings, Long live\\nking Charles the second!\\n{Mercurius Publictcs, no. 19, p. 292.)\\n174. Resolutions of Parliament urging the King to Return\\n(May 8 and 9, 1660)\\nTuesday. At the House of Commons. Resolved, That\\nthe king s Majesty be desired to make a speedy return to his\\nParliament, and to the exercise of his kingly office.\\nWednesday. Ordered by the Lords and Commons that\\ngeneral Montague do receive the commands of the king s\\nMajesty for the disposal of the fleet in order to his Majesty s\\nreturn.\\nThe Lords agreed to the vote for his Majesty s return to\\nthe Parliament and kingly office\\n{Mercuri7(s Publicus, No. 19, p. 304.)\\n175. The Beginning of Cabinet Government\\n(1672)\\nHistorian s Guide, Crook\\nThe beginnings of Cabinet Government in England are to be\\nfound in the history of the secret council, popularly called the\\nCabal, from the initials of the surnames of its members. The\\nselections next following will serve to awaken interest in the\\ndevelopment of the Cabinet.\\nSHAFTESBURY^ AS HEAD OF CABAL^ TAKES GREAT SEAL\\nNov. 4, 1672.\\nSir Orlando Bridgeman, late Lord Keeper, having re-\\nsigned by reason of his great age and a continual indis-\\nposition of body, the Great Seal went into the hands of his\\nMajesty.\\nNov. 17.\\nHis Majesty was pleased to deliver the keeping of .it to the\\nRight Honourable Anthony Ashley Cooper, earl of Shaftes-\\nbury, with the title of Lord Chancellor of England.\\n(Crook, W., Historian s Guide, Lond. 1679.)\\n176. Opinion of French Court concerning Members of Cabal\\nSecret History of Whitehall\\nThe ministers of this Court are not only the most in-\\nquisitive persons in the world into the affairs of other\\nCourts, but even in the persons who manage them; whose\\nnatures, dispositions, religion, natural and acquired abilities,\\nas well as respective infirmities, they endeavour to sift OUt", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 399\\nto the quick so that they may use them or shun them as they\\nfind occasion and for this reason it is that they make some\\nremarks upon them in their minutes, as well as upon the\\naffairs transacted by them. And therefore since the five\\npersons who made up the Cabal in England and who\\nyour lordship may remember were the dukes of Buckingham\\nand Lauderdale, the earls of Shaftesbury and Arlington, and\\nthe Lord Treasurer Clifford, were very distinguishable for\\nthe stations they filled, the offices they held and the parts\\neach of them acted in the government I find this character\\ngiven of them for the duke of Buckingham, as he was the\\nking s favourite, so he really deserved to be so, as being\\nvery capable to be a minister of state if his application to\\nbusiness had been answerable to his talents if his mind,\\nwhich was furnished with excellent endowments, had not\\nbeen distracted by libertinism, which was in him to an ex-\\ntreme degree and by a love to his pleasures, which made one\\nof those persons in the world that was fittest for great and\\nsolid things vain and frivolous. Of the duke of Lauderdale\\nthere is little or nothing said but that he is a great and quaint\\npolitician, and no question but he has merited that character\\nat their hand. Of my lord Clifford they are as profuse in\\ntheir praises, as I doubt they have been too of their money\\nsaying he was a person who wanted nothing but a theatre\\nwhere virtue and reason had been much more in use than\\nit was in his country in the age wherein he lived, for to be\\nsuperior to and overtop the rest. My lord of Arlington they\\nmake to be a person of meaner capacity, and a more limited\\ngenius than any of the five, but say his experiences supply\\nthe defect, and have acquired him especially a very great\\nknowledge of foreign affairs. Last of all, they bring in\\nAnthony Ashley-Cooper, the renowned earl of Shaftesbury\\nof whom they say he was by far the fittest person of any of\\nthem to manage a great enterprise, and so was as the soul\\nto all the rest, being endued with a vast capacity, clear judg-\\nment, bold nature, and subtle wit, equally firm and constant\\nin all he undertook a constant friend but an implacable\\nenemy with many other expressions, such as his not being\\nterrified either with the greatness or the multitude of crimes\\nhe judges necessary for his own preservation, or the destruc-\\ntion of others much to his lordship s dishonour, which is a\\nclear argument he was not for their interest, and for which\\nhe is much beholden to them.\\n{Letter in the Secret Hist, of Whitehall, Lond., 1717, vol I., pp. 78, 79.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "400 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n177. The Habeas Corpus Act\\n(31 Car. II, c. ii, 1679)\\nStaUites of the Realm\\nIn the 39th and 40th clauses of the Magna Charta are clearly\\ncontained the Habeas Corpus and the Trial by Jury, the most\\neffectual securities against oppression which the wisdom of man\\nhas hitherto been able to devise. For centuries before, as for\\ncenturies after, the Great Charter, the abuses of judicial_ processes\\nby the Crown led to complaint and discontent, which finally cul-\\nminated in open rebellion. Again and again the kings broke their\\npromises to abide by the law and to measure out that even-handed\\njustice which the great documents of English history sought to\\nsecure for the people. At last, in 1679, the great Habeas Corpus\\nAct was passed. It had radical defects, but these were remedied\\nby the Bill of Rights (No. 190) and by an Act for More Effec-\\ntually Securing the Liberty of the Subject (1812). The Habeas\\nCorpus Act remains the basis of all legislation on its subject\\nthroughout English-speaking states.\\nAn Act for the better securing the Liberty of the Subject,\\nand for Prevention of Imprisonments beyond the Seas.\\nWhereas great delays have been used by sheriffs, gaolers,\\nand other officers, to whose custody any of the king s sub-\\njects have been committed for criminal or supposed criminal\\nmatters, in making returns of writs of Habeas Corpus to\\nthem directed, by standing out an Alias and Pluries Habeas\\nCorpus, and sometimes more, and by other shifts to avoid\\ntheir yielding obedience to such writs, contrary to their duty\\nand the known laws of the land, whereby many of the king s\\nsubjects have been and hereafter may be long detained in\\nprison, in such cases where by law they are bailable, to their\\ngreat charges and vexation\\nII. For the prevention whereof, and the more speedy relief\\nof all persons imprisoned for any such criminal or supposed\\ncriminal matters; be it enacted by the King s most excellent\\nMajesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords\\nSpiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Par-\\nliament assembled, and by the authority thereof, that when-\\nsoever any person or persons shall bring any Habeas Corpus\\ndirected unto any sheriff or sheriffs, gaoler, minister, or\\nother person whatsoever, for any person in his or their cus-\\ntody, and the said writ shall be served upon the said officer,\\nor left at the gaol or prison with any of the under-officers,\\nunder-keepers or deputy of the said officers or keepers, that\\nthe said officer or officers, his or their under-officers, under-\\nkeepers or deputies, shall within three days after the service", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 401\\nthereof as aforesaid (unless the commitment aforesaid were\\nfor treason or felony, plainly and specially expressed in the\\nwarrant of commitment) upon payment or tender of the\\ncharges of bringing the said prisoner, to be ascertained by\\nthe judge or court that awarded the same, and endorsed\\nupon the said writ, not exceeding twelve pence per mile, and\\nupon security given by his own bond to pay the charges of\\ncarrying back the prisoner, if he shall be remanded by the\\ncourt or judge to which he shall be brought according to the\\ntrue intent of this present act, and that he will not make any\\nescape by the way, make return of such writ and bring or\\ncause to be brought the body of the party so committed or\\nrestrained, unto or before the Lord Chancellor, or Lord\\nKeeper of the great seal of England for the time being, or\\nthe judges or barons of the said court from whence the said\\nwrit shall issue, or unto and before such other person or\\npersons before whom the said writ is made returnable, ac-\\ncording to the command therof and shall then likewise cer-\\ntify the true causes of his detainer or imprisonment, unless\\nthe commitment of the said party be in any place beyond the\\ndistance of twenty miles from the place or placej^where such\\ncourt or person is or shall be residing; and if beyond the\\ndistance of twenty miles, and not above one hundred miles,\\nthen within the space of ten days, and if beyond the distance\\nof one hundred miles, then within the space of twenty days,\\nafter such delivery aforesaid, and not longer.\\nIIL And to the intent that no sheriff, gaoler or other of-\\nficer may pretend ignorance of the import of any such writ\\nbe it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all such writs\\nshall he marked in this manner, per sfatutuui triccsiuio primo\\nCaroli sccundi regis, and shall be signed by the person that\\nawards the same and if any person or persons shall be or\\nstand committed or detained as aforesaid, for any crime, un-\\nless for felony or treason plainly expressed in the warrant of\\ncommitment, in the vacation-time, and out of term, it shall\\nand may be lawful to and for the person or persons so com-\\nmitted or detained (other than persons convict or in execu-\\ntion by legal process) or any one on his or their behalf, to\\nappeal or complain to the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper,\\nor any one of his Majesty s justices, either of the one bench\\nor of the other, or the barons of the exchequer of the degree\\nof the coif; and the said Lord Chancellor, Lord Keeper, jus-\\ntices or barons or any of them, upon view of the copy or\\ncopies of the warrant or warrants of commitment and de-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "402 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY _^\\ntainer, or otherwise upon oath made that such copy or copies\\nwere denied to be given by such person or persons in whose\\ncustody the prisoner or prisoners is or are detained, are here-\\nby authorized, and required, upon request made in writing by\\nsuch person or persons or any on his, her or their behalf,\\nattested and subscribed by two witnesses who were present at\\nthe delivery of the same, to award and grant an Habeas Cor-\\npus under the seal of such court whereof he shall then be one\\nof the judges, to be directed to the officer or officers in whose\\ncustody the party so committed or detained shall be, return-\\nable immediate before the said Lord Chancellor or Lord\\nKeeper, or such justice, baron or any other justice or baron\\nof the degree of the coif of any of the said courts and upon\\nservice thereof as aforesaid, the officer or officers, his or\\ntheir under-officer or under-officers, under-keeper or under-\\nkeepers, or their deputy, in whose custody the party is so\\ncommitted or detained, shall within the times respectively\\nbefore limited, bring such prisoner or prisoners before the\\nsaid Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, or such justices, barons\\nor one of them, before whom the said writ is made returnable,\\nand in case of his absence before any of them, with the return\\nof such writ, and the true causes of th.e commitment and\\ndetainer and thereupon within two days after the party shall\\nbe brought before them, the said Lord Chancellor or Lord\\nKeeper, or such justice or baron before whom the prisoner\\nshall be brought as aforesaid, shall discharge the said prisoner\\nfrom his imprisonment, taking his or their recognizance, with\\none or more surety or sureties, in any sum according to their\\ndiscretions, having regard to the quality of the prisoner and\\nnature of the offence, for his or their appearance in the court\\nof king s bench the term following, or at the next assizes,\\nsessions, or general gaol-delivery of and for such county,\\ncity, or place where the commitment was, or where the\\noffence was committed, or in such other court where the said\\noffence is properly cognizable, as the case shall require, and\\nthen shall certify the said writ with the return thereof, and\\nthe said recognizance or recognizances into the said court\\nwhere such appearance is to be made; unless it shall appear\\nunto the said Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, or justice or\\njustices, or baron or barons, that the party so committed is\\ndetained upon a legal process, order or warrant, out of some\\ncourt that hath jurisdiction of criminal matters, or by some\\nwarrant signed and sealed with the hand and seal of any of\\nthe said justices or barons, or some justice or justices of the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 403\\npeace, for such matters or offences for the which by the law\\nthe prisoner is not bailable.\\nIV. Provided always, and be it enacted, that if any person\\nshall have wilfully neglected by the space of two whole terms\\nafter his imprisonment, to pray a Habeas Corpus for his en-\\nlargement, such person so wilfully neglecting shall not have\\nany Habeas Corpus to be granted in vacation-time, in pur-\\nsuance of this act.\\nV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that\\nif any officer or officers, his or their under-officer or under-\\nof f icers, under-keeper or under-keepers, or deputy, shall neglect\\nor refuse to make the returns aforesaid, or to bring the body\\nor bodies of the prisoner or prisoners according to the com-\\nmand of the said writ, within the respective times aforesaid,\\nor upon demand made by the prisoner or person in his behalf,\\nshall refuse to deliver, or within the space of six hours after\\ndemand shall not deliver, to the person so demanding, a true\\ncopy of the warrant or warrants of commitment and detainer\\nof such prisoner, which he and they are hereby required to\\ndeliver accordingly all and every the head gaolers and\\nkeepers of such prisons, and such other person in whose\\ncustody the prisoner shall be detained, shall for the first\\noffence forfeit to the prisoner or party grieved the sum of\\none hundred pounds and for the second offence the sum of\\ntwo hundred pounds, and shall and is hereby made incapable\\nto hold or execute his said office; the said penalties to be\\nrecovered by the prisoner or party grieved, his executors or\\nadministrators, against such offender, his executors or ad-\\nministrators, by any action of debt, suit, bill, plaint, or in-\\nformation, in any of the king s courts at Westminster, where-\\nin no essoin, protection, privilege, injunction, wager of law,\\nor stay of prosecution by non vult niter ins prosequi, or other-\\nwise, shall be admitted or allowed, or any more than one im-\\nparlance and any recovery or judgment at the suit of any\\nparty grieved, shall be a sufficient conviction for the first\\noffence; and any after recovery or judgment at the suit of a\\nparty grieved for any offence after the first judgment, shall\\nbe a sufficient conviction to bring the officers or person\\nwithin the said penalty for the second offence.\\nVI. And for the prevention of unjust vexation by reiter-\\nated commitments for the same offence be it enacted by the\\nauthority aforesaid, that no person or persons which shall\\nbe delivered or set at large upon any Habeas Corpus, shall\\nat any time hereafter be again imprisoned or committed for", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "404 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthe same offence by any person or persons whatsoever, other\\nthan by the legal order and process of such court wherein he\\nor they shall be bound by recognizance to appear, or other\\ncourt having jurisdiction of the cause; and if any other per-\\nson or persons shall knowingly contrary to this act recommit\\nor imprison, or knowingly procure or cause to be recommitted\\nor imprisoned, for the same offence or pretended offence,\\nany person or persons delivered or set at large as aforesaid,\\nor be knowingly aiding or assisting therein, then he or they\\nshall forfeit to the prisoner or party grieved the sum of five\\nhundred pounds; any colourable pretence or variation in the\\nwarrant or warrants of commitment notwithstanding, to be\\nrecovered as aforesaid.\\nVII. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that if\\nany person or persons shall be committed for high treason or\\nfelony, plainly and specially expressed in the warrant of com-\\nmitment, upon his prayer or petition in open court the first\\nweek of the term, or first day of the sessions of Oyer and\\nTerminer or general gaol-delivery, to be brought to his trial,\\nshall not be indicted some time in the next term, sessions of\\nOyer and Terminer or general gaol-delivery, aftei* such com-\\nmitment; it shall and may be lawful to and for the judges of\\nthe court of king s bench and justices of Oyer and Terminer\\nor general gaol-delivery, and they are hereby required, upon\\nmotion to them made in open court the last day of the term,\\nsessions or gaol-delivery, either by the prisoner or any one\\nin his behalf, to set at liberty the prisoner upon bail, unless\\nit appears to the judges and justices upon oath made, that\\nthe witnesses for the king could not be produced the same\\nterm, sessions or general gaol-delivery; and if any person or\\npersons committed as aforesaid, upon his prayer or petition\\nin open court the first week of the term or first day of the\\nsessions of Oyer and Terminer and general gaol-delivery, to\\nbe brought to his trial, shall not be indicted and tried the\\nsecond term, sessions of Oyer and Terminer or general gaol-\\ndelivery, after his commitment, or upon his trial shall be\\nacquitted, he shall be discharged from his imprisonment.\\nVIII. Provided always, that nothing in this act shall ex-\\ntend to discharge out of prison any person charged in debt,\\nor other action, or with process in any civil cause, but that\\nafter he shall be discharged of his imprisonment for such\\nhis criminal offence, he shall be kept in custody according to\\nthe law, for such other suit.\\nIX. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authorities", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 405\\naforesaid, that if any person or persons, subjects of this\\nreahii, shall be committed to any prison or in custody of any\\nofficer or officers whatsoever, for any criminal or supposed\\ncriminal matter, that the said person shall not be removed\\nfrom the said prison and custody into the custody of any\\nother officer or officers unless it be by Habeas Corpus or\\nsome other legal writ or where the prisoner is delivered to\\nthe constable or other inferior officer to carry such prisoner\\nto some common goal or where any person is sent by order\\nof any judge of assize or justice of the peace to any common\\nworkhouse or house of correction or where the prisoner is\\nremoved from one prison or place to another within the\\nsame county, in order to his or her trial or discharge in due\\ncourse of law or in case of sudden fire or infection, or other\\nnecessity; and if any person or persons shall after such com-\\nmitment aforesaid make out and sign, or countersign any\\nwarrant or warrants for such removal aforesaid, contrary to\\nthis act as well he that makes or signs, or countersigns such\\nwarrant or warrants as the officer or officers that obey or\\nexecute the same, shall suffer and incur the pains and for-\\nfeitures in this act before mentioned, both for the first and\\nsecond offence respectively, to be recovered in manner afore-\\nsaid by the party grieved.\\nX. Provided also, and be it further enacted by the author-\\nity aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for any\\nprisoner and prisoners as aforesaid, to move and obtain his\\nor their Habeas Corpus as well out of the high court of chan-\\ncery or court of exchequer, as out of the courts of king s\\nbench or common pleas, or either of them; and if the said\\nLord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, or any judge or judges,\\nbaron or barons for the time being, of the degree of the coif,\\nof any of the courts aforesaid, in the vacation-time, upon\\nview of the copy or copies of the warrant or warrants of\\ncommitment or detainer, or upon oath made that such copy\\nor copies were denied as aforesaid, shall deny any writ of\\nHabeas Corpus by this act required to be granted, being\\nmoved for as aforesaid, they shall severally forfeit to the\\nprisoner or party grieved the sum of five hundred pounds, to\\nbe recovered in manner aforesaid.\\nXL And be it declared and enacted by the authority afore-\\nsaid, that an Habeas Corpus according to the true intent and\\nmeaning of this act, may be directed and run into any county\\npalatine, the cinque-ports, or other privileged places within\\nthe kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, or town of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "4o6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nBerwick upon Tweed, and the islands of Jersey or Guernsey\\nany law or usage to the contrary notwithstanding.\\nXII. And for preventing illegal imprisonments in prisons\\nbeyond the seas be it further enacted by the authority afore-\\nsaid, that no subject of this realm that now is, or hereafter\\nshall be an inhabitant or resiant of this kingdom of England,\\ndominion of Wales, or town of Berwick upon Tweed, shall\\nor may be sent prisoner into Scotland, Ireland, Jersey, Guern-\\nsey, Tangier, or into parts, garrisons, islands or places be-\\nyond the seas, which are or at any time hereafter shall be\\nwithin or without the dominions of his Alajesty, his heirs or\\nsuccessors; and that every such imprisonment is hereby en-\\nacted and adjudged to be illegal; and that if any of the said\\nsubjects now is or hereafter shall be so imprisoned, every\\nsuch person and persons so imprisoned, shall and may for\\nevery such imprisonment maintain by virtue of this act an\\naction or actions of false imprisonment, in any of his\\nMajesty s courts of record, against the person or persons by\\nwhom he or she shall be so committed, detained, imprisoned,\\nsent prisoner or transported, contrary to the true meaning of\\nthis act, and against all or any person or persons that shall\\nframe, contrive, write, seal or countersign any warrant or\\nwriting for such commitment, detainer, imprisonment, or\\ntransportation, or shall be advising, aiding or assisting in\\nthe same, or any of them; and the plaintiff in every such\\naction shall have judgment to recover his treble costs, besides\\ndamages, which damages so to be given, shall not be less than\\nfive hundred pounds; in which action no delay, stay or stop\\nof proceeding by rule, order or command, nor no injunction,\\nprotection or privilege whatsoever, nor any more than one\\nimparlance shall be allowed, excepting such rule of the court\\nwherein the action shall depend, made in open court, as shall\\nbe thought in justice necessary, for special cause to be ex-\\npressed in the said rule and the person or persons who shall\\nknowingly frame, contrive, write, seal or countersign any\\nwarrant for such commitment, detainer, or transportation, or\\nshall so commit, detain, imprison or transport any person or\\npersons contrary to this act, or be any ways advising, aiding\\nor assisting therein, being lawfully convicted thereof, shall\\nbe disabled from thenceforth to bear any office of trust or\\nprofit within the said realm of England, dominion of Wales,\\nor town of Berwick upon Tweed, or any of the islands, terri-\\ntories or dominions thereunto belonging; and shall incur and\\nsustain the pains, penalties, and forfeitures limited, ordained", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 407\\nand provided in and by the statute of Provision and Prce-\\nmunire made in the sixteenth year of King Richard the\\nsecond; and be incapable of any pardon from the king, his\\nheirs or successors, of the said forfeitures, losses, or disabili-\\nties, or any of them.\\nXIII. Provided always, that nothing in this act shall ex-\\ntend to give benefit to any person who shall by contract in\\nwriting agree with any merchant or owner of any plantation,\\nor other person whatsoever, to be transported to any parts\\nbeyond the seas, and receive earnest upon such agreement,\\nalthough that afterwards such persons shall renounce such\\ncontract.\\nXIV. Provided always, and be it enacted, that if any per-\\nson or persons lawfully convicted of any felony, shall in open\\ncourt pray to be transported beyond the seas, and the court\\nshall think fit to leave him or them in prison for that pur-\\npose, such person or persons may be transported into any\\nparts beyond the seas this act, or anything therein contained\\nto the contrary notwithstanding.\\nXV. Provided also, and be it enacted, that nothing herein\\ncontained shall be deemed, construed or taken, to extend to\\nthe imprisonment of any person before the first day of June\\none thousand six hundred seventy and nine, or to anything\\nadvised, procured, or otherwise done, relating to such im-\\nprisonment anything herein contained to the contrary not-\\nwithstanding.\\nXVI. Provided also, that if any person or persons at any\\ntime resiant in this realm, shall have committed any capital\\noffence in Scotland or Ireland, or any of the islands, or for-\\neign plantations of the king, his heirs or successors, where\\nhe or she ought to be tried for such offence, such person or\\npersons may be sent to such place, there to receive such trial,\\nin such manner as the same might have been used before the\\nmaking of this act anything herein contained to the contrary\\nnotwithstanding.\\nXVII. Provided also, and be it enacted, that no person or\\npersons shall be sued, impleaded, molested or troubled for\\nany offence against this act, unless the party offending be\\nsued or impleaded for the same within two years at the most\\nafter such time wherein the offence shall be committed, in\\ncase the party grieved shall not be then in prison and if he\\nshall be in prison, then within the space of two years after\\nthe decease of the person imprisoned, or his or her delivery\\nout of prison, which shall first happen.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "4o8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nXVIII. And to the intent no person may avoid his trial at\\nthe assizes or general gaol-delivery, by procuring his removal\\nbefore the assizes, at such time as he cannot be brought back\\nto receive his trial there be it enacted, that after the assizes\\nproclaimed for that county where the prisoner is detained, no\\nperson shall be removed from the common gaol upon any\\nHabeas Corpus granted in pursuance of this act, but upon\\nany such Habeas Corpus shall be brought before the judge of\\nassize in open court, who is thereupon to do what to justice\\nshall appertain.\\nXIX. Provided nevertheless, that after the assizes are\\nended, any person or persons detained, may have his or her\\nHabeas Corpus according to the direction and intention of\\nthis act.\\nXX. And be it also enacted by the authority aforesaid, that\\nif any information, suit or action shall be brought or exhib-\\nited against any person or persons for any offence committed\\nor to be committed against the form of this law, it shall be\\nlawful for such defendants to plead the general issue, that\\nthey are not guilty, or that they owe nothing, and to give\\nsuch special matter in evidence to the jury that shall try the\\nsame, which matter being pleaded had been good and suffi-\\ncient matter in law to have discharged the said defendant or\\ndefendants against the said information, suit or action, and\\nthe said matter shall be then as available to him or them, to\\nall intents or purposes, as if he or they had sufficiently\\npleaded, set forth or alleged the same matter in bar or dis-\\ncharge of such information, suit or action.\\nXXI. And because m.any times persons charged w4th petty\\ntreason or felony, or as accessaries thereunto, are committed\\nupon suspicion only, whereupon they are bailable, or not, ac-\\ncording as the circumstances making out that suspicion are\\nmore or less weighty, which are best known to the justice of\\npeace that committed the persons, and have the examinations\\nbefore them, or to other justices of peace in the county be\\nit therefore enacted, that when any person shall appear to be\\ncommitted by any judge or justice of the peace, and charged\\nas accessary before the fact, to any petty treason, or felony,\\nor upon suspicion thereof, or with suspicion of petty treason\\nor felony, which petty treason or felony shall be plainly and\\nspecially expressed in the warrant of commitment, that such\\nperson shall not be removed or bailed by virtue of this act,\\nor in any other manner than they might have been before the\\nmaking of this act. ^^statutes of the Realm, V, 935, 93S,)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 409\\n178. James II, and the Catholics\\nFoley\\nJames II. was a fervid Catholic, and most anxious to further\\nthe promulgation of that faith with the realm. Indeed, his ex-\\ntreme enthusiasm in the cause of his Church cost him dearly.\\nThe following letter, though bearing evidence of a natural op-\\ntimism and perhaps self-persuasion, yet presents a vivid picture\\nof the status of the Catholic religion in England at the time\\nwhen the close of the Stuart dynasty was drawing near. If the\\nwords of the king were not exactly as quoted by the chronicler,\\nthere is no reason to doubt that their spirit did not vary from\\nthe account given.\\nLETTER FROM A JESUIT OF LIEGE TO A BROTHER OF HIS AT\\nFRIBURG\\nFebruary 1686-7.\\nIt is wonderful to see King James great affection to our\\nSociety. He wished prosperity to this whole College, by the\\nReverend Father the Provincial, and earnestly recommended\\nhimself to our prayers. Upon Father John Keynes return\\ninto England, he gave him a most gracious reception (while\\nearls and dukes were commanded for some hours to wait for\\nadmittance), with whom, in the Queen s presence, he dis-\\ncoursed with all familiarity. He asked him how many can-\\ndidates for Order he had, and how many students? And\\nupon the Provincial s answer to his Majesty, who was very\\nurgent with him That of the former, and of the latter he\\nhad above fifty. He replied: There would be occasion for\\ndouble or treble that number, to effect what he designed for\\nthat Society s performance, and ordered that they should be\\nall exercised in the art of preaching. For now, said he,\\nEngland has need of such.\\nI do not doubt but you have heard that the king, writing to\\nFather de la Chaise, the French King s confessor, concerning\\nthe affairs of the house among the Walloons, declared that\\nwhatever was done to the English Fathers of that house he\\nwould look upon as done to himself. Father Clare, Rector\\nof the same house, being arrived at London to treat of that\\nmatter, got an easy access to the King, and as easily gained\\nhis point. The King himself forbid him to kneel and kiss\\nhis hand, according to custom, saying: Reverend Father,\\nyou have indeed once kissed my hand; but, if I had known\\nthen, as I do now, that you were a priest, I would rather my-\\nself, Father, have kneeled down and kissed your hand. After\\nhe had finished his business, in a familiar conversation, his\\nMajesty told this Father That he would either convert Eng-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "410 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nland, or die a martyr and he had rather die the next day and\\nconvert it, than reign twenty years piously and happily and\\nnot effect it. Finally, he called himself a son of the So-\\nciety, of whose good success, he said, he was glad as of\\nhis own. And it can scarcely be expressed how much grati-\\ntude he showed when it was told him That he was made\\npartaker, by our very Reverend Provincial, of all the merits\\nof the Society out of which he is to nominate one for his\\nconfessor; but hitherto it is not known who it will be. Some\\nreport that it will be the Reverend Father Provincial, but\\nstill there is no certainty of that. Many are of opinion that\\nFather Edward R. Petre, who is chiefly in favour with the\\nKing, will obtain an archbishopric, but more believe it will be\\na Cardinal s cap. To him has been granted, within this\\nmonth or two, all that part of the Palace in which the King\\nused to reside, when he was Duke of York, where there is\\nnot a day but you may see I know not how many courtiers\\nwaiting to speak to his Eminence, for so they say he is\\ncalled. For the King advises with him, and with many\\nCatholic lords, who have the chief places in the kingdom, to\\nfind a method to propagate the faith without violence. Not\\nlong since, some of these lords objected to the King: That\\nthey thought he made too much haste to establish the faith.\\nTo whom he answered: I am growing old, and must take\\nlarge steps, else, if I should happen to die, I might perhaps\\nleave you in a worse condition than I found you. When\\nthey asked him Why then was he so little concerned about\\nthe conversion of his daughters, who were the heirs of the\\nkingdom? he answered: God will take care of that; leave\\nthe conversion of my daughters to me. Do you, by your\\nexample, convert your tenants and others to the faith.\\nHe has Catholic Lord Lieutenants in most counties; and\\nwe shall shortly have Catholic Justices of the Peace in\\nalmost all places. We hope also that our affairs will have\\ngood success at Oxford. In the public chapel of our Vice-\\nChancellor, who is a Catholic, there is always one of our\\ndivines, who has converted some of the students to the faith.\\nThe Bishop of Oxford himself seems to be a great favourer\\nof the Catholic faith, he proposed to the Council Whether\\nit did not seem to be expedient that at least one College\\nshould be granted to the Catholics at Oxford, that they might\\nnot be forced to study beyond sea, at such great expenses.\\nBut it is not yet known what answer he had. The same\\nBishop, having invited two of our brethren together with", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 4\\nSGlae of his nobility, drank the King s heaUh to a certain\\nheretic lord who was in company Wishing his Majesty\\ngood success in all his undertakings adding also, That the\\nreligion of the Protestants in England did not seem to him in\\na better condition than Buda was before it was taken; and\\nthat they were next to atheists that defended that faith.\\nMany embrace the true religion, and four of the most con-\\nsiderable earls have lately made public confession of it.\\nFather Alexander Keynes, the Provincial s nephew, to whom\\nis committed the care of the chapel belonging to the Elector\\nof Palatine s Envoy, is continually taken up in solving and\\nanswering the questions of heretics who doubt of their faith,\\nof whom you may see two or three together walking by the\\nchapel door, continually disputing about some point of\\nreligion. As to Prince George, it is yet uncertain what\\nreligion he professes. We gradually begin to get footing\\nin England. We teach human learning [humanities] at\\nLincoln, Norwich, and York and at Worcester we have a\\npublic chapel protected by a guard of the King s soldiers;\\nand we are to buy some houses in the town of Wigan, Lan-\\ncashire. The Catholic interest grows very strong, and at\\nsome churches granted to the Catholics upon holidays there\\nare often counted fifteen hundred present at the sermon. At\\nLondon, also, our business is carried on with the same good\\nsuccess. Sermons are preached upon every holiday, and\\nthere are so many that frequent the chapels, that they are not\\nbig enough to hold them. Two of our Society, Dormer and\\nBertue, preach continually before the King and Queen\\nFather Edward Neville, before the Queen Dowager Father\\nAlexander Keynes in the chapel aforesaid others in other\\nchapels. There are many houses bought in the Savoy near\\nSomerset House, which is the Queen Dowager s Palace,\\ntowards the erecting of the first College in London for about\\neighteen thousand florins and they are hard at work to\\nbring them to the form of a College, that a school may be\\nopened before Easter.\\nA Catholic Lord Lieutenant is shortly to go over to Ire-\\nland, because the King cannot be satisfied with any other to\\nestablish the Catholic interest in that kingdom. The Parlia-\\nment will certainly sit in this month of February, of whom\\nhis Majesty is resolved to ask three things: First, that by\\na general Act all the Catholic peers shall be admitted to sit\\nin the Upper House secondly, that the Test may be abol-\\nished; and thirdly, which is the chief point, that all penal", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "412 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nlaws against Catholics should be abrogated. And that he\\nmay the better obtain these things he designs to let them all\\nknow: That he is resolved to turn out all those who will\\nnot heartily act for the obtaining of them; and likewise dis-\\nsolve the Parliament. At which resolution some heretics\\nbeing terrified, came to a certain earl to advise with him\\nwhat might be done; to whom he answered: The King s\\nmind is sufficiently known; what he has once said, he will\\ncertainly perform. If you love yourselves, submit to the\\nKing s pleasure. There is to be a great preparation of war\\nat London, and a fleet of above one hundred men of war is\\nto be fitted out against the spring, but against whom it is\\nuncertain. The Dutch are under great apprehensions, but\\nfor what reason, although they are said to make an arma-\\nment, time will discover.\\n{Records of the English Province of the Society offesus, ed. H. Foley,\\nLond., 1879. V, 157.)\\n179. The Last Appeal\\nKennet\\nIn the year 1688 the affairs of the kingdom had come to such\\na pass that James II., becoming alarmed for his throne because\\nof threatened invasion, resolved to radically reform his adminis-\\ntration. On Wednesday, October 3, the Archbishop of Canter-\\nbury and various members of the higher clergy, upon the king s\\ninvitation, presented to the monarch the following address\\n1. Our first humble advice is, that Your Majesty will be\\ngraciously pleased to put the management of your govern-\\nment in the several counties, into the hands of such of the\\nnobility and gentry there, as are legally qualified for it.\\n2. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to annul\\nyour Commission for Ecclesiastical Affairs, and that no such\\ncourt (as that Commission sets up) may be erected for the\\nfuture.\\n3. That Your Majesty will graciously be pleased, that no\\ndispensation may be granted or continued, by virtue whereof\\nany person, not duly qualified by law, hath been, or may be\\nput into any place, office or preferment, in church or state,\\nor in the universities, or continued in the same; especially\\nsuch as have cure of souls annexed to them And in particu-\\nlar, that you will be graciously pleased to restore the presi-\\ndent and fellows of St. Mary Magdalen College in Oxford.\\n4. That Your Majesty will graciously be pleased to set\\naside all licenses or faculties already granted, by which any\\npersons of the Romish communion may pretend to be enabled", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "THE RESTORATION 413\\nto teach public schools; and that no such be granted for the\\nfuture.\\n5. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to desist\\nfrom the exercise of such a dispensing power, as hath of late\\nbeen used; and to permit that point to be freely and calmly\\ndebated and argued, and finally settled in Parliament.\\n6. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to inhibit\\nthe four foreign bishops, who style themselves Vicars Apos-\\ntolical, from further invading the ecclesiastical jurisdiction,\\nwhich is by law vested in the bi-shops of this church.\\n7. That Your Majesty will be pleased graciously to fill the\\nvacant bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical promotions with-\\nin your gift, both in England and Ireland, with men of learn-\\ning and piety; and in particular, (which I must own to be\\nmy peculiar boldness, for tis done without the privity of my\\nbrethren) that you will be graciously pleased forthwith to\\nfill the Archiepiscopal Chair of York (which has so long\\nstood empty, and upon which a whole province depends)\\nwith some very worthy person: for which (pardon me. Sir,\\nif I am bold to say) you have now here before you a very\\nfair choice.\\n8. That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to super-\\nsede all further prosecution of Quo Warranto s against cor-\\nporations, and to restore to ihem their ancient charters,\\nprivileges, and franchises, as we hear God has put into Your\\nMajesty s heart to do for the City of London, which we in-\\ntended to have made otherwise one of our principal requests.\\n9. That if it please Your Majesty, writs may be issued out\\nwith convenient speed, for the calling of a free and regular\\nParliament, in which the church of England may be secured\\naccording to the Acts of Uniformity; provision may be made\\nfor a due liberty of conscience, and for securing the liber-\\nties and properties of all your subjects; and a mutual con-\\nfidence and good understanding may be established between\\nYour Majesty and all your people.\\n10. Above all. That Your Majesty will be graciously\\npleased to permit your bishops to offer you such motives and\\narguments, as (we trust) may, by God s grace, be effectual\\nto persuade Your Majesty to return to the communion of the\\nChurch of England, into whose most Holy Catholic faith you\\nwere baptized, and in which you were educated, and to which\\nit is our daily earnest prayer to God, that you may be re-\\nunited.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., vol. Ill, p. 521.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "PART VII\\nENGLAND A CONSTITUTIONAL\\nMONARCHY\\n4\u00c2\u00bbS", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIV\\nTHE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION\\n1 80. A Memorial from the Church of England to the\\nPrince of Orange\\n(1688)\\nThe encroachments of James upon the religious liberties of\\nthe people at last made the situation one impossible of con-\\ntinuance. There seemed to be no remedy but the second deposi-\\ntion of a Stuart. In this crisis, the people turned their gaze to\\nthe Prince of Orange, the one Protestant who had any claim of\\nsuccession, though this claim was only by marriage. The clergy\\nwere especially solicitous that he should come to the aid of the\\nProtestant faith, and to this end sent him the following earnest\\nappeal for countenance and protection.\\nYour Royal Highness cannot be ignorant that the Protest-\\nants of England, who continue true to their religion and\\ngovernment established by law, have been many ways\\ntroubled and vexed by restless contrivances and designs of\\nPapists, under pretence of the royal authority, and things\\nrequired of them unaccountable before God and man Eccle-\\nsiastical benefits and preferments taken from them, without\\nany other reason but the King s pleasure That they have\\nbeen summoned and sentenced by ecclesiastical commis-\\nsioners, contrary to law, deprived of their birth-right in the\\nfree choice of their magistrates and representatives divers\\ncorporations dissolved, the legal security of our religion and\\nliberty, established and ratified by King and Parliament,\\nannulled and overthrown by a pretended dispensing power:\\nNew and unheard-of maxims have been preached, as if sub-\\njects had no right but what depends on the King s will and\\npleasure The militia put into the hands of persons not quali-\\nfied by law, and a popish mercenary army maintained in the\\nkingdom in time of peace, absolutely contrary to the law the\\nexecution of the law against several high crimes and mis-\\ndemeanors superseded and prohibited The statutes against\\ncorrespondence with the court of Rome, papal jurisdiction,\\n417", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "4i8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand popish priests, suspended: That in courts of justice,\\nthose judges are displaced, who dare acquit them whom the\\nKing would have condemned; as happened to the judges\\nPowel and Holloway, for acquitting the seven bishops:\\nLiberty of chusing members of Parliament (notwithstanding\\nall the care taken, and provision made by law on that behalf)\\nwholly taken away, by Quo Warrantos served against cor-\\nporations and the three known questions All things carried\\non in open view for the propagation and growth of Popery,\\nfor which the courts of England and France have so long\\njointly laboured, with so much application and earnestness:\\nEndeavours to persuade your Royal Highnesses to liberty of\\nconscience, and abrogating the penal laws and tests wherein\\nthey fell short of their aim.\\nThat they most humbly implore the protection of your\\nRoyal Highnesses, as to the suspending and encroachments\\nmade upon law, for maintenance of the Protestant religion,\\nour civil and fundamental rights and privileges: And that\\nyour Royal Highnesses would be pleased to insist, that the\\nfree Parliament of England, according to law, may be re-\\nstored; the laws against Papists, priests, papal jurisdiction,\\netc. put in execution, and the suspending and dispensing\\npower declared null and void; the rights and privileges of\\nthe City of London, the free choice of their magistrates, and\\nthe liberties as well of that as of other corporations restored,\\nand all things returned to their ancient channel, etc.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 517.)\\n181. The Prince of Orange Reorganizes the Government\\n(Dec. 23, 1688)\\nAfter the flight of James, England was without a legal gov-\\nernment. The Prince of Orange, after due invitation, proceeded\\nto organize the administration. His first act was to provide for\\nthe calling of a Parliament, which he did in the following docu-\\nment.\\nWhereas the necessity of affairs does require speedy\\nadvice; We do desire all such persons as have served as\\nknights, citizens or burgesses, in any of the Parliaments that\\nwere held during the reign of the late K. Charles H. to meet\\nUs at St. James s, on Wednesday the 26th of this instant De-\\ncember, by ten of the clock in the morning. And We do\\nlikewise desire, that the Lord-Mayor and Court of Aldermen\\nof the City of London would be present at the same time:\\nAnd that the Common-Council would appoint fifty of their", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0442.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 419\\nnumber to be there likewise. And hereof we desire em not\\nto faih\\nGiven at St. James s, the 23d of December, 1688.\\nW. H. Prince of Orange.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 538.)\\n182. The Lords Invite William to Undertake the Government\\nThe first step toward the foundation of a free Parliament was\\ntaken when the Prince of Orange summoned the Commons to\\nconfer with him (No. 181). The next step was taken by the\\nLords. They met at Westminster on Dec. 25, 1688, and formally\\ninvited William to undertake the government of England until\\nthe first meeting of Parliament.\\nWe, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, assembled in this\\nconjuncture, do desire your Highness to take upon you the\\nadministration of the public affairs, both civil and military,\\nand the disposal of the public revenue, for the preservation\\nof our religion, rights, laws, liberties, and properties, and of\\nthe peace of the nation: And that your Highness will take\\ninto your particular care, the present condition of Ireland;\\nand endeavor, by the most effectual means, to prevent the\\ndangers threatening that kingdom. All which, we make our\\nrequest to your Highness to undertake and exercise, till the\\nmeeting of the intended convention, the 22d of January next.\\nIn which, we doubt not, such proper methods will be taken,\\nas will conduce to the establishment of these things upon\\nsuch sure and legal foundations, that they may not be in dan-\\nger of being again subverted.\\nDated at the House of Lords, Westm. Dec. 25th, 1688.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit.. Ill, 539-)\\n183. The Manner of Summoning Parliament\\nOn Christmas Day, 1688, the Lords at Westminster drew up a\\nsecond address containing suggestions as to the method for sum-\\nmoning and electing members of the Parliament to be held on\\nthe 22d of January, 1689.\\nWe, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, assembled at West-\\nminster in this extraordinary conjuncture, do humbly desire\\nyour Highness to cause letters to be written, subscribed by\\nyourself, to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal (being Prot-\\nestants;) and to the several counties, universities, cities,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0443.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "420 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nboroughs, and cinque-ports of England, Wales, and Town of\\nBerwick upon Twede. The letters for the counties, to be\\ndirected to the coroners of the respective counties or any one\\nof them; and in default of the coroners, to the clerk of the\\nPeace, of the respective counties: And the letters for the\\nuniversities, to be directed to every Vice-Chancellor And\\nthe letters to the several cities, boroughs, and cinque-ports,\\nto be directed to the chief magistrate of each respective\\ncity, borough, and cinque-port; containing directions for the\\nchoosing, in all such counties, cities, universities, boroughs,\\nand cinque-ports, within ten days after the receipt of the\\nrespective letters, such a number of persons to represent\\nthem, as are of right to be sent to Parliament: Of which\\nelections, and the times and places thereof, the respective\\nofficers shall give notice, within the space of five days at the\\nleast. Notice of the intended elections for the counties, to be\\npublished in the churches, immediately after the time of\\ndivine service and in all market-towns within the respective\\ncounties And notice of the intended elections for the\\ncities, universities, boroughs, and cinque-ports, to be pub-\\nlished within the said respective places. The said letters,\\nand the execution thereof, to be returned, by such officer\\nand officers who shall execute the same, to the Clerk of the\\nCrown in the Court of Chancery; so as the persons so to be\\nchosen, may meet and sit at Westminster, on the two and\\ntwentieth day of January next.\\nDated at the House of Lords, Westm. Dec. 25, 1688.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 539.)\\n184. Answer of the Prince to the Suggestions of the Lords\\n(Dec. 28, 1688)\\nIn a brief but comprehensive address the Prince assured the\\nLords that he favourably regarded their suggestions concerning\\nthe method of calling Parliament together.\\nI have considered of your advice and, as far as I am able,\\nI will endeavour to secure the peace of the nation, until the\\nmeeting of the convention in January next; for the election\\nthereof, I will forthwith issue out letters, according to your\\ndesire. I will also take care to apply the public revenue to\\nthe most proper uses that the present affairs require: And\\nlikewise endeavour to put Ireland into such a condition, as\\nthat the Protestant religion, and the English interests, may\\nbe maintained in that Kingdom. And I further assure you,\\nThat as I came hither for the preservation of the Protestant", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0444.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 421\\nreligion, and the laws and liberties of these kingdoms; so I\\nshall always be ready to expose myself to any hazard, for\\nthe defense of the same.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 540.)\\n185. William of Orange to the Commons\\n(Dec. 26, 1688)\\nIn accordance with the invitation of the Prince of Orange\\n(No. 181) members of the Commons House of the Parliaments\\nheld during the reign of Charles II., and the Lord Mayor and\\ncourt of the City of London, as well as representatives of the\\nCommon Council of the City of London, gathered for the pur-\\npose of forming a Parliament. The Prince briefly addressed\\nthem, and authorized them to carry out the purpose of their\\nmeeting.\\nYou gentlemen that have been members of the late Par-\\nliaments, I have desired you to meet me here, to advise the\\nbest manner how to persue the ends of my declaration, in\\ncalling a free Parliament, for the preservation of the Prot-\\nestant religion, and the restoring the rights and liberties of\\nthe kingdom, and settling the same, that they may not be in i\\ndanger of being again subverted. 3\\nAnd you the aldermen and members of the Common-Coun-\\ncil of the City of London, I desire the same of you. And in\\nregard your numbers are like to be great, you ma) if you\\nthink fit, divide yourselves, and sit in several places.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 539.\\n186. The Commons Answer the Prince\\n(Dec. 26, i688)\\nUpon receipt of the command (No. 185) the Commons unani-\\nmously consented to proceed with the organization of parlia-\\nmentary government. They thanked the Prince for undertaking\\nthe care of the kingdom, and suggested methods for calling the\\nParliament together.\\nWe who have served as members of the Parliaments\\nduring the reign of the late King Charles II. together with\\nthe Court of Aldermen, and members of the Common-Council\\nof the City of London, assembled at Your Highness s desire\\n(in this extraordinary conjuncture), do. with an unanimous\\nconsent, tender to your Highness our humble and hearty\\nthanks, for your coming in this kingdom, and exposing\\nyour person to so great hazards, for the preservation of our\\nreligion, laws, and liberties, and rescuing us from the mis-\\neries of popery and slavery And desire your Highness, that", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0445.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "422 SOURCE-BOOK OP ENGLISH HISTORY\\n(in pursuance of those ends, and for the preservation of\\nthe peace of the nation) your Highness will take upon you\\nthe administration of public affairs, both civil and military,\\nand the disposal of the public revenue.\\nWe do also desire, That your Highness will take into your\\nparticular care, the present condition of Ireland; and en-\\ndeavour, by the most speedy and effectual means, to prevent\\nthe dangers threatening that kingdom.\\nAll which, we desire your Highness to undertake and\\nexecute, until the meeting of the intended convention, the\\n22d day of January next\\n[Suggestions as to summoning Parliament follow. They\\nare almost identical with those of the Lords. No. 183.]\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 539.)\\n187. The Prince s Address to Parliament\\nOn Tuesday, January 22, 1688-9, the Lords Spiritual and\\nTemporal, and Commons, assembled at Westminster the Lord\\nMarquis of Halifax, executed the place of Speaker in the House\\nof Lords, and the Commons chose Henry Powle, Esq., to be their\\nspeaker. After which this letter from the Prince of Orange was\\nread in both Houses on the occasion of their meeting.\\nI have endeavoured, to the utmost of my power, to perform\\nwhat was desired from me, in order to the public peace and\\nsafety, and I do not know that any thing hath been omitted,\\nwhich might tend to the preservation of them, since the ad-\\nministration of affairs was put into my hands. It now\\nlieth upon you to lay the foundations of a firm security for\\nyour religion, your laws, and your liberties.\\nI do not doubt, but that by such a full and free repre-\\nsentative of the nation, as is now met, the ends of my decla-\\nration will be attained And since it hath pleased God hitherto\\nto bless my good intentions with so good success; I trust in\\nHim, that we will complete His own work, by sending a spirit\\nof peace and union, to influence your counsels, that no\\ninterruption may be given to an happy and lasting settle-\\nment.\\nThe dangerous condition of the Protestants in Ireland,\\nrequire a large and speedy succour; and the present state of\\nthings abroad, oblige me to tell you, that next to the danger\\nof unseasonable divisions amongst yourselves, nothing can\\nbe so fatal, as too great a delay in your consultations. The\\nstates, by whom I have been enabled to rescue this nation,\\nmay suddenly feel the ill effects of it, both by being too long", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0446.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 423\\ndeprived of the service of their troops, which are now here,\\nand of your early assistance against a powerful enemy, who\\nhath declared war against them. And as England is by\\ntreaty already engaged to help them upon such exigencies,\\nso I am confident that their cheerful concurrence to preserve\\nthis kingdom with so much hazard to themselves, will meet\\nwith all the returns of friendship and assistance, which may\\nbe expected from you as Protestants and Englishmen, when-\\never their condition shall require it.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 541.)\\n188. The Parliamentary Title of the Sovereigns of England\\n(Feb. 13, 1688)\\nThe era of Kingship by Divine Right passed with the fugitive\\nStuart. Once again in England the principle of an elective King-\\nship was vindicated. The title of William and Mary plainly\\nrested upon parliamentary action, and since 1688 the Sovereigns\\nof England have had in the will of the people a sure foundation\\nfor their thrones. The determination of William to be the sole\\nexecutive head of the nation, a determination that prohibited\\nthe co-sovereignty of Mary, is clearly shown in the act con-\\nferring the crown upon him.\\nThe said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons as-\\nsembled at Westminster, do Resolve:\\nThat William and Mary, Prince and Princess of Orange\\nbe, and be declared King and Queen of England, France,\\nand Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, to hold\\nthe crown and royal dignity of the said kingdoms and\\nDominions, to them the said Prince and Princess during their\\nlives, and the life of the survivor of them; and that the sole\\nand full exercise of the royal power be only in, and ex-\\necuted by the said Prince of Orange, in the names of the\\nPrince and Princess during their lives; And after their\\ndeceases, the said crown and royal dignity of the said king-\\ndoms and dominions to the heirs of the body of the said Prin-\\nces; And for default of such issue, to the Princess Anne\\nof Denmark, and the heirs of her body a rd for default\\nof such issue, to the heirs of the body of the said Prince of\\nOrange.\\nAnd the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons,\\ndo pray the said Prince and Princess of Orange to accept\\nthe same accordingly.\\nREPLY OF THE KING\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen:\\nThis is certainly the greatest proof of the trust you have", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0447.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "424 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nin me that can be given, which is the thing that makes us\\nvalue it the more And as I had no other intention in coming\\nhither, than to preserve your religion, laws, and liberties, so\\nyou may be sure, that I shall endeavour to support them, and\\nshall be willing to concur in anything that shall be for the\\ngood of the kingdom, and to do all that is in my power to\\nadvance the welfare and glory of the nation.\\n(Kennett, ed. cit., Ill, 548.)\\n189. The Bill of Rights\\n(i W. M. S. 2, c. 2, 1689)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nAmong the great constitutional documents the Bill of Rights,\\npassed in October, 1689, ranks with the Magna Charta, On this\\ngreat Act Macanlay says The Declaration of Right, though it\\nmade nothing law which had not been law before, contained the\\ngerm of the law which gave religious freedom to the Dissenter,\\nof the law which secured the independence of the judges, of the\\nlaw which limited the duration of parliaments, of the law which\\nplaced the liberty of the press under the protection of juries, of\\nthe law which prohibited the slave trade, of the law which abol-\\nished the sacramental test, of the law which relieved the Roman\\nCatholics from civil disabilities, of the law which reformed the\\nrepresentative system, of every good law which has been passed\\nduring more than a century and a half, of every good law which\\nmay hereafter, in the course of ages, be found necessary to pro-\\nmote the public weal, and to satisfy the demands of public\\nopinion.\\nBILL OF RIGHTS\\nWhereas the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons,\\nassembled at Westminster, lawfully, fully, and freely re-\\npresenting all the estates of the people of this realm, did,\\nupon the thirteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord\\none thousand six hundred eighty-eight, present unto theii\\nMajesties, then called and known by the names and style oi\\nWilliam and Mary, Prince and Princess of Orange, being\\npresent in their proper persons, a certain declaration in\\nwriting, made by the said Lords and Commons, in the words\\nfollowing viz\\nWhereas the late King James IL, by the assistance of\\ndiverse evil counsellors, judges, and ministers employed by\\nhim, did endeavour to subvert and extirpate the Protestant\\nreligion, and the laws and liberties of this kingdom:\\nI. By assuming and exercising a power of dispensing with\\nand suspending of laws, and the execution of laws, without\\nconsent of Parliament.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0448.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 42$\\n2. By committing and prosecuting divers worthy prelates,\\nfor humbly petitioning to be excused form concurring to the\\nsame assumed power.\\n3. By issuing and causing to be executed a commission\\nunder the Great Seal for erecting a court, called the Court\\nof Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes.\\n4. By levying money for and to the use of the Crown, by\\npretence of prerogative, for other time, and in other manner\\nthan the same was granted by Parliament.\\n5. By raising and keeping a standing army within this\\nkingdom in time of peace, without consent of Parliament,\\nand quartering soldiers contrary to law.\\n6. By causing several good subjects, being Protestants,\\nto be disarmed, at the same time when Papists were both\\narmed and employed contrary to law.\\n7. By violating the freedom of election of members to\\nserve in Parliament.\\n8. By prosecutions in the Court of King s Bench, for\\nmatters and causes cognizable only in Parliament; and by\\ndiverse other arbitrary and illegal courses.\\n9. And whereas of late years, partial, corrupt, and un-\\nqualified persons have been returned and served on juries in\\ntrials, and particularly diverse jurors in trials for high\\ntreason, which were not freeholders.\\n10. And excessive bail hath been required of persons com-\\nmitted in criminal cases, to elude the benefit of the laws\\nmade for the liberty of the subjects.\\n11. And excessive fines have been imposed; and illegal\\nand cruel punishments inflicted.\\n12. And several grants and promises made of fines and\\nforfeitures, before any conviction or judgment against the\\npersons upon whom the same were to be levied.\\nAll which are utterly and directly contrary to the known\\nlaws and statutes, and freedom of this realm.\\nAnd whereas the said late King James II. having abdicated\\nthe government, and the throne being thereby vacant, his\\nHighness the Prince of Orange (whom it hath pleased Al-\\nmighty God to make the glorious instrument of delivering\\nthis kingdom from popery and arbitrary power) did (by the\\nadvice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and diverse\\nprincipal persons of the Commons) cause letters to be written\\nto the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, being Protestants, and\\nother letters to thcp several counties, cities, universities, bor-\\noughs, and cinque ports, for the choosing of such persons", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0449.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "426 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nas represent them, as were of right to be sent to Parliament,\\nto meet and sit at Westminster upon the two-and-twentieth\\nday of January, in this year one thousand six hundred eighty\\nand eight, in order to such an establishment, as that their\\nreligion, laws and liberties might not again be in danger of\\nbeing subverted; upon which letters, elections have been ac-\\ncordingly made.\\nAnd thereupon the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal,\\nand Commons, pursuant to their respective letters and elec-\\ntions, being now assembled in a full and free representation\\nof this nation, taking into their most serious consideration\\nthe best means for attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the\\nfirst place (as their ancestors in like case have usually done),\\nfor the vindicating and asserting their ancient rights and\\nliberties, declare\\n1. That the pretended power of suspending of laws, or the\\nexecution of laws, by regal authority, without consent of\\nparliament, is illegal.\\n2. That the pretended power of dispensing with laws, or\\nthe execution of laws by regal authority, as it hath been as-\\nsumed and exercised of late, is illegal.\\n3. That the commission for erecting the late Court of Com-\\nmissioners for Ecclesiastical causes, and all other commis-\\nsions and courts of like nature, are illegal and pernicious.\\n4. That levying money for or to the use of the Crown, by\\npretence of prerogative, without grant of parliament, for\\nlonger time or in other manner than the same is or shall be\\ngranted, is illegal.\\n5. That it is the right of the subjects to petition the king,\\nand all commitments and prosecutions for such petitioning\\nare illegal.\\n6. That the raising or keeping a standing army within the\\nkingdom in time of peace, unless it be with consent of parlia-\\nment, is against law.\\n7. That the subjects which are Protestants may have arms\\nfor their defence suitable to their conditions, and as allowed\\nby law.\\n8. That election of members of parliament ought to be free.\\n9. That the freedom of speech, and debates or proceedings\\nin parliament, ought not to be impeached or questioned in\\nany court or place out of parliament.\\n10. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor exces-\\nsive fines imposed; nor cruel and unusrtal punishments in-\\nflicted.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0450.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 427\\n11. That jurors ought to be duly impanelled and returned,\\nand jurors which pass upon men in trials for high treason\\nought to be freeholders.\\n12. That all grants and promises of fines and forfeitures\\nof particular persons before conviction, are illegal and void.\\n13. And that for redress of all grievances, and for the\\namending, strengthening, and preserving of the laws, parlia-\\nment ought to be held frequently.\\nAnd they do claim, demand, and insist upon all and singular\\nthe premises, as their undoubted rights and liberties; and\\nthat no declarations, judgments, doings or proceedings, to the\\nprejudice of the people in any of the said premises, ought in\\nany wise to be drawn hereafter into consequence or example.\\nTo which demand of their rights they are particularly en-\\ncouraged by the declaration of his Highness the Prince of\\nOrange, as being the only means for obtaining a full redress\\nand remedy therein.\\nHaving therefore an entire confidence that his said High-\\nness the Prince of Orange will perfect the deliverance so far\\nadvanced by him, and will still preserve them from the viola-\\ntion of their rights, which they have here asserted, and from\\nall other attempts upon their religion, rights, and liberties\\n11. The said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons,\\nassembled at Westminster, do resolve, that William and\\nMary, Prince and Princess of Orange, be, and be declared,\\nKing and Queen of England, France, and Ireland, and the\\ndominions thereunto belonging, to hold the Crown and royal\\ndignity of the said kingdom and dominions to them the said\\nPrince and Princess during their lives, and the life of the\\nsurvivor of them and that the sole and full exercise of the\\nregal power be only in, and executed by, the said Prince of\\nOrange, in the names of the said Prince and Princess, during\\ntheir joint lives; and after their deceases, the said Crown and\\nroyal dignity of the said kingdoms and dominions to be to\\nthe heirs of the body of the said Princess; and for default\\nof such issue to the Princess Anne of Denmark, and the heirs\\nof her body and for default of such issue to the heirs of the\\nbody of the said Prince of Orange. And the Lords Spiritual\\nand Temporal, and Commons, do pray the said Prince and\\nPrincess to accept the same accordingly.\\nHL And that the oaths hereafter mentioned be taken by\\nall persons of whom the oaths of allegiance and supremacy\\nmight be required by law, instead of them and that the said\\noaths of allegiance and supremacy be abrogated.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0451.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "428 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n1, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear, That I will be\\nfaithful and bear true allegiance to their Majesties King\\nWilliam and Queen Mary:\\nSo help me God.\\nI, A. B., do swear, That I do from my heart, abhor, detest,\\nand abjure as impious and heretical, that damnable doctrine\\nand position, that Princes excommunicated or deprived by\\nthe Pope, or any authority of the See of Rome, may be de-\\nposed or murdered by their subjects, or any other what-\\nsoever. And I do declare, that no foreign prince, person,\\nprelate, state, or potentate hath, or ought to have, any juris-\\ndiction, power, superiority, pre-eminence, or authority ec-\\nclesiastical or spiritual, within this realm:\\nSo help me God.\\nIV. Upon which their said Majesties did accept the Crown\\nand royal dignity of the kingdoms of England, France, and\\nIreland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, according\\nto the resolution and desire of the said Lords and Commons\\ncontained in the said declaration.\\nV. And thereupon their Majesties were pleased, that the said\\nLords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, being the two\\nHouses of Par^-iament, should continue to sit, and with their\\nMajesties royal concurrence make effectual provision for\\nthe settlement of the religion, laws, and liberties of this king-\\ndom, so that the same for the future might not be in danger\\nagain of being subverted; to which the said Lords Spiritual\\nand Temporal, and Commons, did agree and proceed to act\\naccordingly.\\nVI. Now in pursuance of the premises, the said Lords\\nSpiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in parliament as-\\nsembled, for the ratifying, confirming, and establishing the\\nsaid declaration, and the articles, clauses, matters, and things\\ntherein contained, by the force of a law made in due form\\nby authority of parliament, do pray that it may be declared\\nand enacted. That all and singular the rights and liberties\\nasserted and claimed in the said declaration, are the true,\\nancient, and indubitable rights and liberties of the people\\nof this kingdom, and so shall be esteemed, allowed, adjudged,\\ndeemed, and taken to be, and that all and every the partic-\\nulars aforesaid shall be firmly and strictly holden and ob-\\nserved, as they are expressed in the said declaration; and\\nall officers and ministers whatsoever shall serve their Ma-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0452.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 429\\njesties and their successors according to the same in all times\\nto come.\\nVII. And the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and\\nCommons, seriously considering how it hath pleased Al-\\nmighty God, in his marvellous providence, and merciful\\ngoodness to this nation, to provide and preserve their said\\nMajesties royal persons most happily to reign over us upon\\nthe throne of their ancestors, for v^hich they render unto\\nHim from the bottom of their hearts ^their humblest thanks\\nand praises, do truly, firmly, assuredly, and in the sincerity\\nof their hearts, think, and do hereby recognize, acknowledge,\\nand declare, that King James II. having abdicated the govern-\\nment, and their Majesties having accepted the Crown and\\nroyal dignity aforesaid, their said Majesties did become,\\nwere, are, and of right ought to be, by the laws of this realm,\\nour sovereign liege Lord and Lady, King and Queen of Eng-\\nland, France, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto be-\\nlonging, in and to whose princely persons the royal State,\\nCrown, and dignity of the same realms, with all honours,\\nstyles, titles, regalities, prerogatives, powers, jurisdictions\\nand authorities to the same belonging and appertaining, are\\nmost fully, rightfully, and entirely invested and incorporated,\\nunited and annexed.\\nVIII. And for preventing all questions and divisions in\\nthis realm, by reason of any pretended titles to the Crown,\\nand for preserving a certainty in the succession thereof, in\\nand upon which the unity, peace, tranquillity, and safety of\\nthis nation doth, under God, wholly consist and depend, the\\nsaid Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do be-\\nseech their Majesties that it may be enacted, established, and\\ndeclared, that the Crown and regal government of the said\\nkingdoms and dominions, with all and singular the premises\\nthereunto belonging and appertaining, shall be and continue\\nto their said Majesties, and the survivor of them, during\\ntheir lives, and the life of the survivor of them. And that\\nthe entire, perfect, and full exercise of the regal power and\\ngovernment be only in, and executed by, his Majesty, in the\\nnames of both their Majesties during their joint lives; and\\nafter their deceases the said Crown and premises shall be\\nand remain to the heirs of the body of her Majesty and for\\ndefault of such issue, to her Royal Highness the Princess\\nAnne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body; and for default\\nof such issue, to the heirs of the body of his said Majesty:\\nand thereunto the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0453.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "430 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nCommons, do, In the name of all the people aforesaid, most\\nhumbly and faithfully submit themselves, their heirs and\\nposterities, for ever: and do faithfully promise, That they\\nwill stand to, maintain, and defend their said Majesties, and\\nalso the limitation and succession of the Crown herein speci-\\nfied and contained, to the utmost of their powers, with their\\nlives and estates, against all persons whatsoever that shall\\nattempt anything to the contrary.\\nIX. And whereas it hath been found by experience, that it\\nis inconsistent with the safety and welfare of this Protestant\\nkingdom, to be governd by a Popish prince, or by any king\\nor queen marrying a Papist, the said Lords Spiritual and\\nTemporal, and Commons, do further pray that it may be en-\\nacted. That all and every person and persons that is, are, or\\nshall be reconciled to, or shall hold communion with, the\\nSee or Church of Rome, or shall profess the Popish religion,\\nor shall marry a Papist, shall be excluded, and be for ever\\nincapable to inherit, possess, or enjoy the Crown and govern-\\nment of this realm, and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto\\nbelonging, or any part of the same, or to have, use, or exercise\\nany regal power, authority, or jurisdiction within the same;\\nand in all and every such case or cases the people of these\\nrealms shall be and are hereby absolved of their allegiance;\\nand the said Crown and Government shall from time to time\\ndescend to, and be enjoyed by, such person or persons, being\\nProtestants, as should have inherited and enjoyed the same,\\nin case the said person or persons so reconciled, holding com-\\nmunion, or professing, or marrying as aforesaid, were natur-\\nally dead.\\nX. And that every king and queen of this realm, who at\\nany time hereafter shall come to succeed in the Imperial\\nCrown of this kingdom, shall, on the first day of the meeting\\nof the first parliament, next after his or her coming to the\\nCrown, sitting in his or her throne in the House of Peers, in\\nthe presence of the Lords and Commons therein assembled,\\nor at his or her coronation, before such person or persons\\nwho shall administer the coronation oath to him or her, at\\nthe time of his or her taking the said oath (which shall first\\nhappen), make, subscribe, and audibly repeat the declaration\\nmentioned in the statute made in the thirteenth year of the\\nreign of King Charles II., intituled An Act for the more\\neffectual preserving the King s person and government, by\\ndisabling Papists from sitting in either House of Parliament\\nBut if it shall happen, that such king or queen, upon his or", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0454.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 431\\nher succession to the Crown of this realm, shall be under the\\nage of twelve years, then every such king or queen shall\\nmake, subscribe, and audibly repeat the said declaration at\\nhis or her coronation, or the first day of meeting of the\\nfirst parliament as aforesaid, which shall first happen after\\nsuch king or queen shall have attained the said age of twelve\\nyears.\\nXI. All which their Majesties are contented and pleased\\nshall be declared, enacted, and established by authority of this\\npresent parliament, and shall stand, remain, and be the law\\nof this realm for ever: and the same are by their said Ma-\\njesties, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords\\nSpiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in parliament as-\\nsembled, and by the authority of the same, declared, enacted,\\nor established accordingly.\\nXII. And be it further declared and enacted by the au-\\nthority aforesaid, That from and after this present session of\\nparliament, no dispensation by non obstante of or to any\\nstatute, or any part thereof, shall be allowed, but that the\\nsame shall be held void and of no effect, except a dispensa-\\ntion be allowed of in such statute, and except in such cases\\nas shall be specially provided for by one or more bill or bills\\nto be passed during this present session of parliament.\\nXIII. Provided that no charter, or grant, or pardon granted\\nbefore the three-and-twentieth day of October, in the year\\nof our Lord One thousand six hundred eighty-nine, shall be\\nany ways impeached or invalidated by this act, but that the\\nsame shall be and remain of the same force and effect in law,\\nand no other, than as if this act had never been made.\\n{Statutes of the Realm, VI, 142-145.)\\n190. The Act of Settlement\\n(12 13 Will. Ill, 1700)\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe Act of Settlement, or Act of Succession, became a law on\\nJune 12, 1701. Hallam says of this important statute that it is\\nthe seal of our constitutional laws, the complement of the Revo-\\nlution itself and the Bill of Rights, and the last great statute\\nwhich restrains the power of the Crown.\\nAN ACT FOR THE FURTHER LIMITATION OF THE CROWN, AND\\nBETTER SECURING THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE\\nSUBJECT\\nWhereas in the first year of the reign of your Majesty, and\\nof our late most Gracious Sovereign Lady Queen Mary (of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0455.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "432 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nblessed memory) an Act of Parliament was made, intituled\\nAn Act for declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Sub-\\nject, and for settling the Succession of the Crown, where-\\nin it was (amongst other things) enacted, established and\\ndeclared, That the Crown and Regal Government of the\\nkingdoms of England, France and Ireland, and the dominions\\nthereunto belonging, should be and continue to your Majesty\\nand the said late Queen, during the joint-lives of your Ma-\\njesty and the said Queen, and to the survivor: And that\\nafter the decease of your Majesty and of the said Queen,\\nthe said Crown and Regal Government should be and remain\\nto the heirs of the body of the said late Queen: And for\\ndefault of such issue, to her Royal Highness the Princess\\nAnne of Denmark, and the heirs of her body: And for de-\\nfault of such issue, to the heirs of the body of your Majesty.\\nAnd it was thereby further enacted, That all and every\\nperson and persons that then were, or afterwards should be\\nreconciled to, or should hold communion with the See or\\nChurch of Rome, or should profess the Popish religion, or\\nmarry a Papist, should be excluded, and are by that act made\\nfor ever uncapable to inherit, possess, or enjoy the Crown and\\nGovernment of this realm and Ireland, and the dominions\\nthereunto belonging, or any part of the same, or to have,\\nuse, or exercise any regal power, authority, or jurisdiction\\nwithin the same and in all and every such case and cases\\nthe people of these realms shall be and are thereby absolved\\nof their allegiance: And that the said Crown and Govern-\\nment shall from time to time descend to and be enjoyed by\\nsuch person or persons, being Protestants, as should have in-\\nherited and enjoyed the same, in case the said person or\\npersons, so reconciled, holding communion, professing, or\\nmarrying as aforesaid, were naturally dead. After the\\nmaking of which statute, and the settlement therein con-\\ntained, your Majesty s good subjects, who were restored\\nto the full and free possession and enjoyment of their re-\\nligion, rights, and liberties, by the providence of God giving\\nsuccess to your Majesty s just undertakings and unwearied\\nendeavours for that purpose, had no greater temporal felicity\\nto hope or wish for, than to see a royal progeny descending\\nfrom your Majesty, to whom (under. God) they owe their\\ntranquillity, and whose ancestors have for many years been\\nprincipal assertors of the reformed religion and the liberties\\nof Europe, and from our said most Gracious Sovereign Lady,\\nwhose memory will always be precious to the subjects of", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0456.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 433\\nj\\nthese realms And it having since pleased Almighty God to\\ntake away our said Sovereign Lady, and also the most hope-\\nful Prince William Duke of Gloucester (the only surviving\\nissue of her Royal Highness the Princess Anne of Denmark)\\nto the unspeakable grief and sorrow of your Majesty and\\nyour said good subjects, who under such losses being sensibly\\nput in mind, that it standeth wholly in the pleasure of Al-\\nmighty God to prolong the lives of your Majesty and of her\\nRoyal Highness, and to grant to your Majesty, or to her\\nRoyal Highness, such issue as may be inheritable to the\\nCrown and regal Government aforesaid, by the respective\\nlimitations in the said recited Act contained, do constantly\\nimplore the Divine Mercy for those blessings and your\\nMajesty s said subjects having daily experience of your royal\\ncare and concern for the present and future welfare of these\\nkingdoms, and particularly recommending from your Throne\\na further provision to be made for the succession of the\\nCrown in the Protestant line, for the happiness of the nation,\\nand the security of our religion and it being absolutely neces-\\nsary for the safety, peace and quiet of this realm, to obviate\\nall doubts and contentions in the same, by reason of any pre-\\ntended title to the Crown, and to maintain a certainty in the\\nsuccession thereof, to which your subjects may safely have\\nrecourse for their protection, in case the limitations in the\\nsaid recited Act should determine Therefore for a further\\nprovision of the succession of the Crown in the Protestant\\nline, we your Majesty s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the\\nLords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present\\nParliament assembled, do beseech your Majesty that it may\\nbe enacted and declared, and be it enactel and declared by\\nthe King s most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice\\nand consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-\\nmons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the\\nauthority of the same. That the most Excellent Princess\\nSophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover, daugh-\\nter of the most Excellent Princess Elizabeth, late Queen of\\nBohemia, daughter of our late Sovereign Lord King James I,\\nof happy memory, be and is hereby declared to be the next in\\nsuccession, in the Protestant line, to the Liiperial Crown and\\ndignity of the said realms of England, France and Ireland,\\nwith the dominions and territories thereunto belonging, after\\nhis Majesty, and the Princess Anne of Denmark, and in de-\\nfault of issue of the said Princess Anne, and of his Majesty\\nrespectively And that from and after the deceases of his", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0457.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "434 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nsaid Majesty, our now Sovereign Lord, and of her Royal\\nHighness the Princess Anne of Denmark, and for default of\\nissue of the said Princess Anne, and of his Majesty respec-\\ntively, the Crown and regal Government of the said kingdoms\\nof England, France and Ireland, and of the dominions there-\\nunto belonging, with the royal state and dignity of the said\\nrealms, and all honours, stiles, titles, regalities, prerogatives,\\npowers, jurisdictions and authorities, to the same belonging\\nand appertaining, shall be, remain, and continue to the said\\nmost Excellent Princess Sophia, and the heirs of her body,\\nbeing Protestants: And thereunto the said Lords Spiritual\\nand Temporal, and Commons, shall and will, in the name of\\nall the people of this realm, most humbly and faithfully sub-\\nmit themselves, their heirs and posterities; and do faithfully\\npromise that after the deceases of his Majesty, and her Royal\\nHighness, and the failure of the heirs of their respective\\nbodies, to stand to, maintain, and defend the said Princess\\nSophia, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants, accord-\\ning to the limitation and succession of the Crown in this Act\\nspecified and contained, to the utmost of their powers, with\\ntheir lives and estates, against all persons whatsoever that\\nshall attempt anything to the contrary.\\nH. Provided always, and it is hereby enacted. That all\\nand every person and persons, who shall or may take or in-\\nherit the said Crown, by virtue of the limitation of this\\npresent Act, and is, are or shall be reconciled to, or shall hold\\ncommunion with, the See or Church of Rome, or shall pro-\\nfess the Popish religion, or shall marry a Papist, shall be\\nsubject to such incapacities, as in such case or cases are by\\nthe said recited Act provided, enacted, and established; and\\nthat every King and Queen of this realm, who shall come to\\nand succeed in the Imperial Crown of this kingdom, by virtue\\nof this Act, shall have the Coronation Oath administered\\nto him, her or them, at their respective Coronations, accord-\\ning to the Act of Parliament made in the first year of the\\nreign of his Majesty, and the said late Queen Mary, intituled,\\nAn Act for establishing the Coronation Oath, and shall\\nmake, subscribe, and repeat the Declaration in the Act first\\nabove recited mentioned or referred to, in the manner and\\nform thereby prescribed.\\nIII. And whereas it is requisite and necessary that some\\nfurther provision be made for securing our religion, laws\\nand liberties, from and after the death of his Majesty and the\\nPrincess Anne of Denmark, and in default of issue of the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0458.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 435\\nbody of the said Princess, and of his Majesty respectively:\\nBe it enacted by the King s most Excellent Majesty, by and\\nwith the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Tem-\\nporal, and Commons, in Parliament assembled, and by the\\nauthority of the same.\\nThat whosoever shall hereafter come to the possession of\\nthis Crown, shall join in communion with the Church of Eng-\\nland, as by law established.\\nThat in case the Crown and imperial dignity of this realm\\nshall hereafter come to any person, not being a native of this\\nkingdom of England, this nation be not obliged to engage\\nin any war for the defence of any dominions or territories\\nwhich do not belong to the Crown of England, without the\\nconsent of Parliament.\\nThat no person who shall hereafter come to the possession\\nof this Crown, shall go out of the dominions of England,\\nScotland, or Ireland, without consent of Parliament.\\nThat from and after the time that the further limitation\\nby this Act shall take effect, all matters and things relating\\nto the well governing of this kingdom, which are properly\\ncognizable in the Privy Council by the laws and customs of\\nthis realm, shall be transacted there, and all resolutions taken\\nthereupon shall be signed by such of the Privy Council as\\nshall advise and consent to the same.\\nThat after the said limitation shall take effect as aforesaid,\\nno person born out of the kingdoms of England, Scotland, or\\nIreland, or the dominions thereunto belonging (although he\\nbe naturalised or made a denizen, except such as are born of\\nEnglish parents), shall be capable to be of the Privy Council,\\nor a Member of either House of Parliament, or to enjoy any\\noffice or place of trust, either civil or military, or to have\\nany grant of lands, tenements or hereditaments from the\\nCrown, to himself or to any other or others in trust for\\nhim.\\nThat no person who has an office or place of profit under\\nthe King, or receives a pension from the Crown, shall be\\ncapable of serving as a Member of the House of Commons.\\nThat after the said limitation shall take effect as aforesaid,\\nJudges Commissions be made Qiiamdiu sc bene gesserint,\\nand their salaries ascertained and established; but upon the\\nAddress of both Houses of Parliament it may be lawful to\\nremove them.\\nThat no pardon under the Great Seal of England be plead-\\nable to an impeachment by the Commons in Parliament.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0459.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "436 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nIV. And whereas the Laws of England are the birthright\\nof the people thereof, and all the Kings and Queens, who\\nshall ascend the Throne of this realm, ought to administer\\nthe Government of the same according to the said laws, and\\nall their officers and ministers ought to serve them respect-\\nively according to the same: The said Lords Spiritual and\\nTemporal, and Commons, do therefore further humbly pray,\\nThat all the Laws and Statutes of this realm for securing\\nthe established region, and the rights and liberties of the\\npeople thereof, and all other Laws and Statutes of the same\\nnow in force, may be ratified and confirmed, and the same\\nare by his Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of\\nthe Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, and by the\\nauthority of the same, ratified and confirmed accordingly.\\n{Statutes of the Realm, VII, 636-638.)\\n191. The Jesuits in England under William\\nHenry Hutnberson\\nThe striking contrast between this letter and No. 178, written\\nbut thirteen years before, is the best illustration of the radical\\nchange in the status of the Catholics effected by the revolution\\nof 1688. The disabilities then imposed on Catholics were not\\ndestined to be removed for over a century. The letter is from\\nthe Rev. Henry Humberson, Rector of St. Omer s College, to\\nthe Very Rev. Father General of the Society of Jesus.\\nLETTER FROM THE FATHER PROVINCIAL TO THE FATHER\\nGENERAL OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS\\nSt. Omer, loth April, 1700.\\nVery Reverend Father in Christ,\\nP. C.\\nIt is deemed unsafe to write to your Paternity from Eng-\\nland, and this is the reason of my long silence. Being now\\nin Belgium I take the opportunity of writing to acquaint your\\nPaternity in the first place that a great persecution is about\\nto be raised in England. The Parliament which, so long as\\nit stood in need of the aid of the Catholic princes in the war\\nagainst the King of France and their own Sovereign (James\\nII.), restrained itself for the time, now that the motive for\\ndissimulation is removed, has resumed its accustomed prac-\\ntices, and, besides reviving the ancient penal laws, both\\nHouses have passed a new one, of which the following are\\nthe principal heads", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0460.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 437\\nI. If any Catholic Bishop, priest, or Jesuit be apprehended\\nin this kingdom after the 25th of March, 1700, and shall be\\nconvicted of having exercised any episcopal or sacerdotal\\nfunctions whatever, he shall be imprisoned for life in some\\nplace in England, to be assigned by the King. The informer\\nis to receive a reward of \u00c2\u00a3100 sterling (about 400 Roman\\nscudi). Also, if any one should open a school for the educa-\\ntion of children, or shall afford any means of doing so in his\\nown house, without first taking the oath of allegiance and\\nsupremacy, he shall be condemned to the same punishment.\\nII. After the 29th of September, 1700, every Catholic at-\\ntaining the age of eighteen must within six months after\\nattaining that age take the said oath, abjuring his faith and\\nembracing the national religion in default of which he shall\\nbe incapable of inheriting or of possessing any goods, honours,\\nor titles whatever, and during such his refusal his inheritance,\\netc., shall pass to, and be held and enjoyed by his nearest\\nProtestant relation, without being liable to account for the\\nsame (except in case of wilful waste).\\nIII. After the loth of April, 1700, every Catholic shall be\\nincapable of either buying or selling any lands, possessions,\\nor hereditaments whatever within the kingdom and all titles\\nand contracts of every kind, under which property shall be\\nbought or sold, shall be null and void.\\nIV. Whoever shall send a son or daughter or any ward\\ninto foreign parts for education in the Roman Catholic\\nreligion shall be fined in the sum of \u00c2\u00a3100 sterling, and\\nwhereas the statute of I. James I. awarded one half that fine\\nto be paid to the Treasury and the other half to the informer,\\nnow, to intensify the exertions of the informer, the whole\\nfine is allotted to them by way of reward.\\nV. In order that Protestant sons or daughters born of\\nCatholic parents may not be compelled to follow their parents\\nreligion against their conscience for want of the means of\\nsupport, it is enacted that in case such parents refuse to find\\nthem support proper to their state, the Lord Chancellor, upon\\nthe petition of any such child, shall order some scheme\\nwhereby the second clause of the act may be applied to them.\\nThis act having passed both Houses of Parliament only\\nawaits the assent of the Prince of Orange, who is now king,\\nto give it the force of law, and this there is no doubt of his\\ngiving. A persecution is hence anticipated, exceeding any\\nthat has been experienced since heresy took root in England.\\nNo act of Parliament more calctilated to root out the Catholic", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0461.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "43^ SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfaith in England was ever enacted, and, unless it pleases God\\nto hinder its execution, it will be impossible for religion long\\nto exist in the kingdom. I have ordained public prayers\\nthroughout the whole Province to implore the Divine pro-\\ntection. I entreat your Paternity likewise to recommend the\\nunhappy condition of our country to the Holy Sacrifices and\\nprayers of the whole Society, and that they will remember\\nme also,\\nYour Very Rev. Paternity s\\nMost obedient servant in Christ,\\nHenry Humberston.\\n(^Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, ed. cit., V.)\\n192. Dissenters in the Eighteenth Century\\nChantberlayne\\nThe student should not lose sight of the fact that for a thou-\\nsand years after the coming of the Anglo-Saxons as for cen-\\nturies before, the Church of Rome was the Church in England.\\nFollowing the establishment of the Church of England in the\\nreign of Henry VHI a variety of sects contended with the State\\nChurch for place and power. Much of the history of the later\\nTudors and the Stuarts finds its impulses in the dissensions of\\nsectaries. Despite constant and stringent measures looking to\\nuniformity of worship, dissent continued and increased. The fol-\\nlowing selection well illustrates the theological divisions of the\\npeople after the Revolution of 1688.\\nThe inhabitants of this land, being a sensible and civilized\\npeople, are generally much addicted to religion and whereas,\\nin those countries where the Roman Catholic religion is\\nnational, ignorance is the mother of devotion, people of the\\nbest parts being least affected with a religion; so, contrary\\nto reason, here in England those who are of the best capaci-\\nties are generally most devout and again, the devoutest men\\nof this church are always the best moralists, which shows\\ntheir devotion to be unfeigned and without hypocrisy; but\\nthe greatest blemish to religion amongst us is the pitiable\\nnumber of dissenters from the Established Church, some pre-\\njudiced by education, some by sensuality, some by interest,\\nand some few by misguided zeal; for, having repented of\\ntheir former ill courses, whilst they call themselves members\\nof the Church of England, they think they cannot thoroughly\\nchange their lives without changing their religion too, be-\\ncoming, like stray sheep, an easy prey to the next claimer.\\nli we divide the people of England into 60 parts, perhaps", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0462.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION 439\\nfive of them are such dissenters of all sorts who never come\\nto the public services of the national church.\\nTwo parts who hold communion with the national Church\\nand with their own particular sect at the same time, as occa-\\nsion or opportunity offers. These are a foolish and incon-\\nsiderate people, who are little valued by either side by reason\\nof their inconsistency and prevarication with God and man,\\nespecially if it appears to be done upon a selfish and temporal\\naccount.\\nThree parts are these who being in constant communion\\nwith the Church of England, seldom or never joining openly\\nwith any other, seem nevertheless somewhat displeased with\\nthe Church, and the only reason they continue in it is because\\nthey are more displeased with every sect of the dissenters\\nfrom it: for they acknowledge this to be the best form of\\nreligion in the country; but this they (having new schemes\\nin their heads) would reform or refine.\\nThe most understanding of this sort of men have a political\\nthirst after such a reformation, in hope by that means to\\ncomprehend many of the more moderate dissenters, and to\\nbring them into communion with the national Church and\\nsuch a design was set on foot in the beginning of this\\ngovernment in convocation, where all things of that nature\\nare first to be debated but few of the dissenters at that\\ntime showing any willingness to be so comprehended, and\\nsome of the heads of them counselling ingeniously that all\\nsuch attempts would prove successless, without quite dissolv-\\ning our frame of church government, the whole business fell.\\nAnd instead thereof, all Protestant dissenters from the\\nChurch (except the Antitrinitarians) are tolerated so long\\nas they live peaceably and conformably in the state, and\\nevery man in England doth now enjoy a free liberty of con-\\nscience and use of what religion best pleases him.\\nThe dissenters from the Church of England are of these\\nfive sorts: Libertines, Papists, Anabaptists, Independents,\\nand Presbyterians.\\nFirst, By Libertines we mean those that live ad libitum,\\nwhether they be Atheists, Sceptics, Deists, and the like;\\nof these there are not many amongst us, at leastwise pro-\\nfessedly so, and those that be, are a vain, fanatic, unthinking\\npeople, some of whom having a little smattering of learning,\\nare troublesome with it to themselves and the rest of man-\\nkind. These men have some superficial knowledge in second\\ncauses, but, for want of due consideration, they are al-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0463.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "440 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntogether ignorant of the first Mover and of his revealed\\nwill\\nThe number of Jews and Socinians amongst us is still more\\ninconsiderable.\\nSecondly, Papists we have many, yet not so many but that\\nin the late government, when they all appeared publicly, it\\nwas, and is, a wonder how the designs of that handful of\\nmen could put the whole nation into such convulsions\\n3. Anabaptists are of tw^o sorts First, those who go vul-\\ngarly by that name; and, secondly, those who are distin-\\nguished by the name of Quakers.\\nThe Anabaptists which go by that name are a more reason-\\nable sort here in England that those of Flanders and Ger-\\nmany; very few of ours are so wild, extravagant, and en-\\nthusiastical as those abroad. These submit themselves to\\ncivil government; and the chief article of their dissent in\\nreligion, is concerning Pcedohaptism, which they hold un-\\nreasonable. Yet there is in many other things some of the\\nFlemish leaven still among them, as accounting themselves\\nthe only pure church are envious at the Established Church\\nabhor paying of tithes, and affect parity but that which is\\nworst of all, some of them have strange notions concerning\\nour blessed Saviour and his Incarnation, the Holy Trinity,\\nthe soul of man, etc. Some of them, as well as Quakers, are\\ngreat admirers of Jacob Behmen and his sort of cant; and\\nmany of them are closely wrapped up in Rosicrusian Divin-\\nity they look upon all liturgy and ceremonies as popish, allow\\nthat laymen may administer sacraments, expect an universal\\nmonarchy of Christ here on earth. Some of them are called\\nBrownists, from Robert Brown of Northamptonshire, but\\nthere are some Brownists who allow of Psedobaptism. Fam-\\nilists, or the Family of Love, we have scarce any remaining:\\nAdamites none. But here are some Antimonians who hold\\nthat no trangression is sin in the children of God Tras-\\nkitts, now called Seventh-day men, who keep the Jewish Sab-\\nbath Antisabbatarians, who keep none at all and the\\nMuggletonians are scarce extinct, who say that God the\\nFather, leaving the government of Heaven to Elias, came\\ndown on Earth and suffered in human form; these deny the\\nHoly Trinity, the creation of earth and water, the immortal-\\nity of the soul, religious ministry, and, some of them, ma-\\ngistratual authority.\\nQuakers. The other sort of Anabaptists are called Quakers\\nor Shakers, from the trembling and quaking caused in them", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0464.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "THE GLORIOUS RlilOLUlION 44t\\nby vapors in their ecstatic fits, especially after long fasting,\\nan exercise very much practised by the first disciples of\\nthis sect here in England, but of late almost wholly dis-\\nused\\nThey reject ministerial ordinances, and place religion\\nwholly in the inward light of every man s private spirit\\nand how different soever the impulses of one man s spirit\\nare from another, and how different notions soever they\\ncreate, they account it all the same light infused by the\\nSpirit of God in different measures and degrees. They\\nagree with other Anabaptists against infant baptism, and\\ngo far beyond them, even to the neglecting of all baptism,\\nand the other sacrament of the Eucharist, all human learn-\\ning, appropriate places and times of worship, and abhor\\npaying of tithes. They practised formerly abstinence and\\nself-denial, but now of late none are prouder or more\\nluxurious than the generality of them: they formerly wore\\nplain and coarse clothes, now the men wear very fine cloth,\\nand are distinguished from others only by a particular shap-\\ning of their coats, a little pleated cravat, and a slender\\nhat-band; the women nevertheless wear flowered, or striped,\\nor damask silks, and the finest linen cut and pleated in\\nimitation of lace, but they wear no lace or superfluous rib-\\nbons however, they are extremely nice in their choice of\\ntailors, seamstresses, and laundresses. Those of the men\\nwho wear periwigs have them of genteel hair and shape,\\ntho not long. They are as curious in their meats, and\\nas cheerful in their drink, and as soft in their amours, and as\\nmuch in the enjoyment of life as others.\\nThey have generally denied the Trinity of Persons in the\\none Godhead, the resurrection of the body, the Incarnation\\nof Christ (w^hich they seem to look upon as a figure) the\\nlocality of heaven and hell, and many other Catholic tenets.\\nIndependents. Independents are a sect lately sprung up\\nfrom the Brownists. These have no general church govern-\\nment, but each particular congregation is ruled by their own\\nlaws and methods w^ithout dependence on one another: look\\nupon tithes as superstitious and Judaical are against all\\nset form of prayer, even the Lord s Prayer. They give\\npower to private men to erect and gather churches, elect,\\nordain, depose, excommunicate, and determine finally in all\\nchurch-causes. Laity sometimes administer the sacraments,\\nand magistrates administer the office of matrimony. They\\nare most of them Millenaries, and commence the last thousand", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0465.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "442 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nyears of Christ s kingdom from the beginning of Independ-\\nency. All those of the laity they account gifted men,\\nare permitted to preach, and pray, and to catechise the\\npreacher concerning the doctrine he has preached. They\\ncommunicate frequently, sitting at a table or without a table.\\nPresbyterians. Presbyterians maintain that there is only\\na nominal difference between bishop, presbyter, and pastor;\\nand that priest is not a gospel word, but belongs only to\\nsacrifices. They will not allow deacons to preach, but only\\nto collect for and administer to the poor. In every church\\nthey appoint lay-readers and rulers, who are to inspect men s\\nmanners and to bear a part in the government of the church.\\nThey acknowledge a priority of order ought to be amongst\\nchurch-governours, but not a priority of jurisdiction. They\\ndeny the civil magistrate any authority in church govern-\\nment, making the king mere Laiciis, and subject to the\\ncensures of parochial church-governours. They have two\\nchurch judicatories, the classical assembly and the general\\nassembly, to which there lies an appeal from the classical.\\nWhen we speak of any of these sectaries indiscriminately,\\nwe call them dissenters and nonconformists; and they that\\nspeak more freely term them fanatics and enthusiasts. It\\nmust be confessed that in all these sects there are some\\ngood moral men, nay, some of them zealous towards God,\\nbut in such a zeal as is not according to knowledge.\\nNeither are they all equally blameable in all respects. The\\nPresbyterians come nearest to the Church the Quakers are\\nthe most peaceable; the Papists are the most mannerly, and\\nthe like\\n{Angliee Noiitia, E. Chamberlayne, Lond. 20th, ed. 1703,)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0466.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXV\\nUNION BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND\\n193. The Queen s Speeches on Union of England and Scotland\\nOldmtxon\\nThe strife of centuries was brought to a close by the union of\\nEngland and Scotland. Queen Anne publicly expressed the hope\\nthat the two peoples would become firmly united into one great\\nnation, and Professor Green, in his History of the English\\nPeople, thus comments upon her words Time has more than\\nanswered these hopes. The two nations whom the Union brought\\ntogether have ever since remained one. England gained in the\\nremoval of a constant danger of treason and war. To Scotland\\nthe Union opened up new avenues of wealth which the energy\\nof the people turned to wonderful account. The farms of Lothian\\nhave become models of agricultural skill. A fishing-town on the\\nClyde has grown into the rich and populous Glasgow. Peace\\nand culture have changed the wild clansmen of the Highlands\\ninto herdsmen and farmers. Nor was the change followed by\\nany loss of national spirit. The world has hardly seen a mightier\\nand more rapid development of national energy than that of\\nScotland after the Union. All that passed away was the jealousy\\nwhich had parted since the days of Edward the First two peoples\\nwhom a common blood and common speech proclaimed to be one.\\nThe Union between Scotland and England has been real and\\nstable simply because it was the legislative acknowledgment and\\nenforcement of a national fact.\\n(Jan. 28th, 1707.)\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen,\\nHaving acquainted you at the opening of this session, that\\nthe treaty for an Union between England and Scotland,\\nwhich had been concluded here by the commissioners ap-\\npointed for that purpose, in pursuance of the powers given\\nby the Parliaments of both kingdoms, was then under the\\nconsideration of the Parliament of Scotland, I can now, with\\ngreat satisfaction, inform you that the said treaty has been\\nratified by Act of Parliament in Scotland with some altera-\\ntions and additions.\\n443", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0467.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "444 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nI have directed the treaty agreed to by the commissioners\\nof both kingdoms, and also the Act of Ratification from\\nScotland, to be laid before you, and I hope it will meet with\\nyour concurrence and approbation.\\nGentlemen of the House of Commons,\\nIt being agreed by this treaty, that Scotland is to have an\\nequivalent for what that kingdom is obliged to contribute\\ntowards paying the debts of England, I must recommend to\\nyou, that in case you agree to the treaty you would take care\\nto provide for the payment of the equivalent to Scotland\\naccordingly.\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen,\\nYou have now an opportunity before you of putting the\\nlast hand to a happy Union of the two kingdoms, which I\\nhope will be a lasting blessing to the whole Island, a great\\naddition to its wealth and power, and a firm security to the\\nprotestant religion. The advantages which will accrue to us\\nall from an Union are so apparent that I will add no more,\\nbut that I shall look upon it as a particular happiness, if this\\ngreat work, which has been so often attempted without vsuc-\\ncess, can be brought to perfection in my reign.\\n(March 6th, 1706.)\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen,\\nIt is with the greatest satisfaction that I have given my\\nassent to a Bill for uniting England and Scotland into one\\nkingdom.\\nI consider this Union as a matter of the greatest impor-\\ntance to the wealth, strength, and safety of the whole Island,\\nand at the same time, as a work of so much difficulty and\\nnicety in its own nature, that till now all attempts, which\\nhave been made towards it in the course of above a hundred\\nyears, have proved ineffectual and therefore I make no doubt\\nbut it will be remembered and spoken of hereafter to the\\nhonour of those who have been instrumental in bringing it\\nto such a happy conclusion.\\nI desire and expect from all my subjects of both nations,\\nthat from henceforth they act with all possible respect and\\nkindness to one another, that so it may appear to all the\\nworld, they have hearts disposed to become one people. This\\nwill be a great pleasure to me, and will make us all quickly\\nsensible of the good effect of this Union.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0468.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 445\\nAnd I cannot but look upon it as a particular happiness,\\nthat in my reign so full a provision is made for the peace and\\nquiet of my people, and for the security of our religion, by so\\nfirm an establishment of the protestant succession throughout\\nGreat Britain.\\nGentlemen of the House of Commons,\\nI take this occasion to remind you to make effectual pro-\\nvision for the payment of the equivalent to Scotland within\\nthe time appointed by this Act, and I am persuaded you will\\nshow as much readiness in this particular as you have done\\nin all the other parts of this great work.\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen,\\nThe season of the year being now pretty far advanced, I\\nhope you will continue the same zeal which has appeared\\nthroughout this session, in despatching what yet remains un-\\nfinished of the public business before you.\\n(The History of England, Oldmixon, Lond. 1739. III. p. 382-386.)\\n194. Union between England and Scotland\\n(5 Anke, c. 8, 1707)\\nCollection 0/ Statutes, Evans\\nAN ACT FOR AN UNION OF THE TWO KINGDOMS OF ENGLAND\\nAND SCOTLAND\\n{Preamble)\\nArticle I\\nThat the two kingdoms of England and Scotland shall\\nupon the first day of May, which shall be in the year one\\nthousand seven hundred and seven, and for ever after, be\\nunited into one kingdom by the name of Great Britain and\\nthat the ensigns armorial of the said united kingdom be such\\nas her Majesty shall appoint, and the crosses of St. George\\nand St. Andrew be conjoined in such manner as her Majesty\\nshall think fit, and used in all flags, banners, standards, and\\nensigns, both at sea and land.\\nArticle II\\nThat the succession of the monarchy to the united kingdom\\nof Great Britain, and of the dominions thereto belonging,\\nafter her most sacred Majesty, and in default of issue of her\\nMajesty, be, remain, and continue to the most excellent Prin-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0469.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "446 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ncess Sophia, electoiess and duchess dowager of Hanover,\\nand the heirs of her body being Protestants, upon whom the\\nCrown of England is settled by an Act of Parliament made\\nin England in the twelfth year of the reign of his late Ma-\\njesty King William the Third, entitled, An Act for the\\nfurther Limitation of the Crozvn, mid better securing the\\nRights and Liberties of the Subject: And that all Papists,\\nand persons marrying Papists, shall be excluded from, and\\nfor ever incapable to inherit, possess, or enjoy the Imperial\\nCrown of Great Britain, and the dominions thereunto belong-\\ning, or any part thereof and in every such case, the Crown\\nand government shall from time to time descend to, and be\\nenjoyed by such person, being a Protestant, as should have\\ninherited and enjoyed the same, in case such Papist, or per-\\nson marrying a Papist, was naturally dead, according to the\\nprovision for the descent of the Crown of England, made by\\nanother Act of Parliament in England in the first year of the\\nreign of their late Majesties King William and Queen Mary,\\nentitled. An Act declaring the Rights and Liberties of the\\nSubject, and settling the Succession of the Crown.\\nArticle III\\nThat the united kingdom of Great Britain be represented\\nby one and the same Parliament, to be styled, The Parlia-\\nment of Great Britain.\\nArticle IV\\nThat all the subjects of the united kingdom of Great\\nBritain shall, from and after the Union, have full freedom\\nand intercourse of trade and navigation to and from any\\nport or place within the said united kingdom, and the do-\\nminions and plantations thereunto belonging; and that there\\nbe a communication of all other rights, privileges, and ad-\\nvantages, which do or may belong to the subjects of either\\nkingdom; except where it is otherwise expressly agreed in\\nthese articles.\\nArticle V\\n(Scotch ships to be registered as British ships.)\\nArticle VI\\n(Concerning Trade, Scots Cattle, and Importation of\\nVictuals.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0470.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 447\\nArticle VII\\n(Concerning Excises.)\\nArticle VIII\\n(Concerning Foreign Salt, Scotch Salt, Flesh Exported from\\nScotland, Curing of Herrings, Fish Exported, etc.)\\nArticle IX\\n(Concerning Land Tax and Quota of Scotland.)\\nArticle X\\n(Concerning Stamped Vellum.)\\nArticle XI\\n(Concerning the Window Tax.)\\nArticle XII\\n(Concerning Coals, Culm, and Cinders.)\\nArticle XIII\\n(Concerning Malt.)\\nArticle XIV\\n(Scotland not chargeable with any other duties before the\\nUnion, except these consented to.)\\nArticle XV\\n(Concerning Equivalent Money and Uses, Coin of Scotland,\\nAfrican and Indian Company of Scotland, Overplus,\\nPublic Debts of Scotland, Manufacture of Coarse Wool,\\nFisheries, and the Appointment of Commissioners for\\nthe Equivalent.)\\nArticle XVI\\nThat from and after the Union, the coin shall be of the\\nsame standard and value throughout the united kingdom, as\\nnow in England, and a mint shall be continued in Scotland,\\nunder the same rules as the mint in England, and the present\\nofficers of the mint continued, subject to such regulations\\nand alterations as her Majesty, her heirs or successors, or\\nthe Parliament of Great Britain shall think fit.\\nArticle XVII\\nThat from and after the Union, the same weights and\\nmeasures shall be used throughout the united kingdom, as\\nare now established in England, and standards of weights", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0471.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2448 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nand measures shall be kept by those burghs in Scotland, to\\nwhom the keeping the standards of weights and measures,\\nnow in use there, does of special right belong: All which\\nstandards shall be sent down to such respective burghs, from\\nthe standards kept in the Exchequer at Westminster, subject\\nnevertheless to such regulations as the Parliament of Great\\nBritain shall think fit.\\nArticle XVIII\\nThat the laws concerning regulation of trade, customs, and\\nsuch excises to which Scotland is, by virtue of this treaty, to\\nbe liable, be the same in Scotland, from and after the Union,\\nas in England; and that all other laws in use within the\\nkingdom of Scotland, do after the Union, and notwithstand-\\ning thereof, remain in the same force as before (except such\\nas are contrary to, or inconsistent with this treaty), but\\nalterable by the Parliament of Great Britain; with this dif-\\nference between the laws concerning public right, policy, and\\ncivil government, and those which concern private right,\\nthat the laws which concern public right, policy, and civil\\ngovernment, may be made the same throughout the whole\\nunited kingdom but that no alteration be made in laws which\\nconcern private right, except for evident utility of the sub-\\njects within Scotland.\\nArticle XIX\\n(Concerning Courts and the Privy Council.)\\nArticle XX\\n(Concerning Heritable Offices.)\\nArticle XXI\\n(Concerning Royal Burghs.)\\nArticle XXII\\nThat, by virtue of this treaty, of the peers of Scotland, at\\nthe time of the Union, sixteen shall be the number to sit and\\nvote in the House of Lords, and forty-five the number of\\nrepresentatives of Scotland in the House of Commons of the\\nParliament of Great Britain; and that when her Majesty, her\\nheirs or successors, shall declare her or their pleasure for\\nholding the first or any other subsequent Parliament of\\nGreat Britain, until the Parliament of Great Britain shall\\nmake further provision therein, a writ do issue under the\\ngreat seal of the united kingdom, directed to the privy council", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0472.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 449\\nof Scotland, commanding them to cause sixteen peers, who\\nare to sit in the House of Lords, to be summoned to Parlia-\\nment, and forty-five members to be elected to sit in the\\nHouse of Commons of the Parliament of Great Britain,\\naccording to the agreement of this treaty, in such manner as\\nby an Act of this present session of the Parliament of Scot-\\nland is or shall be settled which Act is hereby declared to be\\nas valid as if it were a part of and engrossed in this treaty.\\nAnd that the names of the persons so summoned and elected\\nshall be returned by the privy council of Scotland into the\\ncourt from whence the said writ did issue And that\\nevery one of the lords of Parliament of Great Britain, and\\nevery member of the House of Commons of the Parliament\\nof Great Britain, in the first and all succeeding Parliaments\\nof Great Britain, until the Parliament of Great Britain shall\\notherwise direct, shall take the respective oaths appointed to\\nbe taken in stead of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy\\nAnd it is declared and agreed, That these words, This Realm,\\nThe Crown of the Realm, and The Queen of this Realm,\\nmentioned in the oaths and declarations contained in the\\naforesaid Acts, which were intended to signify the crown\\nand realm of England, shall be understood of the crown and\\nrealm of Great Britain and that in that sense the said oaths\\nand declaration be taken and subscribed by the members of\\nboth Houses of the Parliament of Great Britain.\\nArticle XXHI\\nThat the aforesaid sixteen peers of Scotland mentioned in\\nthe last preceding article, to sit in the House of Lords of the\\nParliament of Great Britain, shall have all privileges of\\nParliament, which the peers of England now have, and which\\nthey, or any peers of Great Britain shall have after the Union,\\nand particularly the right of sitting upon the trial of peers\\nAnd in case of the trial of any peer, in time of adjournment,\\nor prorogation of Parliament, the said sixteen peers shall be\\nsummoned in the same manner, and have the same powers\\nand privileges at such trial, as any other peers of Great\\nBritain. And that in case any trials of peers shall hereafter\\nhappen, when there is no Parliament in being, the sixteen\\npeers of Scotland who sat in the last preceding Parliament,\\nshall be summoned in the same manner, and have the same\\npowers and privileges at such trials, as any other peers of\\nGreat Britain and that all peers of Scotland, and their suc-\\ncessors to their honours and dignities, shall from and after", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0473.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "450 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthe Union, be peers of Great Britain, and have rank and\\nprecedency next and immediately after the peers of the like\\norders and degrees in England at the fme of the Union, and\\nbefore all peers of Great Britain of the like order and degrees,\\nwho may be created after the Union, and shall be tried as\\npeers of Great Britain, and shall enjoy all privileges of peers,\\nas fully as the peers of England do now, or as they, or any\\nother peers of Great Britain may hereafter enjoy the same,\\nexcept the right and privilege of sitting in the House of\\nLords, and the privileges depending thereon, and particularly\\nthe right of sitting upon the trials of peers.\\nArticle XXIV\\nThat from and after the Union, there be one great seal for\\nthe united kingdom of Great Britain, which shall be different\\nfrom the great seal now used in either kingdom: And that\\nthe quartering the arms, and the rank and precedency of the\\nlyon king of arms of the kingdom of Scotland, as may best\\nsuit the Union, be left to her Majesty And that in the mean\\ntime, the great seal of England be used as the great seal of\\nthe united kingdom, and that the great seal of the united\\nkingdom be used for sealing writs to elect and summon the\\nParliament of Great Britain, and for sealing all treaties with\\nforeign princes and states, and all public acts, instruments\\nand orders of state, which concern the whole united kingdom,\\nand in all other matters relating to England, as the great seal\\nof England is now used: And that a seal in Scotland after\\nthe Union be always kept and made use of in all things relat-\\ning to private rights or grants, which have usually passed the\\ngreat seal of Scotland, and which only concern offices,\\ngrants, commissions, and private rights within that kingdom\\nand that until such seal be appointed by her Majesty, the\\npresent great seal of Scotland shall be used for such pur-\\nposes: And that the privy seal, signet, casset, signet of the\\njudiciary court, quarter seal, and seals of court now used in\\nScotland be continued; but that the said seals be altered and\\nadapted to the state of the Union, as her Majesty shall think\\nfit; and the said seals, and all of them, and the keepers of\\nthem, shall be subject to such regulations as the Parliament\\nof Great Britain shall hereafter make. And that the crown,\\nsceptre, and sword of state, the records of Parliament, and\\nall other records, rolls and registers whatsoever, both public\\nand private, general and particular, and warrants thereof,\\ncontinue to be kept as they are within that part of the united", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0474.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 451\\nkingdom now called Scotland; and that they shall so remain\\nin all time coming, notwithstanding the Union.\\nArticle XXV\\nThat all laws and statutes in either kingdom, so far as\\nthey are contrary to, or inconsistent with the terms of these\\narticles, or any of them, shall, from and after the Union,\\ncease and become void, and shall be so declared to be, by the\\nrespective Parliaments of the kingdom.\\nAs by the said articles of Union, ratified and approved by\\nthe said Act of Parliament of Scotland, relation being there-\\nunto had, may appear. And the tenor of the aforesaid Act\\nfor securing the protestant religion and presbyterian church\\ngovernment within the kingdom of Scotland, is as follows\\nII. Our sovereign lady, and the estates of Parliament, con-\\nsidering that by the late Act of Parliament, for a treaty with\\nEngland for an Union of both kingdoms, it is provided, That\\nthe commissioners for that treaty shall not treat of or con-\\ncerning any alteration of the worship, discipline, and govern-\\nment of the church of this kingdom as now by law estab-\\nlished: Which treaty being now reported to the Parliament,\\nand it being reasonable and necessary that the true protes-\\ntant religion, as presently professed within this kingdom, with\\nthe worship, discipline, and government of this church,\\nshould be effectually and unalterably secured: Therefore\\nher Majesty, with advice and consent of the said estates of\\nParliament, doth hereby establish and confirm the said true\\nprotestant religion, and the worship, discipline, and govern-\\nment of this church, to continue without any alteration to\\nthe people of this land in all succeeding generations and\\nmore especially her Majesty, with advice and consent afore-\\nsaid, ratifies, approves, and for ever confirms the fifth Act\\nof the first Parliament of King William and Queen Mary,\\nentitled, Act ratifying the Confession of Faith, and settling\\nPresbyterian Church Government with all other Acts of\\nParliament relating thereto, in prosecution of the declaration\\nof the estates of this kingdom, containing the claim of right,\\nbearing date the eleventh of April, one thousand six hun-\\ndred and eighty-nine And her Majesty, with advice and\\nconsent aforesaid, expressly provides and declares. That the\\nforesaid true protestant religion, contained in the abovemen-\\ntioned confession of faith, with the form and purity of wor-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0475.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "452 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nship presently in use within this church, and its presbyterian\\nchurch government and discipline (that is to say) the gov-\\nernment of the church by kirk sessions, presbyteries, pro-\\nvincial synods, and general assemblies, all established by the\\naforesaid Acts of Parliament, pursuant to the claim of right,\\nshall remain and continue unalterable, and that the said pres-\\nbyterian goverment shall be the only government of the\\nchurch v^ithin the kingdom of Scotland.\\nIII. (Providing for the continuance of Universities and\\nColleges in Scotland.)\\nIV. (Scotch subjects not to be liable to any oath incon-\\nsistent with said Church Government; Queen s successors\\nto maintain said government.)\\nV. And it is hereby statute and ordained. That this Act of\\nParliament, with the establishment herein contained, shall\\nbe held and observed in all time coming, as a fundamental\\nand essential condition of any treaty or Union to be con-\\ncluded betwixt the two kingdoms, without any alteration\\nthereof, or derogation thereto in any sort for ever As also.\\nThat this Act of Parliament, and settlement therein con-\\ntained, shall be insert and repeated in any Act of Parliament\\nthat shall pass for agreeing and concluding the foresaid\\ntreaty or Union betwixt the two kingdoms; and that the\\nsame shall be therein expressly declared to be a fundamental\\nand essential condition of the said treaty or Union in all\\ntime coming: Which articles of Union, and Act immediately\\nabove-written, her Majesty, with advice and consent aforesaid,\\nstatutes, enacts, and ordains to be and continue, in all time\\ncoming, the sure and perpetual foundation of a complete and\\nentire Union of the two kingdoms of Scotland and England,\\nunder the express condition and provision, that this approba-\\ntion and ratification of the foresaid articles and Act shall be\\nno ways binding on this kingdom, until the said articles and\\nAct be ratified, approved, and confirmed by her Majesty,\\nwith and by the authority of the Parliament of England, as\\nthey are now agreed to, approved, and confirmed by her Ma-\\njesty, with and by the authority of the Parliament of Scot-\\nland declaring nevertheless, that the Parliament of England\\nmay provide for the security of the church of England as\\nthey think expedient, to take place within the bounds of the\\nsaid kingdom of England, and not derogating from the se-\\ncurity above provided for establishing of the church of\\nScotland within the bounds of this kingdom as also the said\\nParliament of England may extend the additions and other", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0476.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 453\\nprovisions contained in the articles of Union, as above insert,\\nin favours of the subjects of Scotland, to and in favours of\\nthe subjects of England which shall not suspend or derogate\\nfrom the force and effect of this present ratification, but\\nshall be understood as herein included, without the necessity\\nof any new ratification in the Parliament of Scotland.\\nVI. (Providing that all laws, etc., inconsistent with Ar-\\nticles of Union, shall cease.)\\nVII. And whereas an Act hath passed in this present ses-\\nsion of Parliament, entitled, An Act for securing the Church\\nof England as by Lazv established; the tenor whereof fol-\\nlows\\nWhereas by an Act made in the session of Parliament held\\nin the third and fourth year of her Majesty s- reign, whereby\\nher Majesty was empowered to appoint commissioners, under\\nthe great seal of England, to treat with commissioners to be\\nauthorized by the Parliament of Scotland, concerning an\\nUnion of the kingdoms of England and Scotland, it is pro-\\nvided and enacted, That the commissioners to be named in\\npursuance of the said Act should not treat of or concerning\\nany alteration of the liturgy, rites, ceremonies, discipline, or\\ngovernment of the church as by law established within this\\nrealm And whereas certain commissioners appointed by her\\nMajesty in pursuance of the said Act, and also other com-\\nmissioners nominated by her Majesty by the authority of\\nthe Parliament of Scotland, have met and agreed upon a\\ntreaty of Union of the said kingdoms; which treaty is now\\nunder the consideration of this present Parliament; And\\nwhereas the said treaty (with some alterations therein made)\\nis ratified and approved by Act of Parliament in Scotland;\\nand the said Act of ratification is by her Majesty s royal\\ncommand, laid before the Parliament of this kingdom: And\\nwhereas it is reasonable and necessary, that the true prot-\\nestant religion professed and established by law in the\\nchurch of England, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and\\ngovernment thereof, should be effectually and unalterably\\nsecured; be it enacted by the Queen s most excellent Ma-\\njesty, by and with the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Tem-\\nporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament assem-\\nbled, and by authority of the same. That an Act made in the\\nthirteenth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, of famous\\nmemory, entitled, An Act for the Ministers of the Church to\\nhe of sound Religion; and also another Act made in the\\nthirteenth year of the reign of the late King Charles the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0477.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "454 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nSecond, entitled, An Act for the Uniformity of the Public\\nPrayers and Administration of Sacraments and other Rites\\nand Ceremonies, and for establishing the form of making,\\nordaining, and consecrating Bishops, Priests and Deacons in\\nthe Church of England, (other than such clauses in the said\\nActs, or either of them, as have been repealed or altered by\\nany subsequent Act or Acts of Parliament,) and all and sin-\\ngular other Acts of Parliament now in force for the estab-\\nlishment and preservation of the church of England, and the\\ndoctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof, shall\\nremain and be in full force for ever.\\nVIII. (Providing that the Queen s successors are to take\\nan oath to maintain the settlement of the Church of Eng-\\nland.)\\nIX. (Providing that this Act is to be an essential part of\\nany treaty between the kingdoms.)\\nX. (Providing that the Articles of Union, and the Act for\\nthe establishment of the Presbyterian Church Government,\\nbe ratified and confirmed.)\\nXL (Declaring the Acts for settling the Church Govern-\\nments in both kingdoms essential parts of the Union.)\\nXII. And whereas since the passing the said Act in the\\nParliament of Scotland, for ratifying the said articles of\\nUnion, one other Act, entitled. An Act settling the Manner\\nof electing the Sixteen Peers, and Forty-five Members, to\\nrepresent Scotland in the Parliament of Great Britain, hath\\nlikewise passed in the said Parliament of Scotland at Edin-\\nburgh, the fifth day of February, one thousand seven hun-\\ndred and seven, the tenor whereof follows\\nOur sovereign lady considering. That by the twenty-second\\narticles of the treaty of Union, as the same is ratified by an\\nAct passed in this session of Parliament, upon the sixteenth\\nof January last, it is provided. That by virtue of the said\\ntreaty, of the Peers of Scotland, at the time of the Union,\\nsixteen shall be of the number to sit and vote in the House\\nof Lords, and forty-five the number of the representatives\\nof Scotland in the House of Commons of the Parliament of\\nGreat Britain; and that the said sixteen peers, and forty-\\nfive members in the House of Commons, be named and\\nchosen in such manner as by a subsequent Act in this present\\nsession of the Parliament in Scotland, should be settled;\\nwhich Act is thereby declared to be as valid, as if it were a\\npart of, and engrossed in the said treaty: Therefore her\\nMajesty, with the advice and consent of the estates of Par-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0478.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND 455\\nliament, statutes, enacts and ordains, That the said sixteen\\npeers, who shall have right to sit in the House of Peers in\\nthe Parliament of Great Britain, on the part of Scotland, by\\nvirtue of this treaty, shall be named by the said peers of\\nScotland, whom they represent, their heirs or successors to\\ntheir dignities and honours, out of their own number, and\\nthat by open election and plurality of voices of the peers\\npresent, and of the proxies for such as shall be absent, the\\nsaid proxies being peers, and producing a mandate in writ-\\ning duly signed before witnesses, and both the constituent\\nand proxy being qualified according to law declaring also,\\nThat such peers as are absent, being qualified as aforesaid,\\nmay send to all such meetings lists of the peers whom they\\njudge fittest, validly signed by the said absent peers, which\\nshall be reckoned in the same manner as if the parties had\\nbeen present, and given in the said list and in case of the\\ndeath, or legal incapacity of any of the sixteen peers, that the\\naforesaid peers of Scotland shall nominate another of their\\nown number, in place of the said peer or peers, in manner\\nbefore and after-mentioned: And that of the said forty-five\\nrepresentatives of Scotland in the House of Commons in the\\nParliament of Great Britain, thirty shall be chosen by the\\nshires or steuartries, and fifteen by the royal boroughs, as\\nfollows: (The remainder of the Article provides for the\\nmethods of election, legal capacities, oaths to be administered\\nto, etc., of those elected to the House of Commons.)\\nXni. As by the said Act passed in Scotland, for settling\\nthe manner of electing the sixteen peers, and forty-five mem-\\nbers, to represent Scotland in the Parliament of Great Britain,\\nmay appear Be it therefore further enacted and declared by\\nthe authority aforesaid, That the said last-mentioned Act\\npassed in Scotland for settling the manner of electing the\\nsixteen peers, and forty-five members, to represent Scotland\\nin the Parliament of Great Britain, as aforesaid, shall be,\\nand the same is hereby declared to be as valid as if the same\\nhad been part of, and engrossed in the said articles of Union\\nratified and approved by the said Act of Parliament of Scot-\\nland, and by this Act, as aforesaid.\\n(Evans Collection of Statutes, ed. Hammond Granger, Lond., 1836, VIII, 446.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0479.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVI\\nTHE JACOBITE REBELLIONS\\n195. The Proclamation of James III.\\nClarke\\nThe first Jacobite Rebellion, which was doomed to end in a\\ncomplete fiasco, was hardly imposing in its beginnings. The\\naccount given by Peter Clarke of the reading of the Pretender s\\nproclamation at Kendall reads like the description of the re-\\nhearsal of a comedy, rather than a serious uprising. Yet the\\nplay turned out to be a tragedy for many, although from the in-\\nception it was a hopeless undertaking.\\nSir, On Wednesday the second day of November one\\nthousand seaven hundred and fifteen, the then high sherriff\\nof Cumberland assembled the posse comitatus on Penrith\\nFell, Viscount Loynsdale being there as commanded of the\\nmalitia of Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Northumberland,\\nwho were assembled at the place aforesaid for prevention\\nof rebelion and riots. The Lord Bishop of Carlisle and his\\ndaughter were there. By the strictest observation the num-\\nbers were twenty-five thousand men, but very few of them\\nhad any regular amies.\\nAt II o clock in the afternoon of the same day the high\\nsherriff and the two lords received a true account that the\\nEarl of Derwentwater, together with his army, were within\\n6 miles of Penrith. Vpon receipt of this news the said high\\nsherriff and the said 2 lords, the posse comitatus and the ma-\\nlitia fled, leaving most of their armes vpon the said fell.\\nThere is no doubt had the men stood their ground the said\\nEarl and his men (as it hath since beene acknowledged by\\ndiverse of them) wood have retreated. About 3 aclock in\\nthe afternoon of the same day the said Earl, together with his\\narmy in number about one thousand seaven hundred, entred\\nthe said towne of Penrith, where they proclaimed their king\\nby the name and title of James the 3d of England and Ire-\\nland, and 8th of Scotland. In this towne they received\\n456", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0480.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "THE JACOBITE REBELLIONS 457\\nwhat excise was due to the crowne and gave receipts for the\\nsame. A small party were sent to Lowther Hall to search for\\nLord Loynsdale, but not finding him there (for he was gone\\ninto Yorkshire), they made bold to take provision for them-\\nselves and their horses, such as the Hall aforded. There\\nwere only at that time two old woomen in the said Hall who\\nreceived no bodily damage. But provision being scarce in\\nthe said towne, Penrith, they marched betimes next morning\\nfor Apleby. The gentlemen paid their quarters of for what\\nthey called for in both these townes, but the commonality\\npaid little or nothing, neither was there any person that re-\\nceived any bodily damage in either of the said townes. li\\nthey found any amies they tooke them without paying the\\nowners for them. Only one man joyned them in their march\\nfrom Penrith to Apleby. In this towne they made the same\\nproclamation as they had done in the former, and received\\nthe excise. The weather at this time for some days before\\nwas rainey. They marched out of this towne betimes on\\nSaturday morning, being the 5th of November, in order for\\nKendall. In this days march none joyned them (excepting\\none, Mr. Francis Thornburrow) son of Mr. William Thorn-\\nburrow of Selfet Hall neare Kendall. His father sent one of\\nhis servant men to wait vpon his son because he was in\\nscarlet cloathes, and stile of Captain Thornburrow.\\nAbout 12 a clock of the same day 6 quartermasters came\\ninto the towne of Kendall, and about 2 aclock in the after-\\nnoone Brigadeer Mackintoss and his men came both a horse-\\nback, having both plads on their targets hanging on their\\nbacks, either of them a sord by his side, as also either a gun\\nand a case of pistols. The said Brigadeere looked with a\\ngrim countenance. He and his men lodged at Alderman\\nLowrys, a private house in Highgate Street in this towne.\\nAbout one houre after came in the horsemen, and the foot-\\nmen at the latter end. It rained very hard here this day,\\nand had for several days before, so that the horse and the\\nfootmen did not draw their swords, nor shew their collours,\\nneither did any drums beat. Onely six highlands bagpipes\\nplayed. They marched to the cold-stone or the cross, and\\nread the same proclamation twice over in English, and the\\nreader of it spocke very good English without any mixture\\nof Scotish tongue. I had for about one month lived and was\\nclerke to Mr. Craikenthorp, attorney at Law, and as a spec-\\ntator I went to heare the proclamation read, which I believe\\nwas in print, and began after this manner, vizt.. Whereas", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0481.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "4S8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nGeorge Elector of Brunswick has vpsurped and taken vpon\\nhim the stile of the king of these realms, etc. Another clause\\nin it I took particular notice of which was this, vizt., Did\\nimedietly after his said fathers decease become our only and\\nlawful leige. At the end of the proclamation they gave a\\ngreat shout. A quaker who stood next to me not puting of\\nhis hat at the end of the said ceremony, a highlander thurst\\na halbert at him, but it fortunatly went between me and him,\\nso that it did neither of vs any damage. So they dispersed.\\n(Peter Clarke s Journal, 1715. From Miscellany of the Scottish History Society\\ned. I, p. 513.)\\n196. Landing of the Young Pretender\\n(1745)\\nDuncan Cameron\\nThe following account is taken from The Lyon in Mourning,\\n3. collection of journals, narratives, etc., of the second Jacobite\\ninvasion. This collection was made by the Rev. Robert Forbes,\\nM.A., Bishop of Ross and Caithness. He was an ardent sup-\\nporter of the Jacobite cause, and indefatigable in the acquisition\\nof facts pertaining thereto. The original title-page of the manu-\\nscript from which the published work was edited, reads as fol-\\nlows The Lyon in Mourning; or, A Collection (as made as\\nexactly as the Iniquity of the Times would permit) of Speeches,\\nLetters, Journals, c., relative to the Affairs, but more particu-\\nlarly to the Dangers and Distresses of\\nJournal of the Prince s imbarkation and arrival^ etc., the\\ngreatest part of which was taken from Duncan Cameron at\\nseveral different conversations I had with him.\\nAt Nantes the Prince and his few attendants waited about\\nfifteen days before the Elizabeth ship of war came, which\\nwas to be their convoy in the expedition. To cover the\\ndesign the better. Sir Thomas Sheridan passed for the father,\\nand the Prince for the son, for none knew the Prince to be in\\ncompany but the seven, some few others, and Mr. Welch (an\\nIrishman, a very rich merchant in Nantes), who was to\\ncommand the frigate of sixteen guns, on board of which the\\nPrince and the few faithful friends with the servants were to\\nimbark.\\nAfter the Prince was on board he dispatched letters to\\nhis father, and the King of France, and the King of Spain,\\nadvising them of his design, and no doubt desiring assist-\\nance.\\nTwo or three hours before landing, an eagle came hover-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0482.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "THE JACOBITE REBELLIONS 459\\ning over the frigate, and continued so to do till they were\\nall safe on shore. Before dinner the Duke of Athol had\\nspied the eagle; but (as he told several friends in Scotland)\\nhe did not chuse then to take any notice of it, lest they\\nshould have called it a Highland freit in him. When he\\ncame upon deck after dinner, he saw the eagle still hovering\\nabout in the same manner, and following the frigate in her\\ncourse, and then he could not help remarking it to the\\nPrince and his small retinue, which they looked upon with\\npleasure. His grace, turning to the Prince said, Sir, I\\nhope this is an excellent omen, and promises good things to\\nus. The king of birds is come to welcome your royal high-\\nness upon your arrival in Scotland.\\nWhen they were near the shore of the Long Isle, Duncan\\nCameron was set out in the long boat to fetch them a proper\\npilot. When he landed he accidentally met with Barra s\\npiper, who was his old acquaintance, and brought him on\\nboard. The piper piloted them safely into Erisca (about\\nJuly 21 St), a small island lying between Barra and South\\nUist. At this time, said Duncan Cameron, there was a\\ndevil of a minister that happened to be in the island of\\nBarra, who did us a the mischief that lay in his power. For\\nwhen he had got any inkling about us, he dispatched away\\nexpresses with informations against us. But as the good\\nluck was, he was not well believed, or else we would have\\nbeen a tane by the neck.\\nWhen Duncan spoke these words, a devil of a minister.\\nhe bowed low, and said to me, Sir, I ask you ten thousand\\npardons for saying so in your presence. But, good faith,\\nI can assure you, sir (asking your pardon), he was nothing-\\nelse but the devil of a minister.\\nWhen they landed in Eriska, they could not find a grain\\nof meal or one inch of bread. But they catched some\\nflounders, which they roasted upon the bare coals in a mean\\nlow hut they had gone into near the shore, and Duncan\\nCameron stood cook. The Prince sat at the cheek of the\\nlittle ingle, upon a fail sunk, and laughed heartily at Dun-\\ncan s cookery, for he himself owned he played his part\\nawkwardly enough.\\nNext day the Prince sent for young Clanranald s uncle\\n(Alexander MacDonald of Boisdale), who lived in South\\nUist, and discovered himself to him. This gentleman spoke\\nin a very discouraging manner to the Prince, and advised\\nhim to return home. To which it is said the Prince reph ed,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0483.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "46o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n1 am come home, sir, and I will entertain no notion at all\\nof returning to that place from whence I came; for that I\\nam persuaded my faithful Highlanders will stand by me.\\nMr. MacDonald told him he was afraid he would find the\\ncontrary.\\nThe royal standard was set up at Glenfinnan (August\\n19th), the property of Clanranald, at the head of Lochschiel,\\nw^hich marches with Lochiel s ground, and lies about ten\\nmiles v/est from Fort William. The Prince had been a full\\nweek before this, viz., from Sunday the nth, at Kinloch-\\nmoydart s house, and Lochiel had been raising his men who\\ncame up with them just as the standard was setting up.\\nSeptember 4th. In the evening he made his entrance into\\nPerth upon the horse that Major MacDonall had presented\\nhim with.\\nSeptember i6th. The Prince and his army were at Gray s\\nMill upon the Water of Leith, when he sent a summons to\\nthe Provost and Town Council of Edinburgh to receive him\\nquietly and peacefully into the city. Two several deputa-\\ntions were sent from Edinburgh to the Prince begging a\\ndelay till they should deliberate upon what was fittest to be\\ndone. Meantime eight or nine hundred Highlanders under\\nthe command of Keppoch, young Lochiel, and O Sullivan,\\nmarched in between the Long Dykes without a hush of\\nnoise, under the favour of a dark night, and lurked at the\\nhead of the Canongate about the Nether Bow Port till they\\nshould find a favourable opportunity for their design, which\\nsoon happened. The hackney coach that brought back the\\nsecond deputation, entred at the West Port, and after setting\\ndown the deputies at their proper place upon the street, drove\\ndown the street towards the Canongate, and when the Nether\\nBow Port was made open to let out the coach, the lurking\\nHighlanders rushed in (it being then peep of day) and made\\nthemselves masters of the city without any opposition, or\\nthe smallest noise.\\n(TAe Lyon in Mourtung, Robert Forbes, edited from his Manuscript by Henry\\nPaten, 3 vols., University Press, Edinburgh, 1895. I, 201.)\\n197. Escape of Prince Charles at Moy Hall\\nGih\\nThe peril which the Pretender narrowly escaped at Moy Hall\\non February 17th not 24th, as erroneously dated in Gib s ac-\\ncount is a good example of the dangers to which he was con-\\nstantly subjected, and of the devotion of his adherents. Gib s\\naccompts are mostly made up of household expenses, with\\noccasional interruptions in the shape of narrative,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0484.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "THE JACOBITE REBELLIONS 461\\nCopy (exact and faithful) of the Accompts of James Gib,\\nwho served the Prince in station of Master-Household and\\nprovisor for the Prince s own Table.\\n24 Monday. At Moy hall.\\nN.B. This is the day in the morning of which Lord\\nLoudon thought to have surprized the Prince, and to have\\ntaken him prisoner in his bed at Moy or Moy-hall. Old\\nLady Macintosh, living in Inverness, and getting notice of\\nLord Loudon s design, dispatched a boy (Lachlan Macintosh)\\nabout fifteen years of age, to try if he could get past Lord\\nLoudon s men, and to make all the haste he could to Moy to\\nwarn the Prince of what was intended against him. The\\nboy attempted to pass by Lord Loudon and his command,\\nbut found that he could not do it without running the risque\\nof a discovery; and therefore, as he said, he lay down at a\\ndyke s side, till all Lord Loudon s men passed him. and, tak-\\ning a different road, came to Moy about five o clock in the\\nmorning. And though the morning was exceedingly cold,\\nthe boy was in a top sweat, having made very god use of his\\ntime. He said that Lord Loudon and his men (to use his\\nown words) were within five quarters of a mile of Moyhall.\\nImmediately the Prince was awaked, and having but about\\nthirty men for a guard, he marched two miles down the\\ncountry by the side of a loch, till his men should conveen.\\nThere was not the least suspicion entertained of any danger,\\notherwise there would have been a much stronger guard\\nabout the Prince s person and there is no doubt to be made\\nbut that Lord Loudon had got certain information of the\\nsmall number of men who were to mount guard upon the\\nPrince that night, which had induced him to try the experi-\\nment. Lady Macintosh (junior) was in great pain to have\\nthe Prince save off from Moy when she heard the alarm.\\nThe Prince returned the same night (Monday) to Moy and\\nslept there. Mr. Gib, upon the alarm, having been sleeping\\nin his cloaths, stept out with his pistols under his arm, and\\nin the close he saw the Prince walking with his bonnet above\\nhis nightcap, and his shoes down to his heels; and Lady\\nMacintosh in her smock petticoat running through the close,\\nspeaking loudly and expressly her anxiety about the Prince s\\nsafety. Mr. Gib went along with the Prince down the side\\nof the Loch, and left several covered waggons and other\\nbaggage at Moy, about which Lady Macintosh forbad Mr,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0485.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "462 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nGib to be in the least anxious, for that she would do her best\\nto take care of them. And indeed she was as good as her\\nword; for upon the Prince s return to Moy, Mr. Gib found\\nall his things in great safety, the most of them having been\\ncarried off by Lady Macintosh s orders into a wood, where\\nthey would not readily have been discovered, though Lord\\nLoudon and his men had proceeded to Moy. But they were\\nmost providentially stopt in their march, which happened\\nthus. A blacksmith and other four, with loaded muskets in\\ntheir hands, were keeping watch upon a muir at some dis-\\ntance from Moy towards Inverness. As they were walking\\nup and down, they happened to spy a body of men walking\\ntowards them, upon which the blacksmith fired his piece,\\nand the other four followed his example. The Laird of\\nMacleod s piper (reputed the best of his business in all\\nScotland) was shot dead on the spot. Then the blacksmith\\n(Fraser) and his trustly companions raised a cry (calling\\nsome particular regiments by their names) to the Prince s\\narmy to advance, as if they had been at hand, which so far\\nimposed upon Lord Loudon and his command (a pretty con-\\nsiderable one), and struck them with such a panick, that\\ninstantly they beat a retreat, and made their way back to\\nInverness in great disorder, imagining the Prince s whole\\narmy to be at their heels. This gallant and resolute be-\\nhaviour of the five, which speaks an uncommon presence of\\nmind, happened much about the same time when the boy\\n(iauchlan Macintosh) arrived at Moy to give the alarm.\\n{The Lyon in Mourning, ed. cit., II, 134.)\\n198. After CuUoden\\nJohn Fraser\\nThe brutalities perpetrated upon the conquered by the victors\\nat Culloden are shown in the account, given by Mr. Fraser, of\\nthe execution of prisoners, with its attendant outrages.\\nAn account of the Signal Escape of John Fraser taken\\nfrom the Copy Printed at Edinburgh.\\nJohn Fraser, Ensign in the Master of Lovat s regiment,\\nwas shot through the thigh by a musket bullet at the battle\\nof Culloden, and was taken prisoner, after the battle, at a\\nlittle distance from the field, and carried to the House of\\nCulloden, where a multitude of other wounded prisoners lay\\nunder strong guards. There he and the other miserable", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0486.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "THE JACOBITE REBELLIONS 463\\ngentlemen (for most of them were gentlemen), lay with their\\nwounds undressed for two days in great torture. Upon the\\nthird day he was carried out of Culloden House, and with\\nother eighteen of his fellow prisoners flung into carts,\\nwhich they imagined were to carry them to Inverness to be\\ndressed of their wounds. They were soon undeceived. The\\ncarts stopt at a park dyke at some distance from the house\\nthere they were dragged out of the carts the soldiers who\\nguarded them, under command of three officers, carried the\\nprisoners close to the wall or park dyke, along with they\\nranged them upon their knees, and bid them prepare for\\ndeath. The soldiers immediately drew up opposite to them.\\nIt is dreadful to proceed They levelled their guns They\\nfired among them. Mr. Fraser fell with the rest, and did\\nnot doubt that he was shot. But as those gentlemen who\\nproceeded thus deliberately in cold blood had their orders to\\ndo nothing by halves, a party of them went along and\\nexamined the slaughter, and knocked out the brains of such\\nas were not quite dead; and observing signs of life in Mr.\\nFraser, one of them with the butt of his gun struck him on\\nthe face, dashed out one of his eyes, and beat down his nose\\nflat and shattered to his cheek, and left him for dead. The\\nslaughter thus finished the soldiers left the field. In this\\nmiserable situation. Lord Boyd riding out that way with his\\nservant, espied some life in Mr. Fraser, who by that time had\\ncrawled to a little distance from his dead friends, and calling\\nout to him, asked what he was. Fraser told him he was an\\nofficer in the Master of Lovat s corps. Lord Boyd offered\\nhim money, saying he had been acquainted with the Master\\nof Lovat, his colonel. Mr. Fraser said he had no use for\\nmoney, but begged him for God s sake to cause his servant\\ncarry him to a certain mill and cott house, where he said\\nhe would be concealed and taken care of. This young Lord\\nhad the humanity to do so, and in this place Mr. Fraser lay\\nconcealed, and by God s providence recovered of his wounds,\\nand is now a living witness of as unparallel d a story in all\\nits circumstances as can be met with in the history of any\\nage.\\nMr. Fraser is well known and his veracity attested by all\\nthe Inverness people.\\njV.j5. Mr. David Chisholm, Presbyterian Minister at\\nKilmorack in the shire of Inverness, when in Edinburgh at\\nthe General Assembly in May 1758, told that said Fraser ()r\\nMaclver still lives at a place called Wellhouse in said parish", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0487.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "464 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof Kilmorack, that his name is Alexander and not John, and\\nthat he himself (Mr. Chisholm), is a blood relation to said\\nAlexander Eraser s Wife (See f. 1619).\\nRobert Fraser, A.M.\\n(From Tke Lyo7i in Mourning, ed. cit., II, p. z6o/.)\\n1 99. Bond Given by the Young Pretender\\nThe Lyon in Mourning\\nThe conditions of the bond given by Prince Charles to Hep-\\nburn of Kingstoun were hardly calculated to give it value, save\\nas a curiosity, but it well illustrates the manner in which money\\nwas raised for the Stuart cause. The original was preserved by\\nMr. John Goodwillie, who attested the copy under the name of\\nBenevole a punning translation of his name in Latin.\\nL. S. We, Charles Prince of Wales, etc., Regent of the\\nkingdoms of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, and the\\ndominions thereunto belonging, Whereas Patrick Hepburn\\nof Kingstoun in the County of Haddington hath advanced\\nto us by the hands of Collonel Lauchlan M Lauchlan of that\\nIlk the sum of seven hundred and fourty pounds sterling in\\nnumerate money of Britain, we therefore hereby authorise\\nand appoint our treasurer for the time to repay the aforsaid\\nsum of seven hundred and fourty pounds to the said Patrick\\nHepburn, his heirs and assigneys whomsoever, and that how\\nsoon we shall arrive at our Palace of St. James, London,\\nour Royall Father settled upon the throne of our royall an-\\ncestors, and our said kingdoms in peace and tranquillity,\\nunder our government. Given at our Palace of Holyrood-\\nhouse, the seventeenth day of October, 1745.\\n(Signed) Charles P. R.\\nHccc est vera copia ita testamur.\\nJohannes Benevole,\\nS crib a.\\ne- L -Lu Robertus Ross, testis.\\notc suhscrioitur ,/r- in\\nAlexander Mitchell, testis.\\n(From The Lyon in Mourning {sz^ above). II, p. 262.)\\n200. Execution of the Rebel Lords\\nR. Graham\\nThe following letter, written by a spectator of the execution\\nof the rebel lords, furnishes a fitting conclusion to the extracts\\nconcerning the Jacobite uprisings, which in 1715 and 1746 threat-\\nened the throne of the Protestant Succession.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0488.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "THE JACOBITE REBELLIONS 465\\nLETTER DESCRIBING THE EXECUTION OF THE REBEL LORDS IN\\n1746, COPIED FROM THE ORIGINAL\\nAugust 20th (1746). Dear Sir, As you and Mrs.\\nGrimstone attended the Lords tryal, I thought it would not\\nbe disagreeable to you to have an account of their exit or\\nthe last act of their tragedy, especially as I saw part of it,\\nand heard the rest from one who was on the scaffold. The\\nsheriffs came there between 9 and 10 to see if everything\\nwas prepared. The scaffold was nine feet above ground,\\nwith a rail and black bays hanging from it. On the floor\\n(which was covered with sawdust) was fixed the block,\\n2ft. 2in. high and 3 inches broad near it lay red bags to\\nreceive the heads, and two white sheets to wrap the bodies\\nin, and on each side were the coffins with coronets and\\ninscriptions, and on the ground two hearses. The execu-\\ntioner was in blew with gold buttons and a red waistcoat\\n(the cloaths of Fletcher executed by him) the ax that of\\na carpenter.\\nAt 1 1 the Lords came Kilmarnock attended by Foster and\\na young clergyman. Balmerino was dressed in blew turned\\nup with red (his uniform). Going into the house prepared\\nfor them, a spectator asked which was Balmerino to which\\nhe replied, I am he at your service. Then turning to\\nKilmarnock, he told him he was sorry he was not the only\\nsacrifice, and asked the sheriffs if they were ready, for he\\nlonged to be at home, and said he was asham d for some of\\nhis friends, who shed tears when Lord Kilmarnock came on\\nthe scaffold. The bays was turned up that all might see,\\nand the executioner put on a white waistcoat. My Lord had\\na long discourse with Foster, who pressed him to own there\\nwhat he had told him privately, a detestation of the fact\\nfor which he suffered; which he did and which Foster has\\nadvertised.\\nThe executioner was a great while fitting him for the\\nblock, my Lord rising several times; and when down on his\\nknees, it was six minutes before he gave the sign, when his\\nhead was nearly severed from his body by one blow a slight\\ncut finished the execution, and the body fell on its back.\\nThe scaffold being cleared, and the executioner having\\nput on a clean shirt, Lord Balmerino mounted the stage, and\\nimmediately walked to his coffin, and read the inscription,\\nand then called up a warder, and gave him his tye wig, and\\nput on a Scotch plaid cap, and then read a paper denying", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0489.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "466 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthe Pretender s orders for no quarter, commending him very\\nmuch: but being interrupted, he desired (briskly) to go on,\\nand said he should lay down his head with pleasure on that\\nblock, pointing to it, and desiring those between him and it\\nto remove. He reflected very much upon General William-\\nson, but said he had received the Sacrament that morning,\\nand was told it was not proper for a person of his condition\\nto say more of him, but referred for his character to Psalm\\n109, from verse 5th to 15th. He said the Pretender gave\\nhim leave to enter our service, but soon as he could be of\\nservice to him, he left us. He talked to the executioner,\\ntook the ax in his hand, and tried the block, and told and\\nshowed him where to strike (near his head), and gave him\\nthree guineas (all he had) kneeled down and presently gave\\nthe sign. The first blow did not strike his head off, so that\\nthe assistants were forced to lift up his body to receive a\\nsecond, but the third finished him.\\nI own I was a great deal more moved when I called on\\nmy friend Mr. Gill in the afternoon, and found him in great\\npain and given over by his Doctor, than I was with v/hat I\\nsaw in the morning.\\nThe Guards attending were 1,000, and I am sure the spec-\\ntators were 100 to i of the Guards.\\nI am yours and Mr. and Mrs. Grimstons\\nMost obliged servant,\\nR. Graham.\\n(Diaries of a Lady of Quality (Miss Wynn), ed. by A. Hayward Q.C.\\nLondon, 1864, p. 142,)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0490.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVII\\nJOHN WILKES\\n20I. No. 45 of the North Briton\\nWe cannot better introduce the following paper than by quot-\\ning the words of Sir Thomas Erskine May, in his Constitu-\\ntional History of England:\\nOn the 23rd of April, 1763, appeared the memorable num-\\nber of the North Briton/ commenting upon the king s\\nspeech at the prorogation, and upon the unpopular peace\\nrecently concluded. It was at once stigmatized by the court\\nas an audacious libel, and a studied insult to the king him-\\nself; and it has since been represented in the same light, by\\nhistorians not heated by the controversies of that time. But\\nhowever bitter and offensive, it unquestionably assailed the\\nminister rather than the king. Recognizing, again and\\nagain, the constitutional maxim of ministerial responsibility,\\nit treated the royal speech as the composition of the min-\\nister.\\nThe result of the publication was the prosecution of\\nWilkes for libel in the Court of King s Bench. A verdict\\nwas easily obtained, but the people considered Wilkes their\\nchampion, and the illegal proceedings against him made him\\na hero. He was punished by imprisonment, but finally\\ntriumphed by being seated in that Parliament which had\\nousted him from their midst as a thing unclean.\\nTHE NORTH BRITON\\nNo. XLV, Saturday, April 23, 1763.\\nGenus orotionis atrox, ct vehemens, ciii opponitur lenitatis\\net mansiietudinis.\\nCicero.\\nThe King s Speech has always been considered by the\\nlegislature, and by the public at large, as the Speech of the\\n467", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0491.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "468 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nMinister. It has regularly, at the beg-inning of every session\\nof parliament, been referred by both houses to the considera-\\ntion of a committee, and has been generally canvassed with\\nthe utmost freedom, when the minister of the crown has been\\nobnoxious to the nation. The ministers of this free country,\\nconscious of the undoubted privileges of so spirited a people,\\nand with the terrors of parliament before their eyes, have\\never been cautious, no less with regard to the matter, than\\nto the expressions, of speeches, which they have advised the\\nsovereign to make from the throne, at the opening of every\\nsession. They well knew that an honest house of parliament,\\ntrue to their trust, could not fail to detect the fallacious arts,\\nor to remonstrate against the daring acts of violence, com-\\nmitted by any minister. The speech at the close of the ses^\\nsion has ever been considered as the most secure method of\\npromulgating the favourite court creed among the vulgar;\\nbecause the parliament, which is the constitutional guardian\\nof the liberties of the people, has in this case no opportunity\\nof remonstrating, or of impeaching any wicked servant of\\nthe crown.\\nThis week has given the public the most abandoned in-\\nstance of ministerial effrontery ever attempted to be im-\\nposed on mankind. The minister s speech of last Tuesday,\\nis not to be parralleled in the annals of this country. I am\\nin doubt, whether the imposition is greater on the sovereign,\\nor on the nation. Every friend of his country must lament\\nthat a prince of so many great and amiable qualities, whom\\nEngland truly reveres, can be brought to give the sanction\\nof his sacred name to the most odious measures, and to the\\nmost unjustifiable, public declarations, from a throne ever\\nrenowned for truth, honour, and unsullied virtue. I am sure,\\nall foreigners, especially the king of Prussia, will hold the\\nminister in contempt and abhorrence. He has made our\\nsovereign declare. My expectations have been fully answered\\nby the happy effects which the several allies of my crown\\nhave derived from this salutary measure of the definitive\\nTreaty. The powers at war with my good brother, the King\\nof Prussia, have been induced to agree to such terms of\\naccomodation, as that great prince has approved; and the\\nsuccess which has attended my negociation, has necessarily\\nand immediately diffused the blessings of peace through\\nevery part of Europe. The infamous fallacy of this whole\\nsentence is apparent to all mankind for it is known, that the\\nKing of Prussia did not barely approve, but absolutely die-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0492.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "JOHN WILKES 469\\ntated, as conqueror, every article of the terms of peace. No\\nadvantage of any kind has accrued to that magnanimous\\nprince from our ncgociations, but he was basely deserted by\\nthe Scottish prime-minister of England. He was known by\\nevery court in Europe to be scarcely on better terms of friend-\\nship here, than at P^ icniia; and he was betrayed by us in the\\ntreaty of peace. What a strain of insolence, therefore, is\\nit in a minister to lay claim to what he is conscious all his\\nefforts tended to prevent, and meanly to arrogate to himself\\na share in the fame and glory of one of the greatest princes\\nthe world has ever seen The king of Prussia, however,\\nhas gloriously kept all his former conquests, and stipulated\\nsecurity for all his allies, even for the elector of Hanover.\\nI know in what light this great prince is considered in\\nEurope, and in what manner he has been treated here among\\nother reasons, perhaps, from some contemptuous expressions\\nhe may have used of the Scot: expressions which are every\\nday echoed by the whole body of Englishmen through the\\nsouthern part of this island.\\nThe Preliminary Articles of Peace were such as have\\ndrawn the contempt of mankind on our wretched negocia-\\ntors. All our most valuable conquests were agreed to be\\nrestored, and the East India Company would have been in-\\nfallibly ruined by a single article of this fallacious and bane-\\nful negociation. No hireling of the minister has been hardy\\nenough to dispute this; yet the minister himself has made\\nour sovereign declare, the satisfaction zvhich he felt at the\\napproaching re-establishment of peace upon conditions so\\nhonourable to his crown, and so beneficial to his people. As\\nto the entire approbation of parliament, which is so vainly\\nboasted of, the world knows how that was obtained. The\\nlarge debt on the Civil List, already above half a year in\\narrear, shews pretty clearly the transactions of the winter.\\nIt is, however, remarkable, that the minister s speeche dwells\\non the entire approbation given by parliament to the Prelim-\\ninary Articles, which I will venture to say, he must by this\\ntime be ashamed of; for he has been brought to confess the\\ntotal want of that knowledge, accuracy and precision, by\\nwhich such immense advantages both of trade and territory,\\nwere sacrificed to our inveterate enemies. These gross\\nblunders are, indeed, in some measure set right by the De-\\nfinitive Treaty; yet, the most important articles, relative to\\ncessions, commerce, and the Fishery, remain as they were,\\nwith respect to the French. The proud and feeble Spaniard,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0493.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "47P SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntoo, does not renounce, but only desists from all pretensions,\\nwhich he may have formed, to the right of fishing where\\nonly about the island of Newfoundland till a favourable\\nopportunity arises of insisting on it, there, as zvell as else-\\nwhere.\\nThe minister cannot forbear, even in the King s Speech,\\ninsulting us with a dull repetition of the word (economy. I\\ndid not expect so soon to have seen that word again, after\\nit had been so lately exploded, and more than once, by a most\\nnumerous audience, hissed off the stage of our English the-\\natres. It is held in derision by the voice of the people, and\\nevery tongue loudly proclaims the universal contempt, in\\nwhich these empty professions are held by this nation. Let\\nthe public be informed of a single instance of occonomy,\\nexcept indeed in the household. Is a regiment, which was\\ncompleated as to its compliment of officers on the Tuesday,\\nand broke on the Thursday, 2l proof of occonomy f Is the\\npay of the Scottish Master Elliot to be voted by an English\\nparliament, under the head of occonomy f Is this, among\\na thousand others, one of the convincing proofs of a firm\\nresolution to form government on a plan of strict oeconomyf\\nIs it not notorious, that in the reduction of the army, not the\\nleast attention has been paid to it Many unnecessary ex-\\npenses have been incurred, only to increase the power of the\\ncrown, that is, to create more lucrative jobbs for the crea-\\ntures of the minister. The staff indeed is broke, but the\\ndiscerning part of mankind immediately comprehended the\\nmean subterfuge, and resented the indignity put upon so\\nbrave an officer, as marshal Ligonier. That step was taken\\nto give the whole power of the army to the crown, that is, to\\nthe minister. Lord Ligonier is now no longer at the head\\nof the army; but Lord Bute in effect is: I mean that every\\npreferment given by the crown will be found still to be ob-\\ntained by his enormous influence, and to be bestowed only\\non the creatures of the Scottish faction. The nation is still\\nin the same deplorable state, while he governs, and can make\\nthe tools of his power pursue the same odious measure.\\nSuch a retreat, as he intends, can only mean that personal in-\\ndemnity, which, I hope, guilt will never find from an injured\\nnation. The negociations of the late inglorious peace, and the\\nexcise, will haunt him, wherever he goes, and the terrors of\\nthe just resentment, which he must be to meet from a brave\\nand insulted people, and which must finally crush him, will\\nbe for ever before his eyes.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0494.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "JOHN WILKES 471\\nIn vain will such a minister, or the foul dregs of his\\npower, the tools of corruption and despotism, preach up in\\nthe speech that spirit of concord, and that obedience to the\\nlaws, which is essential to good order. They have sent the\\nspirit of discord through the land, and I will prophecy, that\\nit will never be extinguished, but by the extinction of their\\npower. Is the spirit of concord to go hand in hand with the\\nPeace and Excise thro this nation? Is it to be expected\\nbetween an insolent Exciseman, and a peer, gentleman, free-\\nholder, or farmer, whose private houses are now made liable\\nto be entered and searched at pleasure? Gloucestershire,\\nHerefordshire, and in general all the Cyder countries, are\\nnot surely the several counties which are alluded to in the\\nspeech. The spirit of concord hath not gone forth among\\nthem but the spirit of liberty has, and a noble opposition has\\nbeen given to the wicked instruments of oppression. A na-\\ntion as sensible as the English, will see that a spirit of con-\\ncord, when they are oppressed, means a tame submission to\\ninjury, and that a spirit of liberty ought then to arise, and I\\nam sure ever will, in proportion to the weight of the griev-\\nance they feel. Every legal attempt of a contrary tendency\\nto the spirit of concord will be deemed a justifiable resistance,\\nwarranted by the spirit of the English constitution.\\nA despotic minister will always endeavour to dazzle his\\nprince with high-flown ideas of the prerogative and honour\\nof the crozvn, which the minister will make a parade of\\nfirmly maintaining. I wish as much as any man in the\\nkingdom to see the honour of the crown maintained in a\\nmanner truly becoming to Royalty. I lament to see it sunk\\neven to prostitution. What a shame was it to see the security\\nof this country, in point of military force complimented away,\\ncontrary to the opinion of Royalty itself, and sacrificed to\\nthe prejudices and to the ignorance of a set of people, the\\nmost unfit from every consideration to be consulted on a\\nmatter relative to the security of the house of Hanover? T\\nwish to see the honour of the crown religiously asserted with\\nregard to our allies, and the dignity of it scrupulously main-\\ntained with regard to foreign princes. Is it possible such an\\nindignity can have happened, such a sacrifice of the honour\\nof the crown of England, as that a minister should already\\nhave kissed his majesty s hand on being appointed to the\\nmost insolent and ungrateful court in the world, without a\\nprevious assurance of that reciprocal nomination which the\\nmeanest court in Europe would insist upon, before she pro-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0495.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "472 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nceeded to an act otherwise so derogatory to her honour?\\nBut Electoral Policy has ever been obsequious to the court of\\nVienna, and forgets the insolence with which count Colloredo\\nleft England. Upon a principle of dignity and oeconomy,\\nlord Stermont, a Scottish peer of the loyal house of Murray,\\nkissed his Majesty s hand I think on Wednesday in the Easter\\nweek; but this ignominious act has not yet disgraced the\\nnation in the London Gazette. The ministry are not ashamed\\nof doing the thing in private; they are only afraid of the\\npublication. Was it a tender regard for the honour of the\\nlate king, or of his present majesty, that invited to court lord\\nGeorge Sackville, in these first days of Peace, to share in the\\ngeneral satisfaction, which all good courtiers received in the\\nindignity offered to lord Ligonier, and on the advancement\\nof Was this to show princely gratitude to the eminent\\nservices of the accomplished general of the house of Bruns-\\nwic, who has had so great a share in rescuing Europe from\\nthe yoke of France; and whose nephew we hope soon to see\\nmade happy in the possession of the most amiable princess in\\nthe world Or, is it meant to assert the honour of the crown\\nonly against the united wishes of a loyal and affectionate\\npeople, founded in a happy experience of the talents, integ-\\nrity, and virtue of those, who have had the glory of redeem-\\ning their country from bondage and ruin, in order to support,\\nby every art of corruption and intimidation, a weak dis-\\njointed, incapable set of I will call them any thing but\\nministers by whom the Favourite still meditates to rule\\nthis kingdom with a rod of iron.\\nThe Stuart line has ever been intoxicated with the slavish\\ndoctrines of the absolute, independent, unlimited power of\\nthe crown. Some of that line were so weakly advised, as to\\nendeavour to reduce them into practice; but the English\\nnation was too spirited to suffer the least encroachment on\\nthe ancient liberties of this kingdom. The King of England\\nis only the first magistrate of this country but is invested by\\nlaw with the whole executive power. He is, however, re-\\nsponsible to his people for the due execution of the royal\\nfunctions, in the choice of ministers, etc., equally with the\\nmeanest of his subjects in his particular duty. The personal\\ncharacter of our present amiable sovereign makes us easy\\nand happy that so great a power is lodged in such hands; but\\nthe favourite has given too just cause for him to escape the\\ngeneral odium. The prerogative of the crown is to exert the\\nconstitutional powers entrusted to it in a way, not of blind", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0496.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "JOHN WILKES 473\\nfavour and partiality, but of wisdom and judgment. This is\\nthe spirit of our constitution. The people too have their\\nprerogative, and I hope, the fine words of Dryden will be\\nengraven on our hearts\\nFreedom is the English subject s Prerogative.\\n(The North Briton, ed. Wilkes, Churchill and others, Lond., 1772, No. 45.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0497.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXVIII\\nAMERICAN INDEPENDENCE\\n202. The Question of Taxation\\nGrenville\\nThe American Colonies, in their opposition to taxation without\\nrepresentation, gave much opportunity for parliamentary elo-\\nquence. The resulting speeches so well epitomise the contend-\\ning opinions of the statesmen of England upon the current\\nquestion, that four of them have been selected to place before the\\nreader the views held by the English nation at large. The first\\nof these speeches was delivered by Mr. George Grenville, who\\nhad recently been Premier. Only a brief extract has been\\ngiven, but that contains the main argument of those who fa-\\nvoured taxation.\\nI cannot understand the difference betv^^een external and\\ninternal taxes. They are the same in effect, and differ only\\nin name. That this kingdom has the sovereign, the supreme\\nlegislative poM^er over America is granted; it cannot be de-\\nnied; and taxation is a part of that sovereign power. It is\\none branch of the legislation. It is, it has been, exercised\\nover those v^ho are not, who were never represented. It is\\nexercised over the India Company, the merchants of London,\\nthe proprietors of the stocks, and over many great manufac-\\nturing towns. It was exercised over the county palatine of\\nChester and the bishopric of Durham, before they sent any\\nrepresentatives to Parliament. I appeal for proof to the\\npreambles of the Acts which gave them representatives: one\\nin the reign of Henry VIII, the other in that of Charles II.\\nWhen I proposed to tax America, I asked the House if any\\ngentleman would object to the right; I repeatedly asked it,\\nand no man would attempt to deny it. Protection and obe-\\ndience are reciprocal. Great Britain protects America;\\nAmerica is bound to yield obedience. If not, tell me when the\\nAmericans were emancipated? When they want the protec-\\ntion of this kingdom they are always very ready to ask for it.\\nThat protection has always been afforded them in the most\\n4.74", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0498.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 475\\nfull and ample manner. The nation has run herself into an\\nimmense debt to give them their protection and now, when\\nthey are called upon to contribute a small share toward the\\npublic expense an expense arising from themselves they\\nrenounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out\\nI might almost say into open rebellion. The seditious\\nspirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this\\nHouse. Gentlemen are careless of the consequences of what\\nthey say, provided it answers the purposes of opposition.\\nWe were told we trod on tender ground. We were bid to\\nexpect disobedience. What is this but telling the Americans\\nto stand out against the law, to encourage their obstinacy\\nwith the expectation of support from hence Let us only\\nhold out a little, they would say; our friends will soon be\\nin power. Ungrateful people of America Bounties have\\nbeen extended to them. When I had the honour of serving\\nthe Crown, while you yourselves were loaded with an enor-\\nmous debt you gave bounties on their lumber, on their iron,\\ntheir hemp, and many other articles. You have relaxed in\\ntheir favour the Act of Navigation, that palladium of the\\nBritish commerce and yet I have been abused in all the\\npublic papers as an enemy to the trade of America. I have\\nbeen particularly charged with giving orders and instruc-\\ntions to prevent the Spanish trade, and thereby stopping the\\nckannel by which alone North America used to be supplied\\nwith cash for remittances to this country. I defy any man\\nto produce any such orders or instructions. I discouraged\\nno trade but what was illicit, what was prohibited by an Act\\nof Parliament. I desire a West India merchant, well known\\nin the city, a gentleman of character, may be examined. He\\nwill tell you that I offered to do everything in my power to\\nadvance the trade of America. I was above giving an answer\\nto anonymous calumnies; but in this place it becomes one to\\nwipe off the aspersion.\\n{British Orations, ed, C. K. Adams, N. Y., 1897. L, 106.)\\n203. The Policy of Conciliation\\nChatham\\nLord Chatham was a consistent upholder of tlie rights of the\\nAmerican Colonies in their contention with Parliament. No one\\nsaw more clearly than he the possible consequences of persistence\\nin oppression, and in his most famous speech on the subject,\\nfrom which we have quoted a portion, he well sets forth the\\ngrievances of the Americans.\\nThe gentleman asks, when were the colonies emancipated", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0499.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "476 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nI desire to know, when were they made slaves But I dwell\\nnot upon words. When I had the honour of serving his\\nMajesty, I availed myself of the means of information which\\nI derived from my office. I speak, therefore, from knowl-\\nedge. My materials were good. I was at pains to collect,\\nto digest, to consider them; and I will be bold to affirm that\\nthe profits to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies,\\nthrough all its branches, is two millions a year. This is the\\nfund that carried you triumphantly through the last war.\\nThe estates that were rented at two thousand pounds a year,\\nthreescore years ago,are at three thousand at present. Those\\nestates sold then from fifteen to eighteen years purchase; the\\nsame may now be sold for thirty. You owe this to America.\\nThis is the price America pays you for her protection. And\\nshall a miserable financier come with a boast that he can\\nbring a pepper-corn into the exchequer by the loss of\\nmillions to the nation? I dare not say how much higher\\nthese profits may be augmented. Omitting the immense in-\\ncrease of people, by natural population, in the northern colo-\\nnies, and the emigration from every part of Europe, I am\\nconvinced on other grounds that the commercial system of\\nAmerica may be altered to advantage. You have prohibited\\nwhere you ought to have encouraged. You have encouraged\\nwhere you ought to have prohibited. Improper restraints\\nhave been laid on the continent in favour of the islands. You\\nhave but two nations to trade with in America. Would you\\nhad twenty Let acts of Parliament in consequence of\\ntreaties remain but let not an English minister become a\\ncustom-house officer for Spain, or for any foreign power.\\nMuch is wrong Much may be amended for the general\\ngood of the whole\\nA great deal has been said without doors of the power, of\\nthe strength of America. It is a topic that ought to be cau-\\ntiously meddled with. In a good cause, on a sound bottom,\\nthe force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know\\nthe valour of your troops. I know the skill of your officers.\\nThere is not a company of foot that has served in America,\\nout of which you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge\\nand experience to make a governor of a colony there. But\\non this ground, on the Stamp Act, which so many here will\\nthink a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands\\nagainst it.\\nIn such a cause, your success would be hazardous-\\nAmerica, if she fell, would fall like the strong man; she", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0500.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 477\\nwould embrace the pillars of the State, and pull down the\\nConstitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace\\nnot to sheathe the sword in its scabbard, but to sheathe it in\\nthe bowels of your countrymen Will you quarrel with\\nyourselves, now the whole house of Bourbon is united against\\nyou while France disturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland,\\nembarrasses your slave trade to Africa, and withholds from\\nyour subjects in Canada their property stipulated by treaty\\nwhile the ransom for the Manillas is denied by Spain, and\\nits gallant conqueror basely traduced into a mean plunderer\\na gentleman whose noble and generous spirit would do honour\\nto the proudest grandee of the country? The Americans\\nhave not acted in all things with prudence and temper they\\nhave been wronged they have been driven to madness by\\ninjustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have\\noccasioned Rather let prudence and temper come first\\nfrom this side. I will undertake for America that she will\\nfollow the example. There are two lines in a ballad of\\nPrior s, of a man s behaviour to his wife, so applicable to you\\nand your colonies that I cannot help repeating them\\nBe to her faults a little blind\\nBe to her virtues very kind.\\nUpon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the House what is\\nmy opinion. It is, that the Stamp Act be repealed absolutely,\\ntotally, and immediately. That the reason for the repeal be\\nassigned, namely, becatise it was founded on an erroneous\\nprinciple. At the same time, let the sovereign authority of\\nthis country over the colonies be asserted in as strong terms\\nas can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of\\nlegislation whatsoever; that we may bind their trade, confine\\ntheir manufacttires, and exercise every power whatsoever,\\nexcept that of taking their money out of their pockets with-\\nout their consent.\\ni^British Orations, ed. cit., I, 113.)\\n204. The Right to Tax\\nMansfield\\nIn the speech from which the following selections have been\\nmade, Lord Mansfield delivered a most able argument upon the\\npurely legal aspect of the question of taxing the colonies. The\\nspeech was declared by one of his opponents to be absolutely un-\\ncontrovertible as an argument on the law of the question at\\nissue.\\nThere can be no doubt, my Lords, but that the inhabitants", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0501.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "478- SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof the colonies are as much represented in Parliament as the\\ngreatest part of the people of England are represented;\\namong nine millions of whom there are eight which have no\\nvotes in electing members of Parliament. Every objection,\\ntherefore, to the dependency of the colonies upon Parliament,\\nwhich arises to it upon the ground of representation, goes to\\nthe whole present Constitution of Great Britain, and I sup-\\npose it is not meant to new-model that too. People may\\nform speculative ideas of perfection, and indulge their own\\nfancies or those of other men. Every man in this country\\nhas his particular notion of liberty; but perfection never did,\\nand never can, exist in any human institution. To what pur-\\npose, then, are arguments drawn from a distinction in\\nwhich there is no real difference of a virtual and actual\\nrepresentation? A member of Parliament, chosen for any\\nborough, represents not only the inhabitants and constituents\\nof that particular place, but he represents the inhabitants of\\nevery other borough in Great Britain. He represents the\\ncity of London and all the other commons of this land, and\\nthe inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great\\nBritain and is, in duty and conscience, bound to take care of\\ntheir interests.\\nI have mentioned the customs and the post tax. This\\nleads me to answer another distinction, as false as the above\\nthe distinction of internal and external taxes. The noble\\nLord who quoted so much law and denied upon those grounds\\nthe right of the Parliament of Great Britain to lay internal\\ntaxes upon the colonies, allowed at the same time that restric-\\ntions upon trade and duties upon the ports were legal. But\\nI cannot see a real difference in this distinction for I hold\\nit to be true that a tax laid in any place is like a pebble fall-\\ning into and making a circle in a lake, till one circle produces\\nand gives motion to another and the whole circumference is\\nagitated from the centre. For nothing can be more clear\\nthan that a tax of ten or twenty per cent, laid upon tobacco,\\neither in the ports of Virginia or London, is a duty laid upon\\nthe inland plantations of Virginia, a hundred miles from the\\nsea, wheresoever the tobacco grows.\\nI do not deny but that a tax may be laid injudiciously and\\ninjuriously, and that people in such a case may have a right\\nto complain. But the nature of the tax is not now the ques-\\ntion whenever it comes to be one, I am for lenity. I would\\nhave no blood drawn. There is, I am satisfied, no occasion\\nfor any to be drawn. A little time and experience of the in-\\nIj", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0502.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 479\\nconveniences and miseries of anarchy may bring people to\\ntheir senses\\nI am far from bearing any ill-will to the Americans; they\\nare a very good people, and I have long known them. I began\\nlife with them, and owe much to them, having been much\\nconcerned in the plantation causes before the Privy Council\\nand so I became a good deal acquainted with American\\naffairs and people. I dare say their heat will soon be over,\\nwhen they come to feel a little the consequences of their\\nopposition to the Legislature. Anarchy always cures itself;\\nbut the ferment will continue so much the longer while hot-\\nheaded men there find that there are persons of weight and\\ncharacter to support and justify them here.\\nIndeed, if the disturbances should continue for a great\\nlength of time, force must be the consequence, an application\\nadequate to the mischief and arising out of the necessity of\\nthe case; for force is only the difference between a superior\\nand subordinate jurisdiction. In the former the whole force\\nof the Legislature resides collectively, and when it ceases to\\nreside the whole connection is dissolved. It will, indeed, be\\nto very little purpose that we sit here enacting laws and\\nmaking resolutions, if the inferior will not obey them, or if\\nwe neither can nor dare enforce them for then and then,\\nI say, of necessity the matter comes to the sword. If the\\noffspring are grown too big and too resolute to obey the\\nparent, you must try which is the strongest, and exert all the\\npowers of the mother country to decide the contest.\\nI am satisfied, notwithstanding, that time, and a wise and\\nsteady conduct, may prevent those extremities which would\\nbe fatal to both. I remember well v/hen it was the violent\\nhumour of the times to decry standing armies and garrisons\\nas dangerous and incompatible with the liberty of the subject.\\nNothing would do but a regular militia. The militia are\\nembodied they march and no sooner was the militia law\\nthus put into execution, but it was then said to be an intoler-\\nable burden upon the subject, and that it would fall, sooner\\nor later, into the hands of the Crown. That was the lan-\\nguage, and many counties petitioned against it. This may\\nbe the case with the colonies. In many places they begin\\nalready to feel the effects of their resistance to government.\\nInterest very soon divides mercantile people and. although\\nthere may be some mad, enthusiastic, or ill-designing people\\nin the colonies, yet I am convinced that the greatest bulk,\\nwho have understanding and property, are still well affected", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0503.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "48o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nto the mother country. You have, my Lords, many friends\\nstill in the colonies; and take care that you do not, by ab-\\ndicating your own authority, desert them and yourselves, and\\nlose them forever\\nBut, my Lords, I shall make this application of it. You\\nmay abdicate your right over the colonies. Take care, my\\nLords, how you do so; for such an act will be irrevocable.\\nProceed, then, my Lords, with spirit and firmness and when\\nyou shall have established your authority, it will then be a\\ntime to show your lenity. The Americans, as I said before,\\nare a very good people, and I wish them exceedingly well\\nbut they are heated and inflamed. The noble Lord who\\nspoke before ended with a prayer. I cannot end better than\\nby saying to it. Amen; and in the words of Maurice, Prince\\nof Orange, concerning the Hollanders, God bless this in-\\ndustrious, frugal, and well-meaning, but easily deluded\\npeople\\n{British Orations, ed. cit., I, i6i.)\\n205. The Character of the Colonists\\nBierke\\nThe great Irish orator, Edmund Burke, was a warm advocate\\nof the American cause. In his most noted speech on the sub-\\nject, he voiced the opinion general in England, though not in\\nParliament, that the love of liberty would call the colonists to\\ngreat deeds if they were driven to desperation. His words form\\na just and comprehensive summing-up of the judgment of the\\nmost intelligent Englishmen of that day.\\nBut there is still behind a third consideration concerning\\nthis object, which serves to determine my opinion on the sort\\nof policy which ought to be pursued in the management of\\nAmerica, even more than its population and its commerce\\nI mean its character and temper. In this character of the\\nAmericans a love of freedom is the predominating feature,\\nwhich marks and distinguishes the whole; and, as an ardent\\nis always a jealous affection, your colonies become suspi-\\ncious, restive, and untractable, whenever they see the least\\nattempt to wrest from them by force, or shuffle from them by\\nchicane, what they think the only advantage worth living for.\\nThis fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the English colo-\\nnies, probably, than in any other people of the earth; and\\nthis from a variety of powerful causes, which, to understand\\nthe true temper of their minds and the direction which this\\nspirit takes, it will not be amiss to lay open somewhat more\\nlargely.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0504.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE 4S1\\nFirst, the people of the colonies are descendants of\\nEnglishmen. England, sir, is a nation which still, I hope,\\nrespects, and formerly adored, her freedom. The colonists\\nemigrated from you when this part of your character was\\nmost predominant and they took this bias and direction the\\nmoment they parted from your hands. They are, therefore,\\nnot only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to\\nEnglish ideas and on English principles. Abstract liberty,\\nlike many other abstractions, is not to be found. Liberty in-\\nheres in some sensible object; and every nation has formed to\\nitself some favourite point which, by way of eminence, becomes\\nthe criterion of their happiness. It happened, you know, sir,\\nthat the great contests for freedom in this country were from\\nthe earliest times chiefly upon the question of taxation.\\nMost of the contests in the ancient commonwealths turned\\nprimarily on the right of election of magistrates, or on the\\nbalance among the several orders of the State. The question\\nof money was not with them so immediate. But in England\\nit was otherwise. On this point of taxes the ablest pens and\\nmost eloquent tongues have been exercised, the greatest\\nspirits have acted and suffered. In order to give the fullest\\nsatisfaction concerning the importance of this point, it was\\nnot only necessary for those who in argument defended the\\nexcellence of the English Constitution to insist on this priv-\\nilege of granting money as a dry point of fact, and to prove\\nthat the right had been acknowledged in ancient parchments\\nand blind usages to reside in a certain body called the House\\nof Commons they went much further. They attempted to\\nprove and they succeeded that in theory it ought to be\\nso, from the particular nature of a House of Commons as an\\nimmediate representative of the people, whether the old\\nrecords had delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite\\npains to inculcate, as a fundamental principle, that in all\\nmonarchies the people must in effect themselves, mediately\\nor immediately, possess the power of granting their own\\nmoney, or no shadow of liberty could subsist. The colonies\\ndraw from you, as with their life-blood, those ideas and prin-\\nciples. Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached\\non this specific point of taxing. Liberty might be safe or\\nmight be endangered in twenty other particulars, without\\ntheir being much pleased or alarmed. Here they felt its\\npulse and as they found that beat, they thought themselves\\nsick or sound. I do not say whether they were right or\\nwrong in applying your general arguments to their own case.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0505.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "482 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nIt is not easy, indeed, to make a monopoly of theorems and\\ncorollaries. The fact is that they did thus apply those gen-\\neral arguments; and your mode of governing them, whether\\nthrough lenity or indolence, through wisdom or mistake, con-\\nfirmed them in the imagination that they, as well as you, had\\nan interest in these common principles.\\nThey were further confirmed in these pleasing errors by\\nthe form of their provincial legislative assemblies. Their\\ngovernments are popular to a high degree some are merely\\npopular; in all, the popular representative is the most\\nweighty; and this share of the people in their ordinary gov-\\nernment never fails to inspire them with lofty sentiments and\\nwith a strong aversion from whatever tends to deprive them\\nof their chief importance\\nSir, I can perceive from their manner that some gentlemen\\nobject to the latitude of this description, because in the\\nsouthern colonies the Church of England forms a large body\\nand has a regular establishment. It is certainly true. There\\nis, however, a circumstance attending these colonies which,\\nin my opinion, fully cotinterbalances this difference and\\nmakes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than\\nin those to the northward. It is that in Virginia and the\\nCarolinas they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this\\nis the case in any part of the world, those who are free are\\nby far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Free-\\ndom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank\\nand privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries\\nwhere it is a common blessing and as broad and general as\\nthe air, may be united with much abject toil, with great\\nmisery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks, among\\nthem, like something that is more noble and liberal. I do not\\nmean, sir, to commend the superior morality of this senti-\\nment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it; but I\\ncannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and these\\npeople of the southern colonies are much more strongly, and\\nwith a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty\\nthan those to the northward. Such were all the ancient com-\\nmonwealths such were our Gothic ancestors such, in our\\ndays, were the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves\\nwho are not slaves themselves. In such a people the haughti-\\nness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, for-\\ntifies it, and renders it invincible.\\n{British Orations, ed. cit., I, 210.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0506.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXIX\\nUNION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND\\n206. The Union Advocated\\nCastlereagh\\nThe influence of Lord Castlereagh had much to do with ef-\\nfecting the union. Castlereagh and Flood were probably the\\nbest hated men in Ireland, being looked upon as traitors, but\\nthey exercised a power which was undiminished by any personal\\nscruples. That their cause prevailed was owing neither to its\\npopularity nor its justice, but to the methods employed by its\\nadvocates and the English Government.\\nIt is said, that an union will reduce Ireland to the abject\\nstate of a colony. Is it by making her a constituent part of\\nthe greatest and first empire in the world? For my part, if\\nI were to describe a colony, I should picture a country in a\\nsituation somewhat similar to the present state of Ireland.\\nI should describe a country, whose crown was dependent on\\nthat of another country, enjoying a local legislature, but\\nwithout any power intrusted to that legislature of regulating\\nthe succession of that crown. I should describe it as having\\nan executive power administered by the orders of a non-\\nresident minister, irresponsible to the colony for his acts or\\nhis advice; I should describe it as incapable of passing the\\nmost insignificant law without the licence of the minister of\\nanother country; I should describe it as a country unknown\\nto foreign nations in the quality of an independent state, and\\nas subject to another power with regard to all the questions\\nwhich concern alliances, the declaration and conduct of war,\\nor the negotiations for peace.\\nAnother objection has been started, that an imperial parlia-\\nment cannot be possessed of such local knowledge of the\\nkingdom as is necessary for the due encouragement of its\\ninterests. But I ask, what is there to prevent the representa-\\ntives of Ireland from carrying with them to the imperial\\nparliament all their local knowledge of the wants and inter-\\nests of Ireland? And what is there to prevent an imperial\\n483", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0507.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "484 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nparliament from attending as anxiously to the concerns of\\nthis part of the empire, as to the concerns of the west of Eng-\\nland, or the affairs of Scotland\\nIt has also been asserted, that an union would have the\\neffect of weakening the executive power in Ireland. Con-\\nvinced as I am, that Ireland cannot exist without a strong ex-\\necutive power, and that the lives and properties of its loyal in-\\nhabitants cannot be otherwise secured, I could not argue in\\nfavour of the advantages which are promised by this measure,\\nwere it to be followed by such a consequence. But I am so\\nconfident of the opposite effect, that it is upon this very prin-\\nciple of giving new vigor to the executive power, and of\\ngiving additional security to the persons and properties of\\nthe inhabitants, that I embrace the measure. It is an union\\nalone that can give us strength, by removing the cause of our\\nweakness. It will take away from the executive power all\\nthose jealousies, which hang upon its motions and prevent\\nits constitutional effects it will preclude the plausible in-\\nsinuation, that we are governed by the influence of a parlia-\\nment in which we are not represented; that we are directed\\nby the counsels of ministers who are irresponsible that our\\ninterests are sacrificed to those of Great Britain; in short, it\\nwill remove all those constitutional awkwardnesses and\\nanomalies which render all the exertions of the executive\\npower suspected and inefficient, and, by rendering it un-\\npopular, diminish and counteract its influence.\\nThere is another objection, which has been strongly urged\\nand plausibly supported. It is this that our parliament\\nhas, from the circumstance of its being local, been able to\\nmake exertions for suppressing the rebellion, which an im-\\nperial parliament would not have attempted. I most cordially\\nadmit, that the Irish parliament has most materially assisted\\nthe government by arming it with those ample powers which\\nhave been employed to suppress the rebellion. But, if it was\\nparliament that gave the powers, it was the cabinet that em-\\nployed them. And I ask, by what constitutional scruples\\nwould an imperial parliament be prevented from giving the\\nsame powers in similar circumstances, or the ministers of the\\nempire be arrested in the exercise of them And is it agree-\\nable to common sense, or truth, that the acts of the parlia-\\nment of the empire would have less authority than the acts\\nof only a part of the empire?\\nIt has also been said, that a local parliament alone could\\nhave traced and developed the conspiracy which produced", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0508.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 48S\\nthe late rebellion. Here is a mistake in point of fact. It\\nwas not the local parliament, but the executive government\\nwhich discovered the conspiracy. It was the government\\nthat detected the plans of the traitors and it was upon the\\ndocuments produced by the government that the accurate\\nreport of the secret committee was formed. The merits of\\nthe report in disclosing the information as a warning to the\\npublic, after the treason was detected and defeated, may be\\nascribed to the parliament; but the discovery of the con-\\nspiracy, and the suppression of the rebellion, arose from the\\nenergies of the executive government\\nHaving now gone through the outline of the plan with as\\nmuch conciseness as possible, I trust I have proved to every\\nman who hears me, that the proposal is such an one as is at\\nonce honourable for Great Britain to offer, and for Ireland\\nto accept. It is one which will entirely remove from the\\nexecutive power those anomalies which are the perpetual\\nsources of jealousy and discontent. It is one which will\\nrelieve the apprehensions of those who feared that Ireland\\nwas, in consequence of an union, to be burthened with the\\ndebt of Britain. It is one which, by establishing a fair prin-\\nciple of contribution, tends to release Ireland from an ex-\\npence of one million in time of war, and of \u00c2\u00a3500,000 in time\\nof peace. It is one which increases the resources of our\\ncommerce, protects our manufactures, secures to us the\\nBritish market, and encourages all the produce of our soil.\\nIt is one that, by uniting the ecclesiastical establishments,\\nand consolidating the legislatures of the empire, puts an end\\nto religious jealousy, and removes the possibility of separa-\\ntion. It is one that places the great question, which has so\\nlong agitated the country, upon the broad principles of im-\\nperial policy, and divests it of all its local difficulties. It is\\none that establishes such a representation of the country, as\\nmust lay asleep for ever the question of parliamentary re-\\nforms, which, combined with our religious divisions, has\\nproduced all our distractions and calamities.\\n(^History o^ ^he Union bettveen Great Britain afid Ireland,\\nC. Coote, Lond., 1802. p. 339.)\\n207. Grattan Opposes the Union\\nGrattan\\nThe projected union of Ireland with Great Britain provoked\\nbitter hostility in the former country. The adherents of the\\nmeasure were made the objects of scathing invective by the\\npress and their parliamentary opponents. Of those who most", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0509.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "4B6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nstrenuously fought the union, none stands higher than Henry\\nGrattan, a portion of whose finest speech in opposition to the\\nmeasure is given below.\\nI have done v^ith the pile which the minister batters I\\ncome to the Babel which he builds and, as he throws down\\nwithout a principle, so does he construct without a founda-\\ntion. This fabric he calls an union; and to this his fabric\\nthere are two striking objections. First, it is no union it\\nis not an identification of the people, for it excludes the cath-\\nolics 2dly, It is a consolidation of the legislatures that is\\nto say, it merges the Irish parliament, and incurs every ob-\\njection to an union, without obtaining the only object which\\nan union professes it is an extinction of the constitution,\\nand an exclusion of the people. I say, he excludes the cath-\\nolics for ever, and for the very reason which he and his ad-\\nvocates hold out as the ground of expectation that here-\\nafter, in a course of time (he does not say when), if they\\nbehave themselves (he does not say how), they may see\\ntheir case submitted to a course of discussion (he does not\\nsay with what result or determination) and, as the ground\\nfor the inane period, in which he promises nothing, in which\\nhe can promise nothing, and in which, if he did promise much,\\nhe would at so remote a period be able to perform nothing,\\nunless he, like the evil he has accomplished, be immortal\\nfor thi3 inate sentence, in which he can scarcely be said to\\ndeceive the catholic, or suffer the catholic to deceive him-\\nself, he exhibits no other ground than the physical inanity of\\nthe catholic body accomplished by an union, which, as it\\ndestroys the relative importance of Ireland, destroys also the\\nrelative proportion of its catholic inhabitants, who thus\\nbecome admissible, because they cease to be any thing.\\nHence, according to him, their brilliant expectation; you\\nwere, say his advocates, and so imports his argument, be-\\nfore the union, as three to one you will be by the union as\\none to four. Thus he founds their hopes of political power\\non the extinction of physical consequence, and makes the\\ninanity of their body and the non-entity of their country the\\npillars of their future ambition. Let me add, that even if\\ncatholics should be admitted into parliament by the articles\\nof union, it would be of little avail to the body. What signi-\\nfies it to the body, whether a catholic individual be an in-\\nsignificant unit in the English parliament or in the street;\\nin either case he would be nothing he would belong to", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0510.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 487\\nnothing he would have nothing to which he could belong\\nno country no Irish people no Irish nation.\\n(^History of the Union of the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland,\\nC. Coote, Lond., 1802. p. 322.)\\n208. Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland\\nStatutes of the Realm\\nThe union between Great Britain and Ireland was the result\\nof fraud, trickery, and coercion, combined with good intentions\\nand upright dealing. The union was not popular at its for-\\nmation, nor has it ever become so. The ties existing between\\nEngland and Ireland have from the earliest history of the two\\ncountries been of the nature of chains. The Irish antagonism\\nto England has never faltered, though it has changed in nature\\nand expression. Yet the union has been maintained for more\\nthan a century, and is not likely to become dissolved in the near\\nfuture.\\nUNION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND\\n(40 Geo. Ill, c. 67. July 2, 1800)\\nAN ACT FOR THE UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND\\n(Preamble)\\nArticle I\\nThat it be the first article of the Union of the kingdoms\\nof Great Britain and Ireland, that the said kingdoms of\\nGreat Britain and Ireland shall, upon the first day of January\\nwhich shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand eight\\nhundred and one, and for ever after, be united into one king-\\ndom, by the name of the United Kingdoui of Great Britain\\nand Ireland; and that the royal style and titles appertaining to\\nthe imperial crown of the said united kingdom and its depen-\\ndencies; and also the ensigns, armorial flags, and banners\\nthereof, shall be such as his Majesty, by his royal proclama-\\ntion under the great seal of the united kingdom, shall be\\npleased to appoint.\\nArticle II\\nThat it be the second article of Union, that the succession\\nto the imperial crown of the said united kingdom, and of the\\ndominions thereunto belonging, shall continue limited and\\nsettled in the same manner as the succession to the imperial\\ncrown of the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland now\\nstands limited and settled, according to the existing laws, and\\nto the terms of Union between England and Scotland.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0511.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "488 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nArticle III\\nThat it be the third article of Union, that the said united\\nkingdom be represented in one and the same Parliament, to\\nbe styled The Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great\\nBritain and Ireland.\\nArticle IV\\nThat it be the fourth article of Union, that four Lords\\nSpiritual of Ireland by rotations of sessions, and twenty-eight\\nLords Temporal of Ireland elected for life by the peers of\\nIreland, shall be the number to sit and vote on the part of\\nIreland in the House of Lords of the Parliament of the\\nunited kingdom; and one hundred commoners (two for each\\ncounty of Ireland, two for the city of Dublin, two for the city\\nof Cork, one for the university of Trinity College, and one\\nfor each of the thirty-one most considerable cities, towns, and\\nboroughs) be the number to sit and vote on the part of Ire-\\nland in the House of Commons of the Parliament of the\\nunited kingdom\\nThat such Act as shall be passed in the Parliament of Ire-\\nland previous to the Union, to regulate the mode by which\\nthe Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, to serve\\nin the Parliament of the united kingdom on the part of Ire-\\nland, shall be summoned and returned to the said Parliament,\\nshall be considered as forming part of the treaty of Union,\\nand shall be incorporated in the Act of the respective Parlia-\\nments by which the said Union shall be ratified and estab-\\nlished\\nThat all questions touching the rotation or election of\\nLords Spiritual or Temporal of Ireland to sit in the Parlia-\\nment of the united kingdom, shall be decided by the House of\\nLords thereof; and whenever, by reason of an equality of\\nvotes in the election of any such Lords Temporal, a complete\\nelection shall not be made according to the true intent of this\\narticle, the names of those peers for whom such equality of\\nvotes shall be so given, shall be written on pieces of paper of\\na similar form, and shall be put into a glass, by the Clerk\\nof the Parliament at the table of the House of Lords whilst\\nthe House is sitting; and the peer or peers whose name or\\nnames shall be first drawn out by the Clerk of the Parlia-\\nments, shall be deemed the peer or peers elected, as the case\\nmay be\\nThat any person holding any peerage of Ireland now sub-\\nsisting, or hereafter to be created, shall not thereby be dis-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0512.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "ORE AT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 489\\nqualified from being elected to serve, if he shall so think fit,\\nor from serving or continuing to serve, if he shall so think\\nfit, for any county, city, or borough of Great Britain, in the\\nHouse of Commons of the united kingdom, unless he shall\\nhave been previously elected as above, to sit in the House of\\nLords of the united kingdom; but that so long as such peer\\nof Ireland shall so continue to be a member of the House of\\nCommons, he shall not be entitled to the privilege of peerage,\\nnor be capable of being elected to serve as a peer on the part\\nof Ireland, or of voting at any such election; and that he\\nshall be liable to be sued, indicted, proceeeded against, and\\ntried as a conmioner, for any offence with which he may be\\ncharged\\nThat it shall be lawful for his Majesty, his heirs and suc-\\ncessors, to create peers of that part of the united kingdom\\ncalled Ireland, and to make promotions in the peerage there-\\nof, after the Union; provided that no new creation of any\\nsuch peers shall take place after the Union until three of the\\npeerages of Ireland, w hich shall have been existing at the\\ntime of the Union, shall have become extinct and upon\\nsuch extinction of three peerages, that it shall be lawful for\\nhis Majesty, his heirs and successors, to create one peer of\\nthat part of the united kingdom called Ireland and in like\\nmanner as often as three peerages of that part of the united\\nkingdom called Ireland shall become extinct, it shall be law-\\nful for his Majesty, his heirs and successors, to create one\\nother peer of the said part of the united kingdom; and if it\\nshall happen that the peers of that part of the united king-\\ndom called Ireland shall, by extinction of peerages or other-\\nwise, be reduced to the number of one hundred, exclusive of\\nall such peers of that part of the united kingdom called Ire-\\nland, as shall hold any peerage of Great Britain subsisting\\nat the time of the Union, or of the united kingdom, created\\nsince the Union, by which such peers shall be entitled to an\\nhereditary seat in the House of Lords of the united kingdom,\\nthen and in that case it shall and may be lawful for his Ma-\\njesty, his heirs and successors, to create one peer of that part\\nof the united kingdom called Ireland, as often as any one of\\nsuch hundred peerages shall fail by extinction, or as often as\\nany one peer of that part of the united kingdom called Ire-\\nland shall become entitled, by descent or creation, to an\\nhereditary seat in the House of Lords of the united kingdom\\nit being the true intent and meaning of this article, that at\\nall times after the Union, it shall and may be lawful for his", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0513.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "490 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nMajesty, his heirs and successors, to keep up the peerage of\\nthat part of the united kingdom called Ireland to the number\\nof one hundred, over and above the number of such of the\\nsaid peers as shall be entitled, by descent or creation, to an\\nhereditary seat in the House of Lords of the united kingdom:\\nThat if any peerage shall at any time be in abeyance, such\\npeerage shall be deemed and taken as an existing peerage;\\nand no peerage shall be deemed extinct, unless on default of\\nclaimants to the inheritance of such peerage for the space of\\none year from the death of the person who shall have been\\nlast possessed thereof; and if no claim shall be made to the\\ninheritance of such peerage, in such form and manner as may\\nfrom time to time be prescribed by the House of Lords of the\\nunited kingdom, before the expiration, of the said period of\\na year, then and in that case such peerage shall be deemed\\nextinct; provided that nothing herein shall exclude any per-\\nson from afterwards putting in a claim to the peerage so\\ndeemed extinct; and if such claim shall be allowed as valid,\\nby judgment of the House of Lords of the united kingdom,\\nreported to his Majesty, such peerage shall be considered as\\nrevived; and in case any new creation of a peerage of that\\npart of the united kingdom called Ireland, shall have taken\\nplace in the interval, in consequence of the supposed extinc-\\ntion of such peerage, then no new right of creation shall ac-\\ncrue to his Majesty, his heirs or successors, in consequence\\nof the next extinction which shall take place of any peerage\\nof that part of the united kingdom called Ireland\\nThat all questions touching the election of members to sit\\non the part of Ireland in the House of Commons of the\\nunited kingdom shall be heard and decided in the same man-\\nner as questions touching such elections in Great Britain now\\nare, or at any time hereafter shall by law be heard and de-\\ncided; subject nevertheless to such particular regulations in\\nrespect of Ireland as, from local circumstances, the Parlia-\\nment of the united kingdom may from time to time deem ex-\\npedient.\\nThat the qualifications in respect of property of the\\nmembers elected on the part of Ireland to sit in the House of\\nCommons of the united kingdom, shall be respectively the\\nsame as are now provided by law in the cases of elections for\\ncounties and cities and boroughs respectively in that part of\\nGreat Britain called England, unless any other provision\\nshall hereafter be made in that respect by Act of Parliament\\nof the united kingdom.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0514.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 491\\nThat when his Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall de-\\nclare his, her, or their pleasure for holding the first or any-\\nother subsequent Parliament of the united kingdom, a pro-\\nclamation shall issue, under the great seal of the united king-\\ndom, to cause the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-\\nmons, who are to serve in the Parliament thereof on the part\\nof Ireland, to be returned in such manner as by any Act of\\nthis present session of Parliament of Ireland shall be pro-\\nvided; and that the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Com-\\nmons of Great Britain shall, together w^ith the Lords Spir-\\nitual and Temporal and Commons so returned as aforesaid\\non the part of Ireland, constitute the two Houses of Parlia-\\nment of the united kingdom\\n(The next clause provides for a temporary personnnel of\\nthe first Parliament after the Union.)\\nThat the Lords of Parliament on the part of Ireland, in the\\nHouse of Lords of the united kingdom, shall at all times\\nhave the same privileges of Parliament which shall belong\\nto the Lords of Parliament on the part of Great Britain and\\nthe Lords Spiritual and Temporal respectively on the part of\\nIreland shall at all times have the same rights in respect of\\ntheir sitting and voting upon the trial of peers, as the Lords\\nSpiritual and Temporal respectively on the part of Great\\nBritain; and that all Lords Spiritual of Ireland shall have\\nrank and precedency next and immediately after the Lords\\nSpiritual of the same rank and degree of Great Britain, and\\nshall enjoy all privileges as fully as the Lords Spiritual of\\nGreat Britain do now or may herafter enjoy the same (the\\nright and privilege of sitting in the House of Lords, and the\\nprivileges depending thereon, and particulary the right of\\nsitting on the trial of peers, excepted) and that the persons\\nholding any temporal peerages of Ireland, existing at the\\ntime of the Union, shall, from and after the Union, have\\nrank and precedency next and immediately after all the per-\\nsons holding peerages of the like orders and degree in Great\\nBritain, subsisting at the time of the Union and that all\\npeerages of Ireland created after the Union shall have rank\\nand precedency with the peerages of the united kingdom, so\\ncreated, according to the dates of their creations and that\\nall peerages both of Great Britain and Ireland, now subsist-\\ning or hereafter to be created, shall in all other respects, from\\nthe date of the Union, be considered as peerages of the united\\nkingdom and that the peers of Ireland shall, as peers of the\\nunited kingdom, be sued and tried as peers, except as afore-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0515.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "492 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nsaid, and shall enjoy all privileges of peers as fully as the\\npeers of Great Britain; the right and privilege of sitting in\\nthe House of Lords, and the privileges depending thereon,\\nand the right of sitting on the trial of peers, only excepted:\\nArticle V\\nThat it be the fifth article of Union, That the churches of\\nEngland and Ireland,, as now by law established, be united\\ninto one Protestant Episcopal Church, to be called The\\nUnited Church of England and Ireland; and that the doc-\\ntrine, worship, discipline, and government of the said united\\nchurch shall be, and shall remain in full force for ever, as\\nthe same are now by law established for the church of Eng-\\nland; and that the continuance and preservation of the said\\nunited church, as the established church of England and\\nIreland, shall be deemed and taken to be an essential and\\nfundamental part of the Union; and that in like manner the\\ndoctrine, worship, discipline, and government of the church\\nof Scotland, shall remain and be preserved as the same are\\nnow established by law, and by the Acts for the Union of the\\ntwo kingdoms of England and Scotland.\\nArticle VI\\nThat it be the sixth article of Union, That his Majesty s\\nsubjects of Great Britain and Ireland shall, from and after\\nthe first day of January one thousand eight hundred and\\none, be entitled to the same privileges, and be on the same\\nfooting, as to encouragements and bounties on the like ar-\\nticles being the growth, produce, or manufacture, of either\\ncountry respectively, and generally in respect of trade and\\nnavigation in all ports and places in the united kingdom and\\nits dependencies and that in all treaties made by his Ma-\\njesty, his heirs and successors, with any foreign power, his\\nMajesty s subjects of Ireland shall have the same privileges,\\nand be on the same footing, as his Majesty s subjects of\\nGreat Britain:\\n(The remaining clauses of this article deal with the duties\\nupon articles respectively imported and exported between\\nthe kingdoms, two schedules being given.)\\nArticle VII\\n(Provides that the interest and sinking fund for the reduc-\\ntion of the debt of either kingdom shall continue to be sepa-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0516.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 493\\nrately defrayed. Also provides for the expenditures of the\\nunited kingdom.)\\nArticle VIII\\n(Provides that existing laws and courts of jurisdiction\\nwithin the respective kingdoms may be altered at pleasure of\\nthe united Parliament. Also provides for appeal.)\\n(Evan s Collection of Statutes, ed. cited, VII, 462.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0517.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0518.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "n-\\nPART VIII\\nTHE NINETEENTH CENTURY\\n495", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0519.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0520.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXX\\nEMANCIPATION\\n209. The No-Popery Riots\\nIVraxall\\nThe movement to relieve the Catholics of some of the dis-\\nabilities from which they suffered provoked violent opposition\\nat first. Lord George Gordon, a fanatic nobleman, headed an\\nagitation which, had it been more ably led. might have worked\\nlasting harm to England. As it was, the rioters for a time were\\nmasters of London, and their excesses alone prevented them\\nfrom inaugurating a revolution, instead of a mere revolt. They\\nwere finally overcome and dispersed, and Lord George, the\\ninstigator of the outrages committed, consigned to prison. He\\nsoon after professed the Jewish faith. He died in prison.\\nI was personally present at many of the most tremendous\\neffects of the popular fury, on the memorable 7th of June,\\nthe night on which it attained its highest point. About nine\\no clock on that evening, accompanied by three other gentle-\\nmen, who, as well as myself, were alarmed by the accounts\\nbrought in every moment, of the outrages committed and of\\nthe still greater acts of violence meditated, as soon as dark-\\nness should favour and facilitate their further progress we\\nset out from Portland-place, in order to view the scene.\\nHaving got into a hackney-coach, we drove to Bloomsbury-\\nsquare attracted to that spot by rumour generally spread,\\nthat lord Mansfield s residence, situated at the north-east\\ncorner, w-as either already burnt, or destined to destruction.\\nHart street, and Great Russell street, presented, each, to the\\nview as we passed, large fires composed of furniture taken\\nfrom the houses of magistrates, or other obnoxious individ-\\nuals. Quitting the coach, we crossed the square and had\\nscarcely got under the wall of Bedford House, when we\\nheard the door of lord Alansfield s house burst open with\\nviolence. In a few minutes, all the contents of the apart-\\nments being precipitated from the windows, were piled up,\\nand wrapped in flames. A file of foot-soldiers arriving,\\ndrew up near the blazing pile but, without either attempt-\\n497", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0521.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "498 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ning to quench the fire, or to impede the mob, who were in-\\ndeed far too numerous to admit of their being dispersed, or\\neven intimidated, by a small detachment of infantry. The\\npopulace remained masters; while we, after surveying the\\nspectacle for a short time, moved on into Holborn, where Mr.\\nLangdale s dwelling house and warehouse afforded a more\\nappalling picture of devastation. They were altogether en-\\nveloped in smoke and flame. In front had assembled an\\nimmense multitude of both sexes, many of whom were fe-\\nmales, and not a few held infants in their arms. All ap-\\npeared to be, like ourselves, attracted as spectators solely by\\ncuriosity, without taking any part in the acts of violence.\\nThe kennel of the street ran down with spirituous liquors, and\\nnumbers of the populace were already intoxicated with the\\nbeverage. So little disposition, however, did they manifest\\nto riot, or pillage, that it would have been difficult to con-\\nceive who were the authors and perpetrators of such enor-\\nmous mischief, if we had not distinctly seen at the windows\\nof the house, men, who while the floors and rooms were on\\nfire, calmly tore down the furniture, and threw it into the\\nstreet, or tossed it into the flames. They experienced no\\nkind of opposition, during a considerable time that we re-\\nmained at the place but a party of the horse guards arriving,\\nthe terrified crowd instantly began to disperse; and we,\\nanxious to gratify our further curiosity, continued our pro-\\ngress on foot, along Holborn, towards Fleet Market.\\nI would in vain attempt adequately to describe the spec-\\ntacle which presented itself, when we reached the declivity\\nof the hill, close to St. Andrew s Church. The other house\\nand magazines of Mr. Langdale, who, as a Catholic, had been\\nselected for the blind vengeance of the mob; situated in the\\nhollow, near the north end of Fleet Market, threw up into\\nthe air a pinnacle of flame resembling a volcano. Such was\\nthe beautiful and brilliant effect of the allumination, that St.\\nAndrew s church appeared to be almost scorched by the heat\\nof so prodigious a body of fire; and the figures on the clock\\nwere as distinctly perceptible as at noon-day. It resembled\\nindeed a tower, rather than a private building, in a state of\\nconflagation and would have inspired the beholder with a\\nsentiment of admiration allied to pleasure, if it had been\\npossible to separate the object from its causes and its conse-\\nquences. The wind did not however augment its rage on\\nthis occasion; for the night was serene, and the sky un-\\nclouded, except when it became obscured by the volumes of", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0522.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 499\\nsmoke, which, from time to time produced a temporary dark-\\nness. The mob, which completely blocked up the whole\\nstreet in every part, and in all directions, prevented our ap-\\nproaching within fifty or sixty yards of the building, but\\nthe populace, though still principally composed of persons al-\\nlured by curiosity, yet evidently began here to assume a more\\ndisorderly and ferocious character. Troops, either horse or\\nfoot, we still saw none nor, in the midst of this combinatipn\\nof tumult, terror and violence, had the ordinary police ceased\\nto continue its functions.\\nWhile we stood by the wall of St. Andrew s churchyard,\\na Watchman, with a lanthorn in his hand, passed us, calling\\nthe hour, as if in time of profound tranquillity.\\nFinding it altogether impracticable to force our way any\\nfurther down Holborn Hill, and hearing that the Fleet Prison\\nhad been set on fire we penetrated through a number of\\nnarrow lanes, behind St. Ai^drew s church, and presently\\nfound ourselves in the middle of Fleet Market. Here, the\\nsame destruction raged, but in a different stage of progress.\\nMr Langdale s houses were already at the height of their\\ndemolition the Fleet Prison on the contrary was only be-\\nginning to blaze, and the sparks of flaming particles that\\nfilled the air, fell so thick upon us on every side, as to render\\nunsafe its immediate vicinity, meanwhile we began to hear\\nthe platoons discharged on the other side of the river, to-\\nwards St. George s Fields and were informed, that a con-\\nsiderable number of rioters had been killed on Blackfriars\\nBridge, which w^as occupied by the troops. On approaching\\nit, we beheld the King s Bench Prison completely wrapt in\\nflames. It exhibited a sublime sight, and we might be said\\nthere to stand in a central point, from which London offered\\non every side, before, as well as behind us, the picture of a\\ncity sacked and abandoned to a ferocious enemy. The\\nshouts of the populace, the cries of women, the crackling\\nof the fires, the blaze reflected in the stream of the Thames,\\nand the irregular firing which was kept up both in St.\\nGeorge s Fields, as well as towards the quarter of the man-\\nsion-house, and the bank all these sounds, or images\\ncombined, left scarcely any thing for the imagination to sup-\\nply presenting to the view every recollection, which the\\nclassic descriptions in Virgil, or in Tacitus, have impressed\\non the mind in youth, but which I so little expected to see\\nexemplified in the capital of Great Britain.\\n(Historical Mevioirs of i :y o7vn Time, by Sir N. W. Wraxall, Phila., 1837\\nPart II, li^/f.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0523.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "500 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n2IO. Speech of King George on Catholic Emancipation\\nAnnual Register\\nFor more than a century Catholics had been subjected to many\\ndisabilities. They were not only excluded from holding civil\\noffice, but every relation of life was affected. The repressive\\nlegislation harassed the Catholics in the possession of their\\nproperty, the education of their children, and the exercise of\\ntheir religion. Such an attitude toward Catholic citizens re-\\nsulted in agitation looking toward emancipation, a number of\\nProtestants joining in the movement. The final conflict with\\nintolerance was begun in 1778, with Sir George Saville s measure\\nfor the relief of Roman Catholics. It was carried on by Pitt,\\nGrenville, Grattan, Canning, and other leaders, until in 1829\\ncame the last struggle, which was to end in Catholic emancipa-\\ntion. The necessity of such a measure had been accentuated by\\nthe condition of Ireland. The King s Address, given below, was\\nthe first step in the movement of the session. It was a surprise\\nand disaster to the intolerant party. It aroused the bitterest\\ninvective; but the majority, Protestants as well as Catholics,\\nwelcomed the promise of support which it bore, and v\u00c2\u00bb^hich\\nalone their cause had lacked for success.\\nMy Lords and Gentlemen:\\nThe state of Ireland has been the object of His Majesty s\\ncontinued solicitude.\\nHis Majesty laments that in that part of the United King-\\ndom an Association should still exist, which is dangerous\\nto the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the\\nConstitution; which keeps alive discord and ill-will amongst\\nHis Majesty s subjects; and which must, if permitted to con-\\ntinue, effectually obstruct every effort permanently to im-\\nprove the condition of Ireland.\\nHis Majesty confidently relies on the wisdom and on the\\nsupport of his parliament; and His Majesty feels assured\\nthat you will commit to him such powers that may enable His\\nMajesty to maintain his just authority.\\nHis Majesty recommends that, when his essential object\\nshall have been accomplished, you should take into your\\ndeliberate consideration the whole condition of Ireland, and\\nthat you should review the laws which impose civil dis-\\nabilities on His Majesty s Roman Catholic subjects.\\nYou will consider whether the removal of these disabilities\\ncan be effected consistently with the full and permanent\\nsecurity of our establishments in church and state, with the\\nmaintenance of the reformed religion established by law,\\nand of the rights and privileges of the bishops and of the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0524.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 501\\nclergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their\\ncharge.\\nThese are institutions which must ever be held sacred in\\nthis Protestant kingdom, and which it is the duty and deter-\\nmination of his Majesty to preserve inviolate.\\nHis Majesty most earnestly recommends to you to enter\\nupon the consideration of a subject of such paramount im-\\nportance, deeply interesting to the best feelings of his people,\\nand involving the tranquillity and concord of the United\\nKingdoms, with the temper and the moderation which will\\nbest ensure the successful issue of your deliberations.\\n{Animal Register, 1829, p. v. 71, 5.)\\n211. Speech of the Attorney-General against the Catholic\\nEmancipation Bill\\nAnnual Regts. ei\\nThe opponents of the Emancipation Bill were not entirely in-\\nfluenced by religious intolerance. The relation of Church and\\nState was considered by many a very buckler of English in-\\ndependence, and any measure likely to weaken the influence of\\nthe Church of England was thought by them to be dangerous\\nto the welfare of the realm. The following speech, though in-\\ntemperate in its language, well sums up the main arguments of\\nthe opponents of the Bill.\\nWhen he, the Attorney-general of the king, was called\\non to frame an act of parliament, it was not unnatural that\\nhe should look, as a lawyer, to a higher authority than him-\\nself, namely the lord Chancellor. How could the Attorney-\\ngeneral prepare a bill, which the lord Chancellor had de-\\nclared would subvert the Protestant church of England? and\\nhe thought he was placing himself under a strong shield,\\nwhen he took his position behind the buckler of lord Chancel-\\nlor Lyndhurst. When my attention was drawn to the fram-\\ning of this bill, I felt it my duty to look over the oath taken\\nby the lord Chancellor, as well as that taken by the Attorney-\\ngeneral and it was my judgment, right or wrong, that, when\\ndesired to frame this bill, I was called to draw a bill sub-\\nversive of the Protestant church, which his Majesty was\\nbound by his coronation oath to support, li his Majesty\\nchose to dispense with the obligations of the coronation oath,\\nhe might do so, but I would do no act to put him in jeop-\\nardy. These are the grounds on which I refused, and wotild\\nrefuse a hundred times over, to put one line to paper of what\\nconstitutes the atrocious bill now before the House. Hun-\\ndreds of those who now listen to me must remember the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0525.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "502 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nable, valuable, and impressive speech delivered two years\\nago by the present lord Chancellor, then Master of the Rolls,\\nand a member of this House. It will also be in the recollec-\\ntion of hundreds that that eminent individual, than whom-\\nnone is more acute in reasoning, more classical in language,\\nand more powerful in delivery, then Master of the Rolls, but\\nnow lord Chancellor, quarrelled with the late Mr. Canning\\non this very subject. Am I then to blame for refusing to do\\nthat in the subordinate office of Attorney-general, which a\\nmore eminent adviser of the Crown, only two years ago, de-\\nclared, he would not consent to do? Am I, then, to be twit-\\nted, taunted, and attacked? I dare them to attack me. I\\nhave no speech to eat up. I have no apostacy disgracefully\\nto explain. I have no paltry subterfuge to resort to. I have\\nnot to say that a thing is black one day, and white another,\\nI have not been in one year a Protestant Master of the Rolls,\\nand in the next a Catholic lord Chancellor. I would rather\\nremain as I am, the humble member for Plympton, than be\\nguilty of such apostacy such contradiction such unex-\\nplainable conversion such miserable, contemptible apos-\\ntacy.\\nThe Attorney-general then entered into an examination\\nof the bill itself, which, he said, he was doubtful whether\\nmembers understood. It contained an oath to be taken, instead\\nof the present oaths of abjuration and supremacy which had\\nexcluded the Catholics. But there was no provision in the\\nbill which confined this oath to Catholics. It was an oath\\nwhich any man might take, whether Catholic or not. A per-\\nson, who was not a Catholic, might, by taking it, enjoy the\\nprivilege of a Catholic. The oath ought to have stated, T\\nam a Catholic, and swear so and so. But the bill did not\\nrequire any such declaration. He supposed that this was an\\nimitation of James the Second s scheme of liberty and con-\\nscience.\\nPeel and Co. were supported on the principles of James II.\\nFor the effect of the oath was, that any man might gain ad-\\nmission to office, or to the House of Commons; whereas he\\nunderstands the object of the alteration to be, that only those,\\nwho swore they were Catholics, were to be permitted to\\ntake the oath. Another clause supposed that a man, who was\\na Catholic, might be prime minister it gave a general capacity\\nto office. All offices, said the bill, are open to Catholics,\\nwith one or two exceptions ecclesiastical appointments, how-\\never, were to be separated from the patronage, and vested in", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0526.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 503\\ncommissions. Now, Catholics had never manifested an un-\\nambitious temper, and a Catholic prime minister would never\\nbe satisfied with this retrenchment of his privileges. And\\nwho was to appoint the commissioners Why, a Protestant\\nlord Chancellor, lord Lyndhurst. The lord Chancellor would\\nhave the appointment to ecclesiastical places but was this\\nsufficient security? Lord Shaftesbury was a Protestant\\nchancellor, and so was lord Jeffries. Was the conduct of\\nJeffries to the bishops forgotten a riian who, though a\\nProtestant, was as great an enemy to Protestants, and as\\nadverse to admitting them to power, as Father Peter himself.\\nThe protection of the Great Seal was as little to be relied on\\nas in the reign of Charles II., when lord Shaftesbury was\\nchancellor, or in that of James II., when Jeffries filled that\\noffice. There might come a time, when no security would be\\nfound in the character of a lord Chancellor. And who would\\nthe commissioners select? Would they select Protestants\\nwho would, or those who would not, apostatize. According\\nto the bill, any Catholic, who took ecclesiastical preferment,\\nwas guilty of a misdemeanour, and could hold his office no\\nlonger; and again, any Catholic, who advised His Majesty\\nrespecting the appointment to an ecclesiastical office, was\\nsubject to the same penalty. Might he be permitted to ask\\nwho drew that clause the very clause, which created the\\noffence, contained an absolute prevention of a conviction for\\nthat offence. The church of Ireland was protected by a\\nflimsy sort of security in the bill. None of the dignities of\\nthe Romish church were to be permitted, eo nomine, to hold\\nEnglish titles, as nominees of the pope but these titles might\\nbe held by virtue of a money medium a 50 bank note would\\nenable Dr. Doyle, or Dr. Curtis, or any other, to sport Catho-\\nlic titles. The bill forbade this, except upon the payment\\nof 50 I., which was all the penalty inflicted. There was no\\npenalty in the act higher than 200 I., so that, in fact, the\\nwhole protection of the British constitution consisted in pen-\\nalties of 50 L, 100 and 200 I. No control over the see of\\nRome none over the nomination of the bishops nothing\\nafter the passing of this bill in the way of security of the\\nProtestant establishment but those penalties of 50 100\\nand 200 This was the declared value of the Protestant\\nconstitution of the empire in current coin. When this bill\\nwas dissected and anatomized, it destroyed itself. It ad-\\nmitted the danger, and yet provided no security for Prot-\\nestants. He would not have condescended to stultify him-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0527.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "S04 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nself by the composition of such a bill. He refused to draw\\nit up. The folly and the contradictions be upon the heads\\nof those who drew it. They might have turned him out of\\noffice but he would not be made such a dirty tool as to draw\\nthat bill. Let who would, he would not defile pen, or waste\\npaper, by such an act of folly, and forfeit his character for\\ncommon sense and honesty. He had, therefore, declined to\\nhave anything to do with it.\\n{Anmial Register, /or 1829, vol. 71, p. 55.)\\n212. Speech of Lord Plunkett for the Emancipation Bill\\nAnmial Register\\nThe speeches made in favour of the Emancipation Bill are\\nin general far more dignified and logical than those of its op-\\nponents. The supporters of the measure rested their cause upon\\nthe argument of the inalienable right of every man to citizen-\\nship and equality under the law and they buttressed their case\\nwith historical as well as polemical arguments. The speech\\nwhich follows is indicative of the general attitude of the friends\\nof emancipation.\\nLord Plunkett said, that he had reserved himself for the\\npurpose of hearing the unanswerable arguments against the\\nbill, which lord Eldon on former occasions had threatened\\nhe would produce when the measure was fairly before the\\nHouse.\\nAs that noble and learned lord, however, had brought forth\\nnothing but the ipse dixit of his own authority, unsustained\\neither by ingenious argument, by historical deduction, or by\\nan appeal to public and authenticated documents, he felt him-\\nself so far absolved from the necessity of refuting anticipated\\narguments for which he had prepared himself, that he would\\naddress his observations more particularly to the position\\nthat the bill was calculated to subvert the Protestant consti-\\ntution.\\nAccording to lord Eldon, the established principle of the\\nReformation had been to exclude Roman Catholics from Par-\\nliament and from offices; and therefore it was that the Oath\\nof Supremacy was framed. Now the 5th of Elizabeth did\\nnot go so far as to exclude Roman Catholics from sitting in\\nthat House, and not only was there an exception as to the\\nHouse of Peers, but the reason of the exception was stated.\\nThe reason was this because the queen was otherwise as-\\nsured, not of the religion, but of the loyalty of such Roman\\nCatholics as were peers of Parliament. Then the Oath of\\nSupremacy was a test, not of religion, but of loyalty. The", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0528.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 5^5\\nmembers of the lower House were called upon to take the\\noath. It was the policy of Elizabeth to gain the Catholics;\\nand for that purpose she changed the Articles and the Liturgy\\nof the Church of England, as framed by Edward 6th, and\\nadopted the communion service, to suit the Roman Catholics,\\nand to enable them to join in communion with the Prot-\\nestants. Passages, containing an expressed denial of the\\nreal presence, were expunged; and for thirteen years after\\nthe Reformation did the Roman Catholics take the Oath of\\nSupremacy, and join in communion with the Church of Eng-\\nland. They continued to be admitted to all the offices of\\nthe state still towards the latter end of the reign of the\\nStuarts. The Roman Catholics then became suspected, not\\non account of their religion, but owing to their supposed ad-\\nherence to the designs of the throne. The throne became\\nfirst disaffected to the liberties of the subject; and from\\nthe reign of Charles ist the Roman Catholics came to be con-\\nsidered as enemies to the state through their adherence to\\nthe king. In a subsequent reign the king himself was a\\nCatholic; and, the throne being thus a convert to their re-\\nligion, and making inroads upon the public liberty, the Roman\\nCatholics became more and more suspected; and, in point\\nof fact, though not of law, they were very generally ex-\\ncluded from Parliament in the reign of Charles 2nd because\\nthe people were prejudiced against them. Till the 25th\\nCharles 2nd, the Roman Catholics had contrived occasionally\\nto get into Parliament and how did the Protestant leaders\\nget them out of the House of Commons, as they took the\\nOath and Declaration? Why, they brought into operation\\nthe law against recusancy, which prohibited persons con-\\nvicted of recusancy from coming within ten miles of the\\ncities of London and Westminster, and thus effectually pre-\\nvented them from doing duty in Parliament. They therefore\\ngot a conviction of recusancy, and then called for a new writ.\\nThis was a decisive proof that, before the 30th of Charles\\n2nd, there was nothing to prevent the Roman Catholics from\\nsitting in Parliament. That statute itself contained two en-\\nactments, the first, that Roman Catholics should not sit\\nin Parliament without making the Declaration, and the\\nsecond that persons not making the Declaration should be\\nexcluded from access to the king. There was a third enact-\\nment, which banished such persons ten miles from the cities\\nof London and Westminster. This was a law of the land;\\nand what had become of that law That member of it, which", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0529.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "So6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nrelated to the penalties against recusancy, was gone; for all\\nthe laws relating to recusancy had been repealed. Then the\\nenactment as to access to the king, that had also been repealed.\\nSo here was a limb of this immortal law lopped off leaving\\nonly the mutilated bust of Titus Oates to represent this im-\\nmortal statute, till the act of William 3rd. He would not\\npretend that there might not be good reason for enacting it,\\nor that the Catholics might not be dangerous, or that they\\nought not to have been excluded from office owing to their\\nadherence to the dangerous designs of the Crown. But what\\nwas meant by saying that that law was consummated at the\\nRevolution Was that act of soth Charles 2nd incorporated\\nin the Bill of Rights? No such thing. Did the Bill of\\nRights trouble itself with all the trumpery of the invocation\\nof saints and transubstantiation No such thing. The f ram-\\ners of that bill thought only of settling the principles of the\\nconstitution so far as they had been invaded, and they had not\\nroom in their heads for the consideration of such things as\\nthese. They scouted such trash and trumpery, whilst they\\nwere intent upon securing the rights and liberties of their\\nfellow-subjects which had been invaded by the Crown. These\\nwise and great men were no system-mongers, no grinders of\\ntheories or dogmas, but sound and practical statesmen and\\nno light toil had they incurred. There were thirteen particu-\\nlars stated. The Bill of Rights did not say, upon abstract\\nprinciple, that the Church and State are necessarily Prot-\\nestants, but it stated Whereas it has been found by ex-\\nperience that it is necessary to the safety and welfare of this\\nProtestant kingdom that the throne should be unalterably\\nProtestant: and it then goes on to enact, that, should the\\nking become a Papist, or marry a Papist, he should thereby\\nforfeit his title to the throne, it being found by experience\\nthat such a security was necessary for this Protestant king-\\ndom. He had been asked, whether this was a Protestant\\nkingdom; he had been asked triumphantly, was this not a\\nProtestant government, a Protestant Parliament? In one\\nsense he admitted it was a Protestant kingdom, but did not\\nexclude Papists. So he admitted that the Parliament was\\nessentially and predominantly Protestant, and in that sense,\\nbut in no other, the Parliament was Protestant. The act of\\n1st of William 3rd forbade Papists to carry arms; this was\\nconsidered as necessary to the security of this Protestant\\nstate. The principle of that act was transferred to the Bill\\nof Rights, which recognized the claim of the Protestants to", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0530.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 5^7\\ncarry arms, but did not refer to the right of the Roman Cath-\\nolics to carry arms. Those, who argued by inference, took\\nadvantage of this; but it so happened that throughout the\\nBill of Rights this was the only passage the construction of\\nwhich was hostile to the Roman Catholics and this was the\\nonly passage in it which had been repealed. It had been\\nrepealed by an act of George 2nd, which also repealed the\\nlaw by which Roman Catholics were forbidden access to the\\nthrone. By the law previous to 30th Charles 2nd, no person\\ncould be admitted into the army unless he had previously\\ntaken the Oath of the Declaration; but by that act, he could\\ntake the oath subsequent to taking the commission: Then\\ncame the act of William, saying that that provision was not\\na sufficient security, and that the oath must be taken pre-\\nviously. Then the present law precisely and practically\\nrepealed the act of William, for it restored the mattter to the\\nstate it was in at the period of the 25th Charles 2nd and the\\nact, for which lord Eldon had told their lordships he was\\nresponsible, had taken greater liberties with the Bill of Rights\\nthan the noble duke had done. Their lordships probably had\\nnot been apprised, when the act of 1817 passed, that they\\nwere repealing the act of king William. The act recited,\\nWhereas by certain laws now in existence, there were\\nsundry embarrassments in respect to the oaths taken by the\\narmy and navy, and, in order to clear up doubts, and to\\nassimilate one to the other, it enacted that the oaths pre-\\nscribed by the former act need not be taken. Thus was there\\nan utter abandonment of the act of William, and that too\\nwithout providing any oath or security in its stead. The\\npresent bill did not give the Roman Catholics any benefit\\nwithout an oath, an oath too, which combined in its language\\nevery possible security that such a form could afford but\\nunder the act of the noble and learned lord, the provisions\\nof king William s act were done away, and not even an oath\\nwas substituted in their stead.\\n(^Annual Register for i82g, vol. 71, p. 92.)\\n213. The Duke of Wellington on Emancipation\\nAnnual Register\\nThe attitude of the Ministry was set forth in a brief speech\\nby the dnke of Wellington at the close of the debate. While\\nthere is little in the utterance beyond a personal explanation of\\nthe secrecy maintained, it is inserted as being the final word\\non the great question which had for so many years troubled the\\nheart of England.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0531.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "5o8 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nThe debate was closed by a brief reply from the duke of\\nWellington. The apprehended danger to the Irish Church\\nfrom the admission of a few Catholics into Parliament, he\\ntreated as futile, considering that the throne would be filled\\nby a Protestant. Moreover, a fundamental article of the\\nUnion between the two countries was the union of the two\\nChurches; and it was impossible that any mischief could\\nhappen to the Irish branch of this united Church, without\\ndestroying the union of the two countries. A different\\ntopic, said his grace, to which Iwish to advert, is a charge\\nbrought against several of my colleagues, and also against\\nmyself, .by the noble earl on the cross-bench, of a want of\\nconsistency in our conduct. My lords, I admit that many of\\nmy colleagues, as well as myself, did on former occasions\\nvote against a measure of a similar description with this\\nand, my lords, I must say, that my colleagues and myself felt,\\nwhen we adopted this measure, that we should be sacrificing\\nourselves and our popularity to that which we felt to be our\\nduty to our sovereign and our country. We knew very well,\\nthat if we put ourselves at the head of the Protestant cry of\\nNo Popery, we should be much more popular even than\\nthose who had excited against us that very cry. But we felt\\nthat in so doing we should have left on the interests of the\\ncountry a burthen which must end in bearing them down, and\\nfurther that we should have deserved the hate and execration\\nof our countrymen. Then I am accused, and by a noble and\\nlearned friend of mine, of having acted with great secrecy\\nrespecting this measure. Now I beg to tell him, that he has\\ndone that to me in the course of this discussion which he\\ncomplains of others having done to him in other words,\\nhe has, in the language of a right hon. friend of his and\\nmine, thrown a large paving-stone instead of throwing a\\nsmall pebble. I say, that if he accuses me of acting with\\nsecrecy on this question, he does not deal with me altogether\\nfairly. He knows as well as I do how the Cabinet was con-\\nstructed on this question; and I ask him, had I any right to\\nsay a single word to any man whatsoever upon this measure,\\nuntil the person most interested in the kingdom upon it had\\ngiven his consent to my speaking out? Before he accused\\nme of secrecy, and of improper secrecy too, he ought to have\\nknown the precise day upon which I received the permission\\nof the highest personage in the country, and had leave to\\nopen my mouth upon this measure. There is another point\\nalso on which a noble earl accused me of misconduct; and", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0532.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 509\\nthat is, that I did not at once dissolve the Parliament. Now\\nI must say that I think noble lords are mistaken in the notion\\nof the benefits which they think that they would derive from\\na dissolution of Parliament at this crisis. I believe that\\nmany of them are not aware of the consequences and of the\\ninconveniences of a dissolution of Parliament at any time.\\nBut when I know, as I did know, and as I do know, the state\\nof the elective franchise in Ireland, when I recollected the\\nnumber of men it took to watch one election which took place\\nin Ireland in the course of last summer, when I knew the\\nconsequences which a dissolution would produce on the\\nreturn to the House of Commons, to say nothing of the risks\\nwhich must have been incurred at each election, of col-\\nlisions that might have lead to something little short of a\\ncivil war, I say, that, knowing all these things, I should\\nhave been wanting in duty to my sovereign and to my coun-\\ntry, if I had advised his Majesty to dissolve his Parliament.\\n(^Annual Register for i82g, vol. 71, p. 94.)\\n214. The End of Jewish Disability\\nA7inual Register\\nThe long persecution of the Jewish race, which had been a\\nblot upon the civilization of England as upon that of nearly all\\nEuropean countries, was finally ended with the admission of\\nBaron Rothschild into Parliament. This measure of justice\\nand tolerance was not effected without opposition, but the senti-\\nment of the country was overwhelmingly in favour of the step,\\nand its execution was not attended with grave difficulty.\\nOn the 26th of July, that honourable member, being con-\\nducted to the table by Lord John Russell and Mr. J. A. Smith,\\nstated, on the oath being read to him, that he could not con-\\nscientiously take it in the form in which it was tendered.\\nHe was then directed to withdraw. Upon this Lord John\\nRussell moved a resolution, simply stating that Baron Roths-\\nchild was prevented by conscientious objections from taking\\nthe oath. This resolution, after an ineffectual protest from\\nMr. Warren, was agreed to; whereupon Lord John Russell\\nmoved a second resolution in the following terms That\\nany persons professing the Jewish religion may henceforth,\\nin taking the oath prescribed in an Act of the present Session\\nof Parliament to entitle him to sit and vote in this House,\\nomit the words, and I make this declaration upon the true\\nfaith of a Christian.\\nA debate ensued, in which Mr. Warren threatened to", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0533.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "510 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ndivide the House. Lord Hotham said he had not intended\\nto vote, but, being called upon to decide, felt bound to oppose\\nthe resolution. Mr. Walpole said he had always regarded\\nthis as a religious rather than a political question. He did\\nnot think Jews ought to sit in a Christian legislature and\\nmust oppose the resolution. But he was bound to say that\\nBaron Rothschild had never permitted himself to do one act\\ncontrary to the law of the land. He also said that the course\\ntaken could not be too much deprecated, and if the Jews were\\nto be admitted they ought to have been admitted in a frank\\nand honest manner. Let them not suppose, however, that\\nthey were closing the question. Mr. Spooner and Mr. Newde-\\ngate repeated their objections to the proceeding. Mr. Fox\\nexpressed his conviction that the House had never acted\\nmore in accordance with the spirit of a Christian legislature\\nthan they were about to do by the admission of Jews to\\nParliament. Lord John Russell reminded Mr. Walpole that\\nthe mode of settling the question had not been proposed by\\nthe advocates for the admission of the Jews. It is not our\\nchoice but the choice of the other House of Parliament.\\nMr. Walpole said this was not the end of the question; but\\nhe trusted none would hereafter attempt to deprive the Jews\\nof the privilege about to be conferred upon them.\\nOn a division the resolution was carried by 69 to 37.\\nBaron Rothschild, being again introduced, was greeted by\\nloud cheers. He took the oath on the Old Testament, omit-\\nting the words, on the true faith of a Christian, and took\\nhis seat on the Opposition benches. Thus ended the long\\ncontroversy which had for so many years divided the two\\nHouses of Parliament.\\n{A7imial Register for l8^8, vol. loo, p. 163.)\\n215. The Oaths Act\\n(21 22 Vic, c. 48, July 23, 1858)\\nSiatuies of the Realm-\\nWhile the recognition of Jews as possessing equal rights re-\\nmoved the great barriers against any inhabitant of the realm,\\nit was not until 1858 that all citizens were legally placed upon\\nthe same footing in regard to their nominal duties. The oaths\\nof allegiance to be taken by a Catholic, a Protestant, and a\\nJew differed in form, though but little in substance. At length,\\nin the year named, the last distinction was removed, and a\\ngeneral form of oath was devised. The rider to the Bill,\\nwhereby the act of participating in the Sacrament of Comm^union\\nwas not made obligatory upon aspirants for office, was the last\\nneedful concession to liberty and justice.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0534.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 511\\nAN ACT TO SUBSTITUTE ONE OATH FOR THE OATHS OF ALLE-\\nGIANCE, SUPREMACY, AND ABJURATION AND FOR THE\\nRELIEF OF HER MAJESTY s SUBJECTS PROFESSING THE\\nJEWISH RELIGION\\nWhereas it is expedient that One Oath should be substi-\\ntuted for the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and Abjura-\\ntion now required by law Be it therefore enacted by the\\nQueen s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice\\nand Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-\\nmons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the\\nAuthority of the same, as follows\\nI. Instead of the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and\\nAbjuration, where the same are now by Law required to be\\ntaken, and taken and subscribed respectively, the following\\nOath shall be taken and subscribed:\\nI, A. B., do swear, that I will be faithful and bear true\\nAllegiance to Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and will defend\\nHer to the utmost of my Power against all Conspiracies and\\nAttempts whatever which shall be made against Her Person,\\nCrown, or Dignity, and I will do my utmost Endeavour to\\ndisclose and make known to Her Majesty, Her Heirs and\\nSuccessors, all Treasons and traitorous Conspiracies which\\nmay be formed against Her or them; and I do faithfully\\npromise to maintain, support, and defend, to the utmost of\\nmy Power, the Succession of the Crown, which Succession,\\nby an Act, intituled An Act for the further Limitation of the\\nCrown, and better securing the Rights and Liberties of the\\nSubject, is and stands limited to the Princess Sophia Elec-\\ntress of Hanover, and the Heirs of Her Body being Protes-\\ntants, hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any Obedience\\nor Allegiance unto any other Person claiming or pretending\\na Right to the Crown of this Realm; and I do declare that\\nno foreign Prince, Person, Prelate, State, or Potentate hath\\nor ought to have any Jurisdiction, Power, Superiority, Pre-\\neminence, or Authority ecclesiastical or spiritual within this\\nRealm; and I make this Declaration upon the true Faith of\\na Christian. So Help me God.\\nH. Wherin the Oath hereby appointed the Name of Her\\npresent Majesty is expressed or referred to, the Name of the\\nSovereign of this Kingdom for the Time being, by Virtue of\\nthe Act for the further Limitation of the Crown and better\\nsecuring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject, shall be", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0535.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "512 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nsubstituted from Time to Time, with proper Words af Ref-\\nerence thereto.\\nIII. The Oath hereby appointed shall be taken and sub-\\nscribed in the same Cases, and by and before the same Per-\\nsons, and at the same Times and Places, as the Oaths of\\nAllegiance, Supremacy, and Abjuration are respectively now\\ndirected to be taken, and taken and subscribed and the taking\\nand subscribing of the Oath hereby appointed shall have the\\nlike Effect as the taking, and taking and subscribing respect-\\nively of the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and Abjuration\\nwould have had if this Act had not been passed; and the\\nRefusal, Neglect, or Omission to take and subscribe the\\nOath hereby appointed shall be attended with the like Dis-\\nabilities, Incapacities, Penalties, Liabilities, and Consequen-\\nces, as now by Law provided in the Case of Refusal,\\nNeglect or Omission to take, or take and subscribe re-\\nspectively the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and Ab-\\njuration; and all Provisions now in Force shall be con-\\nstrued and take effect accordingly Provided always, that\\nno Person, having before the Commencement of this Act\\ntaken the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy and Abjuration,\\nshall be required to take and subscribe the Oath hereby ap-\\npointed, unless and until he would be by Law required to\\ntake the said Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and Abjura-\\ntion in Case this Act had not been passed.\\nIV. Provided always, that every Person of the Persuasion\\nof the People called Quakers, and every other Person now\\nby Law permitted to make his solemn Affirmation or De-\\nclaration instead of taking an Oath, shall, instead of tak-\\ning and subscribing the Oath hereby appointed, make and\\nsubscribe a solemn Affirmation in the Form of the Oath\\nhereby appointed, substituting the Words solemnly, sin-\\ncerely, and truly declare and affirm for the Word swear,\\nand omitting the Words And I make this Declaration upon\\nthe true faith of a Christian. So help me God; and the\\nmaking and subscribing of such Affirmation by a Person\\nhereinbefore authorized to make and subscribe the same,\\nwith such Omission as aforesaid, shall have the same Force\\nand Effect as the taking and subscribing by other Persons of\\nthe Oath hereby appointed.\\nV. And whereas by a certain Act passed in the Ninth Year\\nof the Reign of King George the Fourth, intituled An Act\\nfor repealing so much of the several Acts as imposes the Ne-\\ncessity of receiving the Sacrament of the Lord s Supper as a", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0536.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION Si 3\\nqualification of certain Offices and Employments, a certain\\nDeclaration is prescribed to be taken in the Cases in the said\\nAct mentioned And whereas, by an Act passed in the Ninth\\nYear of the Reign of Her present Majesty, intituled An Act\\nfor the relief of Persons of the Jewish Religion elected to\\nMunicipal Offices, a certain other Declaration was per-\\nmitted to be taken in certain Cases by Persons professing the\\nJewish Religion, instead of the Declaration required to be\\nmade and subscribed by the said Act of King George the\\nFourth And whereas it is right to extend the Benefit of the\\nlast-recited Act to all other Cases in which the Declaration\\nset forth in the said Act of the Ninth Year of the Reign of\\nKing George the Fourth is by Law required to be taken Be\\nit enacted, That in all Cases which are not in the Provisions\\nof the said Act of the Ninth Year of the Reign of Her Ma-\\njesty, in which any other of Her Majesty s subjects are re-\\nquired by Law to make and subscribe the Declaration set\\nforth in the said Act of the Ninth Year of the Reign of King\\nGeorge the Fourth, Her Majesty s Subjects professing the\\nJewish Religion shall be required instead thereof to make and\\nsubscribe the Declaration set forth in the said Act of the\\nNinth Year of the Reign of Her present Majesty, which\\nDeclaration shall, with respect to such Person professing the\\nJewish Religion, be of the same Force and Effect as if he\\nmade and subscribed the said Declaration by the said Act of\\nthe Ninth Year of the Reign of King George the Fourth,\\nand shall be made and subscribed at the same Times and\\nPlaces respectively, and preserved of Record in the same\\nManner as the last-mentioned Declaration is now by Law\\nrequired to be made, subscribed, and preserved.\\nVL Provided also, that nothing in this Act contained shall\\nbe held to alter or affect the Provisions of the Act passed in\\nthe Tenth Year of King George the Fourth, Chapter Seven,\\nfor the Relief of His Majesty s Roman Catholic Subjects.\\n{Atinual Register /or l8^8, vol. loo, p. 238.)\\n216. The Jewish Relief Act\\n(21 22 Vict., c. 49, July 23, 1858)\\nAnnual Register\\nOn the same day as that on which was passed the Oaths Act,\\nthere was passed a measure for defining the privileges of the\\nJews more clearly than this had yet been done. While the first\\nportion of the Act is almost similar to the provisions contained\\nin the Oaths Act, the latter portion expressly continues certain\\ndisabilities made necessary by the connection between Church\\nand State. As a citizen, the Jew was to be henceforth regarded", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0537.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "514 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nas the peer of the Christian but certain functions which trenched\\non the ecclesiastical ground were still withheld.\\nAN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE RELIEF OF HER MAJESTY s SUB-\\nJECTS PROFESSING THE JEWISH RELIGION\\nBe it enacted by the Queen s most Excellent Majesty, by\\nand with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and\\nTemporal, and Commons, in the present Parliament as-\\nsembled, and by the Authority of the same, as follows\\nI. Where it shall appear to either House of Parliament\\nthat a Person professing the Jewish Religion, otherwise en-\\ntitled to sit and vote in such House, is prevented from sitting\\nand voting by his conscientious Objections to take the Oath\\nwhich by an Act passed in the present Sessions of Parliament\\nhas been or may be substituted for the Oaths of Allegiance,\\nSupremacy, and Abjuration in the Form therein required,\\nsuch House, if it think fit, may resolve that henceforth any\\nPerson professing the Jewish Religion, in taking the same\\nOath to entitle him to sit and vote as aforesaid, may omit\\nthe Words and I make this Declaration upon the true Faith\\nof a Christian, and so long as such Resolution shall continue\\nin force the said Oath, when taken and subscribed by any\\nPerson professing the Jewish Religion to entitle him to sit\\nand vote in that House of Parliament, may be modified\\naccordingly; and the taking and subscribing by any Person\\nprofessing the Jewish Religion of the Oath so modified shall,\\nso far as respects the Title to sit and vote in such Plouse,\\nhave the same Force and Effect as the taking and subscribing\\nby other Persons of the said Oath in the Form required by\\nthe said Act.\\nII. In all other Cases, except for sitting in Parliament as\\naforesaid, or in qualifying to exercise the Right of Presenta-\\ntion to any Ecclesiastical Benefice in Scotland, whenever\\nany of Her Majesty s Subjects professing the Jewish Religion\\nshall be required to take the said Oath, the Words and I\\nmake this Declaration upon the true Faith. of a Christian\\nshall be omitted.\\nIII. Nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed\\nto extend to enable any Person or Persons professing the\\nJewish Religion to hold or exercise the Office of Guardians\\nand Justices of the United Kingdom, or of Regent of the\\nUnited Kingdom, under whatever Name, Style, or Title\\nsuch Office may be constituted, or of Lord High Chancel-\\nlor, Lord Keeper or Lord Commissioner of the Great Seal", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0538.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 51S\\nof Great Britain or Ireland, or the Office of Lord Lieu-\\ntenant or Deputy or other Chief Governor or Governors of\\nIreland, or Her Majesty s High Commissioner to the Gen-\\neral Assembly of the Church of Scotland.\\nIV. Where any Right of Presentation to any Ecclesiastical\\nBenefice shall belong to any Office in the Gift or Appoint-\\nment of her Majesty, Her Heirs or Successors, and such\\nOffice shall be held by a Person professing the Jewish\\nReligion, the Right of Presentation shall devolve upon and\\nbe exercised by the Archbishop of Canterbury for the Time\\nbeing; and it shall not be lawful for any Person professing\\nthe Jewish Religion, directly or indirectly, to advise Her\\nMajesty, Her Heirs or Successors, or any Person or Persons\\nholding or exercising the Office of Guardians of the United\\nKingdom, or of Regent of the United Kingdom, under what-\\never Name, Style, or Title such Office may be constituted,\\nor the Lord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy, or any other Chief\\nGovernor or Governors of Ireland, touching or concerning\\nthe Appointment to or disposal of any Office or Preferment\\nin the United Church of England and Ireland, or in the\\nChurch of Scotland; and if such Person shall offend in the\\nPremises he shall, being thereof convicted by due Course of\\nLaw, be deemed guilty of a high Misdemeanor, and disabled\\nfor ever from holding any Office, Civil or Military, under\\nthe Crown.\\n{Annual Register for j8s8, ed. cit., p. 241.)\\n217. The End of the Slave Trade\\nCohheti\\nThe great struggle against slavery was fought out in the\\nnineteenth century. Then it was that the question of emanci-\\npation of the negroes was agitated by the whole world. The\\nmovement resulted in the freedom of the negroes held in bondage\\nby civilized nations, and in ending exportations of slaves from\\nAfrica. The success of the English movement was only brought\\nabout by a long and arduous combat on the part of its adherents,\\nbut it was largely instrumental in the general abolition of the\\nsystem. The following extract portrays the closing scenes at-\\ntending the passage of the Emancipation Act.\\nLord Grenville moved the order of the day for taking into\\nconsideration the amendments made by the house of com-\\nmons in the Slave Trade Abolition bill. His lordship ob-\\nserved that the object of the greater part of these amend-\\nments was to inforce penalties and forfeitures upon those\\ncarrying on the trade, after the period fixed by parliament", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0539.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "5i6 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfor Its abolition, which it was not the practice of that house\\nto enact. These amendments, therefore, were merely calcu-\\nlated the better to carry into effect the principle of the bill.\\nWith respect to the amendment in the preamble, leaving out\\nthe words, declaring the trade to be contrary to justice,\\nhumanity, and sound policy, it would not be imagined after\\nwhat he had said upon the subject, that his opinion had sus-\\ntained any alteration. It having, however, been thought\\nright by the house of commons to make this alteration, in\\norder that the feelings of those concerned in the trade might\\nnot be wounded, he had no objection to it.\\nThe Bishop of Landaff rose to deliver his opinion of the\\nbill, which he had not till then an opportunity of doing. The\\nright reverend prelate observed, that in judging of the\\npropriety of the preamble as it originally stood, or of the\\namendments that had been made in it, the different states of\\nslavery as they existed at different periods of the world\\nshould duly be considered. Certain conditions of slavery\\nexisted in the antediluvian world full 700 years before Noah\\nand such must have existed both before and after the forma-\\ntion of civil society. Under the circumstances of those\\ntimes, multitudes must have existed, who could derive sus-\\ntenance only from their labour, and who, in order to secure\\ntheir means of support, were willing to surrender up that\\nlabour, and with it their freedom. Such a state of slavery\\nmight not indeed be considered as contrary to justice and\\nhumanity, because it was a voluntary act on the part of those\\nwho submitted to it but, although that state of slavery might\\nnot be judged inconsistent with justice and humanity, it did\\nnot follow that other descriptions of it might not be highly\\ninhuman and unjust for what could be more contrary to jus-\\ntice and humanity, than to excite civil war in a country, and\\nthen take advantage of the calamities arising from it to force\\naway the miserable inhabitants into an hopeless captivity?\\nSuch he conceived to be the nature of the trade which it was\\nproposed to abolish. Its abolition was an act of national\\nhumanity and justice; it was an act that would never be\\nblotted out in the records of divine mercy. He was ready\\nto confess, that the most keenly exploring eye might not be\\nable to dive into the consequences of such a measure; but\\nas it evidently sprang from the root of undissembled piety\\nand humanity, it should not be supposed to be productive of\\nevil; but, on the contrary, that it must be healing and bene-\\nficial to mankind.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0540.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "EMANCIPATION 517\\nThe Earl of Westmoreland could not let slip this last op-\\nportunity of entering his protest against the bill he must\\ntherefore repeat some of his former objections to it, though\\nhe was aware that the repetition must be in some degree\\nirksome to the house. At least he must remind them that\\none more occasion presented itself to allow them to rectify\\ntheir opinions, which they should be the more induced to do\\nfrom the awful warning contained in the petition which he\\nhad that day laid on their lordship s table. From that peti-\\ntion they might collect the dreadful consequences which even\\nthe resolutions of last year wxre producing in Jamaica.\\nEvery thing there seemed to indicate the approach of an\\norganized insurrection, which might receive a new stimulus\\nand encouragement from the bill now on the eve of passing.\\nIt, therefore, called again for the most serious consideration\\nof their lordships, and that consideration would shew them\\nthat the proposed clauses involved the greatest inconsisten-\\ncies, absurdities, and even impossibilities. As to the pre-\\namble, nothing could reconcile him to it. No good could be\\nexpected from it, while it might be attended with much mis-\\nchief: he was, therefore, for leaving it out altogether. As\\nto the consequences of the measure, they certainly appeared\\nto him most alarming. If ever St. Domingo and Cuba were\\nin the hands of our enemies, and if they resolved to carry on\\nthis trade, that alarm would prove but too well founded. He\\nw^ould even venture to say, that it was to the existence of the\\nslave trade that their lordships were indebted for their being\\nnow sitting in that house. Our existence depended upon the\\nstrength of our navy, and the strength of our navy was\\nchiefly derived from the slave trade. Their lordships must\\nbe convinced of it, if they but reflected that the town of\\nLiverpool alone now sent out a greater number of privateers\\nthan were employed by the whole of the country against the\\nenemy, in the time of Queen Elizabeth.\\nThe Marquis of Sligo disapproved of the clauses, and con-\\ntended, that the preamble contained a gross calumny.\\nThe Duke of Norfolk was not very anxious on former\\noccasions to support the measures of the abolition; because\\nhe knew that many of those who were loudest in its praise,\\nwere far from being sincere in their wishes for its success.\\nNow, however, when it was taken up by ministers who had\\nhis confidence, and, who, he was satisfied, were incapable of\\nany duplicity, the bill should have his most cordial support,\\nand he should rejoice to see it pass. The question was now", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0541.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "SJS SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nput on the several amendments, and agreed to. Lord Gren-\\nville then moved, that the bill, with the amendments, etc., as\\nagreed to, be sent to the commons, and on the motion being\\nagreed to, his lordship again rose, and congratulated the\\nhouse on having now performed one of the most glorious acts\\nthat had ever been done by any assembly or any nation in\\nthe world.\\n{Parliametttary Debates, ed. Cobbett, Lond., 1807. IX, 168.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0542.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXI\\nPARLIAMENTARY REFORM\\n218. Speech on the First Reform Bill\\n(1831)\\nRnssell\\nThe speech of Lord John Russell, when on March i, 1831, he\\nintroduced the First Reform Bill, opened a debate which prac-\\ntically lasted until June 5, 1832. The Whig ministry knew that\\nthe fate of their party depended upon that of the Bill, and they\\ncame to realize that the fate of the dynasty itself might depend\\nupon the same thing. The Opposition were no less desirous of\\nvictory, seeing in the Bill a measure which threatened the pros-\\nperity of the people and the very existence of the State. The\\ncountry was divided into two hostile camps, regarding each other\\nwith feelings of increased exasperation. On the one hand, the\\nanti-reformers, though comparatively few, were immensely\\nstrong in position and prestige On the other hand, the re-\\nformers could count upon the support of the great mass of the\\npeople.\\nThe object of ministers has been to produce a measure with\\nwhich every reasonable man in the country will be satisfied\\nwe wish to take our stand between the two hostile parties,\\nneither agreeing with the bigotry of those who would reject\\nall Reform, nor with the fanaticism of those who contend\\nthat only one plan of Reform would be wholesome or satis-\\nfactory, but placing ourselves between both, and between the\\nabuses we intend to amend and the convulsion we hope to\\navert.\\nThe ancient constitution of our country declares that no\\nman should be taxed for the support of the state, who has\\nnot consented, by himself or his representative, to the im-\\nposition of these taxes. The well-known statute, de tallagio\\nnon concedcndo, repeats the same language and, although\\nsome historical doubts have been thrown upon it, its legal\\nmeaning has never been disputed. It included all the free-\\nmen of the land, and provided that each county shotild send\\nto the Commons of the realm, two knights, each city two\\n519", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0543.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "520 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nburgesses, and each borough two members. Thus about a\\nhundred places sent representatives, and some thirty or forty\\nothers occasionally enjoyed the privilege, but it was discon-\\ntinued or revived as they rose or fell in the scale of wealth\\nand importance. Thus, no doubt, at that early period, the\\nHouse of Commons did represent the people of England;\\nthere is no doubt likewise, that the House of Commons, as\\nit now subsists, does not represent the people of England.\\nTherefore, if we look at the question of right, the reformers\\nhave right in their favour. Then, if we consider what is\\nreasonable, we shall arrive at a similar result.\\nA stranger, who was told that this country is unparallelecf\\nin wealth and industry, and more civilized, and more en-\\nlightened than any country was before it that it is a country\\nthat prides itself on its freedom, and that once in every seven\\nyears it elects representatives from its population, to act as\\nthe guardians and preservers of that freedom, would be\\nanxious and curious to see how that representation is formed,\\nand how the people chose those representatives, to whose\\nfaith and guardianship they entrust their free and liberal\\ninstitutions. Such a person would be very much astonished\\nif he were taken to a ruined mound, and told that that mound\\nsent two representatives to Parliament if he were taken\\nto a stone wall, and told that three niches in it sent two repre-\\nsentatives to Parliament if he were taken to a park, where\\nno houses were to be seen, and told that that park sent two\\nrepresentatives to Parliament; but if he were told all this,\\nand were astonished at hearing it, he would be still more\\nastonished if he were to see large and opulent towns full of\\nenterprise, and industry, and intelligence, containing vast\\nmagazines of every species of manufactures, and were then\\ntold that these towns sent no representatives to Parliament.\\nSuch a person would be still more astonished, if he were\\ntaken to Liverpool, where there is a large constituency, and\\ntold, here you will have a fine specimen of a popular elec-\\ntion. He would see bribery employed to the greatest extent,\\nand in the most unblushing manner; he would see every voter\\nreceiving a number of guineas in a box, as the price of his\\ncorruption; and after such a spectacle, he would no doubt be\\nmuch astonished that a nation whose representatives are thus\\nchosen, could perform the functions of legislation at all, or\\nenjoy respect in any degree. I say then, that if the question\\nbefore the House is a question of reason, the present state\\nof representation is against reason.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0544.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 521\\nThe confidence of the country in the construction and con-\\nstitution of the House of Commons is gone. It would be\\neasier to transfer the flourishing manufactures of Leeds and\\nManchester to Gatton and Old Sarum, than re-establish con-\\nfidence and sympathy between this House and those whom\\nit calls its constituents. If, therefore, the question is one of\\nright, right is in favour of Reform; if it be a question of\\nreason, reason is in favour of Reform if it be a question of\\npolicy and expediency, policy and expediency are in favour\\nof Reform.\\nI come now to the explanation of the measure which,\\nrepresenting the ministers of the king, I am about to propose\\nto the House. Those ministers have thought, and in my\\nopinion justly thought, that no half measures would be suf-\\nficient that no trifling or paltering with Reform could give\\nstability to the Crown, strength to Parliament, or satisfaction\\nto the country. The chief grievances of which the people\\ncomplain are these. First, the nomination of members by\\nindividuals; second, the election by close corporations; third,\\nthe expense of elections. With regard to the first, it may be\\nexercised in two ways, either over a place containing scarcely\\nany inhabitants, and with a very extensive right of election;\\nor over a place of wide extent and numerous population, but\\nwhere the franchise is confined to very few persons. Gatton\\nis an example of the first, and Bath of the second. At Gat-\\nton, where the right of voting is by scot and lot, all house-\\nholders have a vote, but there are only five persons to exer-\\ncise the right. At Bath the inhabitants are numerous, but\\nvery few of them have any concern in the election. In the\\nformer case, we propose to deprive the borough of the fran-\\nchise altogether. In doing so, we have taken for our guide\\nthe population returns of 1821 and we propose that every\\nborough which in that year had less than 2,oco inhabitants,\\nshould altogether lose the right of sending members to Par-\\nliament, the effect of which will be to disfranchise sixty-two\\nboroughs. But we do not stop here. As the honourable\\nmember for Boroughbridge [Sir C. Wetherell] would say,\\nwe go plus ultra; we find that there are forty-seven boroughs\\nof only 4,000 inhabitants, and these we shall deprive of the\\nright of sending more than one member to Parliament. We\\nlikewise intend that Weymouth, which at present sends four\\nmembers to Parliament, should in the future send only two.\\nThe total reduction thus effected in the number of the\\nmembers of this House will be 168. This is the whole ex-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0545.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "52-2 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ntent to which we are prepared to go in the way of dis-\\nfranchisement.\\nWe do not, however, mean to allow that the remaining\\nboroughs should be in the hands of a small number of persons\\nto the exclusion of the great body of the inhabitants who\\nhave property and interest in the place. It is a point of great\\ndifficulty to decide to whom the franchise should be ex-\\ntended. Though it is a point much disputed, I believe it will\\nbe found that in ancient times every inhabitant householder\\nresident in a borough was competent to vote for members of\\nParliament. As, however, this arrangement excluded villeins\\nand strangers, the franchise always belonged to a particular\\nbody in every town that the voters were persons of prop-\\nerty is obvious, from the fact that they are called upon to pay\\nsu.bsidies and taxes. Two different courses seem to prevail\\nin different places. In some, every person having a house,\\nand being free, was admitted to a general participation in\\nthe privileges formerly possessed by burgesses in others, the\\nburgesses became a select body, and were converted into\\na kind of corporation, more or less exclusive. These differ-\\nences, the House will be aware, lead to the most difficult, and\\nat the same time the most useless questions that men can be\\ncalled upon to decide. I contend that it is proper to get rid\\nof these complicated rights, of these vexatious questions,\\nand to give the real property and real respectability of the\\ndifferent cities and towns, the right of voting for members\\nof Parliament. Finding that a qualification of a house rated\\nat \u00c2\u00a320 a year, would confine the elective franchise, instead\\nof enlarging it, we propose that the right of voting should be\\ngiven to the householders paying rates for houses of the\\nyearly value of fio and upwards, upon certain conditions\\nhereafter to be stated. At the same time it is not intended\\nto deprive the present electors of their privilege of voting,\\nprovided they are resident. With regard to non-residence,\\nwe are of opinion that it produces much expense, is the cause\\nof a great deal of bribery, and occasions such manifest and\\nmanifold evils, that electors who do not live in a place ought\\nnot be permitted to retain their votes. With regard to res-\\nident voters, we propose that they should retain their right\\nduring life, but that no vote should be allowed hereafter, ex-\\ncept to \u00c2\u00a310 householders.\\nI shall now proceed to the manner in which we propose to\\nextend the franchise in counties. The bill I wish to in-\\ntroduce will give all copyholders to the value of \u00c2\u00a310 a year,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0546.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 523\\nqualified to serve on juries, under the right hon. gentlemen s\\n[Sir R. Peel] bill, a right to vote for the return of knights\\nof the shire; also, that leaseholders, for not less than twenty-\\none years, whose annual rent is not less than \u00c2\u00a350, and whose\\nleases have not been renewed within two years, shall enjoy\\nthe same privilege.\\n(^History of the Reform Bill, Molesworthy, Lond., 1866, 103.)\\n219. The Prorogation of the Anti-Reform Parliament\\n(1831)\\nMolesivorthy\\nThe First Reform Bill had passed two readings when the\\nministry, concluded after an adverse vote upon a motion, in-\\ntroduced by General Gascoyne, in opposition to their policy, that\\nit was useless to continue the struggle in Parliament. Confident\\nof the support of the electors, they resolved to appeal to the\\ncountry. To do this a dissolution of Parliament was necessary,\\nand against this the anti-reformers were firmly arrayed. The\\nministry appealed to the king. In the selection which follows,\\nthis appeal is vividly described, and the action of the king in\\ndissolving Parliament is clearly portrayed.\\nUnder these circumstances, ministers acted with prompti-\\ntude and decision. Their defeat had occurred on the morn-\\ning of the 22nd of April on the same day summonses were\\nissued, calling a Cabinet council at St. James s Palace. So\\nshort was the notice, that the ministers were unable to attend,\\nas was customary on such occasions, in their court dresses.\\nAt this council it was unanimously resolved that the Parlia-\\nment should be prorogued the same day, with a view to its\\nspeedy dissolution, and the royal speech, which had been\\nprepared for the occasion, was considered and adopted. All\\nnecessary arrangements having been made, in order to take\\naway from the king all pretext for delay, Earl Grey and Lord\\nBrougham were deputed to wait on the king, and communi-\\ncate to him the advice of the Cabinet. From what has been\\nalready said, the reader will be prepared to anticipate that\\nthis advice was far from palatable. The unusual haste with\\nwhich it w^as proposed to carry out that measure, naturally\\nincreased the king s known objections to the proposed step,\\nand furnished him with a good excuse for refusing his assent\\nto it. Earl Grey, the pink and pattern of loyalty and chival-\\nrous courtesy, shrunk from the disagreeable errand, and re-\\nquested his bolder and less courtly colleague to introduce the\\nsubject, begging him at the same time to manage the suscep-\\ntibility of the king as much as possible.\\nThe Chancellor accordingly approached the subject very\\ncarefully, prefacing the disagreeable message with which he", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0547.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "524 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nwas charged, with a compliment on the king s desire to pro-\\nmote the welfare of his people. He then proceeded to com-\\nmunicate the advice of the Cabinet, adding, that they were\\nunanimous in offering it.\\nWhat exclaimed the king, would you have me dismiss\\nin this summary manner a Parliament which has granted me\\nso splendid a civil list, and given my queen so liberal an\\nannuity in case she survives me?\\nNo doubt, sire, Lord Brougham replied, in these respects\\nthey have acted wisely and honourably, but your Majesty s\\nadvisers are all of opinion, that in the present state of affairs,\\nevery hour that this Parliament continues to sit is pregnant\\nwith danger to the peace and security of your kingdom, and\\nthey humbly beseech your Majesty to go down this very day\\nand prorogue it. If you do not, they cannot be answerable\\nfor the consequences.\\nThe king was greatly embarrassed he evidently enter-\\ntained the strongest objection to the proposed measure, but\\nhe also felt the danger which would result from the resigna-\\ntion of his ministers at the present crisis. He therefore\\nshifted his ground, and asked Who is to carry the sword\\nof state and the cap of maintenance?\\nSire, knowing the urgency of the crisis and the imminent\\nperil in which the country at this moment stands, we have\\nventured to tell those whose duty it is to perform these and\\nother similar offices, to hold themselves in readiness.\\nBut the troops, the life guards, I have given no orders for\\nthem to be called out, and now it is too late.\\nThis was indeed a serious objection, for to call out the\\nguards was the special prerogative of the monarch himself,\\nand no minister had any right to order their attendance with-\\nout his express command.\\nSire, replied the Chancellor, with some hesitation, we\\nmust throw ourselves on your indulgence. Deeply feeling\\nthe gravity of the crisis, and knowing your love for your\\npeople, we have taken a liberty which nothing but the most\\nimperious neccessity could warrant we have ordered out the\\ntroops, and we humbly throw ourselves on your Majesty s\\nindulgence.\\nThe king s eye flashed and his cheek became crimson. He\\nwas evidently on the point of dismissing the ministry in an\\nexplosion of anger. Why, my lords, he exclaimed, this\\nis treason high treason, and you, my Lord Chancellor,\\nought to know that it is,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0548.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 525\\nYes, sire, I do know it, and nothing but the strongest\\nconviction that your Majesty s crown and the interests\\nof the nation are at stake, could have induced us to\\ntake such a step, or to tender the advice we are now giv-\\ning.\\nThis submissive reply had the desired effect, the king\\ncooled, his prudence and better genius prevailed, and having\\nonce made up his mind to yield, he yielded with a good grace.\\nHe accepted, without any objection, the speech which had\\nbeen prepared for him, and which the two ministers had\\nbrought with them, he gave orders respecting the details of\\nthe approaching ceremonial, and having completely recov-\\nered his habitual serenity and good humour, he dismissed the\\ntwo lords with a jocose threat of impeachment.\\nAt half-past two o clock the king entered his state carriage.\\nIt was remarked that the guards on this occasion rode wide\\nof it, as if they attended as a matter of state and ceremony,\\nand not as being needed for the king s protection. Persons\\nwishing to make a more open demonstration of their feelings,\\nwere allowed to pass between the soldiers and approach the\\nroyal carriage. One of these, a rough sailorlike person,\\npulled off his hat, and waving it around his head, shouted\\nlustily, Turn out the rogues, your Majesty. Notwithstand-\\ning the suddenness with which the resolution to dissolve had\\nbeen taken, the news had already spread through the metrop-\\nolis, an immense crowd was assembled, and the king was\\ngreeted throughout his whole progress with the most enthu-\\nsiastic shouts. He was exceedingly fond of popularity, and\\nthese acclamations helped to reconcile him to the step he had\\nbeen compelled to take, and to efface the unpleasant impres-\\nsion which the scene which had so recently occurred could\\nnot fail to leave behind it.\\nMeanwhile, another scene of a far more violent kind was\\ntaking place in the House of Lords. The Chancellor on\\nleaving the king went down to the House to hear appeals.\\nHaving gone through the cause list he retired, in the hope\\nthat he should thereby prevent Lord Wharncliffe from bring-\\ning forward his motion. But the opposition lords had mus-\\ntered in great force, and the House was full in all parts. It\\nis usual on the occasion of a prorogation by the sovereign,\\nfor the peers to appear in their robes, and most of those\\npresent wore theirs, but owing to the precipitation with\\nwhich the dissolution had been decided on, several peers,\\nespecially on the opposition side of the House, were without", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0549.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "526 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nthem. A large number of peeresses in full dress, and of\\nmembers of the House of Commons were also present. And\\nnow a struggle commenced between the two parties into\\nwhich the House was divided. The object of the opposition\\nwas to press Lord Wharncliffe s motion before the king s\\narrival; the supporters of the ministry wished to prevent it\\nfrom being passed. The firing of the park guns announced\\nthajt the king was already on his way down to the House, and\\ntold the opposition they had no time to lose. On the motion\\nof Lord Mansfield, the Earl of Shaftesbury presided, in the\\nabsence of the Lord Chancellor.\\nThe Duke of Richmond, in order to baffle the opposition,\\nmoved that the standing order which required their lordships\\nto take their places should be enforced. The opposition saw\\nat once that this motion was made for the sake of delay, and\\nangrily protested against it; whereupon the duke threatened\\nto call for the enforcement of two other standing orders\\nwhich prohibited the use of intemperate and threatening\\nlanguage in the house. Lord Londonderry, furious with in-\\ndignation, broke out into a vehement tirade against the con-\\nduct of the ministry, and thus effectually played the game of\\nhis opponents. So violent was the excitement which pre-\\nvailed at this time in the House, that the ladies present were\\nterrified, thinking that the peers would actually come to\\nblows. At length Lord Londonderry was persuaded to sit\\ndown, and Lord Wharncliffe obtained a hearing. But it was\\ntoo late to press his motion, and he contented himself with\\nreading it, in order that it might be entered on the journals\\nof the House.\\nAt this conjuncture, the Lord Chancellor returned, and the\\nmoment the reading of the address was concluded, he ex-\\nclaimed in a vehement and emphatic tone\\nMy lords, I have never yet heard it doubted that the\\nkihg possessed the prerogative of dissolving Parliament at\\npleasure, still less have I ever known a doubt to exist on the\\nsubject at a moment when the lower House have thought fit\\nto refuse the supplies. Scarcely had he uttered these words\\nwhen he was summoned to meet the king, who had just ar-\\nrived and was in the robing room; he at once quitted the\\nHouse, which resounded on all sides with cries of hear and\\nthe king.\\nThis tumult having in some degree subsided. Lord Mans-\\nfield addressed the house, regretting the scene which had\\njust occurred, and condemning: the dissolution, which he\\nof I\\nid I!", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0550.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 527\\nqualified as an act by which the ministers were making the\\nsovereign the instrument of his own destruction.\\nHe was interrupted by another storm of violence and con-\\nfusion, which was at length appeased by the announcement\\nthat the king was at hand. When he entered, the assembly\\nhad recovered its usual calm and decorous tranquillity. The\\nmembers of the House of Commons having been summoned\\nto the bar, the king, in a loud and firm voice, pronounced his\\nspeech, which commenced with the following words\\nMy lords and gentlemen,\\nI have come to meet you for the purpose of proroguing\\nthis Parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution.\\nT have been induced to resort to this measure for the\\npurpose of ascertaining the sense of my people, in the way in\\nwhich it can be most constitutionally and authentically ex-\\npressed, on the expediency of making such changes in the\\nrepresentation as circumstances may appear to require, and\\nwhich, founded on the acknowledged principles of the consti-\\ntution, may tend at once to uphold the just rights and pre-\\nrogatives of the crown, and to give security to the liberties of\\nthe people.\\n{History of the Reform Bill, ed. cit., 185.)\\n220. Passage of the First Reform Bill\\nMacatclay\\nThe scenes which accompanied the passage of the first Re-\\nform Bill are graphically described in the following letter from\\nLord Macaulay. The writer was himself an ardent supporter\\nof the Bill, and he thoroughly entered into the spirit of its\\ntriumph.\\nPASSAGE OF THE FIRST REFORM BILL\\nLondon, March 30th, 183 1.\\nDear Ellis, I have little news for you, except what you\\nwill learn from the papers as well as from me. It is clear\\nthat the Reform Bill must pass, either in this or in another\\nParliament. The majority of one does not appear to me, as\\nit does to you, by any means inauspicious. We should per-\\nhaps have had a better plea for a dissolution if the majority\\nhad been the other way. But surely a dissolution under such\\ncircumstances would have been a most alarming thing. If\\nthere should be a dissolution now, there will not be that\\nferocity in the public mind which there would have been if\\nthe House of Commons had refused to entertain the bill at", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0551.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "528 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nall. I confess that, till we had a majority, I was half in-\\nclined to tremble at the storm which he had raised. At\\npresent I think that we are absolutely certain of victory, and\\nof victory without commotion.\\nSuch a scene as the division of last Tuesday I never saw,\\nand never expect to see again. If I should live fifty years,\\nthe impression of it will be as fresh and sharp in my mind\\nas if it had just taken place. It was like seeing Caesar\\nstabbed in the Senate-house, or seeing Oliver taking the mace\\nfrom the table a sight to be seen only once, and never to be\\nforgotten. The crowd overflowed the House in every part.\\nWhen the strangers were cleared out, and the doors locked,\\nwe had six hundred and eight members present more by\\nfifty-five than ever were in a division before. The ayes and\\nnoes were like two volleys of cannon from opposite sides of a\\nfield of battle. When the opposition went out into the lobby,\\nan operation which took up twenty minutes or more, we\\nspread ourselves over the benches on both sides of the\\nHouse for there were many of us who had not been able to\\nfind a seat during the evening. When the doors were shut\\nwe began to speculate on our members. Everybody was\\ndesponding. We have lost it. We are only two hundred\\nand eighty at most. I do not think we are two hundred and\\nfifty. They are three hundred. Alderman Thompson has\\ncounted them. He says they are two hundred and ninety-\\nnine. This was the talk on our benches. I wonder that\\nmen who have been long in Parliament do not acquire a\\nbetter coup d oeil for numbers. The House, when only the\\nayes were it, looked to me a very fair House much fuller\\nthan it is. generally even on debates of considerable inter-\\nest. I had no hope, however, of three hundred. As the tel-\\nlers passed along our lowest row on the left-hand side the\\ninterest was insupportable two hundred and ninety-one\\ntwo hundred and ninety-two we were all standing up and\\nstretching forward, telling with the teller. At three hun-\\ndred there was a short cry of joy at three hundred and two\\nanother suppressed, however, in a moment for we did\\nnot yet know what the hostile force might be. We knew,\\nhowever, that we could not be severely beaten. The doors\\nwere thrown open and in they came. Each of them, as he\\nentered, brought some different report of their members. It\\nmust have been impossible, as you may conceive, in the lobby,\\ncrowded as they were, to form any exact estimate. First we\\nheard that they were three hundred and three; then that\\n1", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0552.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 5^9\\nnumber rose to three hundred and ten then they went down\\nto three hundred and seven. Alexander Barry told me that\\nhe had counted, and that they were three hundred and four.\\nWe were all breathless with anxiety, when Charles Wood,\\nwho stood near the door, jumped upon a bench and cried out,\\n*They are only three hundred and one. We set up a shout\\nthat you might have heard to Charing Cross, waving our\\nhats, stamping against the floor, and clapping our hands.\\nThe tellers scarcely got through the crowd; for the House\\nwas thronged up to the table, and all the floor was fluctua-\\nting with heads like the pit of a theatre. But you might have\\nheard a pin drop as Duncannon read the members. Then\\nagain the shouts broke out, and many of us shed tears. I\\ncould scarcely refrain. And the jaw of Peel fell; and the\\nface of Twiss was as the face of a damned soul and Herries\\nlooked like Judas taking his neck-tie off for the last opera-\\ntion. We shook hands and clapped each other on the back,\\nand went out laughing, crying, and huzzaing into the lobby.\\nAnd no sooner were the outer doors opened than another\\nshout answered that within the House. All the passages\\nand the stairs into the waiting-rooms were thronged by\\npeople who had waited till four in the morning to know the\\nissue. We passed through a narrow lane between two thick\\nmasses of them and all the way down we were shouting and\\nwaving our hats, till we got into the open air. I called a\\ncabriolet, and the first thing the driver asked was, Ts the\\nbill carried? Yes, by one. Thank God for it, sir!\\nAnd away I rode to Gray s Inn and so ended a scene which\\nwill probably never be equalled till the reformed Parliament\\nwants reforming and that I hope will not be till the days of\\nour grandchildren till that truly orthodox and apostolical\\nperson, Dr. Francis Ellis, is an archbishop of eighty.\\n(Lt/e and Letters of Lord Macaulay ed. Trevelyan, Lond., 1897. I, 204.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0553.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXII\\nCHARTISM, AND CORN-LAW REPEAL\\n221. The First National Petition\\nGamtnage\\nThe first petition drawn up in 1838 by the Chartists, although\\nnot that subsequently presented to the House of Commons, well\\ndefines the motives and purposes of the movement. One of the\\nsix points demanded that of equal representation was omit-\\nted perhaps because it was deemed a corollary of universal\\nsuffrage. This petition was the first definition of the spirit of\\nthe movement, and formed a basis for the petitions which were\\nafterward drafted and presented.\\nTo the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain and\\nIreland, in Parliament assembled, the Petition of the under-\\nsigned, their suffering countrymen,\\nHumbly Showeth,\\nThat we, your petitioners, dwell in a land whose mer-\\nchants are noted for their enterprise, whose manufacturers\\nare very skilful, and whose workmen are proverbial for their\\nindustry. The land itself is goodly, the soil rich, and the\\ntemperature wholesome. It is abundantly furnished w4th the\\nmaterials of commerce and trade. It has numerous and con-\\nvenient harbours. In facility of internal communication it\\nexceeds all others. For three and twenty years we have en-\\njoyed a profound peace. Yet, with all the elements of na-\\ntional prosperity, and with every disposition and capacity to\\ntake advantage of them, we find ourselves with public and\\nprivate suffering. We are bowed down under a load of\\ntaxes, which, notwithstanding, fall greatly short of the wants\\nof our rulers. Our traders are trembling on the verge of\\nbankruptcy; our workmen are starving. Capital brings no\\nprofit, and labour no remuneration. The home of the artif-\\nicer is desolate, and the warehouse of the pawnbroker is full.\\nThe workhouse is crowded, and the manufactory is deserted.\\n530", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0554.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "CHARTISM, AND CORN -LAW REPEAL 531\\nWe have looked on every side we have searched diligently\\nin order to find out the causes of distress so sore and so long\\ncontinued. We can discover none in nature or in Provi-\\ndence. Heaven has dealt graciously by the people, nor have\\nthe people abused its grace, but the foolishness of our rulers\\nhas made the goodness of our God of none effect. The ener-\\ngies of a mighty kingdom have been wasted in building up\\nthe power of selfish and ignorant men, and its resources\\nsquandered for their aggrandisement. The good of a part\\nhas been advanced at the sacrifice of the good of the nation.\\nThe few have governed for the interest of the few, while the\\ninterests of the many have been sottishly neglected, or in-\\nsolently and tyrannously trampled upon. It was the fond\\nexpectation of the friends of the people that a remedy for the\\ngreater part, if not for the whole of their grievances, would\\nbe found in the Reform Act of 1832. They regarded that\\nAct as a wise means to a worthy end, as the machinery of an\\nimproved legislation, where the will of the masses would be\\nat length potential. They have been bitterly and basely de-\\nceived. The fruit which looked so fair to the eye, has turned\\nto dust and ashes when gathered. The Reform Act effected\\na transfer of power from one domineering faction to another,\\nand left the people as helpless as before. Our slavery has\\nbeen exchanged for an apprenticeship of liberty, which has\\naggravated the painful feelings of our social degradation, by\\nadding to them the sickening of still deferred hope. We\\ncome before your honourable house to tell you, with all hu-\\nmility, that this state of things must not be permitted to con-\\ntinue. That it cannot long continue, without very seriously\\nendangering the stability of the throne, and the peace of the\\nkingdom, and that if, by God s help, and all lawful and con-\\nstitutional appliances, an end can be put to it, we are fully\\nresolved that it shall speedily come to an end. We tell your\\nhonourable house, that the capital of the master must no\\nlonger be deprived of its due profit; that the labour of the\\nworkman must no longer be deprived of its due reward.\\nThat the laws w^hich make food dear, and the laws which\\nmake money scarce, must be abolished. That taxation must\\nbe made to fall on property, not on industry. That the\\ngood of the many, as it is the only legitimate end, so must it\\nbe the sole study of the government. As a preliminary es-\\nsential to these and other requisite changes as the means\\nby which alone the interests of the people can be effectually\\nvindicated and secured, we demand that those interests be", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0555.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "532 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nconfided to the keeping of the people. When the State calls\\nfor defenders, when it calls for money, no consideration of\\npoverty or ignorance can be pleaded in refusal or delay of the\\ncall. Required, as we are universally, to support and obey\\nthe laws, nature and reason entitle us to demand that in the\\nmaking of the laws the universal voice shall be implicitly\\nlistened to. We perform the duties of freemen; we must\\nhave the privileges of freemen. Therefore, we demand\\nuniversal suffrage. The suffrage, to be exempt from the\\ncorruption of the wealthy and the violence of the powerful,\\nmust be secret. The assertion of our right necessarily in-\\nvolves the power of our uncontrolled exercise. We ask for\\nthe reality of a good, not for its semblance, therefore we\\ndemand the ballot. The connection between the Representa-\\ntives and the people, to be beneficial, must be intimate. The\\nlegislative and constituent powers, for correction and for\\ninstruction, ought to be brought into frequent contact. Er-\\nrors which are comparatively light, when susceptible of a\\nspeedy popular remedy, may produce the most disastrous\\neffects when permitted to grow inveterate through years\\nof compulsory endurance. To public safety, as well as\\npublic confidence, frequent elections are essential. There-\\nfore, we demand annual parliaments. With power to choose,\\nand freedom in choosing, the range of our choice must be\\nunrestricted. W^e are compelled, by the existing laws, to\\ntake for our representatives men who are incapable of ap-\\npreciating our difficulties, or have little sympathy with\\nthem; merchants who have retired from trade and no longer\\nfeel its harrassings; proprietors of land who are alike igno-\\nrant of its evils and its cure law^yers by whom the notoriety\\nof the senate is courted only as a means of obtaining notice\\nin the courts. The labours of a representative who is sed-\\nulous in the discharge of his duty are numerous and burden-\\nsome. It is neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they\\nshould continue to be gratuitously rendered. We demand\\nthat in the future election of members of your honourable\\nhouse, the approbation of the constituency shall be the sole\\nqualification, and that to every representative so chosen, shall\\nbe assigned out of the public taxes, a fair and adequate re-\\nmuneration for the time which he is called upon to devote\\nto the public service. The management of this mighty king-\\ndom has hitherto been a subject for contending factions to\\ntry their selfish experiments upon. We have felt the con-\\nsequences in our sorrowful experience. Short glimmerings", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0556.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "CHARTISM, AND CORN -LAW REPEAL 533\\nof uncertain enjoyment, swallowed up by long and dark\\nseasons of suffering. If the self-government of the people\\nshould not remove their distresses, it will, at least, remove\\ntheir repinings. Universal suffrage will, and it only can,\\nbring true and lasting peace to the nation we firmly believe\\nthat it will also bring prosperity. May it therefore please\\nyour honourable house, to take this our petition into your\\nmost serious consideration, and to use your utmost endeav-\\nours, by all constitutional means, to have a law passed, grant-\\ning to every male of lawful age, sane mind, and unconvicted\\nof crime, the right of voting for members of parliament to\\nbe in the way of secret ballot, and ordaining that the duration\\nof parliament, so chosen, shall in no case exceed one year,\\nand abolishing all property qualifications in the members,\\nand providing for their due remuneration while in attendance\\non their parliamentary duties.\\nAnd your petitioners shall ever pray.\\n{History of the Chartist Movement, R. G. Gammage, London, 1894. p. 87.)\\n222. Presentation of the National Petition\\nGaminage\\nThe climax of the Chartist movement occurred upon April loth,\\n1839, the date of the presentation of the monster petition. The\\napprehension of the Government, the attitude of Parliament, and\\nthe motives and actions of the leaders of the Chartists are well\\nshown by the following selection from the works of a prominent\\nagitator.\\nThe ever memorable loth of April arrived, and vast prep-\\narations were made by the Government. Beside the regular\\ntroops quartered in the metropolis, others poured in from\\nWindsor, Hounslow, Chichester, Chatham, Winchester, and\\nDover. The marines and sailors of the Royal Navy at\\nSheerness, Chatham, Birkenhead, Spithead, and other govern-\\nment towns, as well as the dockyard men, were kept under\\narms. The Thames police kept watch upon the mercantile\\nmarine, lest they should show any leaning towards the\\nChartists. Heavy gun-batteries were brought from Wool-\\nwich, and placed at various points. The marines were\\nstationed at the Admiralty. Many of the troops were dis-\\nposed of secretly, to be ready in case of necessity. The\\nmounted police were armed with broad swords and pistols.\\nAll the public buildings were put in a state of defence. Two\\nthousand stand-of-arms were supplied to the general post-\\noffice, for the use of the clerks and officers of that depart-\\nment, who were all sworn in as special constables; and the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0557.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "S34 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nofficials at other public places were equally well provided.\\nAll the steam vessels were ordered to be ready for any\\nemergency, in order to convey troops. At the Tower the guns\\nwere examined, the battlements strengthened by barricades,\\nand the troops held in readiness to march at a minute s notice.\\nThe labourers at the docks were sworn in as specials. The\\ncity prisons were guarded by military, and the churches were\\nconverted into barracks. The public vehicles were generally\\nwithdrawn from the streets. In the city seventy thousand\\npersons were sworn in as special constables, and military\\nofficers commanded them. The royal carriages and horses,\\nand other valuables, were removed from the palace. The\\nmilitary force amounted to nine thousand men. It being\\nbelieved that the procession would go from Kennington Com-\\nmon over Blackfriars Bridge, to the House of Commons,\\ngreat preparations were made in that quarter. At Stepney\\nGreen, Finsbury-square, and Russell-square, bodies of the\\nChartists met with bands and banners, and paraded the\\nstreets on their way to Kennington Common, where six\\nthousand police, and eight thousand specials were in atten-\\ndance. Before eleven o clock Trafalgar-square was filled\\nwith police. The approaches of Westminster Bridge were,\\non the Surrey side, guarded by strong bodies of that force,\\nand the bridge was placarded with bills, announcing that no\\nprocession would be allowed to accompany the Petition to\\nthe House. Every commodious place in the vicinity was\\nfilled with military, police, or specials. The artillery was also\\npresent. Various bodies continued to arrive on the Common\\nwith music and banners, bearing various inscriptions, such as\\nLiberty, Equality, Fraternity Ireland for the Irish. The\\nConvention assembled at nine o clock, Reynolds occupying\\nthe chair. The delegates names were called. When the\\nname of Bronterre O Brien was called, McCarthy said he\\nunderstood O Brien had resigned, and he wished to know\\nwhen he attended last. Doyle said they had no notice of his\\nresignation officially, and he had not attended since the day\\nbefore the proclamation was issued from the Government.\\nDoyle also announced that he had received a letter from the\\nCommissioner of Police, in reply to one sent by him that the\\nroute of procession was altered. The letter stated that the\\ncontemplated procession would on no account be allowed to\\ntake place. O Connor delivered a precautionary speech\\ntook the blame off the Government for the preparations they\\nhad made, and charged it upon those who had talked of an", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0558.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "CHARTISM, AND CORN-LAW REPEAL 535\\narmed demonstration. He said he was prepared to ask the\\nmeeting in the name of courage, in the name of justice, in\\nthe name of God, not to hold the procession, and thus throw\\ntheir great cause into the hands of the pickpockets and\\nscoundrels, and give the Government an opportunity of\\nattacking them. He then stated that the preparations had\\nbeen made for shooting from certain windows on the leaders\\nof the movement. He was told this by Alderman Humphery\\nin the House of Commons, by the police, and others. The\\ndelegates started from the Convention Room at ten o clock.\\nThe procession was headed by a car, decorated with various\\nbanners, and drawn by four horses. This car was to convey\\nthe National Petition. This was followed by a second car,\\ndrawn by six horses, and containing the delegates. On the\\nfront seat were Feargus O Connor, Doyle, McGrath, Jones,\\nWheeler, and Harney. This car, like the preceding one, was\\nprofusely decorated. As the delegates left a body of people\\nfell into procession behind them, eight abreast. Having\\narrived at the National Land Company s office, the proces-\\nsion stopped to take up the petition. This accomplished, the\\nprocession resumed its march through Holborn, Farringdon-\\nstreet, and New Bridge-street, to Blackfriar s Bridge. Two\\nor three hundred pensioners were on the Steamboat Pier,\\nwho, on being recognised, were loudly cheered by the people\\nin the procession. Quite as many police were on the other\\nside of the Bridge, and a little further on were fifty mounted\\npolice with cutlasses. As far as the Blackfriar s-road most\\nof the shops were open, but from the Bridge they were mostly\\nclosed. The procession at length reached the Common,\\nwhere the several bodies of men, with their bands and ban-\\nners, formed into a dense mass, estimated at from one hun-\\ndred and fifty thousand to one hundred and seventy thousand,\\nand who burst into loud cheering as the delegates car came\\nupon the Common.\\nThe meeting being at an end, the Petition was placed\\nin three cabs, and the Chartist Executive accompanied it to\\nthe House of Commons. The police guarded the bridges,\\nand for upwards of an hour after the meeting, prevented any\\napproach on the part of the people. Some endeavoured to\\neffect a passage, but the police used their staves, often with\\nvery little moderation. The masses did not, however, risk\\na collision with the police, and considering the excitement\\npreviously existing, the day passed off in a singularly peace-\\nful manner.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0559.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "536\\nSOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nOn the same day O Connor presented the Petition to the\\nHouse, which he stated was signed by five million seven\\nhundred thousand persons. He also presented one for the\\nsame object, signed by thirty thousand persons. He moved\\nthat the first Petition be read by the clerk at the table, which\\nwas accordingly done. Lord Morpeth stated that Sir George\\nGrey was unavoidably absent on account of business; but he\\nmight say for him, that whatever might be his sentiments\\non the prayer of the Petition, he would not wish to appear\\nwanting in respect to that or any other petition, signed by\\na large number of his fellow-subjects. The Petition being\\nroiled out of the House, Bright presented a petition from\\ndelegates at Manchester, representing six thousand persons,\\npraying for the six points of the Charter; the abolition of\\nthe law of entail and primogeniture a limitation of the\\nhours of labour and local boards for the regulation of wages.\\nLushington gave notice that on Friday next he would ask\\nwhether it was the intention of the Government to introduce\\nany measure of parliamentary reform during the session.\\nOn the same day that the last three motions were adopted,\\nan important scene occurred in the House of Commons on\\nthe subject of the National Petition. Thornley brought up\\na report from the Committee on public petitions. He stated\\nthat with the assistance of thirteen law stationer s clerks, the\\npetition which O Connor had said contained five million seven\\nhundred thousand signatures, had been examined, and it was\\nfound to contain only one million nine hundred and seventy-\\nfive thousand four hundred and ninety-six, and amongst the\\nrest were signatures such as Victoria Rex, the Duke of Wel-\\nlington, Sir Robert Peel, Colonel Sibthorpe, etc. There were\\nalso a large number of fictitious names, such as Pugnose,\\nLongnose, Flatnose, Punch, Snooks, Fubbs, and other obscene\\nnames, which he would not offend the House or its dignity\\nby repeating. O Connor denied that it would be possible for\\nthirteen clerks to count one million nine hundred thousand\\nsignatures in the time, and moved for a committee to enquire\\ninto the subject. He attributed the fictitious names to\\nGovernment spies. He believed the number of signatures\\nhe had stated was correct. He did not believe he should\\nhave any difficulty in obtaining fifteen million or double or\\ntreble that number. Thornley said the Committee was not\\nappointed specially to examine that Petition, but it was ap-\\npointed in the early part of the session, to examine all peti-\\ntions presented to the House. O Connor had stated that the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0560.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "CHARTISM, AND CORN -LAW REPEAL 537\\nPetition was contained in four large bundles, and it took\\nhimself and four other persons to lift the largest. The Peti-\\ntion had been weighed that morning, and was found to weigh\\n5cwt. 48 lbs. The Committee was, he trusted, too well known\\nto render any further statement necessary. Lord John Rus-\\nsel expressed himself satisfied with the report. The Earl\\nof Arundel and Surrey, Maurice O Connell, and Sir R. H.\\nInglis having spoken, Cripps, one of the Committee, got up\\nand confirmed the statement of Thornley, and stated out of\\nten thousand signatures, eight thousand two hundred were\\nwomen. He made some strong remarks upon O Connor, who\\nreplied that he could not be answerable for every signature\\ncontained in the Petition. He had palmed no falsehood upon\\nthe House, nor had he charged the Committee with practising\\na deception. After he had spoken O Connor left the House.\\n(^History of the Chartist Movement, ed. cit., p. 312.)\\n223. Suffering of the Lower Classes\\nContemporary Newspaper\\nThe following letter to the Sun throws powerful light upon\\nthe sufferings of the English poor in the days of Chartism and\\nReform. The description of the poverty of the lower classes\\nis as vivid as it is painful, and the prophecy with which the\\nletter concludes shows the impression made by the conditions\\nof the times upon men of thought.\\nSir, I have been at the siege of Bolton for nothing but\\nsome such cause suggests itself as adequate to the phenome-\\nnon. And is it not a siege Not carried on perhaps by any\\nenemy within gun-shot, but by one working on a wider\\nradius, and making his blockade by sea upon the means of\\nlife.\\nMany sights it has been my chance to see. I think I know\\nwhat is the minimum of help by which horse, ass, dog, hog,\\nor monkey, can sustain existence, and when it must go out\\nfor want of appliances and means of living. But anything\\nlike the squalid misery, the slow, mouldering, putrefying\\ndeath, by which the weak and the feeble of the working\\nclasses are perishing here, it never befel my eyes to behold,\\nnor my imagination to conceive. And the creatures seem to\\nhave no idea of resisting or even repining. They sit down\\nwith Oriental submission, as if it was God, and not the land-\\nlord, that was laying hand upon them. And when their\\nhonourable representative in Parliament gave a description", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0561.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "538 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof their sufferings, liar was the best word applied to him\\nby the organs of tyranny.\\nDid you ever set your eyes on a pennyworth of mutton?\\nCome here, and you shall see how rations are served out\\nunder the landlord s state of siege. It might bait a rat-trap;\\nthough a well-fed rat w^ould hardly risk his personalities for\\nsuch a pittance. Pennyworths of mutton, and halfpenny-\\nworths of bread cut off the loaf, are what the shopkeepers\\nof Bolton deal out to the inhabitants of their Jerusalem. I\\nsaw a woman come for one half penny- worth of bread, which\\nwas to be the dinner of herself and her children twain; and\\nwhen I reflected that of this transparent slice the other one\\nwas gone to buy the landlord s sack, astonishment possessed\\nme at the endurance of that long-bearing ass the public, and\\nthe extent to which ignorance and divisions will drop the\\nrich man s robbery.\\nI saw another mother of a family, who said she had not\\ntasted meat for many months; and on one of the children\\nbeing sent off to the butcher s for some of the strange luxury,\\nshe was discovered making many efforts to intercept the\\nmessager. Her anxiety was to instruct the boy to bring\\nback nothing but one pennyworth of bacon; there was a to^\\nmorrow, and to-morrow, and to-morrow, for which she had\\nconceived the idea of spinning out existence by means of the\\nremainder of the funds.\\nIf you are curious in human misery, if you are anxious\\nto know what a shabby tyranny can bring the rank and file\\nto suffer, come, at your leisure, to the leaguer of Bolton-,\\nand see what the people sleep upon, if they do sleep. Chopped\\ndirt, the sweepings of a henhouse, mingled with a portion\\nof sparrows nests, to show that men had heard of straw,\\nwould be the best representatives of what they huddle upon\\nin corners, and call it resting. And all this because Sir\\nHaving Greedy votes in the House of Commons for closing\\nhonest trade, as the means of doubling them by confiscation\\nof the poor man s bread.\\nThere is danger in their schemes. Already people of all\\nkinds are paradying the sentiment of the Italians Ad\\nogni uomo puzza questo barbaro dominion which may be\\ntranslated for English use, Neither man nor woman will\\nendure this dynasty of clodhoppers. It wants nothing but\\nthe private of the regiment to know what hurts them, and\\nto get rid (as they are doing fast) of the various false lights\\nthrown out to induce them to run in every direction that will", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0562.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "CHARTISM, AND CORN -LAW REPEAL 539\\npreserve the evil and a quicker end than pleasant may be\\nput to mischief, which nobody would remove by an earlier\\napplication of the prudential virtues.\\n{Recollections oj Richard Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law League,\\nH. Ashworth, Lond. p. 36.)\\n224. Repeal of the Corn Law\\nLevi\\nThe Anti-Corn-Law movement finally met with the success\\nit merited, though not without encountering fierce opposition.\\nThe landed interest was inimical, almost as a unit. Legislation\\nin the interest of the masses found little favour among the\\nupper classes of England at that period, and the voice of the\\nmultitude, reduced to the borders of starvation, was long raised\\nin vain. Sir Robert Peel s defection from the opponents of the\\nBill largely aided its ultimate passage, but to Cobham and Bright\\nbelong the greatest meed of praise for the final triumph of the\\ncause of the people.\\nThe Anti-Corn-Law agitation was one of those movements\\nwhich, being founded on right principles, and in harmony\\nwith the interests of the masses, was sure to gather fresh\\nstrength by any event affecting* the supply of food. It was\\npopular to attempt to reverse a policy which aimed almost\\nexclusively to benefit one class of society. The economic\\ntheorists had the mass of the people with them. Their\\ngatherings were becoming more and more enthusiastic. And\\neven amidst Conservative landowners there were not a few\\nenlightened and liberal minds who had already, silently at\\nleast, espoused the new ideas. No change certainly could\\nbe expected so long as bread was cheap and labour abund-\\nant. But when a deficient harvest and a blight in the\\npotato crop crippled the resources of the people and raised\\ngrain to famine prices, the voice of the League acquired\\ngreater power and influence. Hitherto they had received\\nhundreds of pounds. Now, thousands were sent in to sup-\\nport the agitation. A quarter of a million was readily con-\\ntributed. Nor were the contributors Lancashire mill-owners\\nexclusively. Among them were merchants and bankers, men\\nof heart and men of mind, the poor labourer and the peer of\\nthe realm. The fervid oratory of Bright, the demonstrative\\nand argumentative reasoning of Cobden, the more popular\\nappeals of Fox, Rawlins, and other platform speakers, filled\\nthe newspaper press, and were eagerly read. And when\\nparliament dissolved in August 1845, even Sir Robert Peel\\nshowed some slight symptoms of a conviction that the days", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0563.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "540 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof the corn laws were numbered. Every day, in truth,\\nbrought home to his mind a stronger need for action, and as\\nthe ravages of the potato disease progressed, he saw that all\\nfurther resistance would be absolutely dangerous. A cabinet\\ncouncil was held on October 31 to consult as to what\\nwas to be done, and at an adjourned meeting on Novem-\\nber 5 Sir Robert Peel intimated his intention to issue an\\norder in council remitting the duty on grain in bond to one\\nshilling, and opening the ports for the admission of all\\nspecies of grain at a smaller rate of duty until a day to be\\nnamed in the order; to call parliament together on the\\n27th inst., to ask for an indemnity, and a sanction of the\\norder by law; and to submit to parliament immediately\\nafter the recess a modification of the existing law, including\\nthe admission at a nominal duty of Indian corn and of\\nBritish colonial corn. A serious difference of opinion, how-\\never, was found to exist in the cabinet on the question brought\\nbefore them, the only ministers supporting such measures\\nbeing the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr.\\nSidney Herbert. Nor was it easy to induce the other mem-\\nbers to listen to reason. And though at a subsequent meet-\\ning, held on November 28, Sir Robert Peel so far secured\\na majority, it was evident that the cabinet was too divi-\\nded to justify him in bringing forward his measures, and\\nhe decided upon resigning office. This resolution having\\nbeen communicated to the Queen, her Majesty summoned\\nLord John Russell to form a cabinet, and, to smooth his\\npath. Sir Robert, Peel, with characteristic frankness, sent\\na memorandum to her Majesty embodying a promise to\\ngive him his support. But Lord John Russell failed in\\nhis efforts, and the Queen had no alternative but to recall\\nSir Robert Peel, and give him full power to carry out his\\nmeasures. It was under such circumstances that Parliament\\nwas called for January 22, 1846, and on January 27 the\\ngovernment plan was propounded before a crowded house.\\nIt was not a immediate repeal of the corn laws that Sir\\nRobert Peel recommended. He proposed a temporary pro-\\ntection for three years, till February i, 1849, imposing a\\nscale during that time ranging from 4s. when the price of\\nwheat should be 50s. per quarter and upward, and los. when\\nthe price of wheat should be under 48s. per quarter, and\\nthat after that period all grain should be admitted at the\\nuniform duty of is. per quarter. The measure, as might\\nhave been expected, was received in a very different manner", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0564.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "CHARTISM, AND CORN -LAW REPEAL 541\\nby the political parties in both Houses of Parliament. There\\nwas treason in the conservative camp, and keen and bitter\\nwas the opposition they offered to their chief. For twelve\\nnights speaker after speaker indulged in personal recrimina-\\ntions. They recalled to Sir Robert Peel s memory the\\nspeeches he had made in defence of the corn laws. And as\\nto his assertion that he had changed his mind, they denied\\nhis right to do so.\\nThe passing of the measure was, however, more than\\ncertain, and after a debate of twelve nights duration on Mr.\\nMiles, amendment, the Government obtained a majority of\\n97, 337 having voted for the motion and 240 against it. And\\nfrom that evening the corn law may be said to have expired.\\n(^History of British Commerce, Lond. 1872, p. 292,)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0565.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXIII\\nAUSTRALIA\\n225. The Establishment of the Colony\\n(27 Geo. III. c. 2, 1787)\\nBarton\\nThe following Act established the colony of New South\\nWales by extending thereto the criminal jurisdiction of the king.\\nTransportation for certain offences had already been determined\\nupon, and Australia presented many advantages as a penal settle-\\nment.\\nACT TO ENABLE HIS MAJESTY TO ESTABLISH A CRIMINAL JU-\\nDICATURE ON THE EASTERN COAST OF NEW SOUTH WALES\\nAND THE PARTS ADJACENT\\nWhereas by an Act made and passed in the twenty-fourth\\nyear of his present Majesty s reign, intituled An Act for\\nthe effectual transportation of felons and other offenders,\\nand to authorize the removal of prisoners in certain cases,\\nand for other purposes therein mentioned, it is enacted that,\\nfrom and after the passing of that Act^ when any person or\\npersons at any Sessions of Oyer or Terminer or Gaol Deliv-\\nery, or at any Quarter or other General Session of the Peace\\nto be holden for any county, riding, division, city, town,\\nborough, liberty, or place, within that part of Great Britain\\ncalled England, or at any Great Session to be holden for the\\nCounty Palatine of Chester, or within the Principality of\\nWales, shall be lawfully convicted of grand or petit larceny,\\nor any other offence for which such person or persons shall\\nbe liable by the laws of this realm to be transported, it shall\\nand may be lawful for the Court before which any such\\nperson or persons shall be convicted as aforesaid, or any sub-\\nsequent Court holden at any place for the same county,\\nriding, division, city, town, borough, liberty, or place respect-\\nively, with like authority, to order and adjudge that such\\nperson or persons so convicted as aforesaid shall be trans-\\n542", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0566.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "AUSTRALIA 543\\nported beyond the seas for any term of years not exceeding\\nthe number of years or terms for which such person or\\npersons is or are or shall be liable by any law to be trans-\\nported and in any such case it shall or may be lawful for his\\nMajesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to de-\\nclare and appoint to what place or places, part or parts,\\nbeyond the seas, either within his Majesty s dominions, or\\nelsewhere out of his Majesty s dominions, such felons or\\nother offenders shall be conveyed or transported And such\\nCourt as aforesaid is thereby authorized and empowered to\\norder such offenders to be transferred to the use of any\\nperson or persons, and his or their assigns, who shall con-\\ntract for the due performance of such transportation\\nAnd when his Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall be\\npleased to extend mercy to any offender or offenders who\\nhath or have been, or shall be convicted of any crime or\\ncrimes, for which he, she, or they is or shall be by law ex-\\ncluded from the benefit of clergy, upon condition of trans-\\nportation to any place or places, part or parts, beyond the\\nseas, either for term of life, or any number of years, and\\nsuch extension of mercy shall be signified by one of his Ma-\\njesty s Principal Secretaries of State, it shall be lawful for\\nany Court, having proper authority, to allow such offender\\nor offenders the benefit of a conditional pardon, and (except\\nin cases where such offenders shall be authorized by his\\nMajesty to transport himself, herself, or themselves) to order\\nthe transfer of such offender or offenders to any person or\\npersons who shall contract for the due performance of such\\ntransportation, and his or their assigns, for such and the\\nsame term of years for which any such offender or offenders\\nshall have been ordered to be transported, or for such term\\nof life or years as shall be specified in such condition of\\ntransportation\\nAnd whereas Sir James Eyre, Knight, and Sir Beaumont\\noil, bearing date respectively on the sixth day of December,\\n1786, hath judged fit, by and with the advice of his Privy\\nCouncil, to declare and appoint the place to which certain\\noffenders named in two lists to the said several Orders-in-\\nCouncil annexed, should be transported for the time or term\\nin their several sentences mentioned, to be the eastern coast\\nof New South Wales, or some one or other of the islands ad-\\njacent\\nAnd whereas Sir James Eyre, Knight, and Sir Beaumont\\nHotham, Knight, two of the Borons of his Majesty s Court of", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0567.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "544 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nExchequer of the degree of coiffe, according to the au-\\nthority of them given by the said statute, did, on the thir-\\nteenth day of December, 1786, order that the said several\\noffenders, in the said several lists to the said several Orders-\\nin-Council annexed, should be transported to the place and\\nfor the time and terms aforesaid:\\nAnd whereas it may be found necessary that a colony and\\na civil Government should be established in the place to\\nwhich such convicts shall be transported, under and by virtue\\nof the said Act of Parliament, the said two several Orders-of-\\nCouncil, and other the said above-recited Orders, and that a\\nCourt of Criminal Jurisdiction should also be established\\nwithin such place as aforesaid, with authority to proceed in\\na more summary way than is used within this realm, accord-\\ning to the known and established laws thereof:\\nBe it therefore enacted by the King s Most Excellent Ma-\\njesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords\\nSpiritual and Temporal and Commons, in this present Parlia-\\nment assembled, and by the authority of the same, that his\\nMajesty may, by his Commission under the Great Seal, au-\\nthorise the person to be appointed Governor, or the Lieuten-\\nant-Governor in the absence of the Governor, at such place\\nas aforesaid, to convene from time to time, as occasion may\\nrequire, a Court of Jurdicature for the trial and punishment\\nof all such outrage and misbehaviours as, if committed with-\\nin this realm, would be deemed and taken, according to the\\nlaws of this realm, to be treason or misprison thereof, felony\\nor misdemeanor, which Court shall consist of the Judge-\\nAdvocate, to be appointed in and for such a place, together\\nwith six officers of his Majesty s forces by sea or land:\\nWhich Court shall proceed to try such offenders by calling\\nsuch offenders respectively before that Court, and causing\\nthe charge against him, her, or them respectively, to be read\\nover, which charge shall always be reduced into writing, and\\nshall be exhibited to the said Court by the Judge-Advocate,\\nand by examining witnesses upon oath, to be administered\\nby such Court, as well for as against such offenders respect-\\nively, and afterwards adjudging by the major part of the\\npersons composing such Court, that the party accused is or is\\nnot (as the case shall appear to them) guilty of the charge,\\nand by pronouncing judgment therein (as upon a conviction\\nby verdict) of death, if the offence be capital, or of such\\ncorporal punishment not extending to capital punishment, as\\nto the said Court shall seem meet; and in case not capital,", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0568.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "AUSTRALIA 545\\nby pronouncing punishment of such corporal punishment,\\nnot extending to life or limb, as to the said Court shall seem\\nmeet.\\nII. And be it further enacted that the Provost-Marshal,\\nor other officer to be for that purpose appointed by such\\nGovernor or Lieutenant-Governor, shall cause due execu-\\ntion of such judgment to be had and made under and ac-\\ncording to the warrant of such Governor or Lieutenant-\\nGovernor in the absence of the Governor, under his hand\\nand seal, and no otherwise\\nProvided always that execution shall not be .had or done\\non any capital convict or convicts, unless five persons present\\nin such Court shall concur in adjudging him, her, or them,\\nso accused and tried as aforesaid, to be respectively guilty,\\nand until the proceedings shall have been transmitted to his\\nISIajesty and by him approved.\\nIII. And be it so enacted by the authority aforesaid that the\\nsaid Court shall be a Court of Record, and shall have all such\\npowers as by the laws of England are incident and belonging\\nto a Court of Record.\\n(^History of New South Wales from the Records^ G. B. Barton,\\nLond. and Sidney, 1889. I, 453).\\n226. The First Penal Settlement\\nBarton\\nIn 1786 there was drawn up the following plan for the estab-\\nlishment of a penal settlement in New South Wales. The\\ndocument given is not the first submitted, but it is that which\\ncontains the plan nearest that which was adopted. The result\\nwas the famous first fleet, which in 1788 sailed for Botany\\nBay. Although the experiment was not an unqualified success,\\nit was sufficiently so to warrant the continuance of the penal\\nsettlements in xA.ustralia. All of these settlements were gener-\\nically known as Botany Bay, although the spot to which that\\ntitle belonged was soon abandoned. It was not for many years\\nthat Australia was able to free herself from the unjust reproach\\nof being inhabited mainly by convicts.\\nHEADS OF A PLAN\\nFor effectually disposing of convicts, and rendering their\\ntransportation reciprocally beneficial both to themselves and\\nto the State, by the establishment of a colony in New South\\nWales, a country which, by the fertility and salubrity of the\\nclimate, connected with the remoteness of its situation (from\\nwhence it is hardly possible for persons to return without\\npermission), seems peculiarly adapted to answer the views\\nof Government with respect to the providing a remedy for\\nthe evils likely to result from the late alarming and numer-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0569.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "546 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nous increase of felons in this country, and more particularly\\nin the metropolis.\\nIt is proposed that a ship-of-war of a proper class, with a\\npart of her guns mounted, and a sufficient number of men\\non board for her navigation, and a tender of about two hun-\\ndred tons burthen, commanded by discreet officers, should\\nbe got ready as soon as possible to serve as an escort to the\\nconvict ships, and for other purposes hereinafter mentioned.\\nThat, in addition to their crews, they should take on board\\ntwo companies of marines, to form a military establishment\\non shore, not only for the protection of the settlement, if\\nrequired, against the natives, but for the preservation of\\ngood order, together with an assortment of stores, and uten-\\nsils and implements necessary for erecting habitations and\\nfor agriculture; and such quantities of provisions as may\\nbe proper for the use of the crews.\\nAs many of the marines as possible should be artificers,\\nsuch as carpenters, surveyors, smiths, potters, if possible,\\nand some husbandmen. To have a chaplain on board, with a\\nsurgeon and one mate at least, the former to remain at the\\nsettlement.\\nThat these vessels should touch at the Cape of Good Hope,\\nor any other places that may be convenient, for any seed that\\nmay be requisite to be taken from thence, and for such live\\nstock as they can possibly contain, which it is supposed can\\nbe procured there without any sort of difficulty, and at the\\nmost reasonable rates, for the use of the settlement at large.\\nThat Government should immediately provide a certain\\nnumber of ships of a proper burthen to receive on board at\\nleast seven or eight hundred convicts, and that one of them\\nshould be properly fitted for the accommodation of the\\nwomen, to prevent their intercourse with the men.\\nThat these ships should take on board as much provisions\\nas they can possibly stow, or at least a sufficient quantity for\\ntwo years consumption, supposing one year s to be issued\\nat whole allowance, and the other year s provisions at half-\\nallowance, which will last two years longer; by which time\\nit is presumed that the colony, with the live stock and grain\\nwhich may be raised by a common industry on the part of the\\nnew settlers, will be fully sufficient for their maintenance\\nand support.\\nThat, in addition to the crews of the ships appointed to\\ncontain the convicts, a company of marines should be divided\\nbetween them, to be employed as guards for preventing ill", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0570.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "AUSTRALIA 547\\nconsequences that might arise from dissatisfaction amongst\\nthe convicts, and for the protection of the crews in the navi-\\ngation of the ships from insults that might be offered by the\\nconvicts.\\nThat each of the ships should have on board at least two\\nsurgeons mates to attend to the wants of the sick, and should\\nbe supplied with a proper assortment of medicine and instru-\\nments, and that two of them should remain with the settle-\\nment.\\nAfter the arrival of the ships which are intended to convey\\nthe convicts, the ship-of-war and tender may be employed in\\nobtaining live stock from the Cape, or from the Molucca\\nIslands, a sufficient quantity of which may be brought from\\neither of those places to the new settlement, in two or three\\ntrips; or the tender, if it should be thought most advisable,\\nmay be employed in conveying to the new settlement a\\nfurther number of women from the Friendly Islands, New\\nCaledonia, etc., which are contiguous thereto, and from\\nwhence any number may be procured without difficulty; and\\nwithout a sufficient proportion of that sex it is well known\\nthat it would be impossible to preserve the settlement from\\ngross irregularities and disorders.\\nThe whole regulation and management of the settlement\\nshould be committed to the care of a discreet officer, and\\nprovision should be made in all cases, both civil and military,\\nby special instructions under the Great Seal, or otherwise,\\nas may be thought proper.\\nUpon the whole, it may be observed with great force and\\ntruth, that the difference of expense (whatever method of\\ncarrying the convicts thither may be adopted) between this\\nmode of disposing of them, and that of the usual ineffectual\\none, is too trivial to be a consideration with Government,\\nat least in comparison with the great object to be obtained\\nby it, especially now the evil is increased to such an alarm-\\ning degree, from the inadequacy of all other expedients that\\nhave hitherto been tried or suggested.\\nIt may not be amiss to remark in favour of this plan that\\nconsiderable advantage will arise from the cultivation of the\\nNew Zealand hemp or flax plant in the new intended settle-\\nment, the supply of which would be of great consequence to us\\nas a naval power, as our manufacturers are of opinion that\\ncanvas made of it would be superior in strength and beauty to\\nany canvas made of the European material, and that a cable\\nof the circumference of ten inches, made from the former,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0571.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "54^\\nSOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nwould be superior in strength to one of eighteen inches made\\nof the latter. The threads or filaments of this New Zealand\\nplant are formed by nature with the most exquisite delicacy,\\nand may be so minutely divided as to be manufactured into\\nthe finest linens.\\nMost of the Asiatic productions may also, without doubt,\\nbe cultivated in the new settlement, and in a few years may\\nrender our recourse to our European neighbours for those\\nproductions unnecessary.\\nIt may also be proper to attend to the possibility of\\nprocuring from New Zealand any quantity of mast and\\nship timber for the use of our fleet in India, as the distance\\nbetween the two countries is not greater than between Great\\nBritain and America. It grows close to the water s edge, is\\nof size and quality superior to any hitherto known, and may\\nbe obtained without difficulty.\\nSTAFF ESTABLISHMENT FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF NEW SOUTH\\nWALES Yearly Salary\\nThe Naval Commander appointed Governor or\\nSuperintendent-General 500\\nThe Commanding Officer of the Marines to be\\nappointed Lieutenant-Governor or Deputy\\nSuperintendent 250 o o\\nThe Commissary of Stores and Provisions, for\\nhimself and assistants, to be appointed or\\nnamed by the contractors for the provisions 200 o o\\nPay of a Surgeon \u00c2\u00a3182 10 o\\nPay of two mates 182 10 365 10 o\\nChaplain 182 10 o\\n\u00c2\u00a31,497 10\\nSTIMATE OF CLOTHING TO SERVE A MALE CONVICT FOR ONE\\nYEAR Value each\\nNo. s. d. s. d.\\nJackets 2 46 090\\nWoollen drawers 4 20 080\\nHat I 26 026\\nShirts 3 30 090\\nWorsted stockings 4 10 040\\nFrocks 3 23 069\\nTrousers 3 23 069\\nShoes 3 46 0136\\n_ \u00c2\u00a32 19 6", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0572.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "AUSTRALIA 549\\nThe expense of clothing female convicts may be computed\\nto amount to like sum.\\n{History of New So7ith Wales, ed. cit., I, 432.)\\n227. Discovery of Gold\\nE. Hargraves\\nThe discovery of gold in Australia marked an epoch in the\\nhistory of that country. Thitherto the vast expanse of territory\\nhad been considered of value only for the purposes of stock-\\nraising; but under the new conditions resulting from the dis-\\ncovery of the precious metal the standing of the country was\\nrevolutionized. Crowds flocked to its shores, and cities rose as\\nif by enchantment. The question of the actual discoverer of\\ngold has never been determined, but Mr. Hargraves, whose ac-\\ncount is given below, was the first to make the discovery known\\nto the world, and so is fairly entitled to the honour of dis-\\ncoverer.\\nTo the particulars of my own discovery I now proceed. I\\nhave already in a former chapter stated my reasons for\\nbelieving in the existence of gold fields in New South Wales.\\nIt was with an anxious heart, therefore, that I again landed\\nat Sydney, in the month of January, 185 1. On my passage\\nthither and immediately on my arrival, I made known to my\\nfriends and companions my confident expectations on the\\nsubject; one and all, however, derided me, and treated my\\nviews and opinions as those of a madman. Still undaunted,\\non the 5th of February I set out from Sydney on horseback\\nalone to cross the Blue Mountains.\\nAfter resting one day at Guyong, on the 12th of February\\nI started thence, accompanied by young Lister. Our course\\nwas down the Lewes Pond Creek, a tributary to the Summer\\nFlill Creek, which again is a tributary of the Macquarie\\nRiver, After traveling a distance of about fifteen miles, I\\nfound myself in the country that I was anxiously longing to\\nbehold again. My recollection of it had not deceived me.\\nThe resemblance of its formation to that of California could\\nnot be doubted or mistaken. I felt myself surrounded by\\ngold and with tremulous anxiet}^ panted for the moment of\\ntrial, when my magician s wand should transform this track-\\nless wilderness into a region of countless wealth.\\nStill one difficulty seemed to present itself. There had\\nbeen an unusual drought during the summer, which was now\\ndrawing to a close, and the creek, where we then were, was\\ncompletely dried up. My guide, however, in answer to my\\ninquiries told me that we should find water lower down; so,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0573.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "S50\\nSOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nfollowing its course, we soon fell in with some rocks which\\ncontained a sufficient supply.\\nWe now turned out our horses, and seated ourselves on\\nthe turf, as it was necessary to satisfy the cravings of hunger\\nbefore I ventured on my grand experiment. Had that failed,\\nbut little appetite for food would have been left me.\\nMy guide went for water to drink, and, after making a\\nhasty repast, I told him that we were now in the gold fields,\\nand that the gold was under his feet as he went to fetch the\\nwater for our dinner. He started with incredulous amaze-\\nment, and, on my telling him that I would now find some\\ngold, watched my movements with the most intense interest.\\nMy own excitement, probably, was far more intense than his.\\nI took the pick and scratched the gravel off a schistose dyke,\\nwhich ran across the creek at right angles with its sides and,\\nwith the trowel, I dug a panful of earth, which I washed in\\nthe water-hole. The first trial produced a little piece of\\ngold. Here it is! I exclaimed; and I then washed five\\npanfuls in succession, obtaining gold from all but one.\\nNo further proof was necessary. To describe my feelings\\nat that eventful moment would be impossible. What I said\\non the instant though, I must admit, not warranted as the\\nlanguage of calm reflection has been since much laughed\\nat. And though my readers may renew the laugh, I shaU not\\nhesitate to repeat it, because, as it was the natural and im-\\npulsive impression of my overwrought feelings at the mo-\\nment, so is it the only account I can now give of what those\\nfeelings were.\\nThis, I exclaimed to my guide, is a memorable day in\\nthe history of New South Wales. I shall be a baronet, you\\nwill be knighted, and my old horse will.be stuffed, put into\\na glass-case, and sent to the British Museum\\nAt that instant I felt myself to be a great man. I was as\\nmad, perhaps, at the moment, as Don Quixote was his life\\nthrough; and assuredly, my companion was as simple as\\nSancho Panza for the good youth afterwards told me, he\\nexpected I should obtain for him the honour I had promised.\\nOn our return that night to the inn at Guyong, I wrote a\\nmemorandum of the discovery, which I afterwards gave to\\nthe Colonial Secretary, as a memorial of the great event.\\n(^Australia and its Gold Fields, ed. Hammond, Lond., 1855. p. 11 1.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0574.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "AUSTRALIA S5i\\n228. Results of the Finding of Gold\\nCo?tte7nporary Pamphlet\\nThe following account of the consequences of the discovery\\nof gold is of great interest. It is written with thought as well\\nas care, and the evil as well as the good results likely to accrue\\nare pointed out. The former were averted by the good sense\\nof the Australians, although at one time it seemed as if the coun-\\ntry would fall into a worse condition than that which existed\\nwhen the colony was only a penal settlement.\\nThe first results of the Australian gold discoveries are now\\ndisplayed in a tangible, unmistakable shape individual loss,\\nindividual suffering, by the diversion of capital and labour.\\nThere may be many carried away by mere enthusiasm, who\\nwill rue the day they abandoned the certain easy employ-\\nments of civilized life for the hard navigator-like trade of a\\ngold-seeker but the advantage of this new mineral discovery\\nis unquestionable, in spite of all that croakers may say and\\nsing.\\nUp to the middle of May, 185 1, as heretofore shown, the\\ncolonial heart beat high with hope. Trade was good; the\\npastoral interests were flourishing; the country properties,\\nas a matter of course, were improving; and the introduction\\nof the alpaca, the extended culture of the vine, and the\\ngrowth of cotton, appeared to present new and rich sources\\nof wealth. At that moment came the discovery of the gold\\nfields; and a shock was communicated to the whole indus-\\ntrial system, which to some people seemed to threaten almost\\nannihilation. The idea was, that gold digging would swallow\\nup all other pursuits, and the flocks perish in the wilderness\\nfrom the want of shepherds. Nor was this altogether with-\\nout foundation; for the stockholders have actually been con-\\nsiderable sufferers: all the industrial projects mentioned\\nhave been stopped short and the gold-diggings still continue\\nto attract to themselves, as if by a spell, the labour of the\\ncountry. The panic, however, has now subsided. It is seen\\nthat the result is not so bad as was anticipated, and it is now\\nrendered evident that the evil will go no further. A stream\\nof population, it is thought, wnll be directed to Australia\\nfrom abroad, and the labour not demanded by gold may suf-\\nfice for other ptirsuits.\\nAlready upwards of two millions sterling have been real-\\nised by the rude exertions of part of a poptilation which has\\nnever yet exported more than three millions of raw produce;\\nand with the evidence now before us, we may confidently", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0575.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "552 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nassert, that although there will be a temporary diminution in\\nthe exportation of Australian wool under new arrangements,\\nthe flocks of Australia will not be destroyed.\\nThe Australian population have stood the test of gold\\nwonderfully, and come out of the trial with honour. Their\\nconduct, as a body, has been singularly orderly and sub-\\nmissive to the constituted authorities.\\nTwo very healthy signs are displayed by the Australian\\ndiggers the multiplication of marriages and the large con-\\nsumption of the best articles of female attire.\\nAt Port Phillip it is impossible to retain a tidy servant\\ngirl. The first luxury to which the successful gold-seeker\\ntreats himself on his return for a holiday is a wife, and the\\nwife is then treated to the best gowns and shawls that the\\nshops afford. A friend writes that the carpenters and\\nsmiths of Melbourne and Geelong will not let their wifes be\\nseen in a gown of less cost than ten pounds, with a shawl and\\nbonnet to match.\\nWhatever may be the taste of the workers from the Turon\\nor Braidwood, Ballarat and Mount Alexander, it is certain\\nthat what they purchase they honestly pay for, and no one\\nwill suffer for their gains. The advantage, in a commercial\\npoint of view, is obvious. The man who was earning before\\n\u00c2\u00a320 or \u00c2\u00a340 a year, of which, perhaps, he spent one-half in\\nmanufactures, can now afford to spend and does spend\\nfrom \u00c2\u00a3100 to \u00c2\u00a3500 a year. The tales of wild extravagance\\nare grossly exaggerated, and not at all to be depended upon.\\nOn the best authority, we can assert that the colonists are\\nspending and investing their money in a very creditable\\nmanner. Among other proofs may be cited the circumstance\\nof two thousand pounds received in gold-dust in less than\\nseven wxeks after his arrival at Port Phillip, by Captain\\nChisholm, from working men, to pay the passage of their\\nrelatives.\\nNow that so strong a stream of self-paid emigration is\\nflowing, the sooner the Government free emigration is given\\nup the better for the mother country and for the colonies.\\nMany a man does not save as he could, to pay his own\\npassage, because he hopes to win a prize in the Government\\nlottery.\\nEducation, and free, liberal education, is in truth the only\\nthing required in Australia. Education, established and ex-\\ntended from the time the May Flower landed her Puritan\\nfreight on the bleak shores of New England, until the time", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0576.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "AUSTRALIA 553\\nwhen the progress of commerce brought r. deluge of emigrant\\nignorance, has saved America under a different form of Gov-\\nernment, and neutralized the effect of the late annual inva-\\nsion of the uneducated. But in Australia no such provision\\nexists, or is possible. And if England goes on annually in-\\noculating the gold fields with illiterate strong arms, the\\nfeeble efforts made by Australia to redeem the errors of past\\neducational neglect, will never be able to overtake and arrest\\nthe disease.\\n{Australia (pamphlet), B. Fabian, N. Y., 1852. p. 77.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0577.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXIV\\nTHE INDIAN EMPIRE\\n229. The English at Surat and Bombay\\nFryer\\nDr. Fryer, a surgeon in the service of the East India Com-\\npany, visited Surat in 1674. His travels were published in\\nLondon in 1698. They contain a graphic account of the manner\\nin which the Company conducted its affairs in India.\\nThe house the English live in at Surat, is partly the King s\\ngift, partly hired; built of stone and excellent timber, with\\ngood carving, w^ithout representations very strong, for that\\neach floor is half a yard thick at least, of the best plastered\\ncement, which is very weighty. It is contrived after the\\nMoor s buildings, with upper and lower galleries, or terrace-\\nwalks; a neat Oratory, a convenient open place for meals.\\nThe President has spacious lodgings, noble rooms for counsel\\nand entertainment, pleasant tanks, yards, and a hummum to\\nwash in; but no gardens in the city, or very few, though\\nwithout the city they have many, like wildernesses, over-\\nspread with trees. The English had a neat one, but Sevaji s\\ncoming destroyed it. It is known, as the other Factories are,\\nby their several flags flying.\\nHere they live (in shipping-time) in a continual hurly-\\nburly, the Banians presenting themselves from the hour of\\nten till noon; and then afternoon at four till night, as if it\\nwere an Exchange in every row; below stairs, the packers\\nand warehouse-keepers, together with merchants bringing\\nand receiving musters, make a mere Billinsgate; for if you\\nmake not a noise, they hardly think you intent on what you\\nare doing.\\nAmong the English, the business is distributed into four\\noffices; the Accompant, who is next in dignity to the Pres-\\nident, the general accompts of all India, as well as this place,\\npassing through his hands; he is quasi Treasurer, signing\\nall things, though the broker keep the cash. Next him is the\\n554", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0578.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 555\\nwarehouse-keeper, who registers all Europe goods vended,\\nand receives all Eastern commodities bought; under him is\\nthe Purser Marine, who gives account of all goods exported\\nand imported, pays seamen their w^ages, provides wagons\\nand porters, looks after tackling for ships, and ships stores.\\nLast of all is the Secretary, who models all Consultations,\\nwrites all letters, carries them to the President and Council\\nto be perused and signed; keeps the Company s seal, which\\nis affixed to all passes and commissions; records all trans-\\nactions, and sends copies of them to the Company; though\\nnone of these, without the President s approbation, can act\\nor do any thing. The affairs of India are solely under his\\nregulation; from him issue out all orders, by him all prefer-\\nment is disposed; by which means the Council are biassed\\nby his arbitrament.\\nThe whole mass of the Company s servants may be com-\\nprehended in these classes, viz. Merchants, Factors, and\\nWriters; some Bluecoat Boys also have been entertained\\nunder notion of apprentices for seven years, which being ex-\\npired, if they can get security, they are capable of employ-\\nments. The Writers are obliged to serve five years for lo Z.\\nper Ann. Giving in a bond of 500 for good behaviour, all\\nwhich time they serve under some of the forementioned\\nOfficers After which they commence Factors, and rise to\\npreferment and trust, according to seniority or favour, and\\ntherefore have a 1,000 I. bond exacted from them, and have\\ntheir salary augmented to 20 I. per Ann. for three years, then\\nentering into new indentures, are made Senior Factors; and\\nlastly, Merchants after Three Years more out of whom are\\nchose Chiefs of Factories, as places fall, and are allowed 40\\nper Ann. during their stay in the Company s service, besides\\nlodgings and victuals at the Company s charges.\\nThese in their several Seigniories behave themselves after\\nthe fundamentals of Surat, and in their respective Factories\\nlive in the like grandeur; from whence they rise successively\\nto be of the Council in Surat, which is the great Council and\\nif the President do not contradict, are sworn, and take their\\nplace accordingly, which consists of about five in number,\\nbesides the president, to be constantly resident.\\nAs for the Presidency, though the Company interpose a\\ndeserving man, yet they keep that power to themselves, none\\nassuming that dignity till confirmed by them: His salary\\nfrom the Company is 500 a year half paid here, the other\\nhalf reserved to be received at home, in case of misdemeanour", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0579.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "556 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nto make satisfaction; beside a bond of 5,000 sterling of\\ngood securities.\\nThe Accountant has y2 I. per Ann., fifty pound paid here,\\nthe other at home: All the rest are half paid here, half at\\nhome, except the Writers, who have all paid here.\\nOut of the Council are elected the Deputy-Governor of\\nBombay, and Agent of Persia the first a place of great trust,\\nthe other of profit; though, by the appointment from the\\nCompany, the Second of India claims Bombay, and the Sec-\\nretary of Surat the Agency of Persia, which is connived at,\\nand made subject to the will of the President, by the interest\\nof those whose lot they are; chusing rather to reside here,\\nwhere consignments compensate those emoluments so that\\nnone of the council, if noted in England, but makes consid-\\nerably by his place, after the rate of five in the hundred,\\ncommission; and this is the Jacob s ladder by which they\\nascend.\\nIt would be too mean to descend to indirect ways, which\\nare chiefly managed by the Banians, the fittest tools for any\\ndeceitful undertaking; out of whom are made brokers for\\nthe Company, and private persons, who are allowed two per\\ncent, on all bargains, besides what they squeeze secretly out\\nof the price of things bought; w^hich cannot be well under-\\nstood for want of knowledge in their language which ignor-\\nance is safer, than to hazard being poisoned for prying too\\nnearly into their actions Though the Company, to encourage\\nyoung men in their service, maintain a master to learn them\\nto write and read the language, and an annuity to be annexed\\nwhen they gain a perfection therein, which few attempt, and\\nfewer attain.\\nTo this Factory belong twenty persons in number, reckon-\\ning Swally Marine into the account; a Minister for Divine\\nService, a Surgeon, and when the President is here, a guard\\nof English soldiers, consisting of a double file led by a Ser-\\njeant.\\nThe present Deputy has only forty Moor-men, and a flag-\\nman, carrying St. George his colours swallow-tailed in silk,\\nfastened to a silver partisan; with a small attendance of\\nhorse with silver bridles, and furniture for the gentlemen of\\nthe house, and coaches for ladies and Council.\\nThe President besides these has a noise of trumpets, and\\nis carried himself in a Palenkeen, a horse of state led before\\nhim, a Mirchal (a fan of ostriches feathers) to keep off the\\nsun, as the Omr?ihs or great men have, none but the Emperor", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0580.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 557\\nhave a Sumbrero among the Moguls Besides these, every\\none according to his quality has his menial servants to wait\\non him in his chamber, and follow him out.\\nBut lest the New Company should be exclaimed against as\\ntoo greedy monopolizers, they permit free traders on their\\nIsland Bombay when, to speak truth, they are in a far worse\\ncondition than their servants being tied up without hopes\\nof raising themselves so that in earnest they find out that\\nto be but a trick.\\nHowever, to confess on the Company s behalf, the trade\\n(I mean on this coast) for some years lately passed has\\nhardly balanced expenses. They employing yearly forty sail\\nof stout ships to and from all parts where they trade, out and\\nhome manning and maintaining their Island Bombay, Fort\\nSt. George, and St. Helens besides large sums expended to\\nbear out the port of their Factors; which notwithstanding\\nby impartial computation has been found inferior to the\\ncosts of the Hollanders, and therefore more to the profit of\\nthe English East India Company, than theirs, in the few\\nyears they have adventured; so that I should mightily blame\\nthem should they prove ungrateful to His Majesty, who by\\nhis gracious favour has united them in a society, whereby\\nthey are competitors for riches (though not strength) with\\nthe notedest Company in the universe.\\nThis Charter was granted presently after the happy res-\\ntoration of our Gracious Sovereign, when order began to\\ndawn, and dispel the dark chaos of popular community Then\\nwas sent out a President, to put their Charter in force, and\\nestablish a graduation among their servants, which before\\nwas not observed only for order s sake, they did nominate\\nan Agent; the rest being independent, made no distinction.\\nWhen as now, after a better model, they commence accord-\\ning to their standing, and are under a collegiate manner of\\nrestraint.\\n(New Account of East India and Persia, John Fryer, M. D., London, 1698.\\nReprinted in Early Records of British India, J. T. Wheeler, London, 1878.)\\n230. Letter of Warren Hastings\\nHastings\\nThe following letter from Warren Hastings is interesting as\\nsetting forth his side of the discussion which resulted in his\\nimpeachment. Being a private letter to a personal friend, it is\\nunlikely that the former ruler of India w ould therein defend\\nhimself against accusation unless he at least believed that the\\ndefence was justifiable. Hastings trial was memorable in the\\nhistory of India, for the reason that, whether or not he was", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0581.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "558 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nguilty of the crimes imputed to him, it served as a warning to\\nfuture rulers in their transactions with the natives. They\\nlearned that there was retribution in store for cruelty and op-\\npression, and that the pagoda-tree could not be robbed with\\nimpunity.\\nTO SIR JOHN SHORE\\nSt. James s Place, 19th February, 1787.\\nDear Shore, As I have now every reason to believe that\\nan impeachment w^ill be carried against me to the House of\\nLords, and have had a severe warning given me not to trust\\nto my own integrity, or services, as I may conceive them, for\\nthe event, and as I fear no issue of the trial so much as\\nits influence upon my future and lasting reputation, I ap-\\nply to you, my friend, to afford me such assistance as, I hope,\\nmay be in your power to obviate such a conclusion, by col-\\nlecting the testimonials of the most respectable inhabitants\\nof the province of Bengal, and such other creditable vouchers,\\nof whatever kind, beyond the provinces, as may refute the\\ncalumnies with which I have been loaded, and ascertain\\nwhatever pretentions I may have to more positive merit.\\nI am charged with cruelty, oppression, violation of treaties,\\nand with the general guilt of having sacrificed every duty to\\nthe views of interest, ambition, or private vengeance. I am\\nnot sure that rapacity makes a part of the catalogue of my\\nimputed crimes, because the instances which have been ad-\\nduced in evidence to prove it apply only to acts done for the\\nrelief of public necessities, and it is scarcely (I believe not\\nat all) insinuated, that I have practiced it for any profit of\\nmy own.\\nI wish to make my appeal to the justice and generosity of\\nthose to whom it best appertains to pronounce upon my real\\ncharacter, according to their several relations or concerns\\nwith the government of Bengal during the periods in which\\nI held an efficient share in its powers that they may declare\\nwhether I deserve these imputations, or whether I am entitled\\nto their testimony of the reverse.\\nWhether I have extorted money from individuals to gratify\\nmy own avarice or whether I have not notoriously abstained\\nfrom every means which might have promoted my own in-\\nterest, with the injury of individuals or the public:\\nWhether I have countenanced, or permitted; or whether\\nI have not, on the contrary, to the utmost of my power pre-\\nvented men in office or favour from oppressing or plunder-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0582.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 559\\ning those who were subjected to their authority or influ-\\nence:\\nWhether the provinces have been infested with robbers,\\nor plundering Seneassies, as much during my administration\\nas in the times preceding it\\nWhether the provinces have suffered the calamities either\\nof war or famine during my administration or whether they\\nhave not enjoyed both uninterrupted peace and abundance,\\nthough our Government and nation were for years engaged\\nin wars with powerful states and neighbours, and were at\\none time threatened with a dearth from the same causes\\nwhich produced one in 1768:\\nWhether I have oppressed the reiats by intolerable or un-\\nequal taxes, for the public service or whether I have not\\nrather multiplied the sources of the public wealth, and equal-\\nised the burthens imposed on the people.\\nWhether I have neglected the administration of justice;\\nor whether I have not established Courts of Civil and Crim-\\ninal Justice, and supported both in the exercise of their func-\\ntions beyond the experience of any former times\\nWhether I have offended, or discountenanced the laws,\\ncustoms, and religious worship of the country; or whether I\\nhave not respected, protected, and conformed to them\\nWhether I have shown a disregard to science or whether\\nI have not, on the contrary, by public endowments, by per-\\nsona! attentions, and by the selection of men for appointments\\nsuited to their talents, given effectual encouragement to it\\nWhether in my public negociations, and in my general\\nintercourse, I have made use of artifice and trick, or of truth\\nand plain-dealing:\\nWhether I have affected a display of state whether I have\\never shown an inordinate solicitude for my personal safety\\nor whether I have not been thought to err in the opposite\\nextremes\\nWhether I left the country in a worse or in a better state\\nof population and cultivation than I found it:\\nAnd lastly, whether the English name, power, and influ-\\nence were ever greater, more respected, or more extensively\\nknown in India before than during my administration, and\\nparticularly at the close of it.\\nThe persons who can be most instrumental in collecting\\nthe suffrages which I require, are Gunga Govin Sing; Allee\\nIbraheem Cawn Beneram, or Bissumbes Pundit; Rajah Go-\\nvindram; Tofuzzel Hossein Cawn; Mowlary Majud O Deen.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0583.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "5\u00c2\u00abo- SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nor his brother Muftee Ahmed; and I believe I may venture\\nto join Mahdajee Sindia. I would wish at least to have his\\ntestimony, and those of every other chief with whom our Gov-\\nernment was in connexion; Moodajee, the ministers of Poona,\\nNizam al Moolk, Assof o Dowlah, and the Nabob Wallah\\nJah.\\nI cannot prescribe the means. Perhaps I have been too\\nparticular in detailing the ends. But you must make al-\\nlowance for my anxiety, and the cause which I have to make\\nme more than ordinarily anxious.\\nIf you think that you can undertake this commission with\\nan assurance of its complete execution, you will of course (as\\nI should on every account wish) first propose it to Lord\\nCornwallis for his approbation. If he objects to it, there\\nmust of course be an end to it. Even from the little which I\\nknow of his Lordship, and from his general character, I give\\nhim credit for qualities incompatible with such a supposition,\\nand assure myself besides that he w^ill not in Bengal have\\nchanged the opinion which he entertained of me in England\\nfor a worse.\\nI wil not ask your forgiveness for wishing to impose on\\nyou so much trouble; but I ought if I thought that it might\\neventually draw on you the same enmities which are now\\ndirected at me. I confess, I think such may be the conse-\\nquence, though I rather hope that the crisis of this phrenzy\\nmay terminate with me. If it does not, I am not sure that\\nany conduct will be a safeguard against it.\\nYou will readily comprehend that I do not mean to use the\\njustification which I solicit from your means for any purpose\\nof meeting the impending trial for though I am certain that\\nevery artifice will be put in practice to protect it, it will be\\nimpossible to extend the delay beyond another sessions; I\\nmean another after the present. The result, therefore, of this\\nplan can be of no other benefit to me than that of retrieving\\nmy character from the injury which it may have received\\nfrom the present prosecution, and its legal consequences.\\nThese must all have ceased long before the result of my com-\\nmission can arrive in England. I am not sure that the House\\nof Commons will vote an impeachinent. I cannot be certain\\nthat the same prejudices, the same intrigues, and the same\\ninfluence may not follow me into the House of Lords, though\\nin judicial matters the character of that assembly stands\\nhitherto unimpeached. But I have been told by judgments\\nmuch better informed than those of common men, that much\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0584.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 561\\nis to be apprehended, even in that assembly, from the respect\\npaid to a decided judgment of the House of Commons, and\\nyet more to the ascribed inclination of the minister; and I\\nmyself have my doubts of another kind. The charges may\\nprove so numerous and complicated, that every mind will not\\nbe able to comprehend them, or to retain even what they do\\ncomprehend; and the tedious and artificial examination of\\nthe witnesses to every charge will, with other process, take\\nup such a length of time, that the aged, infirm, and indiffer-\\nent will not sit out the trial. I may therefore lose many ver-\\ndicts in my favour. None will be lost to those which are\\npredetermined against me. I am almost ashamed of these\\nsuspicions, yet, after what has passed, how can I avoid them\\nI have been condemned by one assembly for having intended\\nby a resolution, which was confined to my own breast, to ex-\\nact a fine from Cheyt Sing exceeding his offences, admitted\\nto be great, and a fine, if moderate, admitted to be a legal and\\nproper punishment. I have been condemned for permitting\\nthe jagheers and treasures to be taken from the mother of\\nthe Nabod Assof o Dowlah, because in the evidence adduced\\nby my prosecutor to prove my guilt, I had not brought proofs\\nsufficient of the Begum s rebellion against her sovereign, and\\nhostility to our nation though the charge, black and ran-\\ncorous as it is, and the admired harangue of the mover of the\\ncharge, fabricated with the labour of months, and the combi-\\nnation of all the powers of a great party, both stated in terms\\nthat the money produced by these exactions was applied to\\nthe relief of the public necessities, and they have not dared\\nto suggest that I took or attempted to take any part of it to\\nmy own use. Let, however, this business end as it will, a\\ngreat portion of mankind will think they judge with candour,\\nif, unable to comprehend any part of the accusations, they\\nacquit me, at a guess, of some, and conclude that where so\\nmuch is alleged against me, much of it must be necessarily\\ntrue. The plan which I have recommended may be product-\\nive of that species of evidence which the meanest capacity\\nwill understand, and which will most effectually and totally\\nefface every prejudice against me. Let it arrive when it\\nwill, whether I shall have received an absolute and unquali-\\nfied, acquittal, or a condemnation whether I am alive or\\ndead it will answer the end for which I want it. I am ever,\\nmy dear Shore, your most affectionate friend.\\n{Memoirs of the Life of the Right Hon. IVarren Hastings, by Rev. G. R. Gleis,\\nLond., 1841, III, p. 321.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0585.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "562 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n231. Cession of India to the English Crown\\n(1858)\\nIn 1858 the old East India Company formally resigned its\\ninterests in India, and the land became entirely subject to the\\ncrown of England. There were many reasons for this step the\\nold government had not proved entirely faithful to the trusts\\nreposed in it, and there was need for a more stable form of rule.\\nThe proclamation made by the Queen sets forth the policy\\nadopted by England in assuming control. It must be remem-\\nbered that at the time of the transfer the India Mutiny was in\\nprogress; hence the clauses as to the enforcement of justice and\\nthe granting of clemency. It is probable that to this fact was\\nalso due the tenderness displayed for the religious feelings of\\nthe natives.\\nPROCLAMATION BY THE QUEEN IN COUNCIL TO THE PRINCES^\\nCHIEFS, AND PEOPLE OF INDIA\\nVictoria, by the grace of God of the United Kingdom of\\nGreat Britain and Ireland, and of the Colonies and Depen-\\ndencies thereof in Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Aus-\\ntralia, Queen, Defender of the Faith.\\nWhereas, for divers v^eighty reasons, we have resolved, by\\nand with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and\\nTemporal, and Commons, in Parliament assembled, to take\\nupon ourselves the government of the territories in India\\nheretofore administered in trust for us by the Honourable\\nEast India Company,\\nNow, therefore, we do by these presents notify and declare\\nthat, by the advice and consent aforesaid, we have taken upon\\nourselves the said government; and we hereby call upon all\\nour subjects within the said territories to be faithful, and to\\nbear true allegiance to us, our heirs and successors, and to\\nsubmit themselves to the authority of those w^honi w^e may\\nhereafter, from time to time, see fit to appoint to administer\\nthe government of our said territories, in our name and on\\nour behalf.\\nAnd we, reposing especial trust and confidence in the\\nloyalty, ability, and judgment of our right trusty and well-\\nbeloved cousin and counsellor, Charles John, Viscount\\nCanning, do hereby constitute and appoint him, the said Vis-\\ncount Canning, to be our first Viceroy and Governor-General\\nin and over our said territories, and to administer the govern-\\nment thereof in our name, and generally to act in our name\\nand on our behalf, subject to such orders and regulations as\\nhe shall, from time to time, receive from us through one of\\nour Principal Secretaries of State.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0586.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 563\\nAnd we do hereby confirm in their several offices, civil\\nand military, all persons now employed in the service of the\\nHonourable East India Company, subject to our future\\npleasure, and to such laws and regulations as may hereafter\\nbe enacted.\\nWe hereby announce to the native princes of India that\\nall treaties and engagements made with them by or under the\\nauthority of the Honourable East India Company are by us\\naccepted, and will be scrupulously maintained, and we look\\nfor the like observance on their part.\\nWe desire no extension of our present territorial posses-\\nsions and, while we will permit no aggression upon our do-\\nminions or our rights to be attempted with impunity, we\\nshall sanction no encroachment on those of others. We shall\\nrespect the rights, dignity, and honour of native princes as\\nour own and we desire that they, as well as our own sub-\\njects, should enjoy that prosperity and that social advance-\\nment which can only be secured by internal peace and good\\ngovernment.\\nWe hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian ter-\\nritories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all\\nour other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of\\nAlmighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil.\\nFirmly relying ourselves on the truth of Christianity, and\\nacknowledging with gratitude the solace of religion, we dis-\\nclaim alike the right and desire to impose our convictions\\non any of our subjects. We declare it to be our royal will and\\npleasure that none be in anywise favoured, none molested or\\ndisquieted, by reason of their religious faith or observances,\\nbut that all shall alike enjoy the equal and impartial protec-\\ntion of the law and we do strictly charge and enjoin all\\nthose w^ho may be in authority under us that they abstain\\nfrom all interference with the religious belief or worship of\\nany of our subjects on pain of our highest displeasure.\\nAnd it is our further will that, so far as may be, our sub-\\njects, of whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially\\nadmitted to offices in our service, the duties of which they\\nmay be qualified, by their education, ability, and integrity,\\nduly to discharge.\\nWe know, and respect, the feelings of attachment with\\nwhich the natives of India regard the lands inherited by them\\nfrom their ancestors, and we desire to protect them in all\\nrights connected therewith, subject to the equitable demands\\nof the State; and we will that, generally, in framing and ad-", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0587.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "564 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nministering the law, due regard be paid to the ancient rights,\\nusages, and customs of India.\\nWe deeply lament the evils and misery which have been\\nbrought upon India by the acts of ambitious men, vv^ho have\\ndeceived their countrymen by false reports, and led them into\\nopen rebellion. Our power has been shown by the suppres-\\nsion of that rebellion in the field we desire to show our\\nmercy by pardoning the offences of those who have been thus\\nmisled, but who desire to return to the path of duty.\\nAlready, in one province, with a view to stop the further\\neffusion of blood, and to hasten the pacification of our In-\\ndian dominions, our Viceroy and Governor-General has held\\nout the expectation of pardon, on certain terms, to the great\\nmajority of those who, in the late unhappy disturbances, have\\nbeen guilty of offences against our Government, and has de-\\nclared the punishment which will be inflicted on those whose\\ncrimes place beyond the reach of forgiveness. We approve\\nand confirm the said act of our Viceroy and Governor-\\nGeneral, and do further announce and proclaim as follows\\nOur clemency will be extended to all offenders, save and\\nexcept those who have been, or shall be, convicted of having\\ndirectly taken part in the murder of British subjects. With\\nregard to such the demands of justice forbid the exercise of\\nmercy.\\nTo those who have willingly given asylum to murderers,\\nknowing them to be such, or who may have acted as leaders\\nor instigators in revolt, their lives alone can be guaranteed;\\nbut, in apportioning the penalty due to, such persons, full\\nconsideration will be given to the circumstances under which\\nthey have been induced to throw off their allegiance; and\\nlarge indulgence will be shown to those whose crimes may ap-\\npear to have originated in the credulous acceptance of the\\nfalse reports circulated by designing men.\\nTo all others in arms against the government we hereby\\npromise unconditional pardon, amnesty, and oblivion of all\\noffence against ourselves, our crown, and dignity, on their\\nreturn to their homes and peaceful pursuits.\\nIt is our royal pleasure, that these terms of grace and\\namnesty should be extended to all those who comply with\\nthese conditions before the ist day of January next.\\nWhen, by the blessing of Providence, internal tranquillity\\nshall be restored, it is our earnest desire to stimulate the\\npeaceful industry of India, to promote works of public utility\\nand improvement, and to administer its government for the", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0588.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 565\\nbenefit of all our subjects resident therein. In their pros-\\nperity will be our strength, in their contentment our security,\\nand in their gratitude our best reward. And may the God\\nof all power grant to us, and to those in authority under us,\\nstrength to carry out these our wishes for the good of our\\npeople.\\n(^History of India, E. H. Nolan, Lond., n. d., Ill, p. i.)\\n232. Victoria, Empress of India\\n(1877)\\nWheeler\\nIn 1876 Victoria issued a formal proclamation, in which she\\nassumed the dignity and title of Empress of India. This pro-\\nclamation recited that on January i, 1877, the said title and dig-\\nnity were to vest in the royal house of England. The date\\nnamed was made a day of festivity in India. The royal procla-\\nmation was read at Delhi with impressive ceremonies. The ac-\\ncount of these ceremonies, which also contains the text of the\\nroyal proclamation, is given.\\nThe first of January eighteen hundred and seventy-seven\\nwas the great day of the Imperial Assemblage. Her Majesty\\nthe Queen of England was proclaimed Empress of India.\\nThe Governors and other High Officials of British India\\nwere assembled together with all the Ruling Native Chiefs\\nto inaugurate the installation of the Empress as the Sover-\\neign of Her Eastern Empire.\\nThe scene of the Proclamation was a turf-covered plain\\nabout four miles from Delhi. Three structures had been set\\nup, namely, a Throne Pavilion for the Viceroy, an Amphi-\\ntheatre for the High Officials and Ruling Chiefs, and blocks\\nfor Representatives of Foreign Governments and. spectators.\\nThe Throne Pavilion was a graceful building of blue, red,\\nand gold, near the centre of the acre. It was a hexagon\\neach of its sides were forty feet long the whole was thus\\nabout two hundred and twenty-four feet round. The details\\nare worth describing. The lower part was a solid structure\\nof masonry ten feet from the ground. It was surrounded\\nby a gilded railing. There was a flight of steps in front and\\nanother behind, also with gilded railings. The upper part\\nwas a canopy raised over the structure, supported on twelve\\nslender clustered shafts. The Imperial Crown at the top\\nrested upon a cushion. Beneath it depended a graceful\\ndrapery of red clothes embroidered with gold. On the upper\\ncornice was worked a pattern of festooned laurel wreaths\\nand Imperial Crowns. At each angle was a trophy of three", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0589.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "565 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nsatin bannerets, festooned outwards, displaying the Cross of\\nSt. George and the Union Jack. Below the cornice the ca-\\nnopy was continued in alternate stripes of red and white\\nsatin, embroidered with golden fleurs de lis. There was a\\nlower frieze with an armorial vallance hanging from it. The\\nfrieze displaced the Rose, Shamrock, and Thistle, embroid-\\nered with the Lotos of India in gold, silver, and colours. It\\nwas adorned at each angle by a gilded crown and silken\\ndrapery. The vallance was composed of shield-shaped forms,\\non which were shown alternately the Irish Harp, the Lion\\nRampant of Scotland, and the three Lions of England. The\\nshafts of the canopy were hung with silver shields, about ten\\nfeet from the ground, bearing the imperial monogram in\\ngold, surmounted by bannerets of various-coloured satins.\\nFrom an early hour there had been a general gathering\\ntowards the Imperial Assemblage. Ruling Chiefs drove by\\nin state carriages accompanied by retainers and soldiers.\\nGroups of elephants crowded to the same spot clad in the\\ntrappings they had worn on the day of the entry. Vast\\nmultitudes also assembled to see the various Chiefs and High\\nOfficials pass by on their way to the place of Proclamation.\\nThe spectators seats on either side of the Throne Pavilion\\nwere occupied by Ambassadors, Envoys, and Deputations,\\nincluding those from Nipal and Siam; also by Foreign Con-\\nsuls, and a large number of European ladies and gentlemen.\\nHere also were seated- the Khan of Khelat, the Governor-\\nGeneral of the Portuguese Settlements in India, and numer-\\nous Native nobles and officials. The general public were\\nalso admitted in great numbers to the inclosure, behind the\\nAmphitheatre.\\nAll the British troops assembled at Delhi were drawn up\\non a plain, to the north of the pavilions the Native chiefs\\nand nobles had in like manner drawn up their retainers and\\nfollowers on the opposite plain to the south of the pavilions.\\nGuards of honour were drawn up on either side of the\\nThrone Pavilion, as well as at each of the several entrances\\nto the Amphitheatre.\\nAt noon a flourish of trumpets from the Heralds an-\\nnounced the arrival of His Excellency the Viceroy. All who\\nwere present in that vast assembly rose from their seats;\\nthe military bands played a grand march. His Excellency,\\nwho was accompanied by Lady Lytton and the members of\\nhis family, alighted from his carriage and advanced towards\\nthe Throne Pavilion preceded by the Personal Staff. The", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0590.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "THE INDIAN EMPIRE 567\\nbands struck up the National Anthem, and the guards of\\nhonour presented arms as the Viceroy took his seat upon the\\nthrone.\\nThe proceedings were simple and impressive. His Ex-\\ncellency was arrayed in his robes as Grand Master of the\\nStar of India. He commanded the Chief Herald to read the\\nProclamation of the assumption of the Imperial Title by\\nHer Majesty the Queen. The twelve Heralds sounded a\\nflourish of trumpets. The Chief Herald then read the Pro-\\nclamation in a loud voice, which was heard by the whole\\nAssemblage,\\nVictoria, R.\\nWhereas an Act has been passed in the present Sessions\\nof Parliament, intituled An Act to enable Her Most Gra-\\ncious Majesty to make an addition to the Royal Style and\\nTitles appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United\\nKingdom and its Dependencies, which Act recites that, by\\nthe Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland, it was\\nprovided that after such Union the Royal Style and Titles\\nappertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United Kingdom\\nand its Dependencies should be such as His Majesty by His\\nRoyal Proclamation under the Great Seal of the United\\nKingdom should be pleased to appoint and which Act also\\nrecites that, by virtue of the said Act, and of a Royal Pro-\\nclamation under the Great Seal, dated the ist day of Jan-\\nuary 1 80 1, Our present Style and Titles are Victoria, by\\nthe Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain\\nand Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith and which Act\\nalso recites that, by the Act for the better government of\\nIndia, it was enacted that the Government of India, thereto-\\nfore vested in the East India Company in trust for Us, should\\nbecome vested in Us, and that India should thenceforth be\\ngoverned by Us and in Our name, and that it is expedient\\nthat there should be a recognition of the transfer of govern-\\nment so made by means of an addition to be made to Our\\nStyle and Titles and which Act, after the said recitals, en-\\nacts that it shall be lawful for Us, with a view to such re-\\ncognition as aforesaid, of the transfer of the Government\\nof India, by Our Proclamation under the Great Seal of the\\nUnited Kingdom to make such addition to the Style and\\nTitles at present appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the\\nUnited Kingdom and its Dependencies as to Us may seem\\nmeet; we have thought fit, by and with the advice of Our", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0591.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "568 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nPrivy Council, to appoint and declare, and We do hereby,\\nby and with the said advice, appoint and declare that hence-\\nforth, so far as conveniently may be, on all occasions and in\\nall instruments wherein Our Style and Titles are used, save\\nand except all Charters, Commissions, Letters Patent, Grants,\\nWrits, Appointments, and other like instruments, not ex-\\ntending in their operation beyond the United Kingdom, the\\nfollowing addition shall be made to the Style and Titles at\\npresent appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United\\nKingdom and its Dependencies; that is to say, in the Latin\\ntongue in these words: Tndi^ Imperatrix/ And in the\\nEnglish tongue in these words: Empress of India.\\nAnd Our will and pleasure further is, that the said ad-\\ndition shall not be made in the Commissions, Charters, Let-\\nters Patent, Grants, Writs, Appointments, and other like\\ninstruments, hereinbefore specially excepted.\\nAnd Our will and pleasure further is, that all gold, silver,\\nand copper moneys, now current and lawful moneys of the\\nUnited Kingdom, and all gold, silver, and copper moneys\\nwhich shall on or after this day be coined by Our authority\\nwith the like impression, shall, notwithstanding such addi-\\ntion to Our Style and Titles, be deemed and taken to be\\ncurrent and lawful moneys of the said United Kingdom; and\\nfurther, that all moneys coined for and issued in any of the\\nDependencies of the said United Kingdom, and declared by\\nOur Proclamation to be current and lawful money of such\\nDependencies respectively bearing Our Style, or Titles, or\\nany part or parts thereof, and all moneys which shall here-\\nafter be coined and issued according to such Proclamation,\\nshall, notwithstanding such addition, continue to be lawful\\nand current money of such Dependencies respectively, until\\nOur pleasure shall be further declared thereupon.\\nGiven at Our Court at Windsor the twenty-eighth day\\nof April One thousand eight hundred and seventy-six in the\\nthirty-ninth year of Our Reign.\\ngod save the queen.\\n(JJistory of the IniJ erial Assemblage at Delhi, J. T. Wheeler, Lond., n. d., p. 70.)", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0592.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XXXV\\nENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL\\n233. The Sand River Convention\\nFront the Records\\nThe far-reaching consequences which threatened to result from\\nthe war between England and the Transvaal Republic, the ques-\\ntions in diplomacy and international law which have been raised,\\nseem to justify a departure from the principles hitherto followed\\nin the making of this book. I have therefore given the complete\\ntexts of the three important conventions by which the contesting\\nnations sought to justify their respective positions. The first of\\nthese treaties, is entitled The Sand River Convention, and was\\nmade in 1852.\\nMinute of a meeting held on the farm of Mr. P. A. Venter,\\nSand River, on Friday, the i6th day of January, 1852, be-\\ntween her Majesty s Commissioners, Major W. S. Hogge\\nand C. M. Owen, appointed to settle the affairs of the east\\nand north-east boundaries of the Cape Colony, on the one\\npart; and the following deputies of the emigrant Boers,\\nliving north of Vaal River, on the other hand A. W. J.\\nPretorius, Comdt.-General H. S. Lombard, Landdrost H.\\nF, Joubert, Comdt.-General; G. F. Krieger, Commandant,\\nand twelve others.\\nI. The Assistant Commissioners guarantee in the fullest\\nmanner, on the part of the British Government, to the emi-\\ngrant farmers beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage\\ntheir own affairs, and to govern themselves according to\\ntheir own laws, without any interference on the part of the\\nBritish Government; and that no encroachment shall be\\nmade by the said Government on the territory beyond, to the\\nnorth of the Vaal River, with the further assurance that the\\nwarmest wish of the British Government is to promote peace,\\nfree trade, and friendly intercourse with the emigrant far-\\nmers now inhabiting, or who may inhabit, that country; it\\nbeing understood that this system of non-interference is\\nbinding upon both parties.\\n569", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0593.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "570 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\n2. Should any misunderstanding hereafter arise as to the\\ntrue meaning of the words, The Vaal River, this question,\\nin so far as it regards the line from the source of that river,\\nover to Drakensberg, shall be settled and adjusted by Com-\\nmissioners chosen by both parties.\\n3. Her Majesty s Assistant Commissioners hereby dis-\\nclaim all alliances whatever and with whomsoever of the\\ncoloured nations to the north of the Vaal River.\\n4. It is agreed that no slavery is or shall be permitted or\\npractised in the country to the north of the Vaal River by\\nthe emigrant farmers.\\n5. Mutual facilities and liberty shall be afforded to traders\\nand travellers on both sides of the Vaal River; it being\\nunderstood that every waggon containing firearms, coming\\nfrom the south side of the Vaal River, shall produce a cer-\\ntificate signed by a British magistrate, or other functionary,\\nduly authorized to grant such, and which shall state the\\nquantities of such articles contained in said waggon to the\\nnearest magistrate north of the Vaal River, who shall act\\nin the case as the regulations of the emigrant farmers\\ndirect. It is agreed that no objections shall be made by\\nany British authority against the emigrant Boers purchasing\\ntheir supplies of ammunition in any of the British Colonies\\nand possesions of South Africa; it being mutually under-\\nstood that all trade in ammunition with the native tribes\\nis prohibited, both by the British Government and the emi-\\ngrant farmers on both sides of the Vaal River.\\n6. It is agreed that, so far as possible, all criminals and\\nother guilty parties who may fly from justice either way\\nacross the Vaal River shall be mutually delivered up, if\\nsuch should be required; and that the British courts, as well\\nas those of the emigrant farmers, shall be mutually opened\\nto each other for all legitimate processes, and that sum-\\nmonses for witnesses sent either way across the Vaal River\\nshall be backed by the magistrates on each side of the same\\nrespectively, to compel the attendance of such witnesses\\nwhen required.\\n7. It is agreed that certificates of marriage issued by the\\nproper authorities of the emigrant farmers shall be held\\nvalid and sufficient to entitle children of such marriages to\\nreceive portions accruing to them in any British colony or\\npossession in South Africa.\\n8. It is agreed that any and \u00e2\u0082\u00acvery person now in posses-\\nsion of land, and residing in British territory, shall have free", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0594.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 571\\nright and power to sell his said property, and remove unmo-\\nlested across the Vaal River and vice versa; it being distinct-\\nly understood that this arrangement does not comprehend\\ncriminals or debtors without providing for the payment of\\ntheir just and lawful debts.\\n(From a copy of the original document.)\\n234. The Convention of Pretoria\\nFrom the Records\\nThe second treaty between the Transvaal and England was\\nthat made at Pretoria in 1881. While the suzerainty of the\\nQueen of England is specifically acknowledged in the Preamble,\\nthe rights of England in the Transvaal are definitely limited.\\nAlthough much of the convention is of minor interest, it has\\nbeen thought best to give the vv^hole document.\\nPreamble. Her Majesty s Commissioners for the settle-\\nment of the Transvaal territory, duly appointed as such by\\na commission passed under the Royal Sign Manual and\\nSignet, bearing date the 5th of April, 1881, do hereby under-\\ntake and guarantee on behalf of her Majesty that, from and\\nafter the 8th day of August, 1881, complete self-government,\\nsubject to the suzerainty of her Majesty, her heirs and suc-\\ncessors, will be accorded to the inhabitants of the Transvaal\\nterritory, upon the following terms and conditions, and sub-\\nject to the following reservations and limitations\\nArticle i. The said territory, to be hereinafter called the\\nTransvaal State, will embrace the land lying between the\\nfollowing boundaries, to wit: [here follows definition of\\nboundaries.]\\nArticle 2. Her Majesty reserves to herself, her heirs\\nand successors (a) the right from time to time to appoint a\\nBritish Resident in and for the said state, with such duties\\nand functions as are hereinafter defined; (6) the right to\\nmove troops through the said state in time of war, or in case\\nof the apprehension of immediate war between the suzerain\\npower and any foreign state or native tribe in South Africa;\\nand (c) the control of the external relations of the said\\nstate, including the conclusion of treaties and the conduct\\nof diplomatic intercourse with foreign powers, such inter-\\ncourse to be carried on through her Majesty s diplomatic and\\nconsular officers abroad.\\nArticle 3. Until altered by the Volksraad, or other com-\\npetent authority, all laws, whether passed before or after\\nthe annexation of the Transvaal territory to her Majesty s", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0595.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "572 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\ndominions, shall, except in so far as they are inconsistent\\nwith or repugnant to the provisions of this Convention, be\\nand remain in force in the said state in so far as they shall\\nbe applicable thereto, provided that no future enactment\\nespecially affecting the interest of natives shall have any\\nforce or effect in the said state, without the consent of her\\nMajesty, her heirs and successors, first had and obtained and\\nsignified to the government of the said state through the\\nBritish Resident; provided further that in no case will the\\nrepeal or amendment of any laws enacted since the an-\\nnexation have a retrospective effect, so as to invalidate any\\nacts done or liabilities incurred by virtue of such laws.\\nArticle 4. On the 8th day of August, 1881, the govern-\\nment of the said state, together with all rights and obliga-\\ntions thereto appertaining, and all state property taken over\\nat the time of annexation, save and except munitions of war,\\nwill be handed over to Messrs. Stephanus Johannes Paulus\\nKruger, Martinus Wessel Pretorius, and Petrus Jacobus\\nJoubert, or the survivor or survivors of them, who will forth-\\nwith cause a Volksraad to be elected and convened, and the\\nVolksraad, thus elected and convened, will decide as to the\\nfurther administration of the government of the said state.\\nArticle 5. All sentences passed upon persons who may be\\nconvicted of offences contrary to the rules of civilized war-\\nfare committed during the recent hostilities will be duly\\ncarried out, and no alteration or mitigation of such senten-\\nces will be made or allowed by the Government of the Trans-\\nvaal State without her Majesty s consent conveyed through\\nthe British Resident. In case there shall be any prisoners\\nin any of the gaols of the Transvaal State whose respective\\nsentences of imprisonment have been remitted in part by her\\nMajesty s Administrator or other officer administering the\\nGovernment, such remission will be recognised and acted\\nupon by the future government of the said state.\\nArticle 6. Her Majesty s Government will make due com-\\npensation for all losses and damage sustained by reason of\\nsuch acts as are in the 8th Article hereinafter specified,\\nwhich may have been committed by her Majesty s forces\\nduring the recent hostilities, except for such losses or damage\\nas may already have been compensated for, and the Govern-\\nment of the Transvaal State will make due compensation forj\\nall losses or damage sustained by reason of such acts as are\\nin the 8th Article hereinafter specified which may have!\\nbeen committed by the people who were in arms against herj", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0596.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 573\\nMajesty during the recent hostilities, except for such losses\\nor damage as may already have been compensated for.\\nArticle 7. The decision of all claims for compensation,\\nas in the last preceding Article mentioned, will be referred\\nto a sub-commission, consisting of the Hon. George Hudson,\\nthe Hon. Jacobus Petrus de Wet, and the Hon. John Gilbert\\nKotze. In case one or more of such sub-commissioners shall\\nbe unable or unwilling to act, the remaining sub-commissioner\\nor sub-commissioners will, after consultation with the Gov-\\nernment of the Transvaal State, submit for the approval of\\nher Majesty s High Commissioners the names of one or more\\npersons to be appointed by them to fill the place or places\\nthus vacated. The decision of the said sub-commissioners,\\nor of a majority of them, will be final. The said sub-com-\\nmissioners will enter upon and perform their duties with all\\nconvenient speed. They will, before taking evidence or\\nordering evidence to be taken in respect of any claim, decide\\nwhether such claim can be entertained at all under the rules\\nlaid down in the next succeeding Article. In regard to claims\\nwhich can be so entertained, the sub-commissioners will, in\\nthe first instance, afford every facility for an amicable ar-\\nrangement as to the amount payable in respect of any claim,\\nand only in cases in which there is no reasonable ground for\\nbelieving that an immediate amicable arrangement can be ar-\\nrived at will they take evidence or order evidence to be\\ntaken. For the purpose of taking evidence and reporting\\nthereon, the sub-commissioners may appoint deputies, who\\nwill, without delay, submit records of the evidence and their\\nreports to the sub-commissioners. The sub-commissioners\\nwill arrange their sittings and the sittings of their deputies\\nin such a manner as to afford the earliest convenience to\\nthe parties concerned and their witnesses. In no case will\\ncosts be allowed to either side, other than the actual and\\nreasonable expenses of witnesses whose evidence is certified\\nby the sub-commissioners to have been necessary. Interest\\nwill not run on the amount of any claim, except as is herein-\\nafter provided for. The said sub-commissioners will forth-\\nwith, after deciding upon any claim, announce their decision\\nto the Government against which the award is made and to\\nthe claimant. The amount of remuneration payable to the\\nsub-commissioners and their deputies will be determined by\\nthe High Commissioners. After all the claims have been de-\\ncided upon, the British Government and the Government of\\nthe Transvaal State will pay proportionate shares of the said", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0597.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "574 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nremuneration and of the expenses of the sub-commissioners\\nand their deputies, according to the amount awarded against\\nthem respectively.\\nArticle 8. For the purpose of distinguishing claims to be\\naccepted from those to be rejected, the sub-commissioners\\nwill be guided by the following rules, viz. Compensation\\nwill be allowed for losses or damage sustained by reason of\\nthe following acts committed during the recent hostilities,\\nviz., (a) commandeering, seizure, confiscation, or destruction\\nof property, or damage done to property; (b) violence done\\nor threats used by persons in arms. In regard to acts under\\n(a), compensation will be allowed for direct losses only.\\nIn regard to acts falling under (b), compensation will be\\nallowed for actual losses of property, or actual injury to\\nthe same proved to have been caused by its enforced abandon-\\nment. No claims for indirect losses, except such as are in\\nthis Article specially provided for, will be entertained. No\\nclaims which have been handed in to the Secretary of the\\nRoyal Commission after the first day of July, 1881, will be\\nentertained, unless the sub-commissioners shall be satisfied\\nthat the delay was reasonable. When claims for loss of\\nproperty are considered, the sub-commissioners will require\\ndistinct proof of the existence of the property, and that it\\nneither has reverted nor will revert to the claimant.\\nArticle 9. The Government of the Transvaal State will\\npay and satisfy the amount of every claim awarded against\\nit within one month after the sub-commissioners shall have\\nnotified their decision to the said Government, and in default\\nof such payment the said Government will pay interest at the\\nrate of six per cent, per annum from the date of such default;\\nbut her Majesty s Government may at any time before such\\npayment pay the amount, with interest, if any, to the claim-\\nant in satisfaction of his claim, and may add the sum thus\\npaid to any debt which may be due by the Transvaal State\\nto her Majesty s Government, as hereinafter provided for.\\nArticle 10. The Transvaal State will be liable for the\\nbalance of the debts for which the South African Republic\\nwas liable at the date of annexation, to wit, the sum of\\n48,000 I. in respect to the Cape Commercial Bank Loan,\\nand 85,667 I. in respect to the Railway Loan, together with\\nthe amount due on the 8th of August, 1881, on account of the\\nOrphan Chamber Debt, which now stands at 22,200 l, which\\ndebts will be a first charge upon the revenues of the State.\\nThe Transvaal State will, moreover, be liable for the lawful", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0598.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 575\\nexpenditure lawfully incurred for the necessary expenses of\\nthe province since the annexation, to wit, the sum of\\n265,000 I., with debt, together with such debts as may be\\nincurred by virtue of the 9th Article, will be second charge\\nupon the revenues of the State.\\nArticle 11. The debts due as aforesaid by the Transvaal\\nState to her Majesty s Government will bear interest at the\\nrate of three and a half per cent., and any portion of such\\ndebt as may remain unpaid at the expiration of twelve\\nmonths from the 8th of August, 1881, shall be repayable by\\na payment for interest and sinking fund of six pounds and\\nninepence per cent, per annum, which will extinguish the\\ndebt in twenty-five years. The said payment of six pounds\\nand ninepence per 100 shall be payable half-yearly in\\nBritish currency on the 8th of February and the 8th of\\nAugust in each year. Provided always, that the Transvaal\\nState shall pay in reduction of the said debt the sum of\\nioo,oco within twelve months of the 8th of August, 1881,\\nand shall be at liberty at the close of any half-year to pay off\\nthe whole or any portion of the outstanding debt.\\nArticle 12. All persons holding property in the said State\\non the 8th day of August, 1881, will continue after the said\\ndate to enjoy the rights of property which they have enjoyed\\nsince the annexation. No person who has remained loyal\\nto her Majesty during the recent hostilities shall suffer any\\nmolestation by reason of his loyalty, or be liable to any\\ncriminal prosecution or civil action for any part taken in\\nconnection with such hostilities, and all such persons will\\nhave full liberty to reside in the country, with enjoyment of\\nall civil rights, and protection for their persons and prop-\\nerty.\\nArticle 13. Natives will be allowed to acquire land, but\\nthe grant or transfer of such land will, in every case, be\\nmade to and registered in the name of the Native Location\\nCommission, hereinafter mentioned, in trust for such natives.\\nArticle 14. Natives will be allowed to move as freely\\nwithin the country as may be consistent with the require-\\nments of public order, and to leave it for the purpose of\\nseeking employment elsewhere or for other lawful purposes,\\nsubject always to the past laws of the said State, as amended\\nby the Legislature of the Province, or as may hereafter be\\nenacted under the provisions of the Third Article of this Con-\\nvention.\\nArticle 15. There will continue to be complete freedom", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0599.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "576 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nof religion and protection from molestation for all denomina-\\ntions, provided the same be not inconsistent with morality\\nand good order, and no disability shall attach to any person\\nin regard to rights of property by reason of the religious\\nopinions which he holds.\\nArticle i6. The provisions of the Fourth Article of the\\nSand River Convention are hereby reaffirmed, and no slavery\\nor apprenticeships partaking of slavery will be tolerated by\\nthe Government of the said State.\\nArticle 17. The British Resident will receive from the\\nGovernment of the Transvaal State such assistance and sup-\\nport as can by law be given to him for the due discharge\\nof his function he will also receive every assistance for the\\nproper care and preservation of the graves of such of her\\nMajesty s forces as have died in the Transvaal, and if need\\nbe for the expropriation of land for the purpose.\\nArticle 18. The following will be the duties and func-\\ntions of the British Resident\\nSub-section i. He will perform duties and functions an-\\nalogous to those discharged by a Charge-d Affaires and\\nConsul-General.\\nSub-section 2. In regard to natives within the Transvaal\\nState he will (a) report to the High Commissioner, as rep-\\nresentative of the Suzerain, as to the working and observ-\\nance of the provisions of this Convention; (b) report to the\\nTransvaal authorities any cases of ill-treatment of natives\\nor attempts to incite natives to rebellion that may come to\\nhis knowledge; (c) use his influence with the natives in\\nfavour of law and order; and (d) generally preform such\\nother duties as are by this Convention entrusted to him, and\\ntake such steps for the protection of the person and property\\nof natives as are consistent with the laws of the land.\\nSub-section 3. In regard to natives not residing in the\\nTransvaal (a) he will report to the High Commissioner and\\nthe Transvaal Government any encroachments reported to him\\nas having been made by Transvaal residents upon the land\\nof such natives, and in case of disagreement between the.\\nTransvaal Government and the British Resident as to whether\\nan encroachment has been made, the decision of the Suzerain\\nwill be final; (b) the British Resident will be the mediunL\\nof communication with native chiefs outside the Transvaaljlj\\nand, subject to the approval of the High Commissioner, as\\nrepresenting the Suzerain, he will control the conclusion o\\ntreaties with them; and (c) he will arbitrate upon every dis\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0600.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL $77\\npiite between Transvaal residents and natives outside the\\nTransvaal (as to acts committed beyond the boundaries of\\nthe Transvaal) which may be referred to him by the parties\\ninterested.\\nSub-section 4. In regard to communications with foreign\\npowers, the Transvaal Government will correspond with her\\nMajesty s Government through the British Resident and the\\nHigh Commissioner.\\nArticle 19. The Government of the Transvaal State will\\nstrictly adhere to the boundaries defined in the First Article\\nof this convention, and will do its utmost to prevent any of\\nits inhabitants from making any encroachment upon lands\\nbeyond the said State. The Royal Commission will forth-\\nwith appoint a person who will beacon off the boundary-\\nline between Ramatlabama and the point where such line\\nfirst touches Griqua-land West boundary, midway between\\nthe Vaal and Hart rivers the person so appointed will be\\ninstructed to make an arrangement between the owners of\\nthe farms Grootfontein and Valleifontein on the one hand,\\nand the Barolong authorities on the other, by which a fair\\nshare of the water supply of the said farms shall be allowed\\nto flow undisturbed to the said Barolongs.\\nArticle 20. All grants or titles issued at any time by the\\nTransvaal Government in respect of land outside the bound-\\nary of Transvaal State, as defined, Article i, shall be con-\\nsidered invalid and of no effect, except in so far as any such\\ngrant or title relates to land that falls within the boundary of\\nthe Transvaal State, and all persons holding any such grant\\nso considered invalid and of no effect will receive from the\\nGovernment of the Transvaal State such compensation either\\nin land or in money as the Volksraad shall determine. In all\\ncases in which any native chiefs or other authorities outside\\nthe said boundaries have received any adequate consider-\\nation from the Government of the former South African\\nRepublic for land excluded from the Transvaal by the First\\nArticle of this Convention, or where permanent improve-\\nments have been made on the land, the British Resident will,\\nsubject to the approval of the High Commissioner, use his\\ninfluence to recover from the native authorities fair com-\\npensation for the loss of the land thus excluded, and of the\\npermanent improvement thereon.\\nArticle 21. Forthwith, after the taking effect of this\\nConvention, a Native Location Commission will be con-\\nstituted, consisting of the President, or in his absence the", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0601.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "578 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nVice-President of the State, or some one deputed by him,\\nthe President, or some one deputed by him, and a third\\nperson to be agreed upon by the President or the Vice-\\nPresident, as the case may be, and the President, and such\\nCommission will be a standing body for the performance of\\nthe duties hereinafter mentioned.\\nArticle 22. The Native Location Commission will reserve\\nto the native tribes of the State such locations as they may be\\nfairly and equitably entitled to, due regard being had to the\\nactual occupation of such tribes. The Native Location Com-\\nmission will clearly define the boundaries of such locations,\\nand for that purpose will, in every instance, first of all as-\\ncertain the wishes of the parties interested in such land. In\\ncase land already granted in individual titles shall be required\\nfor the purpose of any location, the owners will receive such\\ncompensation either in other land or in money as the Volks-\\nraad shall determine. After the boundaries of any location\\nhave been fixed, no fresh grant of land within such location\\nwill be made, nor will the boundaries be altered without the\\nconsent of the Location Commission. No fresh grants of\\nland will be made in the districts of Waterberg, Zoutpans-\\nberg, and Lydenberg until the locations in the said districts\\nrespectively shall have been defined by the said Commission.\\nArticle 2^. If not released before the taking effect of this\\nConvention, Sikukuni, and those of his followers who have\\nbeen imprisoned with him, will be forthwith released, and the\\nboundaries of his location will be defined by the Native\\nLocation Commission in the manner indicated in the last\\npreceding Article.\\nArticle 24. The independence of the Swazies within the\\nboundary-line of Swazi-land, as indicated in the First Article\\nof this Convention, will be fully recognized.\\nArticle 25. No other or higher duties will be imposed on\\nthe importation into the Transvaal State of any article the\\nproduce or manufacture of the dominions and possessions of\\nher Majesty, from whatever place arriving, than are or may\\nbe payable on the like article the produce or manufacture\\nof any other country, nor will any prohibition be maintained\\nor imposed on the importation of any article the produce or\\nmanufacture of the dominions and possessions of her Ma-\\njesty, which shall not equally extend to the importation of\\nthe like articles being the produce or manufacture of any\\nother country.\\nArticle 26. All persons other than natives conforming", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0602.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL $79\\nthemselves to the laws of the Transvaal State (a) will have\\nhave full liberty with their families to enter, travel, or reside\\nin any part of the Transvaal State; (b) they will be entitled\\nto hire or possess houses, manufactures, warehouses, shops,\\nand premises; (c) they may carry on their commerce either\\nin person or by any agent whom they may think to employ;\\n(d) they will not be subject in respect of their persons or\\nproperty, or in respect of their commerce or industry to any\\ntaxes, whether general or local, other than those which are\\nor may be imposed upon Transvaal citizens.\\nArticle 2y. All inhabitants of the Transvaal shall have\\nfree access to the Courts for the protection and defence of\\ntheir rights.\\nArticle 28. All persons other than natives who established\\ntheir domicile in the Transvaal between the 12th day of\\nApril, 1877, and the date when this Convention comes into\\neffect, and who shall within twelve months after such last-\\nmentioned date have their names registered by the British\\nResident, shall be exempt from all compulsory military serv-\\nice whatever. The Resident shall notify such registration\\nto the Government of the Transvaal State.\\nArticle 29. Provision shall hereafter be made by a sep-\\narate instrument for the mutual extradition of criminals, and\\nalso for the surrender of deserters from her Majesty s forces.\\nArticle 30. All debts contracted since the annexation will\\nbe payable in the same currency in which they may have\\nbeen contracted; all uncancelled postage and other revenue\\nstamps issued by the Government since the annexation will\\nremain valid, and will be accepted at their present value by\\nthe future Government of the State; all licenses duly issued\\nsince the annexation will remain in force during the period\\nfor which they may have been issued.\\nArticle 31. No grants of land which may have been made,\\nand no transfer of mortgage which may have been passed\\nsince the annexation, will be invalidated by reason merely\\nof their having been made or passed since that date. All\\ntransfers to the British Secretary for Native Affairs in trust\\nfor natives will remain in force, the Native Location Com-\\nmission taking the place of such Secretary for Native Af-\\nfairs.\\nArticle 32. This Convention will be ratified by a newly-\\nelected Volksraad within the period of three months after its\\nexecution, and in default of such ratifications this Convene\\ntion shall be null and void.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0603.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "58o SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nArticle 33. Forthwith, after the ratification of this Con-\\nvention, as in the last preceding Article mentioned, all British\\ntroops in Transvaal territory will leave the same, and the\\nmutual delivery of munitions of war will be carried out.\\n[Here follow signatures of Royal Commissioners; then\\nthe following precedes signatures of triumvirate.]\\nWe, the undersigned, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger,\\nMartinus Wessel Pretorius, and Petrus Jacobus Joubert, as\\nrepresentatives of the Transvaal Burghers, do hereby agree\\nto all the above conditions, reservations, and limitations under\\nwhich self-government has been restored to the inhabitants\\nof the Transvaal territory, subject to the suzerainty of her\\nMajesty, her heirs and successors, and we agree to accept the\\nGovernment of the said territory, with all rights and obliga-\\ntions thereto appertaining, on the 8th day of August; and we\\npromise and undertake that this Convention shall be ratified\\nby a newly-elected Volksraad of the Transvaal State within\\nthree months from this date.\\n(From a copy of the original document.)\\n235. The Convention of London\\nFrom the Records\\nThe Convention of London must be read in conjunction with\\nthat of- Pretoria, as upon the variance of the two rests much\\nof the ground of dispute between the two countries. The omis-\\nsion of the clauses as to suzerainty was claimed by the Boers\\nas extinguishing that claim, while England held that the London\\ntreaty was in that respect merely supplementary, and that the\\nConvention of Pretoria was still in force, except where explicitly\\nchanged by that of London.\\nA CONVENTION BETWEEN HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF THE\\nUNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND AND\\nTHE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC\\nPreamble.\\nArticle i. The territory of the South African Republic\\nwill embrace the land lying between the following boundaries,\\nto wit:\\n\\\\Here follows a description of the line of boundary.\\nArticle 2. The Government of the South African Republic\\nwill strictly adhere to the boundaries defined in the first\\nArticle of this Convention, and will do its utmost to preveni;\\nII", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0604.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 581\\nany of its inhabitants from making any encroachments upon\\nlands beyond the said boundaries. The Government of the\\nSouth African Republic will appoint Commissioners upon\\nthe eastern and western borders whose duty it will be strictly\\nto guard against irregularities and all trespassing over the\\nboundaries. Her Majesty s Government will, if necessary,\\nappoint Commissioners in the native territories outside the\\neastern and western borders of the South African Republic\\nto maintain order and prevent encroachments.\\nHer Majesty s Government and the Government of the\\nSouth African Republic will each appoint a person to proceed\\ntogether to beacon off the amended south-west boundary as\\ndescribed in Article i of this Convention and the President\\nof the Orange Free State shall be requested to appoint a\\nreferee to whom the said persons shall refer any question on\\nwhich they may disagree respecting the interpretation of the\\nsaid Article, and the decision of such referee thereon shall\\nbe final. The arrangement already made, under the terms\\nof Article 19 of the Convention of Pretoria of the 3rd of\\nAugust, 1 88 1, between the owners of the farms Grootfontein\\nand Valleifontein on the one hand, and the Barolong author-\\nities on the other, by which a fair share of the water supply\\nof the said farms shall be allowed to flow undisturbed to the\\nsaid Barolongs, shall continue in force.\\nArticle 3. H a British officer is appointed to reside at\\nPretoria or elsewhere within the South African Republic to\\ndischarge functions analogous to those of a Consular officer\\nhe will receive the protection and assistance of the Republic.\\nArticle 4. The South African Republic will conclude no\\ntreaty or engagement with any State or nation other than the\\nOrange Free State, nor with any native tribe to the eastward\\nor westward of the Republic, until the same has been ap-\\nproved by her Majesty the Queen. Such approval shall be\\nconsidered to have been granted if her Majesty s Government\\nshall not, within six months after receiving a copy of such\\ntreaty (which shall be delivered to them immediately upon\\nits completion), have notified that the conclusion of such\\ntreaty is in conflict with the interests of Great Britain or\\nany of her Majesty s possessions in South Africa.\\nArticle 5. The South African Republic will be liable for\\nany balance which may still remain due of the debts for\\nwhich it was liable at the date of annexation, to wit, the\\nCape Commercial Bank Loan, the Railway Loan, and the\\nOrphan Chamber Debt, which debts will be a first charge", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0605.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "S82 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nupon the revenues of the Republic. The South African\\nRepublic will moreover be liable to her Majesty s Govern-\\nment for 250,000 which will be a second charge upon the\\nrevenues of the Republic.\\nArticle 6. The debt due as aforesaid by the South African\\nRepublic to her Majesty s Government will bear interest at\\nthe rate. of three and a half per cent, from the date of the\\nratification of this Convention, and shall be repayable by a\\npayment for interest and Sinking Fund of six pounds and\\nninepence per 100 L per annum, which will extinguish the\\ndebt in twenty-five years. The said payment of six pounds\\nand ninepence per 100 I. shall be payable half-yearly, in\\nBritish currency, at the close of each half-year from the\\ndate of such ratification Provided always that the South\\nAfrican Republic shall be at liberty at the close of any half-\\nyear to pay off the whole or any portion of the outstanding\\ndebt.\\nInterest at the rate of three and a half per cent, on the debt\\nas standing on the Convention of Pretoria shall as heretofore\\nbe paid to the date of the ratification of this Convention.\\nArticle 7. All persons who held property in the Transvaal\\non the 8th day of August, 1881, and still hold the same, will\\ncontinue to enjoy the rights of property which they have en-\\njoyed since the 12th of April, 1877. No person who has\\nremained loyal to her Majesty during the late hostilities shall\\nsuffer any molestation by reason of his loyalty or be liable\\nto any criminal prosecution or civil action for any part taken\\nin connection with such hostilities and all such persons will\\nhave full liberty to reside in the country, with enjoyment of\\nall civil rights, and protection for their persons and property.\\nArticle 8. The South African Republic renews the dec-\\nlaration made in the Sand River Convention, and in the Con-\\nvention of Pretoria, that no slavery or apprenticeship par-\\ntaking of slavery will be tolerated by the Government of the\\nsaid Republic.\\nArticle 9. There will continue to be complete freedom of\\nreligion and protection from molestation for all denomina-\\ntions, provided the same be not inconsistent with morality\\nand good order; and no disability shall attach to any person\\nin regard to rights of property by reason of the religious\\nopinion which he holds.\\nArticle 10. The British officer appointed to reside in the\\nSouth African Republic will receive every assistance from\\nthe Government of the said Republic in making due pro-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0606.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 583\\nvision for the proper care and preservation of the graves of\\nsuch of her Majesty s forces as have died in the Transvaal;\\nand if need be, for the appropriation of land for the purpose.\\nArticle 11. All grants or titles issued at any time by the\\nTransvaal Government in respect of land outside the bound-\\nary of the South African Republic, as defined in Article i,\\nshall be considered invalid and of no effect, except in so far\\nas any such grant or title relates to land that falls within the\\nboundary of the South African Republic and all persons\\nholding any such grant so considered invalid and of no effect\\nwill receive from the Government of the South African\\nRepublic such compensation, either in land or in money, as\\nthe Volksraad shall determine. In all cases in which any\\nnative chiefs or other authorities outside the said boundaries\\nhave received any adequate consideration from the Govern-\\nment of the South African Republic for land excluded from\\nthe Transvaal by the first article of this Convention or where\\npermanent improvements have been made on the land, the\\nHigh Commissioner will recover from the native authorities\\nfair compensation for the loss of the land thus excluded, or\\nof the permanent improvements thereon.\\nArticle 12. The independence of the Swazis, within the\\nboundary line of Swazi-land, as indicated in the first article\\nof this Convention, will be fully recognized.\\nArticle 13. Except in pursuance of any treaty or engage-\\nment made as provided in Article 4 of this Convention, no\\nother or higher duties shall be imposed on the importation\\ninto the South African Republic of any article coming from\\nany part of her Majesty s dominions than are or may be im-\\nposed on the like article coming from any other place or\\ncountry; nor will any prohibition be maintained or imposed\\non the importation into the South African Republic of any\\narticle coming from any part of her Majesty s dominions\\nwhich shall not equally extend to the like article coming from\\nany other place or country. And in like manner the same\\ntreatment shall be given to any article coming to Great\\nBritain from the South African Republic as to the like\\narticle coming from any other place or country.\\nThese provisions do not preclude the consideration of\\nspecial arrangements as to import duties and commercial\\nrelations between the South African Republic and any of her\\nMajesty s colonies or possessions.\\nArticle 14. All persons, other than natives, conforming\\nthemselves to the laws of the South African Republic (a) will", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0607.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "584 SOURCE-BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nhave full liberty, with their families, to enter, travel, or reside\\nin any part of the South African Republic; (h) they v^ill\\nbe entitled to hire or possess houses, manufactories, ware-\\nhouses, shops, and premises; (c) they may carry on their\\ncommerce either in person or by any agents whom they think\\nfit to employ; {d) they will not be subject, in respect to their\\npersons or property, or in respect to their commerce or in-\\ndustry, to any taxes, whether general or local, other thg,n\\nthose which are or may be imposed upon citizens of the said\\nRepublic.\\nArticle 15. All persons, other than natives, who estab-\\nlished their domicile in the Transvaal between the 12th day\\nof April, 1877, and the 8th of August, 1881, and who within\\ntwelve months after such last-mentioned date have had their\\nnames registered by the British Resident, shall be exempt\\nfrom all compulsory military service whatever.\\nArticle 16. Provision shall hereafter be made by a separate\\ninstrument for the mutual extradition of criminals, and also\\nfor the surrender of deserters from her Majesty s forces.\\nArticle 17. All debts contracted between the 12th of\\nApril, 1877, ^rid the 8th of August, 1881, will be payable in\\nthe same currency in which they may have been contracted.\\nArticle 18. No grants of land which may have been made,\\nand no transfers or mortgages which may have been passed\\nbetween the 12th of April, 1877, the 8th of August, 1881,\\nwill be invalidated by reason merely of their having been\\nmade or passed between such dates.\\nAll transfers to the British Secretary for Native Affairs\\nin trust for natives will remain in force, an officer of the\\nSouth African Republic taking the place of such Secretary\\nfor Native Affairs.\\nArticle 19. The Government of the South African Repub-\\nlic will engage faithfully to fulfil the assurance given, in\\naccordance with the laws of the South African Republic, to\\nthe natives at the Pretoria Pitso by the Royal Commission in\\nthe presence of the triumvirate and with their assent; (i) as\\nto the freedom of the natives to buy or otherwise acquire\\nland under certain conditions; (2) as to the appointment of\\na commission to mark out native locations; (3) as to the\\naccess of the natives to the courts of law, and (4) as to their\\nbeing allowed to move freely within the country, or to leave\\nit for any legal purpose, under a pass system.\\nArticle 20. This Convention will be ratified by a Volks-\\nraad of the South African Republic within the period of six", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0608.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 585\\nmonths after its execution, and in default of such ratifica-\\ntion this Convention shall be null and void.\\nSigned in duplicate in London this 27th day of February,\\n1884.\\n(From a copy of the original document.)", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0609.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0610.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nThe Source-material indicated in the Bibliography of Sources,\\npages 1-61, is there arranged under 239 heads. The limits of\\nspace prohibited a more minute classification in the body of the\\nvolume. The needs of the student have, however, been fully\\nprovided for in this Bibliographical Index, wherein the sources\\nare divided into more than a thousand titles.\\nIn looking up references in the body of the book always con-\\nsult the head and foot of the selection examined. Society names\\nIVodrow Society are italicized when they represent publica-\\ntions.\\n2^= The references are to Sections, not to pages.\\nAbbattim, Gesta, cxi.\\nAbhotsford Club, xv.\\nActa Sanctorum, xvi.\\nActa Sanctorum Hibernice,\\nxxxii.\\nActa Sanctorum Ordinis Sanc-\\nti Benedicti in Sceculorum\\nClasses distributa, 1.\\nActon, John of, xxxiv E.\\nActs and Monuments of the\\nChurch, cli 127; 128; 132.\\nActs and Ordinances. See\\nStatutes.\\nAdams, C. K., xiii 203; 204;\\n205.\\nAdam of Usk, cxxiii.\\nMlfric Society, xvii.\\nAgricola, 2y, 18.\\nAlcuin, Letters of, Ixxxv.\\nAlfred, Lazvs of, 25.\\nAllgemeines bibliographisches\\nLexikon, xiv.\\nAllibone, S. A., vii.\\nAllies, On the Conduct of,\\nccxvi.\\nAlmon s Debates, xxv.\\nAlphabetical List of Works, xi.\\nAmbassades des Messieurs de\\nNoailles en Angle terre,\\nclxix.\\n587\\nAmbassador, The C\u00c2\u00a7mpleat,\\nclxi.\\nAmiens, Guy of, xcii.\\nAmerican Catalogue, xi.\\nAmerican Historical Associa-\\ntion, Section 2, p. 6.\\nAmerican Library Association,\\nSection 2, p. 6.\\nAmerican Historical Maga-\\nzine, xci H note.\\nAmundesham, John, Annals\\nof, cxxvi. (See St. Albans.)\\nAnalecta, Vetera, xxxv.\\nAnatomy of Abuses in Eng-\\nland in Shakespeare s Youth,\\nclxxvii.\\nAncient Charters, Royal and\\nPrivate, xci A.\\nAncient Lazvs and Institutes,\\nIx xci A chap. V.\\nAndre, Bernard, cxli.\\nAngelsachsen, Die Geset:;e dcr,\\nxci E Zu den Gesetsen\\nder, xci E.\\nAnglice Notitia, cxcv 192.\\nAnglia Rediviva, clxxxix.\\nAnglia Sacra, xviii.\\nAnglica, Hibernica, N ormanni-\\nca, Cambrica, a veteribus\\nscripta xxv.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0611.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "588\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nAnglorum, De Respuhlica, 133.\\nAnglo-Saxon Chronicle, Ixxxi;\\n23 37 40 47 48.\\nAnglo-Saxon Laws; of Al-\\nfred, 25 39 of Athelstan, 26\\net seq.; of Edgar, 31 et seq.\\nSee Ancient Laws and In-\\nstitutes.\\nAnnales Monastici, cxii.\\nAnnales Rerum Gestarum Al-\\nfredi Magni Ixxxii.\\nAnnales sex Re gum Anglice,\\nex.\\nAnnals, Camden, of James I,\\nclxxx Cardwell, Document-\\nary, xxxiv A Cambrian,\\nIxxii Hoveden, c. 64 65\\nStowe, cl. See Annales.\\nAnne, History of Queen,\\nccxviii ccxix 193.\\nAnnual Annotated Bibliog-\\nraphy, Section 2, p. 6.\\nAnnual Register, ccxxxii; 210;\\n211; 212; 213; 214; 215; 216.\\nAntiquaries, Society of, xix\\nxcii.\\nAntoninus, Itinerary of, Ixxvii.\\nArber, Edward, English Re-\\nprints, cxlvi.\\nArchceologica, xix.\\nAristotles de Mundo, 12.\\nAshworth, H., 223.\\nAsser, Life of Alfred, Ixxxii;\\n38.\\nAssises, The Bloody, ccxi.\\nAthelstan, see Anglo-Saxon\\nLaws.\\nAuckland, William, Lord,\\nccxxx.\\nAutotype Facsimiles of the\\nAncient CJiarters in the Brit-\\nish Museum, xci H.\\nAustralia, 228.\\nAustralia and the Gold Fields,\\n227.\\nAveshury, Robert of, cxix.\\nBabington, C, cxxxiv.\\nBale, John, iii.\\nBaluze, S., Miscellanea, xx.\\nBancroft, Richard, 135,\\nBannatyne Club, xxi.\\nBaron s Wars, Chronicle of,\\ncix,\\nBarton, G. B., 225-226.\\nBasnage, J., xxvii.\\nBaxter, Richard, ccviii.\\nBayeux Tapestry, Engraved\\nFacsimile with notes, xcii.\\nBean, W. W., Iviii.\\nBeati Flacci Albini seu Alcuini\\nEpistolce, Ixxxvi.\\nBecket, Materials for the His-\\ntory of Archbishop, 58.\\nBede, Ixxvi; 20; 22; 24.\\nBedford, John, Fourth Duke\\nof, ccxxvi.\\nBel, Jean le. Chronicle of,\\ncxxviii.\\nBencdictus, Abbas Petrobur-\\ngensis xcix.\\nBentley, S., xxxix.\\nBent, General Catalogue, xi.\\nBernard, Andre, cxli.\\nBest Books. A Readers Guide,\\nxiv. See Reader s Guide.\\nBibliographer s Manual of\\nEnglish Literature, x.\\nBibliography: of Sources, Part\\nI, pp. 3-61, incl. How to form,\\npp. 3, 6; Correct type of, p.\\n3 Uses of, p. 6; Catalogues\\nof, pp. 6-9; Of English\\nGuilds, xii of Municipal\\nHistory, xii Parliamentary\\nRepresentation, xii Histor-\\ncal Literature, xiii Refer-\\nence Books in British Mu-\\nseum, xiv Best Books, xiv\\nReader s Guide, ix; Manu-\\nscripts relating to the His-\\ntory of Great Britain, viii\\nGeneral Index to British and\\nForeign Literature, ix Man-\\nual of English Literature, x\\nBooks Published from 1835\\nto 1863 xi Early books, see\\nnote to xi Hand-list of Bib-\\nliographies, xiv Manuel du\\nLibraire (Brunet), xiv; All-\\ngemeines bibliographisches\\nLexikofif xiv.\\nBibliotheca Britannico-Hiber-\\nnica, vii.\\nBibliotheca Historiccs, Diodo-\\nrus Siculus, 17.\\nBibliotheque Universelle, v.\\nBiographies, clvi note.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0612.jp2"}, "613": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n589\\nBiography, Dictionary of Na-\\ntional, vii.\\nBird, B. R. S., Ix.\\nBlaneforde, Henrici de, Chro-\\nnica et Edzvardi II. Vita,\\ncxi.\\nBlondel, Robert, cxxx.\\nBohn, H., X.\\nBoJingbroke (Henry St. John),\\nWorks and Correspondence\\nof, ccxvii.\\nBollando. J., xvi.\\nBook, Doomsday, 49; Little\\nBlack of the Exchequer, 63\\nOf Rights, 86.\\nBoston, John, i.\\nBoyer, A., ccxviii.\\nBracton, H., cxv cxvi.\\nBradshaw, Society, xliv.\\nBrief Historical Relation of\\nState Affairs (Luttrell),\\ncxviii.\\nBrief Register, Kalendar and\\nSurvey of the several kinds\\nand forms of Parliamentary\\nIVrits, Iviii.\\nBritannice, de Excidio, Ixxv.\\nBritannicis, de Rebus, ii.\\nBritannico-Hibernica, Biblio-\\ntheca, vii.\\nBritish Catalogue, xi.\\nBritish Museum, Books in\\nReading Room of, xiv\\nCharters in, xci H.\\nBritish Orations, 202 203\\n204 205.\\nBritish Record Society, xxiii.\\nBrunet, J. C, xiv.\\nBriinner, H., xliii.\\nBuckingham and Chandos,\\nDuke of, ccxxxix.\\nBurke, Edmund, ccxxxvii.\\nBurleigh Papers, clxvi.\\nBurnet, Bishop, History of His\\nOwn Times, cxciii.\\nHistory of the Reformation,\\n114; 115; 125; 126.\\nCabala Sii e Sacra Scrinia, c\\\\xn.\\nCcesar, Ixxiii 14; 21.\\nCalderwood, David, clviii.\\nCalendars: of State Papers,\\nxxiv clxxiv ccxxv of\\nPrincipal Dignitaries of\\nEngland and Wales and of\\nthe Chief Officers in the Uni-\\nversity xl. See Sources\\narranged by Epochs.\\nCaley, Bandinell and Ellis,\\nxxxvi.\\nCambrensis, Giraldus, ciii.\\nCambrian: Archccological As-\\nsociation, Ixx a; Institute,\\nIxx b; Metropolitan Insti-\\ntute, Ixx c; Annals, Ixxii.\\nCamden, G., xxv; Annals,\\nclxxx Society Publications,\\nxxvi Catalogue of Publica-\\ntions of the Camden Society,\\nxxvi.\\nCanisius, xxvii.\\nCanute, Laws of, 41. See An-\\ncient Laws and Institutes.\\nCapgrave, John, liii cxxi.\\nCardwell, E., xxxiv A B;\\n153-B.\\nCarstares, William, ccxv.\\nCarew, George, Lord (Let-\\nters to Sir Thomas Roe),\\nclxxxiii.\\nCarmen de Bello Hastingensi,\\nxci. See Hastings.\\nCartularium Saxonicum, xci-c.\\nCatalogues of historians, p. 3\\nof sources, p. 5 of histor-\\nical literature, p. 6 et seq.;\\nof manuscripts, viii of\\nsource-material before Tu-\\ndor period, viii English,\\nLondon, British, Learned\\nSocieties, Lowndes, Maun-\\nsell s, of certain Books, Cla-\\nveil s. Bent s General, Ameri-\\ncan, xi.\\nCatalogus Scriptorum Eccle^\\nsice, John Boston, i.\\nCatholic Forefathers, The\\nTroubles of Our, clxxiii.\\nCatholic historians, accounts\\nof. See Pits, 14.\\nCave, William, v.\\nCavendish, Henry, cxxxiii.\\nCaxton Society, xlvi.\\nCecil, Lord Burleigh, clxvi.\\nCeltic Society, xxix.\\nChamberlayne, Edw., cxcv.\\nCliandler and Timberland i\\nDebates, xxx,", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0613.jp2"}, "614": {"fulltext": "59\u00c2\u00b0\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nChalloner, R., clxxi.\\nCharles I., Memorials and Let-\\nters, clxxxv; Letters, cxc;\\nLetters, cxcvi Guthry s\\nMemoirs of, cciv.\\nCharters, Ancient, xci A. B.\\nC F. G. H.; Historical, 53;\\n56.\\nChartist Movement, History\\nof, 221-222.\\nChetham Society, xxix.\\nChronicles Northumberland,\\nIxxii; Anglo-Saxon, Ixxii\\n23 37 40 Eathelward,\\nIxxii; Ixxxiii; Florence _ of\\nWorcester, Ixxii xc Prince\\nof Wales, Ixxii; Six Old\\nEnglish, Ixxv Melrose,\\nxcvii Richard of Devises,\\ncii Roger of Wendover,\\ncvii William Rishanger, cix,\\ncxi; Monasterii (St. Al-\\nbans), cxi; Trokelowe-\\nBlanefordc, cxi Walter\\nHenningford, cxiii Lon-\\ndon, cxiv Polychronicon,\\ncxx C ap grave s,cyi.y.\\\\; Adam\\nof Usk, cxiii; Nczv {Con-\\ncordance of Histories),\\ncxxi Jean le Bel, cxxviii\\nFroissart, cxxix Monstrc-\\nlet, cxxx Croyland, Con-\\ntinuation of, cxxxiii Hall s\\ncxlviii. Holinshed, cxlix\\nStow, cl Grey Friars, cliii\\nof Queen Jane, clvii Ken-\\nnet, cxciv of Great Britain,\\netc., xxxi Hengest, xc.\\nChronicles and Memorials of\\nGreat Britain and Ireland\\nduring the Middle Ages,\\nxxxi.\\nChronicon^thekveardi,\\\\xxxm.\\nChronic on ex Chronicis ah\\nAdventu Hengesti, etc., xc.\\nChronicon Ricardi Divisiensis\\nde Rebus gestis Ricardi, Pri-\\nmi. Regis Anglice, cii.\\nChurch Historians of England,\\nxcvii.\\nChurch History, v Councils\\nand Ecclesiastical Docu-\\nments, xxxiv xxxvi of\\nBritain, 151. See Chronicles,\\nSaints, Scriptores, Acta\\nSanctorum.\\nClavell, Robert, General Cata-\\nlogue of, xi.\\nClitherozv, Life of Margaret\\n(see Catholic Forefathers),\\n142.\\nCobbett, W., XXX 106; 107;\\n108.\\nCobden and the Anti-Corn\\nLazv League, Recollections\\nof Richard, 223.\\nCodex Diplomaticus ^ri Sa-\\nxonici, xci B.\\nCodex Juris Ecclesiastici An-\\nglicani xxxiv BB.\\nColganus, J., xxxii.\\nCollectance Adamantcua, xxxiii.\\nCollection of Acts and Ordi-\\nnances of General Use (Sco-\\nbell), clxxxvi.\\nCollection of the Laws and\\nCanons of the Church of\\nEngland from its first Foun-\\ndation to 1 519, xxxiv D.\\nCollection of Original Letters\\nand Papers 1641-1666\\n(Ormonde), clxvi.\\nCollection of Records. See\\nBurnet, Reformation.\\nCollection of Scarce and Valu-\\nable Tracts (Somers), 45\\nclxiii cciii 105.\\nCollections of Source Materi-\\nal. Sec. 3, p. 9 et seq.\\nCollection of State Papers\\n(Cecil, Lord Burleigh),\\nclxvi.\\nCollection of State Tracts,\\nPublished on Occasion of\\nthe Late Revolution in 1688\\netc., ccxiv.\\nColonial State Papers, Calen-\\ndars of, xxiv.\\nCominge, De, ccvii.\\nCommelin, Ixiii f.\\nCommerce, History of Brit-\\nish, 224.\\nCommerce, Treaties and Nego-\\ntiations concerning, Ixviii\\nH.\\nCommentaries on the Gallic\\nWar, Ixxiii; 14; 21.\\nCommons, House of. Jour-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0614.jp2"}, "615": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n591\\nnals, xlvii a. See De-\\nbates, Parliamentary Histo-\\nry, Proceedings, Cobbett,\\nHanzard, Lords, House.\\nCompendious or Brief Exami-\\nnation (Stafford), clxxviii.\\nCompilatio dc Eventibus An-\\nglice (Knighton), 94.\\nComplete Collection of the\\nTreaties and Conventions\\nand Reciprocal Regulations\\netc., Ixviii H.\\nConstittitional Documents of\\nthe Puritan Revolution, cxci.\\nConcilia, Decreta, Leges, Con-\\nstituciones in re Ecclesiarum\\nOrhis Britannici ah initio\\nChris tiancu [to 1530] xxxiv\\nF.\\nConcilia magnce Britannia: et\\nHibernice Acedunt constitu-\\ntiones et alia, xxxiv.\\nContemporary History of Af-\\nfairs in Ireland, cciii.\\nContinuatio MattJicui, cix,\\nCoote, Charles, 206-207.\\nCorn Law. See Cobden.\\nCornwallis, Charles, First Mar-\\nquis, ccxxxviii.\\nCorpus Juris Gentium Recen-\\ntissimi e Tabulariorum\\netc., Ixviii c.\\nCorrespondence, xxxiv H.\\nL (Papal); xxxv cxvii\\ncxxviii cxxxii cxliii clii\\ncliv clxii clxvii clxviii\\nclxix clxx clxxxiii cxc\\nccxii. See also Letters, Roy-\\nal, Kings of England. Origi-\\nnal (Hanoverian Period).\\nD Avaux, ccvi De Cominge,\\nccvii Shrewsbury, ccxii\\nCarstares, ccxv Boling-\\nbroke. ccxvii William HL\\nand Louis XIV.. ccxxxiv\\nBedford, ccxxvi Pitt,\\nccxxvii Grenville, ccxxvii\\nRose, ccxxix Auckland,\\nccxxx North, ccxxxv\\nMalmsbury, ccxxxvi Corn-\\nwallis, ccxxxviii.\\nCouncils and Ecclesiastical\\nDocuments, xxxiv.\\nCouncil, Orders in, Ixviii H.\\nCourt Life under the Plan-\\ntagenets, 63.\\nCrisp, Stephen, and his Cor-\\nrespondence, cxcix.\\nCromwellian Diary, cxcii.\\nCrook. W.. 175.\\nCroyland Chronicle, Continua-\\ntion of, cxxxiii.\\nDalrymple, Sir John. ccv.\\nDangerous Positions and Prac-\\ntices 135.\\nD Archery, D. L., xxxv.\\nDasent, G. W., Ixxx.\\nD Avaux, Count, ccvi.\\nDebates. See D Ewes, Chan-\\ndler and Timberland, Grey,\\nAlmon, Debrett, Parry, xxx\\nHanzard, Cobbett, Caven-\\ndish Proceedings in Parlia-\\nment Parliamentary His-\\ntory.\\nDebrett, J., xxx.\\nD Ewes Journals of the Par-\\nliaments of Queen Elizabeth,\\nXXV clxiv 138; 139.\\nDe Rebus Britannicus, 11.\\nDe Scriptoribus Hibernia, vi.\\nDescriptive Catalogue of\\nHistory of Great Britain and\\nIreland, viii.\\nDevises, Richard of, cii.\\nDialogues of the Exchequer\\n(Dialogus de Scaccario), cv.\\nDiary Evelyn, cxcvi Pepys,\\ncxcvii Luttrell, cxcviii\\nBurton, cxcii Goddard,\\ncxcii Doddington. ccxxxiv\\nLady of Quality (Miss\\nWynn), 200.\\nDiceto, Ralph of, ci.\\nDictionary of National Bi-\\nography, vii.\\nDiggs, Sir Dudley, clxi.\\nDiodorus Siculus. 17.\\nDiscourses, Historical,\\nclxxxviii.\\nDispatches, The French, clxviu\\nN^oailles, clxix.\\nDocumentary Annals of the\\nReformed Church of Eng-\\nland (1546-1716), xxxiv.\\nDocuments inedits sur I His-\\ntpire de France, clxvii.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0615.jp2"}, "616": {"fulltext": "592\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nDoddington, George, Bubb,\\nccxxxiv.\\nDomestic Papers, Calendars\\nof, xxiv.\\nDoomsday Book, xci D. 49;\\nAnd Beyond, xci ^D.\\nDrapier Letters, ccxvi.\\nDryden, John, Works of, ccx.\\nDuchesne, A., Ixiii g.\\nDugdale, W., xxxvi.\\nDumont, J., Ixviii A.\\nDurand, O., Ixvii Ixix.\\nDurham, County of, xxix;\\nSimeon of, Ixxxvii.\\nDutch War, History of, ccxiv.\\nEadmer s History: Eadmeri\\nMonachi Cantuariensis His-\\ntori(B Novorum xciii 50\\n57-\\nEarle, J., Ixxxi xci F.\\nEarly English Text Society,\\nxxxvii.\\nEast India and Persia, New\\nAccount of, 229.\\nEathelward, Chronicle of, Ixxii.\\nSee Ethelward, Ixxxiii.\\nEbert, F. A., xiv.\\nEcclesiastical Documents, xxiv.\\nEcclesiasticce Histories (Or-\\ndericus Vitalis), xciv, 44;\\n46; 54-\\nEcclesiastical History (Bede),\\nIxxii Ixxxvi 20 22 24.\\nEcclesiastical Polity, Laws of,\\n^34-\\nEcclesiastical Register, Ixxii.\\nEdgar, Lazvs of. See Anglo-\\nSaxon Laws.\\nEdzvard the Confessor, Lives\\nof, Ixxxv.\\nEdzvard V., Life of, cxxxvii.\\nGrants in Reign of, cxxviii\\nVI., Literary Remains of, clvi.\\nEllis, H., xxxvi cxxv 50\\n105; 116 et seq.\\nElmhain, Thomas, cxxiv.\\nElwood, Thomas, cxcix.\\nElizabethan Seamen, Voyages\\nof, 144; 145 146. See D Ewes.\\nEmma, Queen of the English:\\nEmmce Anglorum Regince,\\nIxxxiv.\\nEngland, Chronicle of, cxxi.\\nEngland, Description of, clxxvi.\\nEngland in the Reign of Hen-\\nry VIII., cxlvii.\\nEngland, Manner of Govern-\\nment, 133.\\nEngland, Present State of,\\ncxcv.\\nEngland s Recovery, clxxxix.\\nEngland, The Commonwealth\\nof,_i33-\\nEnglish Catalogue, xi.\\nEnglish History for Students,\\nIx. _\\nEnglish Historical Magazine,\\nxci H. Note.\\nEnglish Historical Society,\\nxxxviii.\\nEnglish Works of John Wyc-\\nliffe, cxxxv.\\nE pis to Ice TigurincB, clii.\\nEulogium Brittanice sive His-\\ntoria Britonum, Ixxix.\\nEvelyn, John, cxvi.\\nExcerpta Historica, xxxix.\\nExchequer, Dialogues of, cv.\\nExchequer, History of, cv.\\nExchequer, Little Black Book\\nof, 63.\\nFabian, B., 228.\\nFabyan, Robert, cxxv.\\nFairfax, Sir Thomas, clxxxix.\\nFasciculi Zizaniorium, cxxxv\\n96-97.\\nFasti EcclesicB Anglicance, xl.\\nEcclesice Hihernice, xl.\\nFather of English Antiqua-\\nries, ii.\\nFitz-Neal, Richard, xcix.\\nFitz-Stephen, William, 61.\\nFletcher of Saltoun, The Po-\\nlitical Works of, ccxxi.\\nFlorence of Worcester, xc; 43.\\nFlorilegium Insulce Sanctiorum\\nseu Vitce et Acta Sanctorum\\nHihernice, liii.\\nFlozvcrs of History, cvii.\\nChap. IX, X. f I\\nFcedera, Conventiones etc.,\\nIxviii A.; 152. Syllabus\\nof, Ixviii A.\\nFoley, H., 178.\\nForbes, Robert, 196; 197; 198;\\n199.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0616.jp2"}, "617": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n593\\nForeign State Papers, Calen-\\ndars of, xxiv.\\nFoxe, John, cli.\\nFrench Ambassador at the\\nCourt of Charles II., ccvii.\\nFriars, Grey, Chronicles of,\\ncliii.\\nFroissart, Chronicle of, cxxix.\\nFryer, John, 229.\\nFuller, Thomas, 151.\\nFulman, Wm., Ixiii C,\\nGale, Thomas, Ixiii d.\\nGaimer, Geoffrey, Ixxii.\\nGammage, C. G., 221-222.\\nGardiner, S. R., Ixviii H.\\nGazette, London, Ixviii H.\\nGeneral Index to British and\\nForeign Literature, ix.\\nGeorge II. Memoirs of, ccxxxi.\\nGeorge III. lournal, ccxxxi.\\nLetters, ccxxxi v. Co rre-\\nspondence with Lord North,\\nccxxxv.\\nGeographicce Strahonis, 17.\\nGer mania (Tacitus), Ixxiii.\\nGcsta Guillelmi Ducis Norman-\\nnorum et Regis Anglorum\\n(William of Poitiers), xcv.\\nGesta Stephani Regis Anglo-\\nrum et Ducis Normannorum\\nxcvi.\\nGestis Re gum Anglorum,\\nIxxxix.\\nGibson, E., xxxiv BB.\\nGildas, Ixxv 19.\\nGiraldus Cambrensis, ciii.\\nGlanvill, civ.\\nGoddard. Guibon, cxcii 168.\\nGoldsmith, E., xxxiii.\\nGoodman, Godfrey, clxxxi.\\nGospel Book, York, 42.\\nGrants, Reign of Edzvard V.,\\ncxxxviii.\\nGranvelle Papers, clxvii A\\nCorrespondence, clxvii B.\\nGrenville, Richards, ccxxviii.\\nGrey and Wharton, v W. de\\nG., xci C.\\nGrey, Debates of tJie House of\\nCommons, from 1667-1694..\\nXXX.\\nGrim, Edward, 58.\\nGross, Charles, xii.\\nGrosseteste, Letters of Bishop,\\ncxvii.\\nGuide to the Principal Classes\\nof Documents Preserved in\\nPublic Office, Ix.\\nGuthry, Henry, cciv.\\nGuy of Amiens, cxii.\\nHaddan, A. W., xxxiv C.\\nHakluyt Society, xli,\\nxix.\\nHakluyt Society, xli.\\nHalliwell, J. O., cix.\\nHall, Hubert, 63.\\nHall s Chronicle, cxlviii.\\nHandbook to the Public Rec-\\nords, Ix.\\nHandbook to the Land-\\nCharters and other Saxonic\\nDocuments, xci.\\nHand-list of Bibliographies,\\nClassified Catalogues and\\nIndexes placed in the Read-\\ning Room of the British\\nMuseum, xiv.\\nHansard, T. C, Parliamentary\\nDebates, xlii. See Corbett\\nand works cited.\\nHardwicke Papers, clx.\\nHardy, T. D., viii xl.\\nHargraves, E., 227.\\nHarleian Miscellany, xiii So-\\nciety, xliii.\\nHarpsfield s Treatise, cxliv.\\nHarrison s Description of Eng-\\nland, clxxvi.\\nHarvard Historical Studies,\\nxii.\\nHastings, Song of the Battle\\nof, Ixxii. See Carmen de,\\nxcii.\\nHastings, Memoirs of Warren,\\n230.\\nHayward, A., 200.\\nHenningford. Walter, cxiii.\\nHcnrice Archidiaconi Hiintin-\\ndoniensis Historicu Anglo-\\nrum, Ixxxviii.\\nHenrys, The Book of the\\nNoble, cxxii.\\nHenry V, Life of, cxxiv.\\nHenry VII, Materials for a\\nHistory of the Reign of,\\ncxxxix.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0617.jp2"}, "618": {"fulltext": "594\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nHenry VIII, Calendar of State\\nPapers, xlx; Correspondence\\nof, cxliii,\\nHerbert of Bosham, 59.\\nHerodoti Historiarum, 11.\\nHertslet, L., Ixyiii H.\\nHexham Chronicles, xcvii.\\nHibernicE, de Scriptoribus, vi.\\nHigden, R., cxx.\\nHistoire des Trait es de Paix et\\nautre s negotiations du dix-\\nseptieme siecle, etc., Ixviii\\nB.\\nHistoria Anglicana, cxi.\\nHistoria Johannis Prioris Ha-\\ngustaldensis, Ecclesice, xcvii.\\nHistoria de mirabilis gestis Ed-\\nward Tertii, cxix.\\nHistoria a Normannorum in\\nAngliani ingressu, xcviii.\\nHistoria Novorum (Eadmer),\\nxciii; 50; 57.\\nHistoria pice memories Ricar-\\ndi Prioris Hagustaldensis,\\nxcvii.\\nHistories Anglorum, Ixxxviii.\\nHistorians Guide, 175.\\nHistorica Ecclesiastica Gentis\\nAnglorum (Bede), Ixxvi.\\nHistorical Collections, Town-\\nshend, an Extract Account of\\nthe Proceedings of the Four\\nLast Parliaments of Queen\\nElizabeth etc., clxv. See\\nCollections.\\nHistorical Documents (Gold-\\nsmid), 131.\\nHistorical Literature, Manual\\nof, xiii. Charters, 53 56.\\nHistory of the Arrival of Ed-\\nzvard IV., cxxxi.\\nHistories, Concordance of,\\ncxxv.\\nHistory, Flowers of, cvii,\\nchaps, ix-x.\\nHistory of the Parliament of\\nEngland which began Nov.\\n3, 1640, clxxxvi.\\nHolinshcd, Chronicles, cxlix.\\nHolies, Memoirs of Denzil\\nLord, cciii.\\nHome Department State\\nPapers, Calendars of, xxiv.\\nHooker, Richard, 134.\\nHopfe, Ixviii EG.\\nHoveden, Roger of, 33 C\\n46; 65.\\nHowes, Edmund, el b.\\nHumberson, Henry, 191.\\nHuntingdon Henry of;\\nIxxxviii.\\nIberno-Celtic Society, xlvi.\\nIcelandic Sagas, Ixxx.\\nIllustrations of English His-\\ntory, xxxix.\\nIllustrium Majoris Britann ice\\nScriptorium iii.\\nImpartial Collection of the\\nGreat Affairs of State (Nal-\\nson), ccii.\\nImperial Assembly at Delhi,\\n232.\\nImperial Institute of the United\\nKingdom, the Colonies and\\nIndia Publications, xlv.\\nIndex to Periodical Literature,\\nsection 2, p. 6 Cumulative,\\nsection 2, p. 6. General to\\nBritish and Foreign Litera-\\nture, ix.\\nIndia, History of, 231.\\nIngulfas, cxxxiii.\\nInvent aire Chronologique des\\nDocuments Relatifs a I His-\\ntoire d Ecosse, clxviii.\\nIrish Historical Bibliography,\\nWare, vi. Tanner, vii.\\nIrish History, Scriptores, Ixiii,\\ne-f-h, XXV Acta Sanctorum,\\nxxxii xxxiv C Histor-\\nical Societies, xlvi Archaeo-\\nlogical Society, xlvi Flori-\\nlegium, liii Ossianic So-\\nciety, Ivi Contemporary His-\\ntory, cciii.\\nItinerarium Antonini Augusti\\net Hieroslymitanum, Ixxvii.\\nJaffe, P., xxiv H.\\nlames I., Annals of, clxxx\\nCourt of, clxxxi History of,\\nclxxx; Memorials and Let-\\nters of, clxxxv; Works of,\\n149-150.\\nlane, Chronicles of Queen,\\nclvii.\\nlean le Bel, cxxviii.\\nI", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0618.jp2"}, "619": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n595\\nIcffries, Life of Lord, ccxi.\\nlesuits. Records of English So-\\nciety of, 178.\\nlohn, of Acton, xxxiv E;\\nof Amundcsham, cxxvi\\nWhethamstcdc, cxxvii.\\nlournals, House of Commons,\\nxlvii House of Lords, xlvii.\\nKemble, J. M., xci B.\\nKennett, W., Complete His-\\ntory of England, cxxxvii.\\n49 clxxx Register, cxciv.\\nKer, John, ccxxiii.\\nKing lames. His ludgment of\\na King and of Tyrant, 159.\\nKings of England. History of,\\nIxxxvii Letters of, 100;\\nloi 102; 103.\\nKirk, History of Scotland,\\nclviii.\\nKnighton, H., 94.\\nLabanoff, A., clxx.\\nLamont, Elizabeth, clxxviii.\\nLancaster and Durham, xxix.\\nLangebek, Ixiii i.\\nLaws of Ecclesiastical Polity\\n(Hooker), 134.\\nLazvs and Statutes, xlviii\\nSources of, xlviii. See Stat-\\nutes Legal Documents, xci\\nAncient Laws Anglo-Saxon\\nLaw Cnut s Laws Selden\\nSociety, etc., etc.\\nLeclerc, v.\\nLee, Sidney, vii.\\nLegibus et Consuefudinibus\\nAnglice, cxv,\\nLeland. John, ii.\\nLe Neve. J., xl.\\nLetters, see Correspondence.\\nLetters from George Lord\\nCarew to Sir Thomas Roe,\\nclxxxiii.\\nLetters and Papers Illustrative\\nof the Wars of the English\\nin France during the Reign\\nof Henry VI, cxxviii.\\nLevi, L., 224.\\nLezves and Ever sham, dc\\nBellis, cix.\\nLiber de Illustribus Henricis,\\ncxxii.\\nLiebermann, xci E.\\nLiterary Remains of King Ed-\\nward the Sixth, clvi.\\nLiterature, Historical, see Sec-\\ntions I and 2.\\nLiturgical Texts, x,liv.\\nLondon Catalogue, xi.\\nLondon Gazette, Ixviii H.\\nLondon, Chronicles of, cxlv.\\nLords, House of, lournals,\\nxlvii. See Commons, De-\\nbates, Parliament, Cobbett.\\nHanzard, etc., etc.\\nLords, Protests of (1624-\\n1874), clxxxvi.\\nLords, Report on the Dignity\\nof a Peer, 81.\\nLowndes, W., x.\\nLuttrell, Narcissus, cxcviii.\\nLynwood,W., xxxiv E.\\nLyon in Mourning, 196; 197;\\n198; 199.\\nMabillon, 1.\\nMacaulay, Life and Letters of\\nT. B., 220.\\nMacpherson, J., Papers, ccxiii.\\nMadox, T., cv.\\nMagazines, American Histor-\\nical, English Historical, xci\\nH note.\\nMarie Stuart, Lettres, Instruc-\\ntions et Memoires, clxx.\\nMaitland, F. W., xci D; cxvi.\\nM ait land Club, li.\\nMalmcsbury, Correspondence\\nof lames Harris, First Earl\\nof, ccxxxvi.\\nMalmcsbury, William of,\\nIxxxix.\\nManner of Government or\\nPolicies of the Realme of\\nEngland. 133.\\nMansi, J. D., xx.\\nManual of Historical Litera-\\nture, xiii.\\nManuel du Libra ire, xiv.\\nManx Society, Hi.\\nMarini. cxviii.\\nMarten, G. F. de, Ixviii D.\\nMartene, E., Ixviii, Ixix.\\nMartyrs, Book of, cli.\\nMary (1689), History of King\\nWilliam and Queen, ccxix.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0619.jp2"}, "620": {"fulltext": "596\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nMaterials for the History of\\nArchbishop Becket, 58.\\nMaterials forUie History of\\nBritain, Ixxii.\\nMaterials for the History of\\nthe Reign of Henry VII,\\ncxxxix.\\nMatthew Paris, cviii.\\nMaunselVs Catalogue, xi.\\nMay, T., clxxxvi.\\nMelrose, Chronicles of, xcvii.\\nMelrose, Papers and Corre-\\nspondence, clxxxii.\\nMemoirs of Guthry, cciv\\nDalrymple, ccv. Hervey,\\nccxxii; Ker, ccxxiii Wal-\\npole, ccxxxi; Court and\\nCabinets of George HI.,\\nccxxxix; W rax all, 209;\\nHastings, 230.\\nMemorials of Affairs of State\\n(Winwood, R.), clxxiv.\\nMemorials of the English Af-\\nfairs, Thurloe, cci; White-\\nlock, cc.\\nMemorials and Letters Relat-\\ning to the History of Britain\\n(Dalrymple), clxxxv.\\nMercurius Publicus, 173-174.\\nMessingham, Thomas, liii.\\nMetropolitan Cambrian Insti-\\ntute, Ixx.\\nMilton, John, Works of, ccx.\\nMiddle Ages, xxix xxviii.\\nMigne, L Abbe, liv.\\nMiscellanea, novo ordine di-\\ngesta et non paucis ineditis\\nmonumentis etc., xx.\\nMissionary Priests, Memoirs\\nof, clxxi.\\nMonastic Annals, xcii.\\nMonastic Chronicles, cxi.\\nMonasticon Anglicanum,\\nxxxvi.\\nMonasteries, Suppression of,\\ncliv.\\nMonstrelet s Narratives, cxxx,\\nMonumenta Historica Britan-\\nnica, Iv Ixxii.\\nMonumenta Britannica ex\\nAutographis Romanorum\\nPontificum, cxviii.\\nMore, Sir Thomas, cxxxvii\\ncxlvi.\\nMorris, J., clxxiii.\\nMullinger, J. B., Ix.\\nMunimenta Gildhallce Lon-\\ndoniensis, cxiv.\\nMurhard, Ixviii E F.\\nMush, John, 142.\\nMysteries of State and Govern-\\nment, clxii.\\nNalson, John, ccii.\\nNarratives of the Expulsion of\\nthe English from Normandy,\\ncxxviii.\\nNarratives of the Days of the\\nReformation, civ.\\nN egotiations of Count\\nd Avaux, ccvi.\\nNegotiations Secretes, Ixviii\\nB.\\nNennius, History of Britain,\\nIxxix.\\nNennius Vindicatus, Ixxix.\\nNeve, see Le Neve.\\nNeivbury, William of, xcviii.\\nNew South Wales, History of,\\n226.\\nNicholas Trivet s Annals, ex.\\nNoailles Dispatches, clxix.\\nNolan, E. H., 231.\\nNorth Briton, 201.\\nNorth, Correspondence with\\nGeorge HI., ccxxxv.\\nNorths, Lives of the (Roger\\nNorth), ccix.\\nNorthumberland, Short Chro-\\nnicle of, Ixii.\\nNormandie, Histoire de, cxiv.\\nNorman History and Histo-\\nrians, xxii, XXV.\\nNote Book, Bracton s, cxvi.\\nNotes of Debates (1621),\\nclxxxvi.\\nNotes of Proceedings in the\\nLong Parliament, clxxxvi.\\nNotitia, Anglia, 192.\\nNotitia Dignitatum et Admi-\\nnistrationum Ixxviii.\\nNouveau Recueil depuis\\n1808, jusqu d present\\n(Martens), Ixviii E.\\nNouveau Recueil General\\nContinuation du Grand Re-\\ncueil [Martens], Deuxi-\\neme Serie, Ixviii G.", "height": "3528", "width": "2020", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0620.jp2"}, "621": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n597\\nNouvcaux Supplements an Re-\\ncueil de Traites [Martens],\\nIxviii.\\nO Connor, C, Ixiii h.\\nOfficial List of the Empire,\\nIxxviii.\\nOfficial Year Book of the\\nScientific and Learned So-\\ncities, xi Ixxi.\\nPldmixon, J., ccxix 193.\\nOrdericus Vitalis, xciv. 44\\n46; 54-\\nOriginal Letters (Ellis), 50;\\n104; 116; 117; 118.\\nOriginal Papers Containing the\\nSecret History of Great Bri-\\ntain from the Restoration to\\nthe Accession of the House\\nof Hanover, ccxiii.\\nOrmonde, Letters and Papers\\nof the Duke of, cciii.\\nOssianic Society, Ivi.\\nOur Times, History of (Bur-\\nnet), cxciii.\\nPalgrave, R, Iviii.\\nPapal Letters, xxxiv H I.\\nParis, Matthew, cviii.\\nParker Society, Iviii.\\nParliamentary Debates (1610),\\nclxxxvi. See Debates, Par-\\nliamentary History, Papers,\\nWrits, Returns, etc.\\nParliamentary History, Cob-\\nbett, xxx 106 102 108\\n154; 167; 171; 217. Con-\\ntinuation of Cobbett, xlii\\nor Constitutional, xxx\\nTownshend. clxiv clxv\\nclxxxvi. See also xxx.\\nD Ezves Journals: Chandler\\nand Timherland s Debates;\\nGrey s Debates: Almond De-\\nhates; Debrett s Debates;\\nParry s The Parliaments and\\nCouncils of England. See\\nalso X. Parliamentary In-\\ntelligencer, 172. Mercurius\\nPuhlicus, 173; 174: Annual\\nRegister, cxxviii., etc., etc.\\nParliamentary Proceedings, see\\nParliamentary History.\\nParliamentary Returns, Iviii.\\nParliamentary Writs, Iviii.\\nPapers,The Verney, clxxxvii.\\nParry, The Parliaments and\\nCouncils of England, xxx.\\nPaston Letters, cxxxii.\\nPatriologice Cursus CompletuSy\\nliv.\\nPayne, J. A., 144-145-146.\\nPecock, R., cxxxiv.\\nPeer, Lord s Report upon the\\nDignity of, 81.\\nPenns and Penningtons of the\\ni/th Century, cxcix.\\nPepys, Samuel, cxcvii.\\nPeriodical Literature, Poole\\nFletcher s Index to. Section\\n2, p. 6. Cumulative Index\\nto. Section 2, p. 6.\\nPeterborough, Benedict of,\\ncxix.\\nPetrie, H., Iv.. Ixxii Ixxxi.\\nPinkerton, J., liii.\\nPipe Roll Society, lix.\\nPitt, William, Correspondence\\nof, ccxvii.\\nPitts, John, 14.\\nP lantag enets Court Life\\nunder, 63.\\nPoitiers, William of, xcv.\\nPole, Reginald, cxliv.\\nPolybii Historiarum, 14.\\nPolychronicon, cxx.\\nPolydore Virgil, cxl.\\nPotthast, A., xxxiv I.\\nPre-Norman Sources, Section 4.\\nPresent State of England\\nCompleat, cxcv.\\nPretended Divorce bctivecn\\nHenry VIII cxliv.\\nPrince of Wales, Chronicle of,\\nIxxii.\\nPrincipal Navigations, Voy-\\nages, Traffiques and Dis-\\ncoveries of the English Na-\\ntion, 144 et seq.\\nProtestant Historians, Ac-\\ncounts of, see Bale. iii.\\nProtests of the House of\\nLords (1624-1874), clxxxvi.\\nProthero. G. W., clxxv.\\nProvinciale seu Constifutiones\\nAnglicr a Stephano Lang-\\ntono ad Heuricum Chich-\\nleium, xxxiv E.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0621.jp2"}, "622": {"fulltext": "598\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nPrynne, W., Iviii.\\nPuritan Revolution, clxxxvii.\\nQuadrilogus, 59.\\nRadulfi de Diceto Decani Lon-\\ndeniensis Opera Historica,\\nci.\\nRapin de Thoyras, ccxx.\\nRebellion and Civil War in\\nEngland (Clarendon),\\nclxxxiv.\\nRecords Record Society,\\nxxiii Classified and De-\\nfined Ix; Handbook to, Ix;\\nGuide to Principal Classes\\nof Documents Preserved in\\nPublic Record Office, Ix Of\\nthe Reformation, cxlv Of\\nthe English Province of the\\nSociety of Jesus, 191 Best\\nBooks and Reader s Guide,\\nxiv.\\nRecueil des Historiens des\\nGaules et de la France, xxii.\\nCf. Rerum Gallicarum.\\nRecueil de Traites d Alliance,\\nde Paix, de Treve, de Neu-\\ntralite, de Commerce, de\\nLimites, d Echange etc.,\\netc., Ixviii D.\\nReformation, Records of, cxlv\\nNarratives of the Days of,\\nciv; History of, 114, 115;\\n120; 121.\\nRegesta Pontificum Romano-\\nrum, J a f f e, xxxiv H\\nPotthast, xxxiv I.\\nRegister and Chronicle Eccle-\\nsiastical and Civil, cxciv.\\nRegister, Annual, 6o-ccxxxii\\n210; 211; 212; 213; 214; 215;\\n216.\\nRegistrum. Abbatice Johannis\\nWhethamstede, cxxvii.\\nRelation, A, or rather a true\\naccount of cxlii.\\nRelationum Historicarum de\\nRebus Anglicis, iv.\\nRelations Politique s de la\\nFrance et de I Espagne avec\\nVEcosse au XVI. Siecle,\\nclxviii.\\nReliquiae Baxteriancc, ccviii.\\nRepressor, Pecock, cxxiv.\\nReprints, Arber English, cxlvi\\nand Translations (University\\nof Pennsylvania), 55; 60;\\n80; 81.\\nRerum Gallicarum et Franci-\\ncarum Scriptores, xxii.\\nRichard of Divizeo, cii.\\nRichard III., Life of. More,\\ncxxxvii.\\nRights, Book of, 86.\\nRishanger, William, cix cxi.\\nRobert, of Avesbury, History\\nof Ediv. HI, cxix.\\nRobert, Fabyan, cxxi.\\nRoger of Hoveden, Annals, c;\\n64; 65.\\nRoger of Wendover, cvii,\\nchaps, ix-x.\\nRolls, Pipe, Great or Exche-\\nquer, Charter, Close, Hun-\\ndred, Patent, Plea, etc., lix.\\nRolls Series, xxxi.\\nRose, George ccxxix.\\nRousset, Ixviii B.\\nRoyal Historical Society, Ixi.\\nRoyal Letters, see Correspond-\\nence.\\nRoyal Society, Ixi.\\nRushworth, J., Collections and\\nPrivate Passages of Skite,\\nclxxxvi 153; 156; 160; 161;\\n162 163.\\nRussell. M., clix.\\nRymer, T., Ixviii A. See\\nFoedera.\\nSagas, Icelandic, Ixxx.\\nSaints, British, xvi xviii 1\\nliii see Irish and Scottish\\nhistory.\\nSaltoun, Fletcher of, ccxxi.\\nSamwer, Ixviii E G.\\nSanderson, R., Ixviii A.\\nSavigny-Stiftung, Zeitschrift\\nder, xci E.\\nSavile, H., Ixiii a.\\nSchmid, R., xci E,\\nScotland, History of the\\nChurch of, clix. See Kirk.\\nScottish Burg Record Society,\\nIxv.\\nScottish History Society, Ixi,\\n195.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0622.jp2"}, "623": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n599\\nScriptores Camden, xxv Post\\nBcdam (Savile), Ixiii a;\\nDecern (Juysdem), ibid.\\nb; Rcrum Anglicarmn (Ful-\\nman), ibid. c; XV (Gale),\\nibid. d Varii Sparkes)\\nibid. e; Vetustiores (Com-\\nmelin), ibid. f Norman-\\nnice (Duchesne) ibid. g\\nVeteres rerum Hibernicarum\\n(O Connor), ibid. h; Re-\\nrum Danicarum Medii .^vi\\n(Langbeck), ibid. i; Rc-\\nrum gestarum JVilliebni Con-\\nqucstoris, cxv.\\nScrip torn m Ecclesiasticoru m\\nHistoria Litteraria, v.\\nSelden Society, Ixiv.\\nSelect Charters and other Il-\\nlustrations of English Con-\\nstitutional History, from the\\nEarliest Period to the Reign\\nof Edward I, xci G.\\nSelect English Works of Wyc-\\nlif (Arnold), cxxxvi.\\nSelect Statutes and otJier Con-\\nstitutional Documents (Pro-\\nthero), clxxv.\\nSeu Liber Ccnsualis IVillielmi\\nPrimi, xci D.\\nSharpe, J., Iv Ivxxii Ixxxix.\\nShrezvsbury, Correspondence\\nof Charles Talbot, Duke of,\\nccxii.\\nSiculus, Diodorus, 17.\\nSix Old English Chronicles,\\nIxxv.\\nSimeonis Dunelmensis Opera\\net Collectanea, Ixxxvii.\\nSmith, Sir Thomas, 133.\\nSocieties, Learned and Scien-\\ntific, Publications of, xx;\\nIxxxi.\\nSome Sources of History for\\nthe Monmouth Rebellion and\\nthe Bloody Assises, ccxxi.\\nS m e r s Tracts, clxiii\\nclxxxvi 130; 140; 141; 143.\\nSoder, see Manx.\\nSonnenschein, W. S., xiv.\\nSong of the Battle of Hastings,\\nIxxii.\\nSources, Bibliography of. Part\\nI, pp. 2 to 61 Catalogues of,\\np. 5 Great Collections of, p.\\n9 Arranged by Epochs\\nPre-Norman Period, p. 26\\nConquest to Charter, p. 31\\nCharter to Reformation, p.\\n34 Tudor Period, p. 40\\nStuart Period, p. 49; Hano-\\nverian Period, p. 55 Nine-\\nteenth Century, p. 61.\\nSources of the Lazv of Eng-\\nland, xlviii.\\nSpalding Club, Ixv.\\nSparkes, Jos., Ixiii E.\\nSparrow s Collection, xxxiv.\\nSpelman, H., xxxiv F.\\nSpicillegium sive Collectio ve-\\nterum aliquot Scriptorum\\nqui in Gallia Bibliothecis de-\\nlituerant, xxxv.\\nSpottiswoode, John, clix.\\nSpottiszvoode Society, clix.\\nStaffords, William, clxxviii.\\nStarkey, England in the reign\\nof Henry the Eighth, cxlvii.\\nState Papers, Calendars of,\\nxxiv cxliii Selections from,\\nibid.; Miscellaneous, clx.\\nState Papers and Miscellaneous\\nCorrespondence of Thomas,\\nEarl of Melrose, clxxxii.\\nState Papers of Edzvard, Earl\\nof Clarendon, Calendar of\\nSame, cci.\\nState Papers of William Cars-\\ntares, ccxv.\\nState Papers of John Thurloe,\\ncci.\\nState Tracts, ccxiv.\\nStatutes and Lazvs; of the\\nRealm, xlviii cvi 28 85\\n87; 90; 91; 92; 93; 95; 99:\\n119; 155; 177; 189; 190. At\\nLarge, xlviii b c 84\\n88; 109; no; in; 112-113:\\n164; 129. At Large of the\\nUnited Kingdom of Great\\nBritain and Ireland, xlviii\\nc; Public General, xlviii\\nd Evans Collection of,\\n194; 208; Scobcll s Col-\\nlection (Commonwealth),\\nclxxxvi; 164-165-166.\\nStephen, Life of, cxvi.\\nStoerk, Ixviii G.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0623.jp2"}, "624": {"fulltext": "6oo\\nBIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\nStow, John, cl. Summarie of\\nthe Chronicles of England,\\ncl a; Annales, or a Gen-\\neral Chronicle of England,\\nibid. (b).\\nSurvey of the Cities of London\\ncl c.\\nStrahonis Geographice, i6.\\nStrafford, Letters and De-\\nspatches of Thomas VVcnti-\\nworth. Earl of, 158.\\nStubbe, Phillip, clxxvii.\\nStubbs, W., xxxiv C xci\\nG xciv cl 43 62.\\nStrype, John, cl-c; 136; 137.\\nSt. Albans, Chronicle of the\\nMonastery, cxi. See Am-\\nundesham, Wethamstede.\\nSummarie of the Chronicles of\\nEngland, cl.\\nSurtees Society, Ixvi.\\nSwift, Works of Dean, ccxvi.\\nSylvester, Matthew, ccviii.\\nSynodalia, A Collection of Ar-\\nticles of Religion etc.\\n(1547-1717), xxiv B.\\nTacitus, Germania, Ixxiii\\nAgricola, Ixxiii.\\nTanner, Thomas, vii.\\nThesaurus Novns Anecdoto-\\nrum, Ixvii.\\nThomas, of Elham, cxxiv\\nEarl of Melrose, clxxxii St.\\nof Canterbury, 58 et seq.\\nThorpe, B., Ix; xc; xci A;\\nChap. V; 41; 52.\\nThoyras, see Rapin.\\nThurloe, John, cci.\\nThree Chapters of Letters re-\\nlating to the Suppression of\\nthe Monasteries, cliv.\\nTigui incE, Epistolce, cli.\\nTindal, N., ccxx.\\nTiti Livii Foro-Juliensis Vita\\nHenrici Quinti, cxxii.\\nTopographia HibernicB, ciii.\\nTownshend, Heywood, clxv.\\nTractatus de Legibus et Con-\\nsuetudinibus regni Anglice\\ntempore Regis Henrici Se-\\ncundi Compositus, civ.\\nTranslations and Reprints, U.\\nof P., 56; 60; 80; 81.\\nTreaties and Conventions,\\nIxviii A; Rymer, Foedera;\\nB, Dumont, Corps Univer-\\nsel Diplomatique Histoire\\ndes Traites de Paix; Ne-\\ngotiations Secretes; C,\\nWenk, Corpus Juris Gentium\\nRecentissimi D, Mar-\\nten, Recueil de Traites d Al-\\nliance, etc. E, Mar-\\ntens, Murhard, Samwer and\\nHopfe, Nouveau Recueil;\\nF, Murhard, Nouveau Sup-\\nplements au Recueil de Trai-\\ntes; G, Samwer, Hopfe\\nand Stoerk, Nouveau Recueil\\nGeneral; H, Hertslet s\\nCommercial Treaties; Mod-\\nern Treaties New Treaties.\\nTrivet, Nicholas, ex.\\nTrokelowe, J. de, cxi.\\nTroubles of our Catholic Fore-\\nfathers, clxxiii 142.\\nTub, Tale of a, ccxvi.\\nTwysden, Ixii b.\\nUnion betzveen Great Britain\\nand Ireland, History of, 206-\\n207.\\nUniverse, The, 12.\\nUrbinatis Anglicce Histori\\ncxi.\\nUsk, Adam of, cxxiii.\\nUtopia, cxlvi.\\nVenetian Relation, cxlii.\\nVerney, Ralph, clxxxvi; Sir\\nHarry, clxxxvii.\\nVerney Papers, clxxxvii.\\nVetera Analecta, xxxv.\\nVeterum Scriptorum et Monu-\\nmentorum Ixix.\\nVirgil, Polydore, cxi.\\nVitalis, Ordericus, cxiv; 44;\\n46; 54-\\nWalker, Sir Edward, clxxxviii.\\nWalpole, Horace, ccxxxi.\\nWalsingham, T., Historica An-\\nglicana, cxi.\\nWalter Henningford s Chron-\\nicle, cxiii.\\nWare, Sir James, vi.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0624.jp2"}, "625": {"fulltext": "BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INDEX\\n601\\nWelsh Manuscripts, Ixx ^o-\\nciety, Ixx d.\\nWenck, F. A. G., Ixviii c.\\nWendover, Roger of, cvii\\nChap. IX, X.\\nWheeler, J. T., 223.\\nWhitelock, Bulstrode, Memo-\\nrials, cc.\\nWhitehall, Secret History of,\\n176.\\nWhit gift, Life and Acts of\\nJohn, 136.\\nWilkes, John, 201.\\nWilkins, D.. xxiv 9.\\nWilliam III Correspondence\\nof, ccxii Papers concern-\\ning, ccxiii State Tracts of\\nReign of, ccxiv ccxv His-\\ntory of, ccix, ccxx Letters\\nto Louis XIV, ccxxiv.\\nWi I Ham: of M alme sbury,\\nIxxxix of Poitiers, xcv\\nThe Conqueror, ibid.; 50;\\nof Newbury, xcviii Ris-\\nhanger, cix of Worcester,\\ncxxviii Fitz StepJien, 61.\\nWinwood s Memorials, clxxiv.\\nWodrow Society, li.\\nWorcester, Florence of, ex\\n43 William of, cxxviii.\\nWraxall, N. W., 209.\\nWrits, Parliamentary, Iviii.\\nYear Books, Ixxi.\\nYork Gospel Book, 42.\\nZimmer, H., Ixxix.\\nZizaniorurn Fasciculi, cxxxv;\\n94-96.\\nZurich Letters, clii.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0625.jp2"}, "626": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0626.jp2"}, "627": {"fulltext": "SUBJECT INDEX\\nA Subject Index to a work of the character of the Source-\\nBook of English History could without difficulty be extended to\\ncover many pages. In the present instance it has been deemed\\nexpedient simply to present the group indications. From this,\\nthe student will have no difficulty in finding information on any\\nsubject contained in the book.\\nThe references are to Sections, not to pages.\\nAct of Settlement, 190.\\nAct of Supremacy, 11 1.\\nActs of Union, England and\\nScotland Queen Anne s\\nspeeches upon, 193 Act, 194.\\nGreat Britain and Ireland:\\nThe Union advocated, 206\\nthe Union opposed, 207\\nAct, 208.\\n^lla and his sons land in Bri-\\ntain, 23.\\nAgricola in Britain, 18.\\nAid Levying in time of\\nRichard I., 65 in time of\\nJames I., 152. (See Benev-\\nolence, Ship-money.)\\nAlbion, 12.\\nAlfred, 38, 39.\\nAmerican Exploration, 144\\n145; 146; 147.\\nAmerican Revolution, Ch.\\nXXVIII. The Question of\\nTaxation, 202 The Policy\\nof Conciliation, 203 The\\nRight to Tax, 204 Character\\nof the American Colonists,\\n205.\\nAngevins, Chs. VIII, IX, X.\\nAngles invade Britain, 22.\\nAnglican Views in Time of\\nElizabeth, 134.\\nAnglo-Saxon Invasion, De-\\nscription of, 22.\\nAnglo-Saxon Laws of Alfred,\\nAthelstan, and Edgar, Ch. V.\\nAngylde, 31, 35.\\nAnnates, Payment to the Pope\\nforbidden, 107.\\nAnne, Speeches on Union of\\nEngland and Scotland, 193.\\nAnselm and Henry I., 57.\\nAnti-Papal Statutes, 90. (See\\nalso Ch. XV.)\\nAppeals to Rome prohibited,\\n108.\\nArmada, Defeat of Spanish,\\n140.\\nArmada, Speech made by Eliz-\\nabeth, 141.\\nAske, Robert and the Pilgrim-\\nage of Grace, 118.\\nAsportatis Rcligiosorum, 87.\\nAugustine s Mission, 24.\\nAustralia, Ch. XXXIII: Es-\\ntablishment of the Colony,\\n225 First Penal Settlement,\\n226 Discovery of Gold, 22y\\nResults of the Finding of\\nGold, 228.\\nBarons win Magna Charta\\nfrom John, Ch. X.\\nBecket, Thomas a Quarrels\\nwith Henry, and Death of,\\n58, 59, 60, 61.\\n603", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0627.jp2"}, "628": {"fulltext": "6o4\\nSUBJECT INDEX\\nBenevolences, 153.\\nBible in the English Churches,\\n120.\\nBill of Rights, 189.\\nBishops in Secular Courts,\\n41, 52.\\nBlack Death, Ch. XII.\\nBolton, Sufferings at, 223.\\nBooks and Images, Act against,\\n124.\\nBohrs, 36; 41.\\nBot, 25 34 36 Ch. V, passim.\\nBreda, Declaration of, 171.\\n(See Declaration of Breda.)\\nBritannic Islands First men-\\ntion of, 12 way to and prod-\\nucts of, 13.\\nBright, John, 224.\\nBritain First mention of, 12\\nfirst mention of by name,\\n13 tin of, 13 first Roman\\ninvasion of, 14; tin mines of,\\n17; climate of, 17, 18; trade\\nroute to Rome, 17; descrip-\\ntion of, 18; abandoned by\\nRomans, 19; invaded by\\nPicts and Scots, 19; invaded\\nby Anglo-Saxons, 22.\\nBritons Mode of warfare, 14,\\n18 description of, 14, 18\\ncharacteristics of, 15, 17;\\nform of government, 18.\\nBriton, The North, 201.\\nBurhs, 36, 41.\\nBurke, Speech on the Character\\nof the American Colonists,\\n205.\\nCabal, 175, 176.\\nCabinet Government, 175, 176.\\nCaesar in Britain, 14, 16.\\nCampeius, Cardinal, Speech at\\nDivorce Trial, 105.\\nCanterbury, the centre of ori-\\nginal Christianity, 24.\\nCanute Becomes King of Eng-\\nland, 40 Laws of, 41 Char-\\nter of, 42 Letter of, 43.\\nCassiterides, 12.\\nCastlereagh on Union of Great\\nBritain and Ireland, 206.\\nCatholics Under Henry VIII.,\\nCh. XV under Edward VI.,\\nCh. XVI under James II.,\\n178; under William III.,\\n191.\\nCatholic Emancipation The\\nNo Popery Riots, 209\\nSpeech of King George, 210;\\nof Attorney-General against,\\n211 of Lord Plunkett for,\\n212; of Duke of Wellington\\non, 213.\\nCeap-gild, 31, 36.\\nCerdic and Cynric settle Wes-\\nsex, 23.\\nCharles, Prince. (See Pre-\\ntender, Young.)\\nCharles I. Abandons Straf-\\nford, 158; 158a; 158b; Sum-\\nmary of Grievances against,\\n159; Charge against, 160;\\nCharles refuses to plead, 161\\nSentence of the King, 162;\\nDeath Warrant of the King,\\n163.\\nCharles II. makes the Declara-\\ntion of Breda, 171.\\nCharta, Magna Winning of,\\nCh. X Text of, 8oj Con-\\nfirmation of by Edward I.,\\n82.\\nChartism, 221, 222.\\nChatham, Earl of. Speech on\\nthe Policy of Conciliation,\\n203.\\nChippenham, Treaty of, 39.\\nChristianity re-introduced into\\nEngland, 24.\\nChurch Right to Tithes, 32\\nScot, 32 Hearth-penny, 32\\nTeachings enforced by secu-\\nlar power, 42.\\nChurch and State, Relations\\nof Danes, 42 Normans,\\n50, 51, 52; Angevins, 58, 59,\\n60, 61 Struggle between\\nJohn and Innocent III., Ch.\\nIX Ecclesiastical Sanction\\nof Secular Law, 83 Mort-\\nmain, 85 De Asportatis Re-\\nligiosorum, 87 Provisors,\\n90; Second Statute of Pro-\\nvisors, 92 Great Statute of\\nPraemunire, 93 Payment of\\nAnnates forbidden, 107 Ap-\\npeals to Rome prohibited,\\n108; Heresy punished, 109;\\nli", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0628.jp2"}, "629": {"fulltext": "SUBJECT INDEX\\n605\\nClergy forced to submit to\\nHenry VIII., no; Act of\\nSupremacy, in; Denial of\\nthe Authority of the Pope,\\n112; Dissolution of the Mon-\\nasteries, 113; Surrender of a\\nMonastery, 114; Visitation of\\nMonasteries, 115; Six Arti-\\ncles, 119; Bible in the\\nChurches, 120; Services to\\nbe in English, 121.\\nChurch Services To be in Eng-\\nlish, 121, 123, 124; Provisions\\nfor Uniformity in, 123 124\\nAgainst Books and Images,\\n124.\\nClarendon Constitutions of,\\n60; Assize of, 62.\\nClasses of People in the XVIth\\nCentury, 133.\\nClergy: Status of, 30; Privi-\\nleges of, 59, 60 Submission\\nof to Henry VIII., no.\\nClithero, Margaret, Death of\\n142.\\nCobden, Richard, 224.\\nCoke, Sir Edward, 155.\\nCommon Prayer, Book of Ed-\\nward VI., 124.\\nCommonwealth, England to be,\\n166.\\nCommonwealth Period, Ch.\\nXXII.\\nCommunion. (See Six Arti-\\ncles and Sacrament.)\\nConstitution of the King s\\nHousehold, 63.\\nConstitutions of Clarendon, 60.\\nCorn Law Suffering of the\\nLower Classes, 223 Repeal\\nof the Corn Law, 224.\\nCoronation Oaths of William\\nI., 45; of Edward II., 89; of\\nJames I., 148.\\nCroke, Richard, 104.\\nCromwell, Oliver Disciplines\\nhis first Parliament, 168;\\nC. and the kingship, 169.\\nCromwell, Richard, becomes\\nLord Protector, 170.\\nCromwell, Thomas, and the\\nDestruction of the Mon-\\nasteries, 116.\\nCulloden, Atrocities after 198.\\nDanes in England, Ch. VI. In-\\nvasions, T,y Treaty with Al-\\nfred, 39; Second Period of\\nInvasion, 40; Laws, 41.\\nDeclaration of Breda, 171 Re-\\nception of by Parliament,\\n172; Thanks of Parliament\\nto Sir John Grenville for\\nbringing Declaration, 173.\\nDissenters in the Eighteenth\\nCentury, 192.\\nDivine Right of Kings, 149,\\n150.\\nDivorce between Henry VIII.\\nand Katherine of Aragon,\\n104, 105, 106.\\nDooms, 36. (See Ordeal.)\\nDoomsday Survey, 48; Manor,\\nexample of Survey, 49.\\nDudley, Lady Jane. (See\\nGrey, Lady Jane.)\\nEcbert, Overlord of Britain,\\n23.\\nEdward I. Confirms Char-\\nters, 82; Abolishes unjust\\nTaxation, 82, 84; De Tal-\\nlagio non Conccdendo, 84\\nMortmain, 85 Provides for\\nSafety of Members of Parlia-\\nment, 86 Prevents Revenues\\nof English religious Houses\\nbeing carried beyond seas,\\n87; Quia Emptorcs, 88.\\nEdward II., Coronation Oath\\nof, 90.\\nEdward HI. Statute of Pro-\\nvisors, 80; Statute of Trea-\\nsons, 91 Second Statute of\\nProvisors. 92.\\nEdward VI. Reign of, Ch.\\nXVI Journal of, 125.\\nElizabeth Reign of, Ch.\\nXVIII Religious Sects in\\nTime of. 134. 135, 136, 137;\\nE. and Mary Stuart. 139; Ar-\\nmada Speech of, 141 Death\\nof. 143.\\nElizabethan Seamen, Ch. XIX.\\nEmancipation, Era of, Ch.\\nXXX.\\nEngland becomes one King-\\ndom, 23.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0629.jp2"}, "630": {"fulltext": "6o6\\nSUBJECT INDEX\\nEnglish, Church Services to be\\nin, 121, 123.\\nEnglish Bible to be accessible\\nin all Churches, 121.\\nEorl, how man might become,\\n30.\\nEthelbert, King of Kent, and\\nAugustine, 24.\\nExcommunication of John, 68.\\nFasts. (See Festivals.)\\nFestivals and Fasts, 35.\\nFinch, Lord Keeper, 156.\\nGascoyne, General, and the\\nFirst Reform Bill, 219.\\nGemot, 31, 36; of Salisbury,\\n48.\\nGeorge IV., Speech in favor of\\nCatholic Emancipation, 210.\\nGermans, Description of the\\nancient, 21.\\nGordon, Lord George, 209.\\nGovernment, Instrument of,\\n167.\\nGrattan opposes the Union be-\\ntween Great Britain and Ire-\\nland, 207.\\nGregory I. sends missionaries\\nto England, 24.\\nGregory IX., Bull against\\nWycliffe, 97.\\nGrenville, George, Speech on\\nQuestion of taxing American\\nColonies, 202.\\nGrey, Lady Jane Claim to the\\nThrone, 126; Execution of,\\n127; House of Lords sup-\\nports her claim, 128a.\\nGuthrum, 2)7, 39-\\nHabeas Corpus Act, 177.\\nHceretico Comhurendo, De, 99.\\nHampden, John, 146, 157.\\nHarold, King defeats Harold\\nHardrada and Tostig, and\\nhimself defeated by William\\nthe Conqueror, 44.\\nHarold Hardrada and Tostig\\ninvade England, 44.\\nHastings, Battle of, 44.\\nHastings, Warren, Letter of,\\n230.\\nHearth-penny, 34,\\nHengist, 22.\\nHenry I. Charter of Liberties,\\n55 Charter to the City of\\nLondon, 56; Quarrel with\\nAnselm, 57.\\nHenry II. H. and a Becket,\\n58, 59, 61 Constitutions of\\nClarendon, 60 Assize of\\nClarendon, 62 Court Life\\nunder Henry II., 62,.\\nHenry IV. De HcBretico Com-\\nhurendo, 99.\\nHenry V. and VI. Letters\\nagainst Lollards, 100, loi,\\n102.\\nHenry VIII. Divorce from\\nKatherine of Aragon, 104,\\n105, 106; and the Church,\\nAttitude to the Catholic Doc-\\ntrines, 119.\\nHercules, Pillars of, 13.\\nHeretics: De Hcsretico Com-\\nhurendo, 99; Royal Letters\\nconcerning, 100 et seq.;\\nMandate for burning, 103\\nAttitude of Henry VIII. to-\\nward, 109; of Edward VI.,\\n123, 124 Mary burns Hoop-\\ner, 131 Ridley and Latimer,\\n132.\\nHeriot, 41.\\nHooper, Bishop John, burnt by\\nMary Tudor, 131.\\nHorsa, 22.\\nHundred Edgar s Ordinance\\nof, 31 witnesses for, 41.\\nIda reigns over Northumbria,\\n23-\\nlerne, 12.\\nImages, Act against, 124.\\nIndia: Ch. XXIV; English at\\nSurat and Bombay, 229;\\nWarren Hastings, 230; Ces-\\nsion of India to the Bri-\\ntish Crown. 231 Victoria\\nmade Empress of India, 232.\\nInheritance, Danish rule, 41.\\nInstrument of Government,\\n167.\\nInterdict on England, 67.\\nInvestiture, Controversy, 57.\\nJacobite Rebellions, Ch. XXVI.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0630.jp2"}, "631": {"fulltext": "SUBJECT INDEX\\n607\\nJames I. Nominated as Suc-\\ncessor to Elizabeth, 143\\nOath of, 148; His Theory of\\nPosition of King, 149, 150;\\nJ. and the Commons, 154.\\nJames II. J. and the Catholics,\\n178; Last Appeal to J. that\\nhe would reform his Govern-\\nment, 179.\\nJames IV., Proclamation of,\\n195. (See also Pretender,\\nYoung.\\nJesuits in England under\\nJames II., 178; under Wil-\\nliam III., 119.\\nJews: End of Disability, 214;\\nOaths Act, 215; Relief Act,\\n216.\\nJohn J. and Innocent III., Ch.\\nIX J. excommunicated, 68\\ndeposed, 69 submits, 70\\n71 resigns Crown and King-\\ndom to the Pope, 72 does\\nhomage to the Pope, 7^ J. s\\nstruggle with the Barons,\\nCh. X grants Magna Char-\\nta; 79.\\nJury. (See Assize of Claren-\\ndon.)\\nJustice, how administered in\\nthe Hundred, 31, 36, Ch. V,\\npassim; under the Danes,\\nunder the Normans, 52, 55\\nunder the Angevins, 62 (see\\ntext of Magna Charta, 80)\\nunder the Tudors, 108.\\nJutes, 22.\\nKatherine of Aragon, Divorce\\nfrom Henry VIII., Ch. XIV.\\nKent begun, 23.\\nKindred of Lordless and Land-\\nless Men. 26, 27.\\nKing, Office of abolished, 164.\\nLaborers effect of Black\\nDeath on, 94; Statute of, 95.\\nLad, 41.\\nLancaster Herald s Mission to\\nInsurgents of the Pilgrim-\\nage of Grace, 118.\\nLandless Men, 27.\\nLatimer, Bishop Hugh, burnt\\nby Mary Tudor, 132.\\nLaw Anglo-Saxon, Ch. V.\\n(See Justice) Growth of,\\nCh. XL\\nLife at the Court of an Ange-\\nvin King, 63.\\nLollardy, Ch. XIII.\\nLondon First Charter of, 53\\nCharter from Henry I., 56\\ngiven up to the Barons, 78;\\nConvention of, 235.\\nLondon, John, Letter on sup-\\npression of the Monasteries,\\n117a, 117c.\\nLordless Men, 26.\\nMacaulay, Lord, describes pas-\\nsage of First Reform Bill,\\n220.\\nMagna Charta. (See Charta,\\nMagna.)\\nMansfield, Lord, Speech on the\\nRight to tax American Colo-\\nnies, 204.\\nMary (Tudor) Attitude on\\nReligion before her Acces-\\nsion, 125 Claim to the\\nThrone, 128 House of\\nLords answers her claim,\\n128a; Status as Queen, 129;\\nAttempts to restore Church\\nLands, 130; Orders for Ex-\\necution of Bishop Hooper,\\n131 Burning of Ridley and\\nLatimer, 132.\\nMary Stuart and Elizabeth,\\n139-\\nMeasures in Anglo-Saxon\\nPeriod, 36.\\nMercia supreme in England,\\n23-\\nMillenary Petition, 151.\\nMonasteries Dissolution of,\\n113; Confession with Sur-\\nrender of, 114; Directions\\nfor Visitation of, 113; Let-\\nters regarding Suppression\\nof, 116; Mary attempts to\\nrestore Property of, 130.\\nMoney in Anglo-Saxon Period,\\n36.\\nMortmain, Law of, 85; 88.\\nNorman Rule in England, Ch.\\nVII. Norman Conquest, 44.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0631.jp2"}, "632": {"fulltext": "6o8\\nSUBJECT INDEX\\nNorth Briton, The, 201.\\nNorthumbria begun, 23 wins\\nsupremacy, 23.\\nOaths Act, 215.\\nOaths of Allegiancy and Su-\\npremacy replaced by new\\nOath, 189.\\nOffa, King of the Mercians, 23.\\nOrdeals, Hot Iron and Water,\\n28.\\nOrdinance, Secular of King\\nEdgar, 36.\\nPapal Authority i n England\\nacknowledge, 72, jt, de-\\nnied, 112.\\nParliament Form of Sum-\\nmons to, 81, 183; Freedom\\nof, 86; Privileges of, 138;\\nTreatment of by James I.,\\n154; Disciplined by Oliver\\nCromwell, 168 thanks Gren-\\nville for bringing Declara-\\ntion of Breda, 173; urges\\nKing s return, 174; Proroga-\\ntion of the Anti-Reform P.,\\n219.\\nPeel, Sir Robert, and the Corn\\nLaw, 224.\\nPeople s Ranks and Law, 30.\\nPeter s Pence under the Sax-\\nons, 34; under the Danes,\\n43-\\nPetition, Millenary, 151 P. of\\nRight, 155.\\nPicts and Scots ravage Bri-\\ntain, 19; are driven from\\nBritain, 20; relations with\\nAnglo-Saxon invaders, 22.\\nPilgrimage of Grace Sum-\\nmons to, 117; Lancaster\\nHerald s Description of, 118.\\nPlague. (See Black Death.)\\nPraemunire, Great Statute of,\\n93-\\nPresbyterian Position in Reign\\nof Elizabeth, 135.\\nPretender, Young Landing,\\n196; Escape at Moy Hall,\\n197 Atrocities after Cullo-\\nden, 198; Bond given by Y.\\nP., 193 Execution of the\\nRebel Lords, 200.\\nPretoria, Convention of, 234.\\nPrivileges of Parliament, 138;\\nof Clergy. (See Constitu-\\ntions of Clarendon.)\\nPuritan Demands in Convoca-\\ntion of 1563, 137.\\nQueen Regnant, Status of, 129.\\nQuia Emptores, 88.\\nRanks of the People in Anglo-\\nSaxon Period, 30.\\nReform, Parliamentary, Ch.\\nXXXL Lord John Russell s\\nSpeech on the First Reform\\nBill, 218; Prorogation of\\nthe Anti-Reform Parliament,\\n219; Passage of the First\\nReform Bill, 220. (See also\\nChartism, Corn-Law, Catho-\\nlic and Jewish Emancipa-\\ntion.)\\nRestoration, Ch. XXHL\\nRichard I. First Coronation\\nof, 64; Levying a Feudal\\nAid in time of, 65.\\nRichard H. Great Statute of\\nPraemunire, 93.\\nRidley, Bishop Nicholas, 132.\\nRight, Petition of, 155; Bill\\nof, 189.\\nRiots, The No-Popery, 209.\\nRomans in Britain Caesar, 14\\nAgricola, 18 Government of\\nBritain by, 18; withdraw\\nfrom Britain, 19.\\nRome (see also Hearth-penny.\\nPeter s Pence, and Church)\\nEngland not a fief to, 50\\nnot to interfere in English\\ncivil affairs, 66, 67 John\\nsurrenders England to Inno-\\ncent HI., to take it back as\\nfief of Rome, Ch. IX. Con-\\nflict of R. with Henry VIII.,\\nCh. XV.\\nRoyal Supremacy, Canons of,\\n51-\\nRunnymede, Magna Charta\\nsigned at, 79.\\nRussell, Lord John, Speech on\\nFirst Reform Bill, 218.\\nSacrament, Regulations con-", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0632.jp2"}, "633": {"fulltext": "SUBJECT INDEX\\n609\\ncerning that of the Lord s\\nSupper, 122. (See also Six\\nArticles, The.)\\nSalisbury, Gemot of, 48.\\nSand-River Convention, 233.\\nSaxons invade Britain, 22\\nsettlements, 22.\\nScotland united to England,\\n193, I94-.\\nSects, Religious, in the time of\\nElizabeth, 134, 135, 136, 137.\\nSenlac. (See Hastings, Battle\\nof.)\\nSeparation of Ecclesiastical\\nand Lay Jurisdictions, 52.\\nSettlement, Act of, 190.\\nShip-Money First Writ of\\n156; declared illegal, 157,\\nSix Articles, The, 119.\\nSlave Trade, End of, 217.\\nStamford Bridge, Battle of, 44.\\nStrafford and Charles L, 158,\\n158a, 158b.\\nStuart Theory of Kingship,\\n149, 150.\\nSubinfeudation, 88.\\nSubmission of Clergy to Henry\\nVHL, no.\\nSummary of Grievances\\nagainst Charles L, 159.\\nSummons to Parliament, 175;\\n183.\\nSupremacy, Act of, in. (See\\nalso 112.)\\nSussex begun, 23.\\nTallagio non Concedendo, Dc,\\nTeutonic Tribes. (See Ger-\\nmans.)\\nThane, how man might be-\\ncome, 30.\\nThrone of England held by\\nParliamentary Title, 188.\\nTin: in the Cassiterides, 12;\\nin Britain, 14, 15.\\nTithes under the Saxons, 2,2,\\nunder the Danes, 43. (See\\nalso Church.)\\nTithing, 41.\\nTostig, 44.\\nTransvaal, England and the,\\nCh. XXXV.\\nTreasons, First Statute of, 91.\\nTregonwell, John, Letter con-\\ncerning suppression of Mon-\\nasteries, 117b.\\nUniformity, Act of (1548),\\n123.\\nUnion. (See Acts of Union.)\\nVoyages: Hawkins 144;\\nDrake s, 145 Frobisher s,\\n146; Barlowe s, 147.\\nWe dm ore. (See Chippen-\\nham.)\\nWellington, Duke of, on Catho-\\nlic Emancipation, 213.\\nWer-gild, 29. (See wer in 2)^,\\nand Ch. V. passim.)\\nWessex begun, 23 supreme,\\n23-\\nWestminster, Council of, 59.\\nWhitgift, Articles touching\\nPreachers and other Orders\\nfor the Church, 136.\\nWilkes, John, 201.\\nWilliam the Conqueror in-\\nvades England, 44 Corona-\\ntion Oath of, 45 Administra-\\ntion of, 46 Character of, 47\\nLetter to Gregory VH., 50\\nIndependence from Papal\\nRule, 51 Charter to London,\\n53-.\\nWilliam of Orange invited to\\ncome to England, 180; his\\nReign, Ch. XXHL, passim.\\nWilliam Rufas, Rule of, 54.\\nWitan, 32.\\nWite, 33, 41.\\nWoodstock, Council of, 58.\\nWycliffe Wycliffite Conclu-\\nsions, 96 Bull of Gregory\\nXL against W., 97 Reply to\\nGregory IX., 98.", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0633.jp2"}, "634": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0634.jp2"}, "635": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0635.jp2"}, "636": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0636.jp2"}, "637": {"fulltext": "WORKS ON ENGLISH HISTORY.\\nHENDERSON S SIDE-LIGHTS ON ENGLISH HISTORY\\nEdited by ERNEST F. HENDERSON, author of The History\\nof Germany in the Middle A^es, etc., with 80 fuU-paga\\nillustrations. 300 pp. Quarto. $5.00 net^ special.\\nAn elaborate effort towards vitalizing the study of English\\nhistory. Such topics as the personality of Queen Elizabeth\\nthe execution of Mary Stuart characteristic traits of Crom-\\nwell the return of Charles H.; the Stuarts in exile; Queen\\nAnne and the Marlboroughs, etc., are illustrated by a wealth\\nof extracts from contemporary records, all arranged to give\\nthe effect of a continuous history. These, with the illustra-\\ntions (portraits, facsimiles, caricatures, etc.), reproduced\\nfrom the rarest originals, form perhaps one of the most\\nnotable bodies of illustrative material ever placed before the\\nAmerican student of history.\\nNezv York Tribune: It is not unlikely that he who has\\ndipped into this book in the early afternoon will find himself\\nstill reading when night comes a better book to put in\\nthe hands of the lover of history, whether he be a begmner or\\nan old student, we do not know.\\nLEE S SOURCE BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTORY\\nEdited by Dr. Guy Carleton Lee of Johns Hopkins. 6cx3\\npp. Large i2mo.\\nThe texts of the most important legal and constitutional\\ndocuments from the earliest Saxon code to the last treaty\\nbetween the British and the Boers. Besides copious illustra-\\ntive material from Herodotus to date, and a working bibli-\\nography, that furnishes a clew to every important MS. and\\nprinted document upon English history. The selections are\\nfull of human interest, and equally valuable for the general\\nreader, the student, the library, and the classroom.\\nGRAHAM S ENGLISH POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY\\nFrom Hobbes to Maine. By Prof. William Graham, of\\nQueen s College, Belfast, author of The Creed of Science,\\nSocialism New and Old, etc. xxx -f 415 pp. 8vo. $3.00\\n7iet^ special.\\nA brilliant epitome and criticism of the chief works of the\\nperiod on the subject. In this work the author endeavors\\nfirst to give a compact but connected account of the political\\ntheories of the greater English political thinkers from the\\ndays of Hobbes, and secondly to distinguish what is perma-\\nnently true from what is doubtful or erroneous, with the end\\nof finally producing something like an Introduction to Politi-\\ncal Science, resting on authority and reason combined.\\nProf. John W. Burgess of Columbia: I consider it the best\\nwork on the subject ever published in the English language.\\nI have no doubt it will be extensively used in all the universi-\\nties of this country.\\nHENRY HOLT CO. ^Stw^^v^orr*\\nTii, 1900", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0637.jp2"}, "638": {"fulltext": "KRAUSSE S RUSSIA IN ASIA 1558-1899\\nA Record and a Study. By Alexis Krausse. With appendix,\\nindex, and twelve maps. 411 pp., 8vo, $4.00.\\nThe most masterly marshaling of the British arguments\\nagainst Russia which has appeared for a long time. The\\nman who wrote the book has had an inside view of Russian\\nmethods, or else he is extremely clever in collecting detailed\\ninformation about them. His information is brought down to\\ndate, and his passages on the Manchurian railway agreement\\nshow that he can see near things as vividly as far things. His\\nreview of the present state of Russia s southern boundary in\\nAsia is striking, and sums up a great deal of history. Boston\\nJENKS S LAW AND POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE AGES.\\nBy Edward Jenks, lecturer at Balliol. With a synoptic table\\nof sources, xii -j- 352 pp., 8vo, $2.75, net, special.\\nAn excellent piece of work may be placed among the\\nlegal literature of England any lawyer who takes a gen-\\nerous and liberal interest in his science may study it with inter-\\nest in reality not a contribution to our knowledge of law,\\nbut a contribution to our knowledge of history. The Nation.\\nLANGLOIS AND SEIGNOBOS S INTRODUCTION TO THE\\nSTUDY OF HISTORY.\\nTranslated by G. G, BERRY. With a preface by P. YORK\\nPowell. 350 pp., lamo, $2.25, net.\\nIt discusses the Search for Documents, Textual Criticism,\\nand the Critical Classification of Sources, the Grouping of\\nFacts, Constructive Reasoning, and Exposition, etc., etc.\\nDeserves a wide circulation. Nation.\\nOur authors have produced a strong book, and one that we\\ngladly recommend to students and teachers of history.\\nDial.\\nADAMS S THE SCIENCE OF FINANCE.\\nBy Prof. Henry Carter Adams of University of Michigan.\\nxiv 573 pp., 8vo, $3.50, net.\\nApparently leaves no important topic related to the main\\nsubject untouched luminous and suggestive. ^^z/zVzy f?/\\nReviews.\\nOne of the most original, the most suggestive, and the most\\nbrilliant productions that have made their appearance in re-\\ncent decades. /Vf?/. E. R. A. Seligman of Columbia University\\nin Political Science Quarterly.\\nDANIELS S ELEMENTS OF PUBLIC FINANCE\\nIncluding the Monetary System of the United States. By\\nProf. WiNTHROP More Daniels of Princeton. With index.\\n373 PP-. i2mo,\\nA handy manual for general reader or student, describing the\\nactual system in the United States, with some exposition and\\ncriticism of our monetary system. The author s standpoint is\\nin the main conservative, favoring proportional as against\\nprogressive taxation, and corporate initiative (under legal\\nrestriction) as against public ownership of most urban\\nmonopolies.\\nHENRY HOLT CO. ^\u00c2\u00ab^?4^ltr\\nvii., 99.", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0638.jp2"}, "639": {"fulltext": "SECOND IMPRESSION.\\nFORD S THE FEDERALIST.\\nEdited by Paul Leicester Ford, editor of the writings of\\nJeflferson; Bibliography of the Constitution of the United\\nStates, 1787-1788 Pamphlets on the Constitution of the\\nUnited States. Ixxvii 793 pp. Large i2nio. $1.75, net.\\nThe present edition is the first in which any attempt has been made to\\nillustrate, in foot-notes, not merely the obscure passages in the text, but\\nalso the subsequent experience of the United States and other countries\\nwhere they relate to the views expressed by the authors. The most\\nauthentic text has been used; the antiquated and often absurd punctua-\\ntion largely due to incompetent early printers has been rationalized;\\nand an introduction, abundant cross-references, and ay\u00c2\u00ab///M materially\\nincrease the value of this edition for both students and lawyers. Matter of\\nobsolete or minor interest has been put in distinctive type. An appen-\\ndix of 149 pages contains The Constitution with all the amendments, and\\nthe references to U. S. Reports, besides other documents important in\\nconstitutional developement.\\nRoger Foster^ author of Commentaries on the Constitution The\\nbest edition of The Federalist that has been published.\\nRight Hon. James Bryce Far the best [edition] I have seen, and the\\nmost likely to be useful to students of ;^.olitical science.\\nNew York Tribune Mr. Ford s editing is nothing less than perfect.\\nPrinted handsomely and published in a convenient size, this is an\\ninvaluable edition, calculated to be of service not only to the politician\\nand lawyer, bat to every thoughtful citizen,\\nReview 0/ Reviews Mr. Ford has the habit of thoroughness in a\\nvery remarkable degree; not only great ability, but rare opportunities\\nand invaluable experience. A soundly edited text; an introductory\\nessay which really puts the touch of v.nality upon questions that have\\nbeen in dispute for nearly a century. For the purposes of critical study\\nand precise reference Mr. Ford s edition, it seems to us, must of necessity\\nexclude all others. Quite apart from the extremely valuable editorial\\nwork included in the introductory part of the volume, Mr. Ford s index\\n{The Federalist has never before been indexed) would entitle him to a\\nvote of thanks by Congress.\\nPro/. Edward G. Bourne^ of Yale The most useful edition for the\\nworking student.\\nThe Dial Mr. Paul Leicester Ford has many titles to the gratitude\\nof students interested in American history, and none more clear than\\nthat which is due him for his edition of J he Federalist. The work\\nis admirably done in all important respects, and should be upon the desk\\nof every teacher of American constitutional history.\\nProf. Carl Evans Boyd, of University of Chicago His edition leaves\\nnothing to be desired, and will undoubtedly become the standard.\\nThe Outlook: A singularly illuminative introduction; one of\\nthe best planned and most valuable contributions ever made towards the\\nclearer understanding of our history.\\nHENRY HOLT CO., ^^ll.^J^^^", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0639.jp2"}, "640": {"fulltext": "RUSSIA\\nKRAUSSE S RUSSIA IN ASIA, 1558-1899\\nWith appendix, index, and twelve maps. 8vo. $4.00.\\nBoston Transcript The most masterly marshaling of the\\nBritish arguments against Russia which has appeared in a long\\ntime. The man who wrote the book has had an inside\\nview of Russian methods, or else he is extremely clever in col-\\nlecting detailed information about them. His information is\\nbrought down to date, and his passages on the Manchurian\\nrailway agreement show that he can see near things as vividly\\nas far things. His review of the present state of Russia s\\nsouthern boundary in Asia is striking, and sums up a great\\ndeal of history.\\nTHOMPSON S RUSSIAN POLITICS\\nBy Herbert M. Thompson. An account of the relations of\\nRussian geography, history, and politics, and of the bearings\\nof the last on questions of world-wide interest. With maps.\\ni2mo. $2.00.\\nOutlook: The result of careful study, compactly, clearly,\\nand effectively presented. The author s aim is to stir the\\nfriends of freedom throughout the world to a deeper interest in\\nthe cause of Russian liberty. His work is vivified by the fact\\nthat his heart is in it.\\nWALLACE S RUSSIA\\nBy D. Mackenzie Wallace, M. A., Member of the Imperial\\nR.ussian Geographical Society. Large i2mo. $2.cx).\\nContents include In the Northern Forests Voluntary\\nExile The Village Priest A Peasant Family of the Old Tyjje;\\nThe Mir, or Village Community Towns and Mercantile\\nClasses; Lord Novgorod the Great The Imperial Adminis-\\ntration The New Local Self-Government Proprietors of\\nthe Modern School The Noblesse Social Classes Among\\nthe Heretics Pastoral Tribes of the Steppes St. Petersburg\\nand European Influence Church and State The Crimean\\nWar and Its Consequences The Serfs The New Law\\nCourts Territorial Expansion and the Eastern Question.\\nNation Worthy of the highest praise. Not a piece of\\nclever book-making, but the result of a large amount of serious\\nstudy and thorough research. We commend his book as\\na very valuable account of a very interesting people.\\nGAUTIER S A WINTER IN RUSSIA\\nBy Theophile Gautier. Translated by M. M. Ripley.\\ni2mo. $1.75.\\nContents Berlin Hamburg Schleswig Liibeck Cross-\\ning the Baltic St. Petersburg Winter The Neva Details\\nof Interiors A Ball at the Winter Palace The Theatres\\nThe Tchoukine Dvor Zichy St. Isaac s Moscow The\\nKremlin Troitza Byzantine Art Return to France.\\nNew York Tribune As little like an ordinary book of\\ntravel as a slender antique vase filled with the perfumed wine\\nof Horatian banquets is like the fat comfortable tea-cup of a\\nmodern breakfast-table.\\nHENRY HOLT CO. ^Nlw^lt-r^\\nvii, 1900", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0640.jp2"}, "641": {"fulltext": "An intensely fascinating book.\\nLiving Age.\\nTHE MEMOIRS OF BARONESS DE COURTOT\\nLady-in-Waiting to the Princess de Lamballe. Edited by Moritz\\nvon Kaisenberg. Translated by Miss Jessie Hayncs. 8vo. $2.00.\\nRemarkably vivid descriptions of France during the Terror,\\nPrussia under Frederick William III. and the beautiful Queen\\nLouise, and France under the all-powerful First Consul.\\nNeiv York Times Saturday Review It has all the charm of a\\ngood historical novel. The entire volume will be found of much\\ninterest, mainly through the great human interest centring around\\nthe friendship of these two devoted women, Cecile. and Annaliebe,\\nas well as through the historical details introduced, which are ail\\ngraphically and fully treated.\\nOutlook: This delightful Memoir. Some of the most inter-\\nesting impressions of the great ruler [Napoleon] which have yet\\nappeared. The Memoir reads like a novel.\\nN. Y. Tribune: The book is one of the strangest and most\\namusing ever produced in the revolutionary literature.\\nLiving Age: An intensely fascinating book, varying in its\\nmoods from the deeply tragic or pitiful to the charming or light-\\nhearted. A record that has all the sustained excitement of a\\nromance.\\nProvidence Journal ^Y\\\\j\\\\\\\\oi \\\\nX. x There is a great charm\\nabout her letters and the stoii-y of her life.\\nBARROW^S THE FORTUNE OF WAR\\nA novel of the Revolution. i2mo. $1.25.\\nThe scene is laid mainly in New York City during the British oc-\\ncupation, partly on one of the prison ships, and partly in the patriot\\ncamp at Morristown. The story has a strong love interest.\\nN. Y. Times Saturday Review: The story is a good one, the\\nhistorical data accurate, and the ways and manners of the period are\\ncleverly presented.\\nThe Outlook: Miss Elizabeth Barrow has done her work not\\nonly well, but delightfully well.\\nChicago Times-Herald Another tale of the time of Washington,\\nbut one that is more deserving both of popular and critical appre-\\nciation than some of the much-vaunted financial successes.\\nThe Hartford Courant Good work. The story is told in a\\nvery attractive way. The book is decidedly one that will enter-\\ntain,\\nHENRY HOLT CO. ^^eV^tl\\nV, 1900", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0641.jp2"}, "642": {"fulltext": "RINGWALT S AMERICAN ORATORY\\nSelections, with introduction and notes, by Ralph C. Ring-\\nWALT, formerly Instructor in Columbia University. 334 pp.\\ni2mo. $1.00, net.\\nContains Schurz s General Amnesty, Jeremiah S. Black s\\nTrial by Jury, Phillips s Daniel O Connell, Depew s Inaugura-\\ntion of Washington, Curtis s The Leadership of Educated Men^\\nHenry W. Grady s The New South, and Beecher s The SepuU\\nchre in the Garden.\\nF. N. Scott, Professor in the University of Michigan An\\nextremely sensible book.\\nD. L. Maulsby, Professor in Tufts College, Mass. The\\nopening essay is the best on its subject that I have seen of re-\\ncent years. It shows grasp on both the early and later litera-\\nture of the subject, and is thoroughly alive to modern\\nconditions.\\nA. G. Newcomer, Professor in Le land Stanford University\\nThe essay on the theory of oratory is one of the most sensible\\nand at the same time stimulating essays of the kind I have\\never seen.\\nRalph W. Thomas, Professorin Colgate University: It is\\na work that the individual student should have constantly at\\nhand.\\nWAGNER S MODERN POLITICAL ORATIONS (British)\\nEdited by Leopold Wagner, xv 344 PP- i2mo. $1.00, net.\\nA collection of some of the most notable examples of the po-\\nlitical oratory of the present reign. Includes Brougham on Ne-\\ngro Emancipation; Fox and Cobden on the Corn Laws; Bright\\non the Suspension of Habeas Corpus Act; Butt and Morley on\\nHome Rule; Gladstone on the Beaconsfield Ministry; Parnell\\non the Coercion Bill; and others by Beaconsfield, Russell, Ran-\\ndolph Churchill, Chamberlain, Macaulay, Bulwer-Lytton,\\nCowen, Bradlaugh, McCarthy, etc., etc.\\nHENRY HOLT CO. T.^i.^?^,!\\nVII, 1900", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0642.jp2"}, "643": {"fulltext": "HISTORY. POLITICAL SCIENCE.\\nSOCIOLOGY, LAW. Etc.\\nREFERENCE. AND TEXT- BOOKS.\\nPUBLISHED BY\\nHENRY HOLT COMPANY. ^Z, V^^\\nSocks marked are chiefly /or re/erence or supplementary use, and may\\nbe found in Henry Holt Co. s List of Books for School Libraries. Books\\nnot so marked are more fully described in the publishers^ Descriptive Educa-\\ntional Catalogue, and tnay also be had at their Chicago branch, 378 Wabash\\nAvenue. Either of these Catalogues or the publishers Catalogue of Works in\\nGeneral Literature sent free. Postage on nbt books, Z% additional.\\nPRICE\\nAdams* The Science of Finance. By Prof. H. C. Adams of Univ. of\\nMich. American Science Series, xiv+571 pp. 8vo net $3 5c\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Bazin s The Italians of To-day. 247 pp. lamo 125\\nBolles Elements of Commercial Law. With very full summaries\\nand index. 344 pp. i2mo net 100\\nBurke Speeches on arrival at Bristol, at Conclusion of the Poll,\\nLetters to the Marquis of Rockingham, to the Sheriffs of Bristol,\\nand to a Noble Lord, and other Selections. Edited by Prof.\\nBliss Perry of Princeton, xxvi 298 pp. i6mo net o 0o\\n*Champlin s Young Folks History of the War for the Union. Il-\\nlustrated. 606 pp. 8vo 50\\n*Chevrillon s In India. Descriptions of Hindu India to-day. 265 pp.\\nlamo 150\\n*Cory s Guide to Modern English History.\\nPart I. 1815-1830. 276pp. 8vo 200\\nPart IL 1830-1835. 576 pp. 8vo 350\\n*Cox s Introduction to the Science of Comparative Mythology and\\nFolk-lore. 396 pp. i2mo 175\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Creasy s History of the Ottoman Turks. 568 pp. i2mo 250\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Crowell s Logical Process of Social Development. 358 pp. lamo.. 175\\n*Dabney s Causes of the French Revolution. By Prof. R. H. Dab-\\nney of the University of Virginia. 307 pp. i2mo 125\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Doyle s English Colonies in America. By J. A. Doyle, Fellow of\\nAll Souls College, Oxford. 8vo.\\nVol. I. Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolines. 420 pp 3 50\\nVols. II. in. The Puritan Colonies. 333 416 pp 700\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Durand s New Materials for the History of the American Revo-\\nlution. Translated from documents in the French archives and\\nedited by John Durand. 317 pp. lamo 175\\nDuruy s Middle Ages. Translated by E. H. and M. D. Whitney. Ed-\\nited by Prof. Geo. B. Adams of Yale. With 13 new colored\\nmaps. 603 pp. i2mo.. net 160\\nModern Times (1433-1789)- Translated by Edwin A. Grosvonor,\\nWith 5 colored maps. 575 pp. i2mo net 160\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Sscott s England Her People, Polity, and Pursuits. 625 pp. 8vo. 4 00\\nv 99 I", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0643.jp2"}, "644": {"fulltext": "Henry Holt Co,*s Works on History, etc,\\nPRICK\\n*Falke s Greece and Rome Their Life and Art. With 400 illustra-\\ntions. 365 pp. 4to ....$1000\\nFleury s Ancient History, Told to Children. Translated and edited\\nfor schools as an exercise for translating from English into\\nFrench by Susan M. Lane. 118 pp. i2mo net 70\\nFord s Federalist. A definitive edition edited by Paul Leicester Ford.\\nWith foot-notes showing relations of subsequent events to the\\nviews in the text, an appendix of 148 pages, including the Consti-\\ntution and references to court decisions regarding it, a full and\\nreliable index (55 pages), and other special features. Large\\nlamo. {Circular Jree,) net i 75\\nFournier s Napoleon. A compact, impartial, and reliable life. Edited\\nby Prof. Edward G. Bourne of Yale. In preparation.)\\nFREEMAN^S HISTORICAL COURSE. Under the general editor-\\nship of the late Prof. Edward A. Freeman of Oxford. The\\neditors of the various volumes have especially adapted them for\\nAmerica. i6mo.\\n1. General Sketch of History. By Prof. E. A. Freeman, Newedition,\\nrevised, with chronological table, maps, and index. 432 pp. .net i 10\\n2. England. By Edith Thompson. 400 pp net 88\\n3. Scotland. By Margaret Macarthur. 213 pp net 80\\n4. Italy. By William Hunt. 285 pp ....net 80\\n5. Germany. By James Sime. 282 pp net 80\\n6. The United States. By J. A. Doyle. With maps, illustrative\\nof the acquisition of territory and the increase of population, by\\nFrancis A. Walker. 424 pp net 100\\n7. France. By Charlotte M. Yonge. 267 pp net 80\\nFyffe s Modern E urope. By the late C. A. Fyffe, M.A., Barrister-at-\\nLaw Fellow of University College, Oxford Vice-president of\\nthe Royal Historical Society. 8vo.\\nVol. I. From 1792 to 1814. With two maps, 549 pp 250\\nVol. II. From 1814 to 1848. 525 pp 250\\n.Vol. III. From 1848 to 1878. 580 pp 2 50\\nModern Europe (1792-1878) unabridged. One volume edition. 1120\\npp. i2mo net 2 75\\nGallaudefs International Law. A Manual. By Pres. E. M. Gallaudet\\nof College for Deaf-Mutes, Washington. 358 pp. i2mo net i 30\\nGardiner s English History for Schools, b.c. 55-A.D. 1880. By\\nProf. S. R. Gardiner of King s College, London. Edition re-\\nvised for American students. 497 pp. i6mo net 80\\nIntroduction to English History. 209 pp. 12010 net 80\\nEnglish History for Students. Being the Introduction to Eng-\\nlish History by Prof. S. R. Gardiner. With a critical and bio-\\ngraphical account of the authorities by J. Bass Mullinger, 448\\npp. i2mo net 180\\nGordy s Political Parties in the United States. Vol. I. 1787-1809.\\npreparation.)\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Ihering s The Evolution of the Aryan. 412 pp. 8vo ...net 300\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Jackson s (Lady) Old Paris, Its Courts and Literary Salons. 537 pp.\\ni2mo I 50\\nThe Old Regime, Court, Salons, and Theatres. 532 pp. i2mo i 50\\n*Jenks Law and Politics in the Middle Ages, xiii ssapp. 8vo. net 275\\nJohnston s History of the United States for Schools. With an intro-\\nductory history of the discovery and English colonization of\\nNorth America. By the late Prof. Alexander Johnston of Prince-\\nton. Revised and continued to 1897 by Prof. W. M. Daniels of\\nPrinceton. With maps, plans, illustrations, questions, a bibli-\\nography, etc, 499 pp. i2mo. Half roan net 100\\n2", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0644.jp2"}, "645": {"fulltext": "Henry Holt 6r Co, s Works on History, etc,\\nPRICE\\nJohnston s Shorter History of the United States. With references\\nto supplementary reading. 356 pp. i2mo $0 93\\nHistory of American Politics. Revised and enlarged by Prof.\\nWm. M. Sloane of Princeton. 366 pp. i6mo net 3o\\nLracombe s The Growth of a People. A translation of Petite\\nHistoire du Peuple Frangaise, 232 pp. i6mo net 80\\nThe same in French net 60\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Langlois and Seignobos Introduction to the Study of History.\\nTreats of the search for documents, constructive reason-\\ning, exposition, critical classification of sources, etc.\\nxxvii+350 pp. i2mo. net, special 225\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Lossing s Life and Times of Major-General Philip Schuyler, s\\nvols. With portraits. 520 560 pp. i2mo 350\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Maine s Ancient La\\\\v. Its Connection with the Early History of\\nSociety, and its Relation to Modern Ideas. By Sir Henry\\nSumner Maine. With an introduction by Theo. W. Dwight,\\nLL.D. 469 pp. 8vo 350\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Lectures on the Early History of Institutions. A Sequel to\\nAncient Law. 420 pp. 8vo 350\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Village Communities in the East and West. Six Oxford Lec-\\ntures; to which are added other lectures, addresses, and essays.\\n425 pp. 8vo 350\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Early Law and Custom. Taken chiefly from Oxford Lectures.\\n408 pp. 8vo 350\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Popular Government. Four Essays. 273 pp. 8vo 275\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6International Law. Cambridge Lectures, 1887. 234 pp. 8vo..., 275\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Maine, Sir Henry. A Brief Memoir of his Life by Sir M. E. Grant\\nDuff, with Gomo of his Indian Speeches and Minutes. Edited\\nby Whitley Stokes. With portrait. 451pp. 8vo 350\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Mill s Considerations on Representative Government. By John\\nStuart Mill. 371pp. 8vo 200\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6On Liberty The Subjection of Women, 394 pp. 8vo 200\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Morgan s Ancient Society or. Researches on the Lines of Human\\nProgress through Savagery and Barbarism to Civilization. By\\nLewis H. Morgan, LL.D. 576 pp. 8vo 400\\n*Pollard s Political Pamphlets. Pamphlets by Burke, Steele, Saxby,\\nHalifax, Arbuthnot, Swift, Bolingbroke, and Junius, that\\nhave done much to shape English history. Bound in i vol, 345\\npp. i2mo 75\\nPorter s Outlines of the Constitutional History of the United\\nStates. By Luther Henry Porter. 326 pp. lamo net z 20\\nRingwalt s Modern American Oratory. An essay on the art, with\\nSpeeches by Jeremiah Black, Phillips, Depew, Curtis, Hy.\\nW. Grady, and Beecher, 334 pp. i2mo net 100\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Rowan and Ramsay s The Island of Cuba. With bibliography, col-\\nored maps, points of International Law bearing on the Cuban\\nQuestion, President Grant on Cuba (1875), etc. 279 pp. i6mo.. z sj\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Sumner s History of American Currency, By Prof. Wm. Graham\\nSumner of Yale. With chapters on the English Bank Restriction\\nand Austrian Paper Money. To which is appended The\\nBullion Report. With diagrams. 391 pp. Large ismo 300\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Essays in Political and Social Science. 176pp. 8vo 150\\nProtectionism. The ism which teaches that waste makes\\nwealth. 181 pp. i6mo 100\\nProblems in Economics. Interleaved. 137 pp. i6mo ntt 100", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0645.jp2"}, "646": {"fulltext": "Henry Holt Co. s Works on History, etc,\\nPRICE\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Symonds Renaissance in Italy. By John Addington Symonds.\\nPart I. Age of Despots. 653 pp. 8vo $200\\nPart II. The Revival of Learning. 561pp. 8vo 200\\nPart III. The Fine Arts. 548 pp. Svo. 200\\nPart IV. Italian Literature. With portrait of author. 2 vols.\\n576 653 pp. Svo 400\\nPart V. The Catholic Reaction. 2 vols. 445 441 PP- 8vo.. 400\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Short History of the Renaissance. 235 pp. i2mo 175\\n*Italian Byways. 318 pp. izmo 175\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Taine s Ancient Regime. By Hippolyte Adolphe Taine. Translated\\nby John Durand. Library edition. 437 pp. i2mo 250\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6French Revolution. Translated by John Durand. 3 vols. 367\\n370 4 523 pp. i2mo 7 50\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6The Modern Regime. 2 vols. 371 297 pp. i2mo each 2 50\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Journeys through France. Impressions of the Provinces. Illus-\\ntrated. 296 pp. i2mo 250\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Tylor s Primitive Culture. Researches into the Development of\\nMythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom. 2 vols.\\n514 478 pp. Svo 700\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Researches into the Early History of Mankind and the Devel-\\nopment of Civilization. 392 pp. Svo 3 50\\nWagner s Modern Political Orations (England 183S-88) Twenty-\\nfour Speeches. By Macaulay, Fox, Cobden, Bulwer Lytton,\\nMorley, Beaconsfield, Gladstone, Parnell, etc. xv-l-344 pp.\\ni2mo net 100\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Walker s W^ages, A Treatise on Wages and the Wages Class. By\\nFrancis A. Walker. 432 pp. Svo 200\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Money. 560 pp. Svo 200\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Money in its Relations to Trade and Industry. 343 pp. i2mo. i 25\\nPolitical Economy Advanced Course. 545 pp. Svo net 200\\nPolitical Economy Briefer Course. 423 pp. i2mo net 120\\nPolitical Economy Elementary Course. 333 pp. i2mo net 100\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6International Bimetallism. 297 pp. i2mo 125\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6Wallace s Russia. Social conditions, politics, etc., to-day. 633 pp.\\nSvo 200\\nYoDge s Landmarks of History. By Miss C. M. Yonge. i2mo.\\nAncient History to the Mahometan Conquest. Revised and partly\\nrewritten by Miss Edith M. Chase. 231 pp net 075\\nMediaeval History to the Reformation. Edited by Miss Chase.\\n258 pp net o 80\\nModern History. Revised. 486 pp net 105\\nPostag^e on net books 8 per cent additional,\\n4\\n1^ 19 97", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0646.jp2"}, "647": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0647.jp2"}, "648": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3528", "width": "2031", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0648.jp2"}, "649": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3534", "width": "2030", "jp2-path": "sourcebookofengl00leeg_0649.jp2"}, "650": {"fulltext": "o\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^SiiJ\\nA\\no5 -^c^\\nV\\n1. 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