{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2931", "width": "1928", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS,\\nChap. Co] ym^it No.\\nShelLm/.f^c^\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "THE GREAT TRIAL\\nOF THE\\nNineteenth Century\\nSAMUEL C. PARKS, A.M.\\nKansas City, Mo.\\nHUDSON-KIMBERLY PUBLISHING CO.\\n1900.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "50024\\nLibpsuy of ConareasJ\\nWO Copies Keceived\\nSEP 21 1900\\nCopyright Mtry\\nS\u00c2\u00a3a^N?^ COPY.\\nl)\u00c2\u00ab tivw\u00c2\u00abrt to\\nOhOt^ DIVISION,\\nJCT 3 3 19nn\\nCopyright 1900, by\\nCHARLES K. WILES.\\nAll Rights Reserved.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPage\\nPreface 5\\nDedication V\\nTrial 11\\nSpeech of Aristides 17\\nSpeech of Alfred the Great. 20\\nSpeech of Cincinnatus 23\\nSpeech of Mr. Clay 24\\nSpeech of Gen. Grant 39\\nSpeech of Mr. Jefferson 47\\nSpeech of Mr. lyincoln 50\\nSpeech of Lafayette 69\\nSpeech of Mr. Madison 75\\nSpeech of Count Tolstoi 92\\nSpeech of Gen. Washington 102\\nSpeech of Bishop Simpson 104\\nConclusion H^\\nAppendix 121\\nIntemperance in Manila 121\\nWebster on the Mexican War 126\\nExtracts from Speech of Mr. Clay, 1818 135", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PKEf ACE BY THE PUBLISHERS.\\nThe author of this book, Samuel 0. Parks, was born in\\nMiddlebury, Vermont, in 1820. Was educated at the Indi-\\nana State University, and located in Springfield, Illinois, in\\n1840, and while a young man he became acquainted with\\nMr. Lincoln and was always his ardent admirer and close\\npersonal and political friend. He was a member of the Illi-\\nnois Legislature in 1855. Was a delegate from the Spring-\\nfield district (Illinois) to the first Republican National Con-\\nvention, held in Philadelphia in 1856, when Fremont was\\nnominated for President. Was at the Republican National\\nConvention held in Chicago in 1860, and assisted in nominat-\\ning Mr. Lincoln for President. He was appointed associate\\njustice of the Supreme Court of Idaho by President Lincoln\\nin 1862. Was on the Grant electoral ticket in Illinois in\\n1868. Was a member of the Illinois Constitutional Conven-\\ntion in 1870. Was appointed associate justice of the Su-\\npreme Court of New Mexico in 1878 by President Hayes.\\nWas transferred to the Supreme Court of Wyoming in 1882\\nby President Arthur.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nIn the preface to his treatise on International Law,\\nWilliam E. Hall says: Since it has come into existence, it\\nhas often been quietly ignored or brutally disregarded.\\nThe history of the world from the time of Grotius, the\\nfather of International Law, to the present day proves this\\nto be true. Nearly every great nation has violated that law,\\nquietly or brutally. Great Britain has perhaps been\\nmore guilty than any other nation. That the United States\\nhas been guilty of the same offense within the last two\\nyears is shown by the speeches in this book.\\nFrom about one to three pages of the speeches herein\\nascribed to Mr. Clay, Gen. Grant, Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Madison,\\nCount Tolstoi, and Bishop Simpson, respectively, are taken\\nalmost literally from their published works. And all of the\\nsentiments and opinions ascribed to the twelve speakers are\\nbelieved to be in harmony with their respective characters,\\nand to correspond with what they have either done, said, or\\nwritten.\\nThe greater part of the book was written six months\\nago. Its completion and publication have been unavoidably\\ndelayed till the present time.\\nJune, 1900.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "DEDICATION TO ABRAHAM LENOOLN.\\nIn the summer of the year 1860, at my request and for\\nme, you examined and corrected a biography of yourself\\nwhich I wished to use in the pending presidential campaign.\\nNothing in that book was of more interest and import-\\nance than that part of your speech in Springfield, on the\\n26th day of June, 1860, in which you expressed your view of\\nthe meaning and object of that part of the Declaration of\\nIndependence which declares that all men are created\\nequal.\\nIn this view, as given by the book in question, you\\nmade but one correction, substituting the preposition in\\nfor with This was done three years after the speech was\\nwritten and delivered. So that view is your well-con-\\nsidered and deliberate opinion of the most important ques-\\ntion affecting the human race, outside of its eternal destiny.\\nThe following is the passage referred to, taken from the\\ncopy of the speech in the book as it was corrected by you\\nfor me:\\nI think the authors of that notable instrument in-\\ntended to include all men, but they did not intend to declare\\nall men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all\\nwere equal in color, size, intellect, moral development, or\\nsocial capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness\\nin what respects they did consider all men created equal\\nequal in certain inalienable rights, among which are life,\\nliberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This they said.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "8 Dedication to Abraham Lincoln.\\nand this they meant. They did not mean to assert the ob-\\nvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that\\nequality, nor yet that they were about to confer it imme-\\ndiately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer\\nsuch a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so\\nthat the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circum-\\nstances should permit.\\nThey meant to set up a standard maxim for free so-\\nciety, which should be familiar to all, and revered by all;\\nconstantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even\\nthough never perfectly attained, constantly approximated,\\nand thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influ-\\nence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all\\npeople of all colors everywhere. The assertion that all\\nmen are created equal was of no practical use in effecting\\nour separation from Great Britain and it was placed in the\\nDeclaration, not for that, but for future use. Its authors\\nmeant it to be as thank God! it is now proving itself a\\nstumbling-block to all those who, in after times, might seek\\nto turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despot-\\nism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to breed ty-\\nrants, and they meant when such should reappear in this\\nfair land and commence their vocation, they should find left\\nfor them at least one hard nut to crack.\\nThis view was the view of the Republican party. It\\nwas the fundamental principle of your administration, and\\nwas not seriously questioned for thirty-six years after your\\nelection as President. Indeed, the fact that your election\\nvindicated your view of the Declaration was, as you well\\nknow, one principal reason why the writer and so many of\\nyour friends rejoiced in your election.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "Dedication to Abraham Lincoln, 9\\nBut a great change has taken place in this country\\nwithin the last three years. The attempt which was made\\nforty years ago to fritter away the Declaration, and to leave\\nit no more, at most, than an interesting memorial of the\\ndead past, shorn of its vitality and practical value, and left\\nwithout the germ or even the suggestion of the individual\\nrights of man in it, as described by you in the speech re-\\nferred to, has been renewed by men professing to be your\\nfollowers.\\nThis book is written with the hope that it will tend to\\nexpose the folly and madness of this second attempt to de-\\nstroy the great Declaration of the rights of man. If that\\nhope should be realized, it will be a very great gratification.\\nThe Author,", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "THE TRIAL.\\nI had a dream, but twas not all a dream.\\nLord Bifron.\\nThe thoughts that came into my head upon my bed were\\nthese I dreamed that I was on a visit to a strange city, and\\nwhile there, was taken to see a new and great court-house\\nthe largest in the world. This building had been erected\\nfor the use of a new court, which had been created, organ-\\nized, and established recently for the trial of great criminal\\ncases. Its jurisdiction extended over all countries and\\nthrough all ages. This great court was now holding its first\\nsession. The building was situated on a lofty eminence,\\ncommanding a fine view of all the neighboring country, and\\nwas surrounded by noble forest trees, a large variety of\\nevergreens, and a great abundance of beautiful fiowers. It\\nwas built of the finest marble, was admirable in its propor-\\ntions, workmanship, and finish, and had a larger seating ca-\\npacity than any building, ancient or modern, except the Fla-\\nvian amphitheatre. Its acoustic properties were so perfect\\nthat Mr. Clay could be heard in it by forty thousand people.\\nWhen I entered the court-room, two cases had already\\nbeen disposed of. In one Edward, the Black Prince, son of\\nEdward the Third, King of England, had been tried for the\\nmurder of three thousand men, women, and children, inhab-\\nitants of the city of Limoges in France, in the year 1370. The\\nfacts in this case had been admitted by the defense.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "12 The Great Trial of the\\nMothers, with their infants in their arms, had begged the\\nenraged conqueror for the lives of themselves and their chil-\\ndren; but he had put them all to death and made their city\\na desolation.\\nThe only defense the attorneys of the Prince attempted\\nwas an impassioned appeal to the jury, founded on his\\nhitherto high character as a man, and the glory he had won\\nfor himself and his country by the wonderful victories of\\nCressy and of Poictiers. But the appeal was vain. The jury\\nbrought in a verdict of Guilty of murder in the first\\ndegree.\\nThe second case tried was an indictment against Na-\\npoleon Bonaparte for the murder of five hundred thou-\\nsand Egyptians, Spaniards, and Russians, at various times\\ncharged in the indictment.\\nIn this case also the facts were admitted. The defend-\\nant had waged wars of invasion and conquest against the\\nnations aforesaid, and therein had caused the death of half\\na million of men, including a great many thousands of the\\nFrench.\\nA very determined and confident effort was made by\\nthe defense to prevent a verdict of guilty, by urging upon\\nthe jury that Napoleon was a great statesman as well as a\\ngreat warrior; that he had done more for the elevation and\\nglory of France than any other man that ever lived; and\\nthat four years confinement to the island of St. Helena was\\nan all-sufl6cient atonement for any evil he may have done.\\nBut the instructions of the court upon the subject of\\nmurder were too full and clear to be disregarded by the\\njury, and they brought in a verdict of guilty as charged in\\nthe indictment.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Centunj. 13\\nAll pertaining to the first two trials I learned\\nafterwards from a friend who witnessed both. The third I\\nsaw and heard myself. It was an indictment against Wil-\\nliam McKinley for murdering twenty thousand Filipinos\\nand two thousand Americans, many of whom were boys be-\\ntween sixteen and twenty-one years of age.\\nIn this case nothing was admitted. The prosecution\\nwere required to prove their entire case. The defense dis-\\nputed every inch of ground. They omitted nothing that\\nwas admissible as evidence or argument in favor of their\\nclient. In fact, the high position of the defendant, the cir-\\ncumstances and the surroundings, were calculated to rouse\\nboth parties to almost superhuman efforts. It was the most\\nimposing scene I ever witnessed.\\nThe presiding judge was Chief Justice Marshal, and as-\\nsociated with him were John Jay and Chancellor Kent. The\\njury were Aristides of Athens, Cincinnatus of Rome, Lafay\\nette of France, Alfred the Great of England, Count Tolstoi\\nof Russia, Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lin-\\ncoln and Grant, Henry Clay and Bishop Simpson.\\nThe vast audience of more than twenty thousand per-\\nsons was composed of men from nearly all countries and all\\nages; nearly every foreign ambassador, nearly every United\\nStates senator, a majority of the House of Representatives,\\nprominent men from every State, and from the adjacent\\ncountry, men from every profession and pursuit. This\\nmighty audience was completed and adorned by the largest\\narray of intelligent and brilliant women ever assembled un-\\nder one roof in the United States.\\nThe great court-room was crowded when I entered and", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "14 The Great Trial of the\\nforced my way up to the bar, but at a hint from Mr. Lincoln,\\none of the bailiffs gave me a seat where I could hear and see\\nall that was said and done.\\nThe attorneys for the prosecution were Boutwell of\\nMassachusetts, Reed of Maine, Edmonds of Vermont, and\\nothers of less note. For the defense, Senators Hanna,\\nChandler, Depew and Morgan, Col. Watterson of Kentucky,\\nand two or three preachers who, by courtesy, were called\\nChristian ministers.\\nIt was proved, that at the time the United States de-\\nclared war against Spain, the Filipinos had been fighting\\nfor liberty and independence for several years, and had\\nnearly attained their freedom that upon the arrival of the\\nUnited States forces at the Philippine Islands, the Islanders\\nbecame allies of the United States in their war against\\nSpain; that at the close of that war the Filipinos still\\nclaimed their independence and their right to govern them-\\nselves, and denied the right which was claimed by the de-\\nfendant, as Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of\\nthe United States, to govern them and exercise proprietary\\nrights in their country; that, to enforce his claim, the Presi-\\ndent made war upon them, and by that war had caused the\\ndeath, in battle and by wounds and disease, of twenty\\nthousand Filipinos and two thousand Americans whom\\nhe had ordered there to fight, and that some of the latter\\nwere boys under twenty-one years of age.\\nThe defense was, that by the treaty of peace with\\nSpain the United States had gained the sovereignty of those\\nIslands, and that the President could not surrender it; that\\nhe had a right to enforce his claim to them to the extent of", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century- 15\\nthe extermination of the inhabitants if they would not\\notherwise submit to his authority.\\nFor a further defense it was pleaded that, *in prosecut-\\ning the war upon the Filipinos, the defendant was seek-\\ning to establish peace, humanity, civilization, and Christian-\\nity among them; that the war was for their own good, and\\nno matter how much it cost in blood and treasure, it would\\nfinally result in peace, prosperity, and happiness.\\nFor a further defense it was claimed, that the Uni-\\nted States needed the Islands in their business; that they\\nwere very, very rich, and would be a source of great profit\\nto American speculators, traders, merchants, agriculturists,\\ncotton-raisers, and office-holders; that it was the true policy\\nof the United States to expand and create a colonial empire\\nafter the fashion of Great Britain; that it was the manifest\\ndestiny of the Anglo-Saxon race to control the world; that\\nhonor and patriotism demanded that the American flag\\nshould wave to the end of time \\\\^herever it had once been\\nplanted and that to stop the Philippine War \\\\now would\\nmake our country an object of ridicule for a hundred years.\\nThe trial lasted several days, the case being very ably\\nand thoroughly argued on both sides. The Court was abso-\\nlutely impartial. The motto of Chief -Justice Marshal in\\nthis case, as in the trial of Aaron Burr, was Fiat jusUtia,\\nmat coelum. His instructions covered the whole doctrine\\nof murder and were the most admirable specimen of that\\nkind of literature I ever heard of read.\\nThe case was given to the jury at ten o clock in\\nthe morning, and at six o clock in the evening they brought\\nin their verdict. George Washington was the foreman. As\\n2", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "16 The Great Trial of the\\nhe arose and handed the verdict to the clerk of the court to\\nbe read his appearance was majestic. All eyes were now\\nupon the clerk. The stillness was intense and the interest\\nand suspense painful. The verdict was, Guilty as charged\\nin the indictment.\\nUp to this time, and during his long trial, the prisoner\\nhad borne himself with a firmness (perhaps I should rather\\nsay hardihood) worthy of the man who made that terrible\\nspeech at Pittsburg, presaging the conquest of the Filip-\\ninos. Now, as all eyes were turned to him, upon the read-\\ning of the verdict, he started as if he had received a violent\\nelectric shock, then turned deadly pale and had to b;^ sup-\\nported in his chair by his attendants.\\nA motion for a new trial was made by his attorneys,\\nand ten o clock the following day was set for hearing it, and\\nthe court adjourned.\\nThe argument of the motion the next day was lengthy,\\nand, upon the part of some of the attorneys for the defense,\\nvery abusive. The Court took a recess of one hour to con-\\nsult, and at the end of that time they returned, overruled\\nthe motion, and again adjourned.\\nThen ensued a most extraordinary scene. Mr. Clay, the\\nboldest and most self-reliant public man of this century,\\narose and re(iuested all the people to remain till he made an\\nannouncement.\\nHe stated that the trial which had just closed was the\\nmost important that had ever occured in the history of this\\ncountry. The verdict had been severely criticised and he\\nthought the jury owed it to themselves and to the people", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century-\\nof the United States to make a public statement of the\\ngrounds of their verdict; he had consulted with the jury\\nduring the recess, and they all agreed with him, that, as\\nthere was to be no court to-morrow, they would meet in the\\ncourt-room for that purpose at ten o clock the next morning.\\nAt the hour appointed the court-room was, if possible,\\nmore crowded than during the trial. General ATashington\\nwas elected president of the meeting, by acclamation; Mr.\\nLincoln vice-president, and Mr. Clay secretary. The presi-\\ndent directed the secretary to call the names of the jury in\\nalphabetical order, beginning with Aristides.\\nSPEECH OF ARISTIDES.\\nIt is plain, from the evidence, that the killing in this\\ncase was done by the order of the defendant; but it is con-\\ntended that as it was done in a state of war, it cannot be\\nmurder. This would be true if the war was just or neces-\\nsary, but this war was neither. On the contrary, the cir-\\ncumstances under which the war was made aggravate the\\noffense, for the Filipinos were, or had been, the allies of\\nthe Americans in their war against Spain.\\nIt has always been my opinion that war never was jus-\\ntifiable except in necessary self-defense, such as the wars of\\nGreece against Persia, and the wars of America against\\nEngland. Offensive wars alv/ays injured Greece, and the\\nPeloponnesian war was ruinous to Athens. It was not\\nmerely by war that Greece became the admiration of the\\nworld, and Athens the most wonderful city that ever ex-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "18 The Great Trial of the\\nisted; it was more by the success of their great men in the\\nworks and arts of peace.\\n1 am proud of the heroic deeds of the warriors of m^-\\ncountry, but I am still more proud of those greater exhibi-\\ntions of superior mental power which still shine with such\\nlustre in the works of her poets, orators, statesmen, and\\nsages; and of those edifices and monuments which still attest\\nthe skill and taste of her artists, architects, and builders.\\nWho can tell how much they have done for the civilized\\nworld in the last two thousand years? Bright was the glory\\nand green were the laurels which they won at Marathon,\\nSalamis, and Plataea; but dim is that glory and faded\\nare those laurels when compared with the honors and bless-\\nings which will ever rest on the poets and orators, philoso\\nphers and statesmen of my native land.\\nMy countryman Themistocles was a man of superior\\ngenius, and rendered great services to his country in the\\nPersian war, and the failure of the fearful invasion of\\nXerxes was, in large measure, due to him; but he was am-\\nbitious, selfish, and corrupt. After the defeat of the Persians\\nat Marathon and Salamis, and when Xerxes had retreated to\\nPersia, Themistocles proposed to the Athenians to destroy\\nthe ships of their allies, and thus secure the naval suprem-\\nacy of Athens. The Athenians rejected the proposal as un-\\njust and perfidious, and they were clearly right in so doing.\\nIn the present case, the defendant has done worse\\nwith the allies of the Americans in the war against Spain\\nthan Themistocles proposed to do with the allies of the\\nAthenians. He has attempted to appropriate their country\\nto the use of the Americans, unjustly; and, because they re-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 1 9\\nfused to yield to his demands (as they had a perfect right to\\ndo), he has caused thousands of them to be slaughtered. In\\nmy opinion this was a clear case of wholesale murder. The\\nverdict was right in itself, and necessary to deter other\\nrulers from similar crimes,\\nThe next speaker was Alfred the Great. Of this prince\\nit has been said: He lived solely for the good of his\\npeople. He is the first instance in the history of Christen-\\ndom of the Christian king; of a ruler who put aside every\\npersonal aim or ambition, to devote himself to the welfare\\nof those whom he ruled. So long as he lived he strove to\\nlive worthily but in his mouth a life of worthiness meant\\na life of justice, temperance, self-sacrifice. The Peace of\\nWedmore at once marked the temper of the man. Ardent\\nwarrior as he was, with a disorganized England before him,\\nhe set aside, at thirty-one, the dream of conquest, to leave\\nbehind him the memory, not of victories, but of good works,\\nof daily toils, by which he secured peace, good government,\\neducation for his people. His policy was one of peace.\\nThis is a very high eulogy, but it is just and true. In\\nthe moral grandeur of his character, Alfred never had an\\nequal among the kings of England, and perhaps never had\\na superior among the rulers of the world in all countries\\nand all ages. And who is that ruler now living (if any)\\nwho, in this respect, is his equal", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "20 The Great Trial of the\\nSPEECH OF ALFRED THE GREAT.\\nThe appearance of Alfred created great interest, and his\\nremarks made a deep impression upon the andience.\\nHe said that his experience in war had been so long and\\nso severe that he had very decided convictions on that sub-\\nject. When he came to the throne of England his country\\nlong had been, and then was, subject to the incursions of\\nthe Danes, who made frequent and destructive invasions\\nand wars against his people. He was forced to fight them\\nfor years, to save his countrymen from utter ruin. At one\\ntime they pressed him so hard that he was obliged to seek\\nsafety in a little island in a swamp and remain concealed\\nfor a year. At last he succeeded in quietly raising a new\\narmy, defeated the Danes in a great battle, besieged them\\nin their camp, and reduced them to the last extremity. He\\nthen gave them their lives and liberty upon condition that\\nthey would settle in and cultivate that part of the kingdom\\nwhich they had laid waste and depopulated and be-\\ncome quiet, useful, and Christian people. This they agreed\\nto do, and, to their credit be it spoken, they gave him but\\nlittle trouble for many years. (This is what historians call\\nThe Peace of Wedmore. This settlement with the Danes\\ngave him the opportunity to improve his own people in all\\nthe works of peace, and to devote himself to science, learn-\\ning, and law; to restore order, educate his countrymen, and\\nto encourage men of learning, wisdom, and piety.\\nThe Anglo-Saxons and the Danes were very ignor-\\nant and brutal, and he esteemed what he did to raise them\\nfrom their low intellectual and moral debasement of far", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 21\\nmore value to his country than his services in war. In or-\\nder to educate his people, he was obliged to improve himself\\nin science and literature, and he had come to the conclusion\\nthat education was the noblest work in which man or wo-\\nman could engage. He said\\nIt was much easier to subdue the Danes than to con-\\nquer the ignorance of the Saxons, the Angles, and the Jutes,\\nwho bj brute force had driven out the ancient Britons and\\ntaken possession of their country.\\nNearly all wars are the offspring of ignorance and ra-\\npacity. It was the rapacity of the English kings and the ig-\\nnorance of the English people that caused the Hundred\\nYears War to conquer France. Besotted by ignorance,\\npoverty, and vice, the deluded people did not know any bet-\\nter than to desire this conquest, and they committed fearful\\ncrimes and cruelties to that end, although themselves,\\nas well as the rulers whom they followed and obeyed, were\\nnominally Christians. They were too ignorant and brutal\\nto realize the wickedness and cruelty of their invasion of\\nand rtfv^ages in the country of another professedly Christian\\npeople; and it might be said with truth, as a reason for for-\\ngiving them, ^They know not what they do.\\nThe war against the Philippines was very much like\\nthe war of the Anglo-Saxons against the ancient Britons, in\\nits origin and objects. The Saxons and Britons had been\\nallies in a war against the Picts and Scots, and had driven\\nthose fierce marauders out of Britain. The Saxons then de-\\nmanded the country of the Britons for themselves, and, be-\\ncause the Britons refused to yield to their demand, waged a", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "22 The Great Trial of the\\nwar of extermination against them, conquered them, and\\ntook possession of their country. The people who commit-\\nted this atrocity have always been considered robbers and\\nmurderers, and the English historians call them pirates.\\nIn like manner the Americans and the Filipinos had\\nbeen allies in the war against Spain. At the end of the war,\\nthe rulers of America demanded the Philippine Islands for\\nthemselves; and, when their demand was refused, the\\ndefendant in this case made war upon them and committed\\nthe crimes charged in the indictment.\\nIf the people of the United States who favor the war\\nmade by the defendant really believe in it, they need educa-\\ntion in the ways of truth and justice as much as those re\\nmote Anglo-Saxon ancestors from whom they are said to be\\ndescended.\\nI will leave with the speakers who are to follow me to\\nanswer the many defenses and excuses which have been\\nmade for this war. There was one, however, so remarkable\\nthat I will notice it. It was said that such wars always had\\nbeen and always would be. And, to support this argument,\\nthe saying of Solomon had been quoted to this effect: The\\nthing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and\\nthat which is done is that which shall be done.\\nIf this reasoning is good to sustain one evil, it is good\\nto sustain many others. Its general adoption and applica-\\ntion would prevent any improvement in morals, or any\\namelioration of the condition of the mass of mankind. The\\nbetter doctrine is that whatever has been that is wrong\\nshould be righted; and that neither time, nor custom, nor\\nauthority can blazon evil deeds, or consecrate a crime.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 23\\nThe war against the Filipinos was a crime; the\\ndeaths caused by it were properly charged to the author of\\nthat war, and were correctly characterized in the indict-\\nment as murder. The verdict should be sustained by the\\npeople, as it has been by the Court, and all such wars should\\nbe put under the universal ban of the civilized world.\\nSPEECH OF GINCINNATUS.\\nCincinnatus said that he had been obliged to leave his\\nfarm twice and go to war, but he had done so with reluct-\\nance, and as soon as the emergency was over, gladly re-\\nturned to his plow. That he was opposed to all wars of ag-\\ngression and conquest as unnecessary, criminal, and ulti-\\nmately ruinous to the country that made them, though at\\nfirst apparently an advantage. Such wars had ruined Rome.\\nThe spoils of the conquered nations corrupted the Romans,\\nmade them luxurious, profligate, and brutal, and an easy\\nprey to the barbarians of the North. War is the worst oc-\\ncupation of human life, and farming is the best. The first\\nis for the destruction of the human family, and the last for\\nits preservation. He would advise every soldier to leave\\nthe army as soon as he could and go to farming or\\nsome other useful employment. He continued\\nIt may be true, as Alfred says, that the work of educa-\\ntion is the noblest employment of man, but few soldiers are\\ncapable of becoming teachers. General Washington set an\\nexcellent example to his countrymen after the close of the\\nRevolutionary War, in resigning his commission, retiring to", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "24 The Great Trial of the\\nhis farm, and engagiug iu its ciiltivatiou and improvement.\\nGeneral William Henry Harrison did the same after the War\\nof 1812. It would tend to the betterment of society if half\\nof the prominent military men of the world and three-\\nfourths of the rank and file of all its armies would follow\\nthe example of Washington, Harrison, and myself: engage\\nin the noble pursuits of agriculture, in producing from the\\nearth the means of sustenance and of procuring the neces-\\nsaries and comforts of life. The world needs no wars and\\nnot many soldiers, and the day is coming when he will be\\nesteemed the greatest patriot and philanthropist who has\\ndone the most to put an end to war.\\nIn this case the plea that the defendant killed the\\nFilipinos and the Americans in war is no defense, for he\\nmade the war, knowing and intending that result, and for\\nthe purpose of acquiring territory to which he had no right,\\nand of making serfs of a people who had been fighting for\\nmany years to be free and to govern themselves, and who\\nhad nearly attained their freedom.\\nSPEECH OF MR. CLAY.\\nMr. Clay was the next speaker. He has been described\\nby Mr. Seward as the greatest, the most reliable, and the\\nmost faithful of all our statesmen. The great interest\\nwhich his appearance excited was intensified as he pro-\\nceeded, and he held the vast audience for more than an\\nhour, as if bound by a spell. He said:\\nI regard the questions growing out of the war with", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Centm^. 25\\nthe Filipinos as the most important that I have ever\\nbeen called upon to consider. The doctrines advocated by\\nthe President the author of that war and by his defend-\\ners, are utterly subversive of the principles upon which\\nthis government was founded. I thank God that He has per-\\nmitted me to address my countrymen on this great occasion,\\nand I invoke His blessing upon my effort, and humbly im-\\nplore Him to lend to His unworthy servant the power, in-\\ntellectual, moral, and physical, to rouse my countrymen to\\nimmediate, determined, and successful opposition to such\\npernicious and destructive principles.\\nMr. Clay had an eagle eye, a voice of amazing sweet-\\nness and power, and a commanding presence and manner.\\nNo one could doubt his entire sincerity, and this exordium\\nwhich I have given so brieflj and imperfectly, and this ap\\npeal to the Almighty for aid b^^ the most self-reliant and\\nimperious orator in the world, had an effect which I will not\\nattempt to describe. From this time the audience was, to\\nall appearance, entirely en rapport with him.\\nThe principal defense in this case, Mr. Clay continued,\\nwas, that the killing, done by order of the President, in\\nthe Philippine Islands was done in war but that is no de-\\nfense unless the war was necessary. A nation, or rather\\nthe commander-in-chief of the forces of a nation, has no\\nmore right to kill a thousand or ten thousand men in an un-\\nnecessary war than an individual has to kill another indi-\\nvidual without sufficient cause. Nations are but collections\\nof individuals. They pursue the same objects, are governed\\nby the same motives, and are amenable to the same moral\\nlaws; and the moral guilt of murder attaches to every na-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "26 The Great Trial of the\\ntiou, or to the executive of any nation, for the death of\\nevery man who is deliberately killed, on either side, in any\\nwar which that nation or its executive has unjustly made.\\nWar is one of those dreadful scourges that so shakes\\nthe foundations of society, overturns or changes the char-\\nacter of governments, interrupts or destroys the pursuits of\\nprivate happiness in short, brings misery and wretchedness\\nin so many forms, and at last, in its issue, is so doubtful and\\nhazardous that nothing but dire necessity can justify an ap-\\npeal to arms.\\nWar is the voluntary work of our own hands, and\\nwhatever reproaches it may deserve, should be directed to\\nourselves. When it breaks out, its duration is indefinite and\\nunknown, its vicissitudes are hidden from our view. In the\\nsacrifice of human life and in the waste of human treasure,\\nin its losses and its burdens it affects both belligerent na-\\ntions; and its sad effects of mangled bodies, of death and\\ndesolation, endure long after its thunders are hushed in\\npeace.\\nWar unhinges society, disturbs its peaceful and regu-\\nlar industry, and scatters poisonous seeds of disease and\\nimmorality which continue to germinate and diffiuse their\\nbaleful influences long after it has ceased. Dazzling by its\\nglitter, pomp, and pageantry, it begets a spirit of wild\\nadventure and romantic enterprise, and often disqualifies\\nthose who embark in it after their return from the bloody\\nfields of battle from engaging in the peaceful vocations\\nof life. Upon the nation itself wars waged for the purpose\\nof conquest, to add to its territory, trade, and wealth.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 27\\nare always, sooner or later, destructive of its prosperity\\nand happiness.\\nOf all the dangers and misfortunes which could befall\\nthis nation, I should regard that of its becoming a warlike\\nand conquering power the most direful and fatal. History\\ntells the mournful tale of conquering nations and conquer-\\nors. Assyria, Babylonia, Chaldea, Media, and Persia were\\nall warlike and conquering nations, and all perished by the\\nsword. Greece and Macedon took the sword to conquer Per-\\nsia, and their great leader, Alexander, founded a more\\nmighty empire upon the ruins of the kingdom of Cyrus; but\\nhe died an early and miserable death, which originated in\\nhis own great successes and the consequent prostitution\\nof his great powers to ignoble ends; and his empire passed\\naway like the baseless fabric of a vision.\\nRome was the great conquering nation of antiquity.\\nBut the fruit of her conquests, the spoil of the nations,\\nenriched, corrupted, enervated, and debased her; and the\\nnorthern barbarians put her to a long, lingering, and igno-\\nminious death of more than three hundred years duration.\\nFrance, under her great captain. Napoleon, was the su-\\npreme conquering power of modern times, but her very suc-\\ncess ruined her. The demon of conquest allured her too far.\\nShe became a suppliant at the feet of assembled Europe for\\nher own existence, and has sunk to be a second-rate power\\namong the nations.\\nThe Anglo-Saxons waged a war of extermination\\nagainst the Britons for one hundred and fifty years, with\\nsome intervals, and conquered them; but three hundred and\\neighty years after, the Norman punished the Saxon with", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "28 The Great Trial of the\\nterrible severity for his cruelty to the Briton, and ruled him\\nwith a rod of iron. Centuries passed away and the Saxons,\\nthe Danes, and the Normans became blended into one homo-\\ngeneous people; but still retaining the Saxon characteristic\\npropensity for piracy and waging war throughout the world\\nupon any weak people from whom they desired to obtain\\nterritory, trade, or tribute.\\nHitherto their insular position has saA ed them from be-\\ning overrun by any of the great nations of Europe; but the\\ntime, foretold by Macaulay, when some traveler from New\\nZealand, in the midst of a vast solitude, will sketch from a\\nbroken arch of London Bridge the ruin of St. Paul s, will\\nsurely come and may come soon.\\nSpain, in the time of Charles Fifth, was the dominant\\npower of Europe a great, wealthy, conquering, cruel power\\nbut for many j-ears she has been on the decline, and to-day\\nshe is almost contemptible. As a prominent power in the\\nworld she has perished from her own conquests, avarice,\\ncorruption, and cruelty.\\nIt is the law of this world proved by the experience\\nof three thousand years that any nation which makes\\nan unnecessary and destructive war upon another shall\\nherself, sooner or later, be punished for her wickedness.\\nGenerally the punishment grows out of the original wrong,\\nand often it is inflicted in the same form as the original\\nwrong.\\nOur war with Mexico was unjust and unconstitutional,\\nmade by the President of the United States to acquire terri-\\ntory for an unrighteous purpose. In that war we murdered\\nthousands of Mexicans and at its close took one third of her", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 29\\nterritory for one-teuth of its value a mere nominal sum\\nin a vain attempt to cover up the real robbery. Seven-\\nteen years afterwards we were punished for that outrage by\\nbeing plunged into a terrible civil war, which grew directly\\nout of the question of slavery in the territory acquired from\\nMexico. It is only necessary to allude to the horrors of that\\nwar. It cost the loss of a million lives, the waste of thous-\\nands of millions of money, and the destruction of thousands\\nof millions of property, and filled this land with sorrow and\\nmourning.\\nThe war against the Filipinos was also commenced\\nby the President in the same way as the Mexican War, un-\\njustly and unconstitutionally, and in order to deprive those\\npeople of their liberty and property, and to force upon them\\na foreign government, to which they did not consent, and to\\nwhich they rightfully refused to submit. None of the pre-\\ntenses upon which the President made and is carrying on\\nthis war will bear examination, and some of them are hardly\\nworth notice. There is no possible way in which we can ac-\\nquire sovereignty over them except by their own consent,\\nwhich they have utterly refused to give from the beginning.\\nThey are a part of the human race, as capable as we are\\nof pleasure and pain, and invested with as indisputa-\\nble a right as we have to judge of and pursue their own\\nhappiness.\\nIn fighting them we are warring against the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States, the Declaration of Independence,\\nthe fundamental principles of our own government, and are\\nlaboring to bring down upon our country the terrible pun-\\nishment which always follows such great national sins.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "30 The Great Trial of the\\nIt is possible that if Congress repudiates the war of the\\nPresident, the country may escape its impending doom. But\\nif Congress approves it and changes the war from an execu-\\ntive and personal one to a national one, our fate is sealed.\\nHow soon our punishment will come is known only to\\nOmniscience.\\nThat Mighty Hand which formed and regulates the ma-\\nchinery of the moral world seems at times to increase its\\nspeed and at times to retard it; sometimes to hasten the\\npunishment of great national crimes and at others to post-\\npone it. England has not yet been punished for some of her\\noutrages upon the nations; but the United States was pun-\\nished within a few years after its commission for the spolia-\\ntion of Mexico. All the signs of the times indicate that our\\nnext chastisement may come soon. It is possible that it\\nmay be postponed to after-times.\\nIt was argued in this case that honor and patriotism\\nrequired the President to make and continue this war to the\\nextermination of the Filipinos if that were necessary to\\nsubdue them. Few words in our language are more abused\\nthan the words honor and patriotism. False notions of\\nhonor have led to the murder of thousands of men in duels\\nmany of them great and useful men like Hamilton and\\nDecatur false notions of honor have led to the slaughter of\\nmillions of men in war.\\nA great writer defines honor as: The finest sense of\\njustice the human mind can frame. Nothing is honorable\\nthat is not just, and everything is dishonorable that is un-\\njust. By this standard the acts of nations as well as of in-\\ndividuals must be measured, and their record must be made.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 31\\nIf it is a record of blood shed in an unjust (or an unneces-\\nsary war, which is substantially perhaps the same), all the\\nwaters of the ocean cannot wash it out, and it will be a rec\\nord of dishonor to the end of time.\\nNor has the word patriotism any proper application\\nas here intended. Patriotism in war requires us to fight for\\nour own country in a just war. It does not require us to\\nfight against any country in an unjust war, for unjust wars\\nruin the country that makes them.\\nOne of the ablest writers living has said: The\\ngreater part of the bloody deeds which disgrace history and\\nmake of it such immoral reading were committed in the\\nname of patriotism.\\nMany of the greatest tyrants, traitors, and hypocrites\\nwho ever lived had a great deal to say about patriotism.\\nThey chose the livery of heaven to serve the devil in;\\nfor true patriotism is a heaven-born virtue. It is founded\\nin justice and truth; it draws its inspiration from the God\\nof truth and justice, and is ever* faithful to the source from\\nwhich it sprung. True patriotism has been called the no-\\nblest of human virtues; but there is no nobility in fight-\\ning for injustice and falsehood or robbery or murder. The\\ntrue patriot labors in war and in peace for those things,\\nand those things only, which will redound to the real and\\nlasting good of his country. He rejoices in her success in\\nevery just and useful enterprise; weeps over her errors and\\nmisfortunes; burns to avenge her injuries; labors for her\\nuniversal prosperity; and dies, if necessary, for her preser-\\nvation. It is to such a patriotism in the hearts of our\\nfathers, animating them alike in the council and on the bat-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "32 The Great Trial of the\\ntie-field, that we are indebted for these inestimable institu-\\ntions; and if posterity ever enjoys them, it will be indebted\\nto the same spirit so animating and so directing this\\ngeneration,\\nBut the words patriotism, honor, and glory, as ap-\\nplied to this most lamentable war against the Filipinos,\\nare entirely out of place. As so used, they are merely what\\nShakespeare calls springes to catch woodcocks.\\nIt was said in the argument that the Filipinos are\\nbarbarians, and that the President s war against them is a\\nwar for civilization, and, as such, should be sustained\\nby Congress and the people. Exactly the contrary is the\\nfact. Wars of conquest, such as this, are the very highest\\nexpressions of barbarism. The object of the party that car-\\nries on the war to subdue the other and make it submit to\\nits authority, is to conquer it by inflicting upon it an\\nintolerable amount of wounds, disease, starvation, mis-\\nery, and death. Such a war means murder, robbery, arson,\\ndrunkenness, gambling, and crimes that strike the soul with\\nhorror but to name them. General Sheridan said, War is\\nhell. Such a war as this is the very pit of that deplorable\\nregion.\\nTo say that civilization can be spread by the barbar-\\nism of such a war is like saying that truth can be spread by\\nfalsehood, knowledge by ignorance, or light by darkness.\\nIn such a war the aggressor is the greater barbarian of the\\ntwo, no matter what his superiority may be in other re-\\nspects, nor what his professions and pretenses may be.\\nBut it is said by the defense that no matter what the\\nmerits of the contest may have been originally, neither the", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 33\\nPresident nor Congress can stop it now. It must go on till\\nthe Filipinos are subdued. That any other course would\\nbe a lasting injury to our country and make us the laughing-\\nstock of the world.\\nThe answer to this is, that some of the greatest nations\\nand wisest statesmen and most successful warriors have,\\nwhen the occasion demanded it, done this very thing, and\\nalways with good results. Alexander the Great com-\\nmenced the conquest of India and was loth to give it up;\\nbut his soldiers convinced him that it would be a fool-\\nish thing to persevere in such an undertaking, and he\\nreluctantly led them back to Babylon, the capital of his em-\\npire, and was stronger and more popular for it.\\nAugustus Caesar fixed the boundaries of the Roman\\nEmpire at the Danube on the north and the Euphrates on\\nthe east. One of his successors, the Emperor Julian, under-\\ntook to spread Roman civilization beyond these rivers by\\nwar and to enlarge the boundaries of the empire. In this\\nattempt he lost a large part of his army and his own life.\\nHis successor, Hadrian, restored the boundaries of Augus-\\ntus and settled all questions with the nations concerned\\npeacefully and to the benefit of his country and to his own\\nhonor.\\nWilliam the Conqueror, in the zenith of his power,\\nundertook the conquest of Brittany, a province in France,\\nand made some advances in that direction. But he found it\\na very difiicult and doubtful job; and, notwithstanding his\\ncharacteristic determination and stubbornness, he had the\\ngood sense to give it up and retire to his own country.\\nEdward the Third and Henry the Fifth and his sue-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "34 The Great Trial of the\\ncessors attempted to reduce France to a state of vassalage\\nto England, and did conquer a large part of it and gain\\nsome great victories. But the labors of a century were vain.\\nA patriotic and enthusiastic girl broke the power of England,\\nand the invader was compelled to abandon every foot of land\\nacquired in France after a hundred-years war. The English\\nhistorians inform us that this result was a great benefit\\nto their country and laid the foundations of her future\\ngreatness.\\nGreat Britain tried, wickedly, to reduce her North\\nAmerican colonies to subjection; failed, after a seven-years\\nwar, and acknowledged their independence. Macaulay in-\\nforms us that his country was more powerful after she lost\\nthose colonies than before.\\nThese and other instances which might be adduced\\nshow that it is mental weakness, not strength, which causes\\nrulers to persevere in a wicked or foolish war for fear of\\nridicule.\\nIt is too late for Mr. McKinley and his supporters in\\nthe Philippine business to try to avoid ridicule. They have\\nrun the whole gamut of absurdity from criminal aggres-\\nsion to benevolent assimilation. They have attempted to\\nprove that barbarism is civilization, that slavery is freedom,\\nthat wrong is right, and that black is white. In the mean-\\ntime they have murdered many thousand men and are vig-\\norously preparing to do much greater slaughtering in the\\nsame line.\\nThese things have made the President and his support-\\ners not only ridiculous, but odious, and it is a ridicule and\\nodium whioii will last.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 35\\nDerision shall strike them forlorn,\\nA mockery that never shall die.\\nIt was said in the argument, that the time had come\\nfor the United States to be a world power, and to that end\\nthis nation should imitate the example of the other great\\nAnglo-Saxon nation, and adopt the colonial system, and ex-\\ntend her territories and dominion around the globe.\\nThe answer to this is, that the example of England is\\na bad one. She has been the great robber nation of the\\nworld for 1450 years. The Anglo-Saxons landed on the\\ncoast of Kent in 449 A. D., and according to the English his-\\ntorians they were pirates then and, in dealing with weaker\\npeople, whose territory or trade they coveted, they have\\nbeen pirates and robbers and murderers ever since. They\\nstarted in England as the allies of the Britons, but in a\\nshort time they demanded the country of its possessors and\\nowners; and, because the Britons denied their demand, they\\nwaged a war of extermination against them, with short in-\\ntervals, for one hundred and fifty years, and finally con-\\nquered them.\\nThen they turned their weapons against one another\\nand, off and on, were engaged in civil wars of great atroc-\\nity for nearly two hundred years, until the advent of the\\nDanes compelled them to attend to these new robbers, who\\npillaged the country from time to time for about two hun-\\ndred years more, till William the Conqueror crushed them\\naltogether.\\nThe English robbed and murdered the Irish for cen-\\nturies. An English historian says: They made Ireland the\\nabode of wretchedness for five hundred years. The Irish", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "36 The Great Trial of the\\npatriot Emmet told the judge who condemned him to an\\ninfamous death for seeking the freedom of his country, that\\nif all the blood he had unrighteously shed was collected in\\none vast reservoir, his Lordship could swim in it. The Irish\\nsoil has been enriched by the blood of thousands, shed by\\nthe remorseless Englishman.\\nThe principality of Wales was harried for centuries\\nby the English pirates; and their so-called greatest king,\\nEdward the First, put the Welsh prince David to an igno-\\nminious death, and had him drawn and quartered for his de-\\nvotion to the liberties of his country.\\nThe Scottish patriot Wallace suffered the same fate\\nat the hands of this king. Scotland was for ages the scene\\nof British oppression and cruelty, and even William the\\nThird caused one of the Scottish clans to be massacred at\\nGlencoe, with such circumstances of treachery, perfidy, and\\ncruelty as caused the ear of humanity to tingle and left an\\nindelible stain on the escutcheon of the English king.\\nEngland tried for more than one hundred years to con-\\nquer France. The bones of myriads of Frenchmen slaugh-\\ntered to gratify the ambition of English kings and of the\\nEnglish people are mingled with the dust throughout half\\nthe provinces of the country of Lafayette.\\nIndia is a fair specimen of the English colonial svs\\ntem. The country has been bled for ages to satisfy the in-\\nsatiate greed of the Anglo-Saxon for territory, trade and\\ntribute, and it takes an army of 75,000 soldiers to keep the\\nnatives of that country from rising against their oppressors\\nand in vengeance driving them into the Indian Ocean, Burke\\ndescribed the men who managed the affairs of the East In-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 37\\ndia Company as men whom no treaty would bind and\\nagainst whom the laws that held the world together were\\nno protection.\\nIn 1840 the Chinese authorities determined to stop the\\nEnglish traders from selling opium to their people, and, by\\nagreement with the English envoy residing in that country,\\ntwenty thousand casks of opium were destroyed. For this\\nEngland made war upon China, tooli several of her cities,\\nand compelled her to pay an indemnity of about $20,000,000.\\nThis was done by a Christian nation to a pagan nation, be-\\ncause the pagans wished to stop the Christians from demor-\\nalizing their people by an accursed drug.\\nFor years past England has been waiting for a favor-\\nable opportunity to dismember China and appropriate all\\nshe can get of her territory. She is encouraging our war\\nagainst the Filipinos because it gives countenance and\\nsupport to her Asiatic and African colonial policy of con-\\nquest, territorial subjugation, expansion, and tribute; and at\\npresent she is endeavoring to Blot out the South African\\nrepublics and put their territory into her capacious maw.\\nThe history of England for a thousand years is largely\\na history of robbery and murder. Considering the great ad-\\nvantages she has possessed during the greater part of that\\ntime, it is a most sickening portion of the history of the\\nhuman race. It is in a great measure the history of an in-\\ntelligent and progressive barbarism.\\nTo the United States, Great Britain has been an un-\\nnatural step-mother. She tried to reduce us to slavery in\\nthe Revolution. She employed the Hessians and the Indians\\nagainst her own children. She was against us in our late", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "88 The Great Trial of the\\nfearful struggle for national existence, and secretly favored\\nand assisted the Southern Confederacy. She encourages\\nus in our present unhallowed war for selfish purposes, and\\nwill turn against us whenever her interest demands it.\\nThere have been many great and good men in England\\nand the world is indebted to them in every department of\\nscience, literature, and art. Pitt, Burke, and other great ora-\\ntors and statesmen opposed the government of their country\\nin its oppression of our fathers before the Revolution and in\\nthe war it made to subdue them, and their names should be\\nhonored and revered forever. England has produced many\\nphilanthropists who have been benefactors of mankind.\\nBut the greatness of England in dealing with other\\nnations, and especially with weaker ones than herself,\\nhas been an intellectual and not a moral greatness. In this\\nrespect she has ever been an oppressor and will be so held\\ntill her foreign policy is changed. Distant, far distant be\\nthe day when this country shall be misled by the baleful\\nlight of her example; but that example, and the new and\\nstrange doctrines by which it was attempted to defend this\\nPhilippine War, must be repudiated by the American people.\\nThe war upon the Declaration of Independence, the attempt\\nto overthrow or undermine it, must cease. The effort to sup-\\npress the freedom of speech and establish a military despot-\\nism in the name of patriotism must be put down. The\\ngovernment of this country must return to the princi-\\nples and practice of the men who founded it. It must stop\\nits mad career of war and conquest. While claiming, de-\\nfending, and preserving the right of the people of the Uni-\\nted States to liberty, independence, and self-government, it", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 39\\nmust concede the same rights to all other nations and peo-\\nples. Thus only can it secure the confidence of the people,\\nthe respect of mankind, and the favor of that Almighty\\nPower who holds the destinies of men and nations in the\\nhollow of His hands.\\nIt will be a glorious day for our country when it can be\\nsaid with sincerity and truth that all its rulers and all its\\npeople are in favor of liberty for all nations, and opposed to\\nforcing any form of government upon any people. May God\\nspeed the coming of that day.\\nSPEECH OF GENERAL GRANT.\\nGeneral Grant s speech was a surprise to me. I knew\\nthe General personally and considered him the most quiet,\\nreticent public man I had ever known. Great interest was\\nfelt in what he would say, but it was not expected that he\\nwould say much. On the contrary, he made what, for him,\\nwas a long speech. This may have been caused by the\\nspeech of Mr. Clay, who preceded him, and to whom he re-\\nferred. It is highly probable that he was led to speak so\\nfreely of the Mexican War by what Mr. Clay said on that\\nsubject. He says, in his Memoirs, that he was a great ad-\\nmirer of Mr. Clay.\\nHe begun by stating that although he had served in two\\nwars, the Mexican War and the war to put down the Rebel-\\nlion, the military profession was not his choice. When he\\nwas a student at West Point his highest ambition was to be\\na professor in some college or university. A military life", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "40 The Great Trial of the\\nhad no charms for him, and he had not the faintest idea of\\nstaying in the Army, even if he should be graduated, which\\nhe did not expect. His going to West Point was his father s\\narrangement, not his. The first year he was there a bill was\\nintroduced into Congress to abolish the Military Academy,\\nand he was in hopes it would pass, as he saw in this an honor-\\nable way to obtain a discharge. But the bill failed, and he\\nremained a cadet at that institution.\\nIt was in this way that he became a soldier in the Mexi-\\ncan War. He had always considered that this was a politi-\\ncal and an unholy war. He was bitterly opposed to the an-\\nnexation of Texas, and to this day he regarded the war\\nwhich resulted as one of the most unjust wars ever waged\\nby a stronger against a weaker nation. It was an instance\\nof a republic following the bad example of European mon-\\narchies, in not considering justice in their desire to acquire\\nadditional territory.\\nEven if the annexation itself could be justified, the man-\\nner in which the subsequent war was forced upon Mexico\\ncannot. The fact is, annexationists wanted more territory\\nthan they could possibly lay any claim to as part of the new\\nacquisition.\\nIn taking military possession of Texas after annexation,\\nthe army of occupation, under General Taylor, was directed\\nto occupy the disputed territory. The army did not stop at\\nthe Nueces, and offer to negotiate for a settlement of the\\nboundary question, but went beyond, apparently in order\\nto force Mexico to initiate war. He was satisfied that Gen-\\neral Taylor looked upon the Mexicans as the aggrieved party,\\nbut he was obliged to obey his instructions. This is one of", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 41\\nthe greatest objections to the military profession that the\\nsoldier is obliged to obey his orders, no matter how unjust\\nthey may be. Practically, the soldier is a machine, having\\nno use for either conscience or principle, as against his\\norders, and must run as the machine master directs, even if\\nhe runs himself and his country to perdition.\\nThe presence of United States troops on the edge of the\\ndisputed territory furthest from the Mexican settlements\\nwas not sufficient to provoke hotilities. We were sent to\\nprovoke a fight, but it was essential that Mexico should\\ncommence it. It was very doubtful whether Congress\\nwould declare war; but if Mexico should attack our troops,\\nthe Executive could announce, Whereas, war exists by the\\nact of Mexico, etc., and prosecute the contest with vigor.\\nOnce initiated, there were but few public men who would\\nhave the courage to oppose it. As a rule, Americau soldiers\\nare brave; but American politicians are not. And it often\\nhappens that a brave soldier, when he is turned into a poli-\\ntician, is, by that very act, turned into a coward. The his-\\ntory of our country has furnished some striking examples of\\nthis truth. As to politicians, he had heard of very promi-\\nnent ones who were strongly opposed to the Philippine War\\n(while the Administration was in suspense whether to make\\nit or not), as unjust to the Filipinos and ruinous to our\\nown country; but who, after it was brought on by our man-\\nagement, denounced as traitors those who continued true to\\ntheir convictions, and still held and expressed their original\\nand honest sentiments. Such men sacrifice their country to\\ntheir party, and are unsafe counsellors for a free people.\\nThis war is a good illustration of the trite saying that", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "42 The Great Trial of the\\nhistory repeats itself. We were exploited into a war witli\\nthe Filipinos in the same way, substantially, as the Mexi-\\ncan War was brought about. The management was about\\nthe same in each case. And the object of the war in each\\ncase was the same. Primarily, it was in one case to extend\\nslavery, and in the other to establish serfdom. But the ul-\\ntimate object in each case was to make money out of the la-\\nbor of other men and, to that end, to govern them and their\\ncountry as we pleased.\\nHe said that he had given his views of slavery and war\\nbriefly, in another place, but he would avail himself of this\\noccasion to give them more fully, for the times, he thought,\\ndemanded it.\\nHe concurred entirely with Mr. Clay in the opinion that\\nnothing but dire necessity would justify a nation in mak-\\ning war. It might seem strange to some that, as he had\\nserved in two wars, he should be so much opposed to what\\nseemed to be his own profession; and he thought, perhaps,\\nthat the present occasion would justify him in giving some\\nof the reasons for his opposition.\\nHis natural dislike to war was very much developed\\nand strengthened by a sermon upon that subject which he\\nheard when he was a young man. It was very much\\nincreased by reading history; and his own experience had\\nmade it so odious to him that he would do anything that was\\nright to avoid it.\\nThe sermon referred to was a remarkable effort, and\\nmade such an impression upon him that he still remembered\\na considerable part of it. The text was a verse in Isaiah,\\nwhich he had often heard quoted, and which he had some-\\ntimes read", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 43\\n4. And He shall judge among the nations, and shall\\nrebuke many people: and they shall beat their swords into\\nplowshares and their spears into pruning-hooks; nation\\nshall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall\\nthey learn war any more.\\nIn explaining this text the preacher first described war,\\nand illustrated it by word-pictures drawn from the siege of\\nJerusalem by Titus, from the retreat of Napoleon from Mos-\\ncow, and from the horrible cruelties practiced by the suc-\\ncessful party during the civil wars in England.\\nI have never, the General said, heard anything equal\\nto the description this preacher gave of the siege and\\ndestruction of Jerusalem. Titus was naturally cruel, though\\nhe afterwards became apparently humane, from policy. The\\nhistory of that siege, as some historian has truly said, is a\\nstory of incredible horrors. It is too dreadful to be more\\nthan alluded to here: famine, fire, pestilence, murder, un-\\nnatural and vile brutality before the city was taken, and the\\ngiving of it up to slaughter and destruction by an inhuman\\nsoldiery afterwards.\\nAs this man drew this picture with a master hand, I\\ncould almost see the wretched victims of Roman ferocity,\\nand of their own folly, dying of disease and starvation; I\\ncould almost hear the cries and groans of helpless mothers\\nand their starving children, making the city of David and\\nSolomon a sardonic mockery of its former pride and glory.\\nWith the same powerful memory and imagination,\\nthis man described the retreat of the great army of Na-\\npoleon from Moscow. He painted, almost to the very life,\\nthe destruction of hundreds of thousands of men on that fa-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "44 The Great Trial of the\\ntal retreat. All of them, he said, had a right to life and to\\nthe blessings of life; they all perished the miserable victims\\nof the towering ambition of a man of transcendent genius,\\nbut whose heart was as hard as the nether millstone.\\nIn like manner he depicted the cruelties inflicted by\\nthe successful party in the many civil wars of England, oc-\\ncurring from time to time during the long period of nearly\\na thousand years. He said and proved, from English his-\\ntories, that for hundreds of j^ears the tender mercies of our\\nEnglish ancestors to their enemies of their own race\\nand country was cruelty. As he described these enormities\\nI seemed to hear the cries of vengence and the shrieks of\\ntorture. And I wondered then, and wonder now, how\\nsuch things could be done, so continuously, in a professedly\\ncivilized and Christian nation. To me it is incoinpreheusible.\\nBefore closing his sermon, the preacher stated that\\nthere were two forces in our country which, properly di-\\nrected and exercised, could, in a few years, render an un-\\njust or unnecessary war on the part of the United States im-\\npossible. Those forces were the influence of women and the\\ninfluence of the clergy. And it was peculiarly their province\\nand duty and interest to use every effort to put an end to this\\ngreatest scourge of mankind.\\nThroughout the entire history of our race women had\\nbeen subject to outrage from the demon of war. They had\\nbeen, and still are, liable to lose their husbands, fathers,\\nbrothers, sons, and near and dear friends, killed in battle or\\nby disease; to have their homes ruined, their property de-\\nstroyed; to be reduced to poverty, want, and misery. It is\\ntheir duty to teach their children the true nature and char-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 45\\nacter of war, and never to have anything to do with it unless\\nforced by stern necessity. It is their duty to use all their\\ninfluence, everywhere, against it, and to teach that military\\nglory is a delusion and a snare.\\nAs to the clergy, there is nothing in which they are so\\nderelict as in this. It is as much their duty to preach\\nagainst war as against robbery and murder, for war is rob-\\nbery and murder combined.\\nThere is no necessity for the United States having any\\nmore wars. It can get all that it is entitled to without. We\\nhad a war with Mexico lately, not because it was necessary,\\nbut because we wanted and sought war and did not want\\nand seek peace. It is a very unfortunate thing to be\\nobliged to take the life of a man in a just cause; but to shed\\nthe blood of thousands in an unjust war is u fearful crime.\\nAnd yet, a majority of the preachers of this country, either\\ntacitly or openly, encourage such crimes. Some do their\\nduty and preach openly and boldly against it, but their\\nname is not legion.\\nThe preacher said, in conclusion, that he did not see\\nhow any rational being could be a true Christian and believe\\nin war. To say that such a thing is possible seemed to him\\nlike saying that the same body could fill two entirely differ-\\nent spaces at the same time.\\nWe hear and read of the way of life and the way of\\ndeath, and the road to ruin and the road to Heaven. The\\nbroadest and most comprehensive road to ruin, individual\\nand national, is war. There ought to be hung on high an\\nenormous guide-board, with the inscription in characters of", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "46 The Great Trial of the\\nliving light: War this is the way to Hell, going down to\\nthe chambers of Death.\\nRunning in the opposite direction is the road to\\nHeaven. It is not so broad, but it is lighted by the presence\\nof the Prince of Peace and cheered by the voice of the God of\\nlove; a voice sweeter to the ear than all the songs of the\\nsirens of war.\\nIt speaks of peace, it speaks of love,\\nIt speaks as angels speak above;\\nFor, oh, it is a father s voice,\\nThat bids a trembling world rejoice.\\nContinuing, General Grant said that he had endeav-\\nored to reproduce, from memory and notes taken at the time,\\nsome points of the discourse which had contributed so much\\nto the formation of his opinion of the folly and wickedness\\nof war; but the discourse was a lengthy one, and he must\\nomit the greater part of it. His subsequent study of his-\\ntory and his experience in two wars confirmed the opinions\\nthen formed.\\nHe was not much of a theologian himself, but if, as the\\npreacher had quoted, all the nations that forget God are to\\nbe cast into hell, the nation that makes unrighteous wars\\nwill surely not escape. In the light of history as well as of\\nrevelation, such wars put the guilty nation that makes them\\non the direct road to moral, financial, and political destruc-\\ntion. On the other hand, the way of peace is the true\\nroad to the heaven of nations.\\nThe preacher was right in his estimation of the enor-\\nmous responsibility of the clergy and the women of our\\ncountry in this matter of war. If they had done their duty", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century 47\\nsince the Rebellion, there would have been no Philippine\\nWar. If they will do it in the future, we will have no more\\nsuch wars to oft end the Deity and to disgrace our country.\\nIn closing his speech, the General said that he went in-\\nto the War of the Rebellion voluntarily, but that was a nec-\\nessary war for the salvation of our country. But it was a\\nfearful lesson, and should teach us the necessity of avoiding\\nwars in the future. It grew out of the Mexican War and\\nwas the penalty we paid for the wrongs which preceded,\\naccompanied, and followed that war. The Philippine War,\\nthough worse than the Mexican, had, as already stated, a\\nsimilar origin. If it is continued to the end and the objects\\nof its authors are attained, we cannot hope to escape a simi-\\nlar punishment.\\nSince the sermon which he had cited was preached, our\\ncountry, in conquering the Rebellion, has exhibited to all\\nthe nations such vast resources and such overwhelming\\npower that none of them, unless governed by madmen, will\\never give us just cause for war. If without such cause we\\nmake war against any of them, as in the present case, it is\\nmurder, and the blood we shed, like the blood of Abel, will\\ncry to heaven against us.\\nSPEECH OF MR. JEFFERSON.\\nI have never been in the habit of public speak-\\ning, said Mr. Jefferson, and only arise now to correct two\\nmistakes into which some of the advocates of the President\\nhave fallen.\\n4", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "48 The Great Trial of the\\nThey have represented that the Declaration of Inde-\\npendence was made only for a special occasion; that it had\\nno general application; was obsolete, and could not prop-\\nerly be quoted against the war the President had made, and\\nwas carrying on, to force the Filipinos to submit to the\\nmilitary power of the United States. This was a mistake.\\nThat Declaration, it is true, had its origin in the contest be-\\ntween Great Britain and her thirteen North American colo-\\nnies in 1770; but it was intended to declare, and did declare,\\nthe right of all mankind, of every age and of every nation\\nand of every color, to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap-\\npiness; that the object of governments was to secure\\nthese rights, and that the consent of the governed was\\na condition precedent to the rightful authority of any\\ngovernment.\\nAccording to the Declaration, as it was intended and\\nalways understood by the men who made it and by the peo-\\nple for whom it was made, the humblest, poorest, and most\\nobscure man in any nation is as much entitled to the rights\\nenumerated in it as any king, emperor, or president. These\\nrights can only be forfeited by crime. There is not, as has\\nbeen contended, any principle of international law under\\nwhich the Filipinos can be deprived of their rights. The\\nteachings of that law and of the Declaration are substan-\\ntially the same upon the rights of all men. Both require\\nthe consent of the governed to the just powers of govern-\\nments. And if they did not, the Declaration would still be\\nthe supreme law to the government and people of the Uni-\\nted States, and binding upon them in their dealings with\\nother governments and peoples.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 49\\nThe other mistake I wish to notice is, that the exam-\\nple of the Louisiana purchase is a justification of the pur^\\nchase of the Filipinos and their subsequent treatment by\\nthe President and Congress, There is no analogy between\\nthe cases. If the Louisiana Territory at the time of its pur-\\nchase had contained eight or ten million inhabitants; if they\\nhad been fighting many years for freedom, independence,\\nand self-government, and part of that time as allies of the\\nITnited States; if, at the time of the purchase, they had\\nnearly achieved their independence; if they never consented\\nto the purchase, refused to acquiesce in it, and declared\\ntheir determination to be free and independent and to gov\\nern themselves, there would be considerable similarity be-\\ntween the cases. But none of these conditions were pres-\\nent in that case, and it fails entirely as a precedent for the\\nother. It is a clear case of abandonment, in the face of the\\nnations of the world, of the principles upon which our gov-\\nernment was founded, and of an unrighteous claim sup-\\nported by a murderous war.\\nNot a man who signed the Declaration or the Consti-\\ntution would have tolerated such a claim as that. The gov-\\nernment and the people would have scouted it as a disgrace\\nand shame. I tremble for my country when I remem-\\nber that God is just and that my countrymen are struggling\\nto take by a bloody war from millions of people those\\ninalienable rights with which He has endowed all His\\nchildren.\\nCongress should promptly concede the independ-\\nence of the Filipinos, and the longer that act of justice is\\ndelayed the worse it will be for our country. In a paroxysm", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "60 The Great Trial of the\\nof rapacity worthy of the Anglo-Saxon, we have done a\\ngreat wrong, been guilt} of great oppression, and forfeited\\nthe confidence of mankind. We can only regain that confi-\\ndence by a return to the paths of justice and freedom.\\nOur army should be recalled and at least three-fourths\\nof it disbanded. We need no large standing armies for any\\npurpose. Such armies eat out the substance of the people,\\nand are often used to enslave them.\\nAs to the trial which has led to this meeting and\\ncaused this discussion, I wish to say that, in common with\\nall the members of the jury, I very much regretted to be\\nobliged to find a verdict of guilty, but that, under the evi-\\ndence and the instructions of the Court, no other ver-\\ndict was possible.\\nABRAHAM LINCOLN S SPEECH.\\nMr. Lincoln said: Although nearly every allegation\\nof fact in this case has been contested, there are some\\nthings about which there is no dispute, and those are,\\nthat twenty thousand Filipinos and two thousand Ameri-\\ncans came to their deaths in the Philippine Islands since\\nthe close of the war with Spain, and that the war against\\nthem was begun and is being carried on by the defendant\\nas Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the Uni-\\nted States. Nor has there been, nor can there be, much con-\\ntest over the proposition that, if the war so inaugurated and\\nwaged by the President was and is unjust, he is guiltj\\nas charged in the indictment.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century- SI\\nThe great contention and principal defense has been,\\nand still is, that the war is just and that it was the right and\\nduty of the Tiesident to wage it till those people submitted\\nto the authority of the United States and accepted what-\\never government the President set up over them tem-\\nporarily, and afterwards the permanent government estab-\\nlished by Congress. That by the treaty of peace with\\nSpain, the United States acquired the sovereignty of the en-\\ntire Philippine Archipelago, and that it was the duty of all\\nthe inhabitants of those islands to submit to its authority;\\nthat, on the contrary, they resisted it, claimed that they\\nwere, and of right ought to be, free and independent, and\\nthat they became rebels whom it was necessary to subdue,\\nand that the deaths that followed were justifiable and right.\\nThis contention by implication denies the self-evident\\ntruths of the Declaration of Independence, ^hat all men are\\ncreated equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with\\ncertain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty\\nand the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights\\ngovernments are instituted among men, deriving their just\\npowers from the consent of the governed; that when-\\never any form of government becomes destructive of these\\nends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and to\\ninstitute a new government, laying its foundation on such\\nprinciples and organizing its powers in such form as to them\\nshall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness;\\nthat when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing\\ninvariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them\\nunder absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "52 The Great Trial of the\\nthrow off such government and to provide new guards for\\ntheir future security.\\nSpain, by a long train of abuses, had forfeited any\\nright she may have had to hold, possess, and govern the\\nPhilippine Islands, or any part of them, and those peo-\\nple had rightfully thrown off her government and set up one\\nof their own before the ratification of her treaty with\\nthe United States. According to the Declaration, this\\nended all the rights Spain ever had in the Philippine Archi-\\npelago, and in that respect she conveyed nothing and\\nthe United States acquired nothing by the treaty. So far\\nas the Filipinos were concerned, it M as absolutely null\\nand void.\\nI think that this is the natural and inevitable con-\\nclusion which follows the admission of the truths of the\\nDeclaration.\\nThe real question in this case is whether we shall sus-\\ntain the Declaration or trample it under foot. In my opin-\\nion, the salvation of the country depends upon sustaining it.\\nTo abandon it is to abandon the only hope for the preserva-\\ntion of our free institutions. Whenever we deny the right\\nof any people to freedom and independence and self-govern-\\nment, and force upon them a government against their con-\\nsent, we forfeit the right to those blessings ourselves.\\nSooner or later that forfeiture will be enforced against us,\\nas sure as there is a just God who rules in the armies\\nof Heaven and among the habitations of men.\\nOur fathers labored and fought and suffered through\\na seven-years war to make good that Declaration. They\\nendured hunger, cold, sickness, wounds, and death; they", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 53\\nmarched in the winter over the frozen ground to find\\nthe enemy, and their bloody foot-prints upon the snow told\\nof their naked feet. That Declaration was baptised in the\\nblood of the Revolution and dedicated forever to the free-\\ndom, not of any one people, but of the human race. Its\\nauthors meant to set up a standard maxim for free soci-\\nety which should be familiar to all and revered by all, con-\\nstantly looked to, constantly labored for, and, even though\\nnever perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and\\nthereby constantly spreading and diffusing its influence,\\nand augmenting the happiness and value of life to all peo-\\nple of all colors everywhere.\\nThe assertion that all men are created equal was of\\nno practical use in effecting our separation from Great Brit-\\nain, and it was placed in the Declaration not for that, but\\nfor future use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God! it\\nis now proving itself, a stumbling-block to all those who, in\\nafter-times, might seek to turn a free people back into the\\nhateful paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of\\nprosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant that when such\\nshould reappear in this fair land and commence their voca-\\ntion they should find left for them at least one hard nut to\\ncrack.\\nIt has been said in the argument of this case that by\\nthe war to put down the Rebellion we forced upon the\\nSouthern States a government to which they did not con-\\nsent. To this I answer that they had consented to it long\\nbefore, had lived under it many years, had participated in\\nit, had enjoyed its protection and benefits, and had fur-\\nnished many of its presidents.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "54 The Great Trial of the\\nSeveral of those assisted in making the Declaration of\\nIndependence, in forming the Constitution, and in setting\\nthe government in motion. Jefferson was the author of the\\nDeclaration and Madison has been called the father of the\\nConstitution,\\nMany of the rebellious States had been consenting to\\nand participating in the government of the United States for\\nnearly half a century. They seceded because they wished\\nto repudiate their own work and to found a new em-\\npire whose chief corner-stone should be slavery exactly the\\nopposite principle to that of the Declaration.\\nNo analogy can be found between this case and that of\\nthe Filipinos. It is not easy to understand how reason-\\nable men can seriously attempt such an argument as that.\\nWith all the facts against them, their logic seems to indi-\\ncate some kind of hallucination by which things seem ex-\\nactly the opposite of what they really are. Such reasoners\\nseem to me to be turned upside down, and to be standing on\\ntheir heads with their heels dangling in the air.\\nBut it is attempted to plow round the Declaration of In-\\ndependence by saying that the very object of conquering the\\nFilipinos is to give them the blessings of free government.\\nIt is astonishing that men should deceive themselves or un-\\ndertake to deceive others by such a fallacy as that. Free-\\ndom and force are opposites. The very fact that any govern-\\nment is forced upon a people makes it, as to them, a despot-\\nism. In the very nature of things, no government can\\nbe free to which the people to be governed do not freely and\\nvoluntarily consent. This attempt to get rid of the Declara-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 55\\ntion is absurd on its face, and tlie defense that the killing\\nwas done in a state of war is no defense at all.\\nThis Philippine War is in some respects like the Mexi-\\ncan War. Both were unjustly and unconstitutionally made\\nby the President, and both, at first, seemed to be popu-\\nlar. In the Mexican War the attempt was made to render\\nthose who were opposed to the action of the President un-\\npopular and odious by ridicule and denunciation, and\\nby calling them traitors, etc., etc.\\nThe bitterness of the advocates of that war was ex-\\ntreme. Governor Reynolds, who was a member of the Illi-\\nnois Legislature during the war, said in the House of Repre-\\nsentatives that he almost had the hydrophobia upon that\\nsubject, and there were many other members nearly as\\nrabid as he. They were, like Saul with the Christians, ex-\\nceedingly mad against the opponents of the war, and they\\ndid not confine their abuse to politicians. The Rev. Albert\\nHale, pastor of the Second Presbyterian Church of Spring-\\nfield, Illinois, as chaplain of the House of Representatives,\\nappealed to the Almighty against the war and in favor of\\npeace. For this he was severely criticised by some of the\\nfire-eating members; but Judge Stephen T. Logan, who at\\nthat time stood at the head of the bar of that State, defend-\\ned Mr. Hale and held that it was not only the right, but the\\nduty of the chaplain, as a professed follower of the Prince of\\nPeace, to use the influence of his profession and position in\\nfavor of peace. The rabid war-hounds were not satisfied by\\nhis argument, but they were kept at bay and Mr. Hale was\\nsustained.\\nBut the pulpit of the United States was far more out-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "56 The Great Trial of the\\nspoken against war at that time than at present. This is the\\nworst sign of the times. The influence of Christianity seems\\nto be on the wane. Originally one of its principal objects\\nwas to put an end to war, but now a very large proportion\\nof its professors and preachers are in favor of war, and, for\\nreasons, directly opposed to the teachings of Christ.\\nAs a member of Congress from the Springfield district\\nin Illinois, I felt it my duty to make a speech against\\nthe actions of President Polk in bringing on that war. For\\nthis I was denounced and ridiculed and made so un-\\npopular while the glamour of our victories over the Mexi-\\ncans blinded the people that my own county of Sangamon\\nwas opposed to my renomination. There were but two dele-\\ngates in the congressional convention Briggs of Tazewell,\\nand Parks of Logan who were in my favor. All the dele-\\ngates from Sangamon (including my law partner, Billy\\nHerndon) were against me, and my name was not brought\\nbefore the convention.\\nMr. Clay also, for the great speech he made against the\\nw^ar at Lexington in 1847, was at first abused and de-\\nnounced. It w^as not long, however, till the sky cleared so\\nthat the people could see and understand his arguments and\\nappreciate his patriotism, and the next year he was elected\\nUnited States senator by an almost unanimous vote of the\\nLegislature of Kentucky. It is hardly necessary for me to\\nrefer to my own history after the false, glaring light of the\\nMexican War had passed away. I will only say that few\\nmen have been more bitterly denounced, and perhaps no\\nman was ever more triumphantly vindicated.\\nThe judgments of the Lord are true and righteous alto-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 57\\ngether. Our country was terribly punished by the Civil War,\\nnot only for sustaining slavery so long, but also for the\\nMexican War, which was made and waged principally for\\nthe purpose of extending and perpetuating it. There is\\nreason to fear a still greater punishment if we continue this\\nPhilippine War till we conquer and enslave that unhappy\\npeople.\\nBut it is said that to abandon the attempt to conquer\\nthem now would make our country ridiculous. This reminds\\nme of a story I once heard or read. In the time of that great\\nAnglo-Norman king, Henry the Second, it was the fashion\\nin London for the sons of considerable citizens to form them-\\nselves into bands and to break into rich houses and plunder\\nthem and rob and murder the inmates. A band of these\\nworthies once broke into a rich house which they expected\\nto make an easy prey. On the contrary, they met with such\\nfierce resistance that they stopped to consult whether to ad-\\nvance or recede. The captain took the ground that if they\\nretired, all London would laugh at them. So they proceeded\\nwith their raid till one-half of them were killed and the rest\\ndriven into the street, wounded, crippled, and conquered, to\\nthe great joy of all peaceable and law-abiding citizens.\\nThe moral of this story is that ridicule is a poor argu-\\nment, and those who are governed by it are apt to do wicked\\nand foolish things.\\nIt has been clearly intimated by the President and\\nplainly said by some of his supporters that those who are op-\\nposed to his Philippine War are disloyal. Those who are in\\nfavor of it are constantly called patriots those who are op-\\nposed are frequently called traitors. But those words have", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "68 The Great Trial of the\\nno just and proper application as here intended. True pat-\\nriotism requires a man to do all he can for his country in a\\njust and unnecessary war, as the American Revolution, the\\nWar of 1812, and the war to preserve the Union in\\n1861-1865. But patriotism does not require a man to sup-\\nport such wars as the Mexican and the Philippine. Those\\nwars were unjust in themselves and were unconstitutionally\\nmade by Presidents Polk andMcKinley. Those wars were\\ndisgraceful and injurious to the country, and calculated to\\nbring upon the nation the punishment which, in the order\\nof Providence, always follows great national crimes. Patri-\\notism requires all good citizens to oppose all wars which,\\nin their ultimate effects and consequences, will injure\\ntheir country. If there is any treason in the matter, it is\\nin those who make and encourage such wars, and thus\\ncall down upon their country the wrath and curse of God.\\nBut it is said, as a reason for the conquest of the\\nPhilippine Islands, that we need them in our business; that\\nthey would be a benefit to our cotton-growers and various\\nother interests, and that their trade and wealth would fur-\\nnish occupation and support to many of our speculat-\\nors, traders, and people generally.\\nThat was the argument used by the robber to Alexan-\\nder the Great. He was brought before the mighty con-\\nqueror for ese;ntion, on account of a great haul he and his\\nband had made from some wealthy Persians who were\\ntraveling to Babylon. Alexander, when not drunk or in a\\npassion, had considerable sense of justice, and consented to\\nhear the man before ordering him to execution. The rob-\\nber told the king that he and his band had families to sup-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 59\\nport and that they must live, and could make more by rob-\\nbery than any other profession or pursuit. That he, Alex-\\nander, was in the same business the only difference being\\nthat he confined himself strictly to the retail trade, while\\nthe king carried on the largest and most extensive system\\nof wholesale robbery that had ever existed. That, while it\\nwas true that Alexander devoted much of the proceeds of\\nhis conquests to the building of cities and other improve-\\nments, it was also true that he and his band gave all they\\nmade, except a comfortable living, to the poor.\\nThis speech satisfied the king that he was in the same\\nbusiness with the robber, and he ordered his attendants to\\ntake off his chains and treat him well.\\nAlexander was right All robbers and all conquerors\\nwho carry on war for territory or trade or tribute are mor-\\nally equal. Their trade is the same their character is the\\nsame, and their treatment, whether of reward or pun-\\nishment, should be the same.\\nI have been surprised to see many of those who admit\\nthat this war was originally a blunder and an outrage as-\\nsume that, by the ratification of the treaty with Spain, the\\nPhilippine Archipelago became annexed to the United\\nStates; that we thus acquired sovereignty over them; and\\nthat, by insisting upon their right to freedom and independ-\\nence and refusing to submit to our government, the inhabit-\\nants of those islands became rebels.\\nAt the time the Congress of the United States declared\\nwar against Spain it declared also that the Cubans were,\\nand of right ought to be, free and independent. The inhabit-\\nants of the island of Cuba and the inhabitants of the Philip-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "60 TJie Great Trial of the\\npiue Islands at the time this declaration was made had been\\nfighting Spain for years to obtain freedom and independ-\\nence. The Filipinos were far more numerous than the\\nCubans; had more nearly acquired their independence, and,\\naccording to Admiral Dewey, were more capable of self-\\ngovernment. Certainly they had as good a right to free-\\ndom and independence as the Cubans. How could a treaty\\nbetween the United States and Spain, to which they were\\nnot parties and to which they did not consent, abrogate that\\nright? The declaration of Congress, the Declaration of In-\\ndependence, and the law of nations are all against such an\\nassumption, and it seems to me downright impudence\\nto make it. The treaty conveyed no more title to the Philip-\\npine Islands than a worthless quit-claim deed.\\nWith the failure of this assumption, its corollary, that\\nthe war must go on till the rebellion, as it is called, is put\\ndown, also falls to the gronnd. To continue the war only\\naggravates the blunder and outrage of beginning it. No\\nstrength is given to the fallacy I am exposing by calling the\\nFilipinos rebels. People cannot rebel where they do not\\nowe allegiance, and by no law, human or divine, did these\\npeople ever owe allegiance to the United States.\\nBut it is said as a reason for continuing this war, that\\nthe American flag must never be hauled down after it has\\nonce been set up in any country. This is mere clap-trap.\\nThe flag should be kept wherever it properly belongs, and\\nnowhere else. If, by accident or mistake or wrong, it is\\nplanted where it has no right to be, it should be removed.\\nThe United States never having acquired any rightful\\nsovereignty over the Philippine Islands, its flag as an em-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 61\\nblem of sovereignty never had any business there, and Con-\\ngress should order its removal. This, so far from being de-\\nrogatory to the United States, would have a tendency to re-\\nstore the confidence of the world in our justice and in our\\nfidelity to the rights of men.\\nThe flag of our country has been desecrated in this war\\nby being used to crush a people wliO were contending for\\nfreedom, independence, and self-government, and the soon-\\ner that desecration ceases, the better it will be for all\\nconcerned.\\nIt is further objected against granting independence\\nand self-government to the Filipinos, that if we do this,\\nRussia, Germany, or Great Britain will gobble them up.\\nThis objection is purely imaginary. Those nations have\\ntheir hands full elsewhere and are not likely to interfere in\\nthis quarter. They have neither the soldiers nor the money\\nto spare for that speculation. If they should manifest\\nsymptoms of that kind, a plain and positive hint from the\\nUnited States would soon settle any of them. But, howevei\\nthat may be, this objection is, at best, no better than that of\\nthe thief who says, If I don t take that man s watch, some\\nother thief will, and so I will take it just to save it. It is\\nremarkable how all thieves and robbers, whether individual\\nor national, use the same arguments to reason money\\nor property out of other people s pockets into their own.\\nThe claim of the United States to conquer, hold, and\\ngovern the Philippine Islands rests upon the theory that we\\nare vastly superior to the people of those islands, and there-\\nfore have a right to subdue them and to provide such gov-\\nernment for them as we think is suitable. I am very sorry", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "62 The Great Trial of the\\nthat there is so little foundation for this theory. Experi\\nence has proved that we do not manage very well the people\\nwithin our own proper limits. We have taken very poor\\ncare of the Indians and negroes in several of the States of\\nthis Union. Since we began the war against Spain in the\\ninterest of humanity, the Indians have been robbed in\\nseveral of the States in Minnesota alone, according to high\\nauthority, of at least |300,000 in a few years. It is notorious\\nthat in some of the States negroes have been tortured, then\\nmurdered, and their bodies mutilated after death. In some\\nof the States we have had bloody riots, and upon such an\\nextensive scale as to threaten anarchy and widespread\\ncivil war.\\nSince our occupation of Manila we have very greatly\\nincreased the number of its saloons and given the heathen\\nChinee largely increased opportunities to exercise his pe-\\nculiar ways that are dark and tricks that are vain upon\\nour soldiers and others. In other respects, perhaps, we have\\nbeen equally short on morality since our advent among the\\nFilipinos.\\nIt is no pleasure for me to refer to our shortcomings\\neither at home or abroad. But it is necessary in order to\\nshow how baseless are our claims in this war and to set the\\ntruth clearly before the people. If we ever had a mission,\\nas some claim, to civilize barbarians and extend the bless-\\nings of liberty throughout the world, we threw away our cre-\\ndentials when we made war upon Mexico. Our condition at\\nhome and abroad shows that we have no right to any such\\nmission. We must take the beams out of our own eyes be-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 63\\nfore we can see how to take the motes out of the eyes of\\nother nations and peoples.\\nI have said that at present it seemed to me that Chris-\\ntianity was a failure. The Good Book tells us of a time\\nwhen evil men and seducers shall wax worse and worse, de-\\nceiving and being deceived. That time appears to be upon\\nus now. The government of the United States has fallen\\ninto the hands of evil men and seducers, who deceive the\\npeople and are themselves deceived. They are the agents,\\ntools, and puppets of a vast money power which made\\nand controls them. There is a passage in the Apostle\\nJames which is full of meaning and is peculiarly applicable\\nto the rich men who have been so long exploiting the gov-\\nernment and people of the United States. It should be pon-\\ndered well by them and by every man who loves his country.\\n1. Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for your\\nmiseries that shall come upon you.\\n2. Your riches are corrupted, and your garments\\nare moth-eaten.\\n3. Your gold and silver is cankered; and the rust of\\nthem shall be a witness against you, and shall eat your flesh\\nas it were fire. Ye have heaped treasure together for the\\nlast days.\\n4. Behold the hire of the laborers who have reaped\\ndown your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth\\nand the cries of them which have reaped are entered into\\nthe ears of the Lord of Sabaoth.\\n5. Ye have lived in pleasure on the earth, and been\\nwanton; ye have nourished your hearts, as in a day of\\nslaughter.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "64 The Great Trial of the\\nQ. Ye have condemned and killed the just; and he\\ndoth not resist you.\\nNo words of mine can add anything to the force of the\\nlesson here given us by the Apostle. It is for rich and poor,\\noppressor and oppressed, government and people. If the\\nrich men, speculators and politicians, who made or caused\\nto be made this Philippine War, would heed it, it might be\\nfor the lengthening of their tranquillity.\\nThere is one view of this Philippine business which to\\nme is very humiliating, and that is the attitude in which it\\nplaces our country towards the subject of slavery.\\nThe civilized world made the slave trade felony seventy\\nyears ago. The United States abolished negro slavery\\nthirty-five years ago. Now, the present administration says\\nit has purchased the Philippine Islands and owns them and\\nhas the right to govern them as it chooses; that the inhab-\\nitants of those islands have no right to govern themselves,\\nbut must submit, unconditionally, to the authority of their\\npurchasers. That is to say, the United States has revived\\nthe slave trade and purchased ten million slaves. It is\\nno answer to say that the transaction between Spain and\\nthe United States merely made the Filipinos serfs, for\\nserfdom is slavery. It differs in some respects from personal\\nvassalage, but it is slavery none the less.\\nThis condition was forced upon those people by\\nthe United States after they had acted as allies at our re-\\nquest; had rendered valuable service to our forces in the\\ntaking of Manila, and after General Otis, the officer in com-\\nmand of the United States forces in Luzon, had issued a\\nproclamation, in which he said: I will assure the people of", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 65\\nthe Philippine Islands the full measure of individual rights\\nand liberties which is the heritage of a free people.\\nGeneral Otis did this, knowing that his statement was\\nfalse, and having at the time in his possession a proclama-\\ntion of the President claiming sovereignty over the Islands\\nand directing their immediate occupation. This was done\\nto deceive the Filipinos. The Administration sanctioned\\nthis act of General Otis by retaining him in command, and\\nthus became a party to the fraud. I know of no greater act\\nof dishonor and perfidy in history than this. It is\\nworse than that practiced by Hengist and Horsa upon the\\nancient Britons and deserves universal execration.\\nMr. Lincoln rarely indulged in invective or denun-\\nciation. I was familiar with his speaking, both at the bar\\nand the forum, for nearly twenty years. Twice only in that\\ntime did I hear him abandon his usual method of fair but\\nearnest argument and illustration. But now, as the fraud\\nof Otis and the revival of the slave trade and the establish-\\nment of a slave empire in the Pacific by the United States\\nmet in his mind, he seemed to lose his wonderful patience\\nand self-control and broke out in a denunciation of the\\nauthors of these wrongs that almost lifted his hearers from\\ntheir seats. His defense and eulogy of the Declaration of\\nIndependence was magnificent, far surpassing anything he\\nhad ever said before. And his invective against those who\\nat the same time made war upon that Declaration and upon\\nthe Filipinos and the fair fame of their country among the\\nnations of the earth was terrible in its directness, bitter-\\nness, and force. He declared\\nThose men are traitors to liberty, are leading their", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "66 The Great Trial of the\\ncountrymen into the hateful paths of despotism, and are un-\\nfit to be the rulers of a free people. No man is fit to be a\\nruler of a free people who does not believe in and advocate\\nfreedom and self-government for all nations and peoples in\\nthe world. These men are the agents and promoters of\\nslavery and despotism, and the enemies, not only of\\ntheir own country, but of the human race.\\nIt is in vain for them to endeavor to cover up their ini-\\nquities by professing a wish to extend freedom and civiliza-\\ntion and religion to the Philippine Islands. Their freedom\\nis slavery; their civilization is barbarism; their religion is\\nhypocrisy. That hypocrisy is admitted by one of their own\\nablest writers in an article from which I take the following:\\nAll this gabble about civilization and uplifting the be-\\nnighted barbarians of Cuba and Luzon is mere sound and\\nfury, signifying nothing. Foolishly or wisely, we want\\nthese newly acquired territories, not for any missionary or\\naltruistic purposes, but for the trade, the commerce, the\\npower, and the money there is in them. Why beat about the\\nbush and promise all sorts of things? Why not be honest?\\nThe Philippine War has led to a greater development\\nof religious and political hypocrisy than was ever before ex-\\nhibited in this country.\\nThese men endeavor to cover up their iniquities, their\\ntreason to liberty and their promotion of slavery, by claim-\\ning that the Spanish and Philippine wars added greatly\\nto the prestige of the United States and made it one of\\nthe greatest powers in the world. But the United States\\nhad been one of the leading powers of the world long before.\\nIt was the war to put down the Rebellion and preserve the", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 67\\nUnion that gave our country its commanding position as one\\nof the leading and most influential nations in the world.\\nThat was a war of great armies and great generals on both\\nsides, of great battles and great victories and great defeats,\\ncompared with which the Spanish and Philippine wars were\\nchild s play a mere puppet-show.\\nThis everlasting boasting on account of our victories\\nover the Spaniards and Filipinos is a small business for a\\ngreat nation. It reminds me of a gigantic policeman I once\\nknew in Springfield, Illinois. He picked a quarrel with a\\nsmall newsboy about something that was none of his busi-\\nness, and whipped the little fellow half to death. To justify\\nhimself, he swore every day in the week that his honor re-\\nquired that he should whip the boy. And all the rest of his\\nlife he boasted of what a wonderful victory he had achieved.\\n*If we are ever so unfortunate as to be forced into war\\nwith one of the Great Powers and are so fortunate as to be\\nvictorious in that war, we will have something to boast of.\\nAt present we had better keep quiet.\\nThe Philippine War has lessened the patriotism and in-\\ncreased the selfishness of the American people. It has re-\\nduced the courage and increased the immorality of Ameri-\\ncan politicians. It has caused the nation to take a long\\nstep on the downward road to national corruption, degener-\\nacy, and ultimate ruin.\\nNothing can save us from the fate that always follows\\nwars of aggression and conquest and the consequent\\nnational demoralization and decay, but reformation at home\\nand doing justice abroad to every nation and to every\\npeople.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "68 The Great Trial of the\\n*It is no pleasure to me to say these things. But faith-\\nful are the wounds of a friend; and he is the best friend of\\nhis country, who, standing as a sentinel upon the watch-\\ntower of liberty, warns his countrymen of the approach of\\ndanger and shows them the way of escape.\\nMr. Lincoln spoke an hour and a half, his usual time in\\ndiscussing great questions, though occasionally he far ex-\\nceeded that time. He became more and more earnest, and,\\nif possible, engrossed and absorbed the attention of his audi-\\nence more and more the longer he spoke. I never before so\\nfully realized the statement of Webster, that when public\\nbodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, true\\nekxiuence is in the man and in the occasion, and clearness\\nand force are the qualities that produce conviction. In\\ndefending the Declaration of Independence from the politi-\\ncians, speculators, boodlers, and cranks who are fighting it,\\nand in returning their blows, he reminded me of the hurri-\\ncane, which in its resistless force bears down everything be-\\nfore it.\\nHe described with great clearness and force how the\\nCreator had endowed i. e., permanently invested the Fil-\\nipinos, in common with all men, with the inalienable right\\nto life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness, and self-government.\\nHe then drew a picture of an army of Liliputians, the\\nright wing of which was led by President McKinley (pushed\\non by Mark Hanna) and the left by President Schurman.\\nOne wing was trying to take the Declaration by direct as-\\nsault and the other to undermine it. He called this a ridic-\\nulous attempt by a band of pigmies to defeat a magnificent\\nendowment of the Almighty. J", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 69\\nHe then pictured a glorious being in the distance gaz-\\ning from his home in the clouds upon the scene and smiling\\nupon their puny efforts. Then raising himself to his full\\nheight, he pointed to the skies and cried out in a voice of ex-\\nultation, He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh: the\\nLord shall have them in derision.\\nWhile he was yet speaking, the enormous rock which\\nrepresented the Declaration, and which seemed to be embed-\\nded in the foundations of the earth, was moved by some in-\\nvisible force. In a moment it overwhelmed its miserable as-\\nsailants and buried them forever from human sight.\\nThe effect of this amazing panorama so suddenly cre-\\nated by the magic wand of the Great Vindicator of the Dec-\\nlaration was so great as to require an immediate adjourn-\\nment of the meeting. On motion of Mr. Madison, all fur-\\nther discussion was postponed till the next day at 10 o clock\\na. m.\\nLAFAYETTE S SPEECH.\\nLafayette said that he had been a soldier from his\\nyouth. In his boyhood he had been taught that France was\\nthe chosen home of chivalry and that the road to honor and\\nglory was war. So he joined the Guards; and, at the age of\\nnineteen became a captain of dragoons and was proud of\\nhis skill in all military exercises.\\nFortunately, the first war he became engaged in was\\nthe American Revolution, a war for liberty and self-govern-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "70 The Great Trial of tJie\\nment, and he never had the least inclination to favor an un-\\njust war afterwards. The part he took in the Eevolutiou\\nand subsequent wars in his own country was always in fa-\\nvor of liberty, justice, and good government. He had, in his\\nexperience in the old and new worlds, throughout a long\\nlife, learned a great deal about war. He had been in many\\nbattles and was once a prisoner for five years in unwhole-\\nsome dungeons.\\nThe false teachings of his youth had yielded to the true\\nlessons of experience. The bright visions of military glory\\nin which he had indulged in early life had been dispelled\\nby the stern reality of the battle-field, the siege, and the\\nprison, with their accompaniments of wounds, mutilation,\\ndisease, starvation, misery, and death to all ages, both sexes,\\nand the innocent and guilty alike. Upon this subject he had\\nlearned to think and speak the truth. The horrors of war\\nwas a true and correct expression and there was little room\\nfor charity for any ruler or any government, of any name or\\nnature, which made, or caused to be made, an,y war which\\nwas not absolutely necessary to the national existence or to\\nthe preservation of its freedom.\\nHe said that he had adopted the views of a great philo-\\nsophical writer, that war originates in the selfishness of the\\nhuman heart, and is generally caused by ambition, avarice,\\nor revenge. The great exemplars of the spirit of war and of\\nits destructiveness were Alexander, Caesar, and Napoleon.\\nThey killed more men, made more widows and orphans, and\\ncreated more misery in the world than any other three de\\nstroyers of the race. And at the bottom of all the wars they", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century- 71\\nwaged was that selfish and deadly ambition which petrifies\\nthe human heart. He said\\nFrance has been afflicted in this way by the selfishness\\nof her rulers throughout almost her entire history as a na-\\ntion. Such kings as Francis the First, Louis the Four-\\nteenth, and many others of the same character before the\\nKevolution, and the two Bonapartes after the Revolution,\\nwere the worst enemies of their country and of mankind and\\nexhausted in their wicked wars the wealth and resources of\\nFrance; sometimes decimated her people and filled half her\\nhomes with sorrow and mourning. The war made by Louis\\nNapoleon on the German Empire, less than thirty years ago,\\nwas so wicked and foolish in its origin and so ruinous and\\nhumiliating to France in its result that the only way to ac-\\ncount for it is upon the theory that its author was under the\\ninfluence of an uncontrollable infatuation. Nearly all the\\nkings of France who had any ability were warriors; and\\nonly one of them in nine hundred years was at once a great\\nking and a good man. Louis the Ninth, called in history St,\\nLouis, occupies alone this proud preeminence.\\nHow shall France attain the position to which she is\\nentitled among the nations? Not by war, for war has been\\nthe incubus which has retarded her progress; but by peace\\nand the works of peace. By devotion to science, to liter-\\nature, to agriculture, to manufactures, to all the arts of\\npeace, France may and will soon take her natural place\\namong the leading nations of the world. She is already tak-\\ning a long step in that direction in her great Exposition. If\\nshe will take for her motto in the future, Peace is the true\\nglory of nations, and steadily adhere to it, she will, at", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "72 The Great Trial of the\\n110 distant day, equal any nation in Europe in all that makes\\na people truly great, i)rosperous, and happy, and her chil-\\ndren, scattered all over the earth, will feel a patriotic and\\nexultant pride in the true and lasting glory of their native\\nland.\\nAs to the Philippine War, it should be regarded as an-\\nother instance of the vicious influence which selfish ambi-\\ntion so often exerted over the rulers of the world. I cannot\\nconceive of the founders of the American Republic engag-\\ning in such a war as that. They would have considered it\\ntreason to liberty and to the Declaration of Independence.\\nOn the 4th of July, 1776, when John Adams was advo-\\ncating the Declaration of Independence from Great Britain,\\nhe said: We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day.\\n^Vhen we are in our graves, our children will honor it. He\\nsaid much more to the same effect, and all that he predicted\\ncame to pass. In 1824, forty-eight years after the Declara-\\ntion was made, I visited the United States and remained\\nmore than a year, traveling all over the country as the guest\\nof the nation, and never in the history of this world was such\\nan ovation given to any mortal man. The whole people rose\\nup as one man to welcome me. Everywhere it was Wel-\\ncome! Welcome!! Welcome!!! Lafayette!\\nI do not recall these scenes from vanity, but to show\\nthe devotion of the American people to Liberty, for it was\\nLiberty they were honoring in their v.elcome to me. It is\\nimpossible for me to express my gratification and pride at\\nhearing my name and Liberty repeated together all over the\\nUnited States. It was as the friend of Liberty that the\\nPresident received me. It was as the friend of Liberty that", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. T3\\nthe great orator of the West, Mr. Clay, as Speaker of the\\nHouse of Representatives, welcomed me with h^s wonderful\\neloquence. And that welcome was repeated all over th-.^\\nland by old and young by the survivors of the Revolu-\\ntionary War and their children, and their children s chil-\\ndren; from the venerable soldier, tottering on the brink of\\nthe grave, to the infant in the cradle.\\nThese honors, which were far greater than I deserved,\\nwere bestowed upon me by the rulers and people of the Uni-\\nted States because they considered that I had been the life-\\nlong friend, advocate, and defender of liberty, independence,\\nand self-government in the Old World and the New.\\nI was invited to assist in laying the corner-stone\\nof Bunker Hill Monument on the 17th day of June, 1825. I\\nheard the oration pronounced on that occasion by the great\\norator of New England, Mr. Webster. I heard him state the\\nobjects of the erection of that monument. I heard him say\\nit was to show our own deep sense of the value and import-\\nance of the achievements of our ancestors; and, by present-\\ning this work of gratitude to the eye, to keep alive similar\\nsentiments and to foster a constant regard for the principles\\nof the Revolution. ^vg consecrate our\\nwork to the spirit of national independence, and we wish\\nthat the light of peace may rest upon it forever.\\nWe wish that labor may look up he; and be proud\\nin the midst of its toil. j^^t it rise let\\nit rise till it meets the sun in his coming let the earliest light\\nof the morning gild it and parting day linger and play upon\\nits summit I never can forget the intense earnestness of\\nthe speaker as he turned to me and said: Sir, we are as-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "74 The Great Trial of the\\nsembled to commemorate the establishment of great public\\nprinciples of liberty and to do honor to the distinguished\\ndead. Nor can I ever forget the closing sentence of the\\ngreat orator and his invocation that the United States\\nmight become itself a vast and splendid monument, not of\\noppression and terror, but of wisdom, of peace, and of\\nliberty, upon which the world may gaze with admiration\\nforever!\\nA great change has come over the rulers of this coun-\\ntry since that day. They have abandoned the doctrines of\\nliberty and independence proclaimed by the Declaration, and\\nrepeated by Webster, and are doing their utmost to crush\\nthem in the Philippines. The President made war upon\\nthem for that very purpose, and to force upon them a govern-\\nment they do not want, and is making of their country, not\\na monument of wisdom, of peace, and of liberty, but a\\nmonument of oppression and terror.\\nThe relations between the Filipinos and the Ameri-\\ncans at the close of the war with Spain were much the same\\nas those between France and the Americans at the close of\\nthe Revolutionary War. France had as much right to pur-\\nchase the Colonies from Great Britain as the United States\\nhad to purchase the Philippines from Spain. But if she\\nhad done so, I should have been tempted to renounce\\nmy country, for I would have regarded the attempt as not\\nonly unjust, but dastardly. The Filipinos had been fight-\\ning for liberty and independence for many years. For their\\nallies to turn against them when that independence was\\nnearly an accomplished fact, and destroy it by claiming\\nthe right, under a purchase, to sovereignty over them with-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. ^5\\nout their consent and to force them to abandon their liberty\\nand independence and accept a new and foreign government\\nagainst their determined opposition, made a very strong\\ncase against the author of that war. In my opinion, the ver-\\ndict of the jury could not have been different under the evi-\\ndence and instructions.\\nSPEECH OF MR. MADISON.\\nMr. Madison said: The power to declare war was, by\\nthe Constitution, conferred upon Congress. Notwithstand-\\ning this, two of our Presidents had made war without the\\nauthority of Congress. The Mexican War was made by Presi-\\ndent Polk and the Philippine War was made by President\\nMcKinley. Both cases were dangerous usurpations of power,\\nwhich it is to be hoped will never be repeated.\\nIt was no justification of the President in this case to\\nsay that it was his right and duty to put down the rebellion\\nof the Filipinos, for there was no rebellion. As already\\nshown, a people cannot rebel against an authority to which\\nthey are not subject, nor could they be subject to an author-\\nity to whose sovereignty they had never consented. Rebel-\\nlion, in the proper sense of that term, presupposes the duty\\nof allegiance; and in this case there was no such duty. Sov-\\nereignty of one people over another cannot be acquired in any\\nway without the consent of both parties, except by conquest\\nin a just war.\\nIn the beginning this was a presidential war. Its sub-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "76 The Great Trial of the\\nsequent ratification by Congress made it national, but did not\\nmake it constitutional. The grant of the war power to Con-\\ngress by the Constitution is general, but it is not unlimited.\\nIt is limited by the objects for which the Constitution was\\nformed. These are to form a more perfect union, establish\\njustice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common\\ndefense, promote the general welfare, and secure the bless-\\nings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.\\nXone of these objects are promoted by the Philippine\\nWar. It is antagonistic to most of them, and its continuance\\nis a great abuse of the war power. It is waged directly\\nagainst the most important right proclaimed in the Declara-\\ntion the right of every people to freedom, independence,\\nand self-government.\\nIt has been insisted in this case that the Philippine\\nIslands belong to the United States by the law of nations;\\nthat this country acquired them, in accordance with that law,\\nby treaty with Spain. An examination of some of the lead-\\ning authorities upon international law, and an apijlication of\\nthat law to the evidence in this case, will show that there is\\nno ground for this claim.\\nVattel says: The law of nations is the science which\\nteaches the rights subsisting between nations or states and\\nthe obligations correspondent to those rights.\\nSince men are naturally equal, and a perfect equality\\nprevails in their rights and obligations, as equally proceed-\\ning from Nature nations composed of men, and considered\\nas so many free persons living together in a state of nature,\\nare naturally equal and inherit from Nature the same obli-\\ngations and rights. Power or weakness does not in this re-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 77\\nspect produce any difference. A dwarf is as much a man as\\na giant; a small republic is no less a sovereign State than the\\nmost powerful kingdom. By a necessary consequence of that\\nequality, whatever is lawful for one nation is equally lawful\\nfor any other; and whatever is unjustifiable in the one is\\nequally so in the other. (Vattel s Law of Nations, Sec. 18.)\\nWheaton says: A nation associating itself with the\\ngeneral society of nations, thereby recognizes a law common\\nto all nations by which its international relations are to be\\nregulated. It cannot violate this law without exposing itself\\nto the danger of incurring the enmity of other nations and\\nwithout exposing to hazard its own existence. The motive\\nwhich induces each particular nation to observe this law\\ndepends upon its persuasion that other nations will observe\\ntowards it the same law. The jus gentium is founded upon\\nreciprocity of will. It has neither law-giver nor supreme\\njudge, since independent states acknowledge no superior\\nhuman authority. Its organ and regulator is public opinion\\nits su^jreme tribunal is history which forms at once the ram-\\npart of justice and the Nemesis by which injustice is avenged.\\nIts sanction, or the obligation of all men to respect it, results\\nfrom the moral order of the universe which will not suffer\\nnations and individuals to be isolated from each other, but\\nconstantly tends to unite the whole family of mankind in one\\ngreat harmonious society. (Wheaton s International Law,\\npp. 16 and 17.)\\nThe principal in the war, the sovereign in whose name\\nit has been carried on, cannot justly make a peace without\\nincluding his allies I mean those who have given him assist-\\nance without directly taking part in the war.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "78 The Great Trial of the\\nBut the treaty concluded by the principal is no further\\nobligatory on his allies than as they are willing to accede to\\nit, unless they have given him full power to treat for them.\\n(Vattel s Law of Nations, p. 436.)\\nThose treaties dictated by a conquering party which\\nhave the effect to destroy the national existence of the van-\\nquished state or deprive it of some essential right which is\\nnecessary to separate political existence are not obligatory\\nany longer than the society affected thereby chooses to treat\\nthem as such. (Pomeroy s International Law, edited by\\nProf. T. S. Woolsey, p. 348; and see pp. 350, 351, and 352, to\\nthe same effect.)\\nA nation is an aggregate of individuals, and has all\\nthe rights of attack and defense that a man in a state of\\nnature would have by natural law. Whatever is right in\\nitself such a one could lawfully do. Whatever is right in\\nitself a nation may lawfully do. There being no parliament\\nor tribunal of nations to agree upon rules of right, we may\\nsay in general that the true law of nations, as of an indi-\\nvidual person, is the law of God. Certainly both communi-\\nties and individuals are bound to act justly, mercifully, and\\nreasonably. Morality is incumbent upon both. The law of\\nnations is summarily written in the Ten Commandments.\\n(Waples on Proceedings in Bern, p. 372.)\\nEvery true sovereignty is in its own nature inalien-\\nable. Let us conclude, then, that as\\nthe nation alone has a right to subject itself to a foreign\\npower, the right of really alienating the state can never be-\\nlong to the sovereign, unless it be expressly given to him by", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. T9\\nthe whole body of the people. (Vattel s Law of Nations,\\npp. 31 and 32.)\\nIn the case of Samuel A. Worcester vs. State of Geor-\\ngia, Chief -Justice Marshall, delivering the opinion of the Su-\\npreme Court of the United States, says:\\nThese articles are associated with others recognizing\\ntheir title to self-government. The very fact of repeated\\ntreaties with them recognizes it; and the settled doctrine\\nof the law of nations is that a weaker power does not sur-\\nrender its independence its right to self-government by\\nassociating with a stronger, and taking its protection. A\\nweak state, in order to provide for its safety, may place itself\\nunder the protection of one more powerful, without stripping\\nitself of the right of government, and ceasing to be a State.\\nExamples of this kind are not wanting in Europe. Tribu-\\ntary and feudatory states, says Vattelj^ do not thereby cease\\nto be sovereign and independent states, so long as self-gov-\\nernment and sovereign and independent authority are left in\\nthe administration of the state. At the present day, more\\nthan one state may be considered as holding its right of self-\\ngovernment under the guarantee and protection of one or\\nmore allies. (6 Peters, p. 560.)\\nChancellor Kent defines the law of nations to be that\\ncode of public instruction which defines the rights and pre-\\nscribes the duties of nations, in their intercourse with each\\nother. (1 Kent s Com., p. 1.)\\nNations are equal in respect to each other, and enti-\\ntled to claim equal consideration for their rights, whatever\\nmay be their relative dimensions or strength, or however\\ngreatly they may differ in government, religion, or manners.\\n6", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "80 The Great Trial of the\\nIt is a necessary consequence of this equality, that\\neach nation is entitled to govern itself as it may think proper,\\nand no one nation is entitled to dictate a form of government,\\nor religion, or a course of internal policy, to another.\\nNo State is entitled to take cognizance or notice of the\\ndomestic administration of another State or of what passes\\nwithin it as between the government and its own subjects.\\nWe have several instances within time of mem-\\nory of unwarrantable and flagrant violations of the inde-\\npendence of nations. (Kent s Com., p. 22.)\\nIn cases where the principal jurists agree, the pre-\\nsumption will be very great in favor of the solidity of their\\nmaxims; and no civilized nation that does not arrogantly set\\nall ordinary law and justice at defiance will venture to disre-\\ngard the uniform sense of the established writers on inter\\nnational law. England and the United States have been\\nequally disposed to acknowledge the authority of the works\\nof jurists writing professedly on public law and the binding\\nforce of the general usage and practice of nations, and the\\nstill greater respect due to judicial decisions recognizing and\\nenforcing the law of nations. (Kent s Com., p. 18.)\\nWith respect to the cession of places or territories by\\ntreaty of peace, though the treaty operates from the making\\nof it, it is a principle of public law that the national char-\\nacter of the place agreed to be surrendered by treaty con-\\ntinues as it was under the character of the ceding country\\nuntil it be actually transferred. Full sovereignty cannot be\\nheld to have passed by the mere words of the treaty without\\nactual delivery. To complete the right of property, the\\nright to the thing and the possession of the thing must be", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 81\\nunited. This is a necessary principle of the law of property\\nin all systems of jurisprudence. There must be both the\\njus in (ad) rem and the jus in re, according to the distinction\\nof the civilians, and which Barbeyrac (C) says they bor-\\nrowed from the canon law. This general law of property\\napplies to the right of territory no less than to other rights.\\nThe practice of nations is full of instances of this kind and\\nseveral of them were stated by Sir William Scott in the opin-\\nion he gave in the case of the Fama. (Kent s Com., p. 178.)\\nSherston Baker, one of the latest and best writers on\\nthis subject, says: International law or the law of nations,\\njus inter gentes, may be defined to be the rules of conduct\\nregulating the intercourse of States. (See International\\nLaw, by Sir Sherston Baker, p. 14.)\\nOn page 15 he says It is said that the right and duties\\nof states, which require an international law for their regu-\\nlation and enforcement, result from the law of Nature, or\\nby the will of God, and that the rules of the law, whether\\nresulting from compact, custom, or usage, outwardly express\\nthe consent of nations to things which are naturally that is,\\nby the law of God binding upon them.\\nOn page 19 he says: The first source from which are\\ndeduced the rules of conduct which ought to be observed\\nbetween nations is the divine law, or principle of justice,\\nwhich has been defined as a constant and perpetual dispo-\\nsition to render every man his; due.\\nGrotius lays down the broad principle that the posi-\\ntive laws of nations may add to, but cannot subtract from,\\nthe law of Nature. Others say that human laws are only", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "82 The Great Trial of the\\ndeclaratory, but have no power over the substance of original\\njustice. The principle of justice, deeply rooted in the nature\\nand interest of man, pervades the whole system, and is dis-\\ncoverable in every part of it, even to the minutest ramifica-\\ntion in a legal formality, or in the construction of an article\\nin a treaty.\\nOn pages 37, 38, and 39 he says The right of a sov-\\nereign state to the choice of its own rulers rests upon the\\nsame foundation as its right to determine the form of its own\\ninternal constitution and the interference of a foreign state\\nin the one case cannot be justified except under the same\\ncircumstances and upon the same grounds as the other viz.,\\nthe immediate and pressing danger of its own independence\\nand security.\\nBut this impending or contingent danger to the gen-\\neral peace of nations, or to the independence of particular\\nstates, is more frequently appealed to as an excuse than as\\na justifiable reason, for foreign interference in the internal\\naflairs of others. And instead of preserving peace, such un-\\nlawful interference has frequently been the cause of wars\\nthe most cruel and bloody that have ever stained the annals\\nof history.\\nOn pages 59, 60, and 61 he says: A state is regarded\\nin public law as capable of the same rights, duties, and obli-\\ngations, with respect to other states, as individuals with re-\\nspect to other individuals. Among the most important of\\nthese natural rights is that of acquiring, possessing, and en-\\njoying property. The property of the state, of whatsoever\\ndescription, is marked by the same characteristics relatively\\nto other states as the property of individuals; that is to say,", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century- 83\\nit is exclusive of foreign interference and susceptible of free\\ndisposition. a sovereign state has the same\\nabsolute right to dispose of its territorial or other public\\nproperty, but it depends upon its own municipal constitu-\\ntion and laws how and by what department of its govern-\\nment the disposition shall be made.\\nNevertheless, in order to make such a transfer valid,\\nthe authority, whether de facto or de jure, must be competent\\nto bind the state. Hence the necessity of examining into\\nand ascertaining the powers of the rulers, as the municipal\\nconstitutions of different states throw many difficulties in\\nthe way of alienations of their public property, and particu-\\nlarly of their territory. Especially in modern times the con-\\nsent of the governed, express or implied, is necessary before\\nthe transfer of their allegiance can regularly take place.\\nFormerly what Grotius calls patrimonial kingdoms\\nwere considered in the light of absolute property of particu-\\nlar families, who transferred them to others at their will,\\nsometimes by mortgage and sometimes by deeds of gift and\\nby bequests.\\nAs the inhabitants of such kingdoms had, by their\\nblind submission to their rulers, become mere adjuncts of the\\nsoil, the transfer of the sovereignty was considered to in-\\nclude not only the right of eminent domain and the absolute\\nproperty of the sovereign or state, but all private lands, and\\nthe property and services of the subjects, who were trans-\\nferred with the soil, in the same manner as a slave-holder\\nmay transfer his slaves and all they may possess, together\\nwith the title to his plantation.\\nBut in modern times sales and transfers of national", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "84 The Great Trial of the\\nterritory to another power can only be made by treaty or\\nsome solemn act of the sovereign authority of the state.\\nAnd such transfers of territory do not include the allegiance\\nof its inhabitants without their consent, express or implied,\\nand a change of sovereignty does not involve any change in\\nthe ownership of private property. The new sovereignty,\\nhowever, acquires the same right of eminent domain as that\\nheld by the former.\\nOn page 164 he says But mere cession by treaty does\\nnot of itself operate as an immediate transfer of the alle-\\ngiance of the inhabitants of the ceded territory. They re-\\nmain subjects of the power to which their allegiance was\\noriginally due until the solemn delivery of the possession by\\nthe ceding state and an assumption of the government by\\nthat to which the cession is made. The actual delivery of\\nthe possession and the actual exercise of the powers of gov\\nernment must be clearly shown.\\nOn page 157 he says: The obligation of a state to ren-\\nder justice to all others is a perfect obligation of strictly\\nbinding force at all times and under all circumstances. No\\nstate can relieve itself from this obligation under any pre-\\ntext whatever.\\nOn page 204 and 205 he says: War makes men public\\nenemies, but it leaves in force all duties which are not neces-\\nsarily suspended by the new position in which men are\\nplaced towards each other. Good faith is, therefore, as essen-\\ntial in war as in peace, for without it hostilities could not be\\nterminated with any degree of safety short of the total de-\\nstruction of one of the contending parties. This being ad-\\nmitted as a general principle, the question arises. How far", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 86\\nmay we deceive an enemy and what strategems are allow-\\nable in war? Whenever we have expressly or tacitly\\nengaged to speak the truth to an enemy, it would be perfidy\\nin us to deceive his confidence in our sincerity. But other-\\nwise we are justified in leading him into error, either by\\nwords or actions.\\nOn pages 350 and 351 he says: Military occupation\\nsuspends the sovereignty and dominion of the former owner\\nso long as the conquered territory remains in the possession\\nof the conqueror, or in that of his allies. The temporary do-\\nminion of the latter completely excludes, for the time being,\\nthe original dominion of the former. The vanquished\\nsovereign, therefore, has no power as against the conqueror\\nto alienate any part of his own territory which may be at\\nthe time in the possession of the latter. If the conquest be\\ncompleted or confirmed, the title passes to the conqueror pre-\\ncisely as it was when the latter first acquired the possession.\\nNo other party can claim any right over it arising from any\\nconveyance or transfer from the vanquished while it was in\\nthe conqueror s possession. But if it be surrendered up to\\nthe former owner or recovered by him, such conveyance\\nwould become valid, for the alienor would not be permitted\\nto deny his own act. It is a principle of jurisprudence that\\nthe jus in re (the possession of) and the jus ad rem (the right\\nto) the thing alienated are necessary in the grantor in order\\nto constitute a complete title. During military occupation\\nthese exist together neither in the original owner nor in the\\nconqueror. The title conveyed by either is, therefore, im-\\nperfect; if by the former, it is made good by a restoration of", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "86 TJie Great Trial of the\\nthe conquest; and if by the latter, it is completed by a con-\\nfirmation of the conquest.\\nProf. Woolsey, one of the highest authorities on this\\nsubject says: A state s territorial right gives no power to\\nthe ruler to alienate a part of the territory in the way of bar\\nter or sale, as was done in feudal times. In other words, the\\nright is a public or political, and not a personal one. Nor, in\\njustice, can the state itself alienate a portion of its territory\\nwithout the consent of the inhabitants upon the same, and if\\nthis is done after conquest, it is only the acknowledgment\\nof an unavoidable fact (Woolsey on International Law,\\np. 65.)\\nIf we apply the rules of international law laid down\\nin the foregoing citations to the facts established in this\\ncase, we will find that the cession of the Philippine Islands\\nto the United States by Spain in the treaty of Paris\\nconveyed no title for the following reasons:\\nFirst Spain did not, and could not, deliver to the Uni-\\nted States possession of the territory ceded, nearly all of it\\nbeing then in possession of the Filipinos and held by them\\nadversely to Spain and for themselves.\\nSecond The Filipinos had been the allies of the United\\nStates in the war with Spain and were not parties to the\\ntreaty, and therefore could not be bound by it.\\nThird They never consented to the treaty nor to the\\nsovereignty of the United States, but always claimed and in-\\nsisted upon their right to freedom, independence, and self-\\ngovernment, against Spain, the United States and all the\\nworld.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. ^7\\nIt is clear without further argument, that in making\\nand waging war upon the Filipinos to acquire possession\\nand control of their country, the military power of the Uni-\\nted States violated that perfect obligation of a state which\\nSherston Baker says is of strictly binding force at all times\\nand under all circumstances.\\nIt is another proof of the statement of Prof. Hall, that\\nthe rules of international law are often quietly ignored or\\nbrutally disregarded.\\nIn fact, this was virtually admitted by Senator Carter\\nwhen he said: This is a practical age. We are going to\\ndeal with the question on the basis of dollars and cents.\\nNeither religion nor sentiment will have much influence in\\ndetermining the verdict. The great question will be, Will it\\npay?\\nIf there are any in this vast assembly who are not sat-\\nisfied to have this question settled by the law of nations, it\\nmay be said that there is for them and for all true Ameri-\\ncans a higher law than this, by which they are bound to con-\\ncede to the Filipinos the right to freedom, independence,\\nand self-government. That law is the Declaration of Inde-\\npendence. Its promulgation was the most solemn recogni-\\ntion of the rights of man ever made. Upon its truths this\\nnation was founded. In dealing with other nations and peo-\\nples we are absolutely concluded by its principles.\\nOur fathers declared that all men are endowed\\nby their Creator with the rights they enumerated. That en-\\ndowment is universal and perpetual and binding always and\\neverywhere. Whoever attempts to deprive any nation or", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "88 The Or eat Trial of the\\npeople of its benefits is opposed to the government of the\\nGreat Author of the endowment.\\nOur fathers built our system of self-government upon\\nthat endowment of the Creator. Whoever, in any position,\\nhigh or low, private or official, attempts to overthrow\\nor undermine it, or in any way to defeat its operation, is an\\nenemy to his country, for he would destroy the foundation\\nupon which all of our institutions rest. That great boon is\\na shield and protection to the rights of all men or of none.\\nWe cannot justly claim it for ourselves and deny it to\\nothers.\\nThe doctrine that the Constitution does not confer up-\\non Congress or the President the power to make and carry\\non wars of aggression and aggrandizement is supported by\\nthe authority of the highest tribunal in our country. In the\\ncase of Fleming Marshall vs. Page (9th Howard, pp.\\n614-615), the Supreme Court of the United States says:\\nThe country in question had been conquered in war.\\nBut the genius and character of our institutions are peace-\\nful and the power to declare war was not conferred upon\\nCongress for the purpose of aggression or aggrandiaement,\\nbut to enable the general government to vindicate by arms,\\nif it should become necessary, its own rights and the rights\\nof its citizens. A war, therefore, declared by Congress can\\nnever be presumed to be waged for the purpose of conquest\\nor the acquisition of territory; nor does the law declaring\\nthe war imply an authority to the President to enlarge the\\nlimits of the United States by subjugating the enemy s\\ncountry.\\nThe United States, it is true, may extend its", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 89\\nboundaries by conquest or treaty, and may demand the ces-\\nsion of territory as the condition of peace in order to indem-\\nnify its citizens for the injuries they have suffered or to re-\\nimburse the government for the expenses of the war. But\\nthis can be done only by the treaty-maliing power or\\nthe legislative authority, and is not a part of the power con-\\nferred upon the President by declaration of war. His duty\\nand his power are purely military.\\nThis seems sufficiently clear, for it was not necessary\\nfor the United States to make war upon the Filipinos to\\nvindicate its own rights and the rights of its citizens. The\\nwar was merely one of aggression and conquest and for the\\nacquisition of territory to which, as against the Filipinos,\\nthe United States had no valid right whatever.\\nWhat the Court says about the right of the United\\nStates to extend its boundaries by conquest or treaty and to\\ndemand the cession of territory as the condition of peace in\\norder to indemnify its citizens for the injuries they have suf-\\nfered, etc., does not help the case as against the Filipinos,\\nfor the United States had suffered no injury from them. On\\nthe contrary, it had received much benefit. If the United\\nStates had a right to indemnity against Spain, no treaty be-\\ntween these parties could bind the persons or property or\\nterritory of the Filipinos. Spain had neither the posses-\\nsion nor the right to possess the one-hundredth part of those\\nislands, nor could the treaty give the United States title to\\nany part of them against the Filipinos without the con-\\nsent of the latter, as already often stated in this discussion.\\nI consider the question of the extent of the power of\\nCongress, under the Constitution, to declare and wage war", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "90 The Great Trial of the\\nso important that, with the indulgence of the meeting, I\\nwould say something more on that subject before closing.\\nMany years ago I gave in The Federalist (No. 40) two\\nrules of construction, the application of which ought to set-\\ntle the question whether the power of Congress to declare\\nwar is unlimited. The rules are these, and are dictated by\\nplain reason as well as founded on legal maxims: The one\\nis that every part of the expression ought, if possible, to\\nbe allowed some meaning, and be made to conspire to\\nsome common end. The other is, that where the sev-\\neral parts cannot be made to coincide, the less important\\nshould give way to the more important part; the means\\nshould be sacrificed to the end, rather than the end to the\\nmeans.\\nLet the most scrupulous expositors of the delegated\\npowers answer whether it is of most importance that the\\nrights enumerated in the Preamble to the Constitution\\nshould be preserved, or that Congress should have unlimited\\npower to declare war, or to authorize the President to make\\nwar upon any people. Let them answer whether the preser\\nvation of the enumerated rights and blessings for which the\\nConstitution was formed, or the unlimited exercise of the\\nwar power by Congress, is the more important. Which is\\nthe more important, the end or the means? Or rather,\\nwhich is the more important, the ends to be attained, or the\\nextreme and arbitrary exercise of one of the means provided\\nby the Constitution to attain them? There can be but one\\nanswer to these questions.\\nIt is not intended to undervalue the war power, but to", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. \u00c2\u00ae1\\nguard against its abuse. It is not intended to deny the\\nright and duty of Congress to exercise its discretion in de-\\nclaring and waging war, but to insist that its discretion\\nshould be reasonably exercised and that the wars declared\\nby it must be for objects contemplated by the Constitution.\\nThe power given the courts and judges to grant injunc-\\ntions is a salutary one. But an arbitrary and unjust judge\\nor court may so abuse his discretion as to make what was in-\\ntended as a benefit a curse and a terror to the people. That\\nwould be an illegal exercise of a legal right.\\nSo the power of Congress to declare war may be\\nso abused as to become an unconstitutional exercise of a con-\\nstitutional power.\\nThe executive of the nation is the natural, proper, and\\nconstitutional commander-in-chief of its military force. But\\nif, in exercising that command, he so manages as to involve\\nhis country in war with another people, he is guilty of usur-\\npation and is liable for all the consequences which follow his\\nunconstitutional action. Such, as I understand from the evi-\\ndence, is the situation in the present case.\\nThe foregoing view of the limit and proper exercise of\\nthe war power under our Constitution is strengthened by a\\nconsideration of the history and character of the men who\\nformed that Constitution. They were intelligent, patriotic\\nmen, devoted to liberty and free government, and labored\\nlong and earnestly to frame a constitution which would se-\\ncure these blessings to themselves and their posterity for-\\never. Several of them were signers of the Declaration of In-\\ndependence, and most of them had been students of history", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "92 TJie Great Trial of the\\nand acquainted with the science and practice of government\\nfor many years.\\nIt is not reasonable to suppose that such men would\\nconfer upon any department of the government they framed\\nsuch a tremendous and dangerous power as unlimited discre-\\ntion in making and waging war. Such a power would be un-\\ncontrollable and despotic, and could be used to defeat the ob-\\njects for which the Constitution was formed. The logical\\nconclusion is that this power was not intended to be, and\\nwas not, conferred upon Congress, and that its exercise\\nwould be unconstitutional.\\nMr. Madison s manner was earnest but uuimpassioned.\\nHe commanded the most profound attention, and I deeply\\nregret my inability to reproduce his argument entire, or to\\ngive an adequate idea of its clearness and force.\\nCOUNT TOLSTOI S SPEECH.\\nCount Tolstoi said that he had been in the habit of giv-\\ning his views upon the subject of war freely for many years.\\nThat if any excuse or apology were necessary to justify him\\nin using great plainness of speech upon the present oc-\\ncasion, the extreme abuse of the jury indulged in at the po-\\nlitical meeting held by some of the friends of the President\\nlast night might furnish it.\\nLast year, he said, in answer to a letter, I again gave\\nmy opinions upon the subject of war; a part of what I then", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. d3\\nsaid is applicable to the present occasion, and I will repeat\\nit substantially as it was then given\\nEnlightened, sensible, good Christian people, who in-\\nculcate the principle of love and brotherhood, who regard\\nmurder as an awful crime, who, with very few exceptions,\\nare unable to kill an animal all these people suddenly, un-\\nder those conditions when these crimes are called war, not\\nonly acknowledge the destruction, j^lunder, and killing of\\npeople as right and legal, but themselves contribute towards\\nthese plunders and murders, prepare themselves for them,\\ntake part in them, are proud of them.\\n*If a man act in accordance with that which is dictated\\nto him by his reason, his conscience, and his God, only the\\nvery best can result for himself and for the world.\\nPeople complain of the evil conditions of life in our\\nChristian world, but is it possible for it to be otherwise\\nwhen all of us acknowledge not only that fundamental, di-\\nvine law proclaimed some thousands of years ago, Thou\\nshalt not kill, but also the law of love and brotherhood of\\nall men; and when, notwithstanding this, every man in our\\nEuropean world practically disavows this fundamental di-\\nvine law, acknowledged by him, and, at the command\\nof president, emperor, or minister, gf Nicholas or William,\\narrays himself in an idiotic costume, takes an instrument of\\nmurder, and says, Here I am, ready to injure, ruin, or kill\\nanyone I am ordered to.\\nGovernments do not desire the settlement of mis-\\nunderstandings; if there be none, they invent some in order\\nto have a pretext to keep up the army on which their power", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "94: The Great Trial of the\\nis based. Tribunals and arbitration serve but to divert the\\nattention of the workers and sufferers, etc., etc.\\nInternational relations are purposely always more and\\nmore complicated, which must bring about war; peaceful\\ncountries are being ransacked without the least cause; every\\nyear, in some place or other, plunders and murders take\\nplace, and all live in constant dread of general and mutual\\nrobbery and plunder.\\nThe plunderers of the world, in order to justify their\\nteachings that war i. e., murder is permissible, are loud in\\nproclaiming their adhesion to the Christian faith. But the\\nChristian religion is in its very nature opposed to murder\\nand violence. To overcome these seemingly grave discrep-\\nancies between their own teachings and those of Christ,\\nwhat better way is there than to cripple and distort Christ s\\nown religion, hiding its real meaning from the masses for\\nwhom the Savior died?\\nThis barbaric distortion began in Russia as early as\\nthe reign of Czar Constantine, that royal monster who, in-\\nstead of being hung, was canonized. His posterity, our\\npresent Czars, do their best, of course, to preserve this sacri-\\nlegious fraud. They stand as an impenetrable barrier be-\\ntween the people and the true meaning of Christianity, lest\\nthere should come a time when the people that big-hearted,\\nmillion-headed child should discover that the government,\\nwith its taxes, its soldiers, its prisons, its false priests, is not\\nonly no such pillar of Christianity as it would like to be con-\\nsidered, but its bitterest foe.\\nThis libel on Christianity is the mother of all the lies", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 95\\nand base decoctions that bewilder our minds and all the\\nmiseries our nation is suffering from,\\nIt is only necessary for the people to awake in or-\\nder to realize all the whole horror and insanity of that\\nwhich they have been and are doing; and, having realized\\nthis, to cease that evil which they themselves abhor and\\nwhich is ruining them. If only they were to refrain from the\\nevil which they themselves detest i. e., supporting war by\\npaying taxes and by personal service those ruling impost-\\nors who first corrupt and then oppress them, would, of them-\\nselves, naturally vanish like owls before the daylight; and\\nthen would be established those new, humane, brotherly con-\\nditions of life for which Christendom weary of suffering,\\nexhausted by deceit and lost in insoluble contradictions\\nis longing.\\nThe letter to which I have referred was written princi-\\npally with reference to the continent of Europe and Great\\nBritain. The last named nation is an anomaly in what is\\ncalled the civilized and Christian world. In the last three\\nhundred years that country has produced many men and wo-\\nmen in the various professions and pursuits of life distin-\\nguished for learning, morals, or religion, and sometimes for\\nevery accomplishment and every virtue, who have done much\\nfor their country and their race. Among the common people\\nalso there have always been many humane, good citizens.\\nBut the ruling classes, especially those who for the\\ntime being governed that country, including nearly all of\\ntheir kings since Alfred the Great, who had any ability, have\\nalways been cold-blooded, selfish, and brutal. England\\nadopted the Christian religion nearly twelve hundred years\\n7", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "96 The Great Trial of the\\nago, and since Henry the Eighth her kings have been at the\\nhead of the national church and often at the head of the\\nProtestant world; yet a large proportion of them were not\\nonly unfit to rule, but were unfit to live.\\nThe crimes of these men were horrible! Their history\\nis sickening. It was their fashion, for hundreds of years, to\\ntorture their enemies and those who opposed them, before\\nputting them to death, and to mutilate their bodies after.\\nThey considered all weak nations, all over the globe, their\\nlegitimate prey, and robbed and murdered them at will.\\nSince the revolution of 1688 they have ceased to practice tor-\\nture and mutilation, but to this very hour they have con-\\ntinued to practice robbery and murder wherever they have\\nbeen opposed in their efforts to extend their territory and\\ntrade,\\nIn spite of all the improvements she has made in\\nscience, literature, and art, in spite of all her professions of\\nmorality and religion, in spite of all the good and great men\\nand women whose names adorn her history, England re-\\nmains to-day what she has been for nearly a thousand years\\nthe great robber nation of the world.\\nA very discriminating French writer, in speaking of\\nthe civilization of the English people and the barbarism of\\nthe English government, expresses the contrast as that psy-\\nchological paradox of the Anglo-Saxon race whose individ-\\nual virtues are great and strong, but whose public hypocrisy\\nis abominable and whose national selfishness is next to vil-\\nlainy. Twenty generations of English history prove that the\\nFrenchman is right and that rapacity is the predominating", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century.\\nfeature of England s foreign policy. If any evidence were\\nneeded that a sordid and soulless commercialism still rules\\nher, the war in South Africa to crush out small republics by\\nthis nation, which boasts of being a land of freedom, would\\nbe ample proof.\\nI rejoice in the reverses she has received there,\\nand earnestly hope that her eventual failure may be so com-\\nplete and overwhelming that she will abandon forever the\\nold barbarous policy she inherited from the Angles, the Sax-\\nons, the Danes, and the Normans. I say this without malice\\nand in the interest of humanity. Her being driven out of\\nFrance was a benefit to her and to the world. Her being\\ndriven out of the thirteen North American colonies was bet-\\nter still. If she is driven out of South Africa, it will have a\\npowerful influence for good upon her and result in putting\\nan end to the unjust and cruel policy she has so long pursued.\\nIt will certainly break her prestige and greatly reduce her\\npower to do mischief. She will then have all she can do to\\nhold India and her other remote possessions.\\nThe people of the United States are called Anglo-\\nSaxons. It would be more nearly correct to call them Anglo-\\nAmericans, for seventy years after their declaration of inde-\\npendence of England they manifested little of the piratical\\nand brutal nature which characterized the Saxon. They\\nfounded their nation upon the right of all peoples to liberty,\\nindependence, and self-government, and, till a few years\\npast, considered the truths of their great Declaration sacred.\\nThey admitted that negro slavery, as it existed in nearly all\\nthe States, was an inconsistency, but affirmed that it was", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "98 The Great Trial of the\\nplanted here by England and the nations of Europe and that\\nit had taken such deep root that it could not be eradicated.\\nTheir peculiar relations to the Indian tribes at and before the\\nformation of their national government was another condi-\\ntion to which, as they said, they were unable to apply in prac-\\ntice their doctrines of the rights of man. But they started\\nat the first moment of their national existence at a point of\\npolitical civilization which no other nation ever reached, and\\nfor two generations they made no attempt to interfere with\\nthe liberty and independence of any other people, or forcibly\\nto deprive any foreign nation of any part of its terri-\\ntory. But in 1846 President Polk, as commander-in-chief\\nof the United States Army, precipitated a war with Mexico\\nfor the purpose of acquiring territory, and after the conquest\\nof that country under the thin disguise of a purchase the Uni-\\nted States took from Mexico a very large and valuable terri-\\ntory, which was really the spoils of an infamous war. In\\nthat transaction the Americans exhibited the rapacity of the\\nSaxon.\\nThe war against the Filipinos was begun in the same\\nway and for the same object, and is a worse exhibition of the\\nsame spirit. In fact, as some American writer has well said,\\nIt is one of the worst cases of territorial piracy in the history\\nof the world. Shame, everlasting shame and contempt, up-\\non any professedly Christian ruler who would deliberately\\nperpetrate such an outrage as that!\\nI believe that the author of this war is guilty of the\\nwillful and deliberate murder of every man and boy who has\\nbeen killed in it or who has come to his death by wounds or\\nsickness paused by it. And I believe further, that now is the", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 99\\ntime to put a stop to such crimes, if ever they are to be\\nstopped.\\nAmerica has been the great example and great hope of\\nthe lovers of liberty and humanity and self-government\\nthroughout the world. She started gloriously on her high\\ncareer as a nation. Her great statesmen held her steadily to\\nthe principles upon which she was founded. She had more\\ngreat and good chief magistrates in one hundred years than\\nGreat Britain has had in five hundred, and it would be the\\nsaddest picture in the book of time if she should continue in\\nthe downward road upon which she has now entered. Noth-\\ning but the most determined effort can save her, for it is as\\ntrue of nations as it is of individuals, as the history of the\\nworld has demonstrated that\\nThe gates of hell are open night and day,\\nSmooth s the descent and easy is the way;\\nBut to return and view the cheerful skies.\\nIn this the task and mighty labor lies.\\nAn English historian, in speaking of the despotism of\\nHenry the Eighth, says: All sense of loyalty to England, to\\nits freedom, to its institutions, has utterly passed away. The\\none duty which fills the statesman s mind is a duty to his\\nprince, a prince whose personal will and appetite were over-\\nriding the highest interests of the state, trampling under foot\\nthe wisest councils, and crushing with the blind ingratitude\\nof a fate the servants who opposed him.\\nThe distinction here made by the historian between loy-\\nalty to one s country and devotion to an unprincipled ruler,\\nwho would sacrifice the best interests of that country to\\ngratify himself, should never be forgotten. It is the sup-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "100 The Great Trial of the\\nport, both in war and in peace, of the highest interests and\\nmost lasting good of the nation, and not the support of any\\nruler, that makes a man a true patriot. It is a delusion to\\nsuppose that, because the ruler or rulers of a country have\\nplunged it into an unjust, disgraceful, and ruinous war, its\\ncitizens are bound to support them and are disloyal if they\\ndo not. The makers and supporters of unjust wars use the\\nword patriotism as a ruse to wheedle the people into the sup-\\nport of bad measures, which, as good citizens, they are bound\\nto and would oppose if they were not frightened from their\\npropriety by the dread of being called traitors for their op-\\nposition. Traitor is a dangerous word and should be handled\\nvery carefully. It is a two-edged sword and is applicable to\\nrulers as well as ruled, when the occasion demands it.\\nI am a Russian and have denounced the arbitrary and\\nunjust measures of the Czars of my country for many years\\ntheir war measures more than any others and shall con-\\ntinue to do it as long as I live. If the words patriot and\\ntraitor are to be used here, the Czar is not the patriot and\\nI am not the traitor. Henry the Eighth had Sir Thomas\\nMoore beheaded for treason for refusing to support him in\\none of his arbitrary measures, but Moore was the patriot and\\nHenry was the traitor. President Polk made the Mexican\\nWar and Mr. Lincoln opposed it and was called a traitor. If\\nthere was any treason in that business, I will submit the\\nquestion to the people of the United States to decide who\\nwas the traitor.\\nThe present chief magistrate of the United States made\\nand is now prosecuting a war against the inhabitants of the", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 101\\nPhilippine Islands, because they claim the right to freedom\\nand independence and self-government and refuse to be gov-\\nerned by him. In doing this he is making war upon the Dec-\\nlaration of Independence, upon the constitution of his coun-\\ntry, and upon the very principles upon which the government\\nwas founded. There are millions of people in the United\\nStates who believe that war is unjust and unconstitutional,\\nand that in its ultimate effects and consequences it will be\\nruinous to their country. They therefore oppose it. For\\nthis the President, in his travels through the country, in his\\nnumerous speeches, intimates and implies that they are trait-\\nors; and some of his supporters say it plainly. If I were an\\nAmerican as I am a Russian, and the President should call\\nme a traitor for opposing his foolish and wicked war, I would\\nundertake, by word and pen, to make him carry to the end of\\nhis days the mark of being himself a traitor as plainly as if\\nthe word were branded upon his forehead.\\nIt seems to me almost impossible that any considera-\\nble proportion of the American people can be imposed\\nupon much longer by the enormous deceit, the stupendous\\nlie, that this war is in favor of their country. It is against\\nit and against everything good in the political, moral, and\\nreligious world.\\nIt is understood that the President did not originally\\nintend to claim the Philippines, much less to take them by\\nwhat he called criminal aggression. Their appropriation\\nwas urged upon him by politicians who thought their seizure\\nwould be popular, and by speculators and traders who ex-\\npected to profit by it, and by well-meaning people who did", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "102 The Great Trial of the\\nnot realize the enormity of the spoliation. It is also known\\nthat many of his friends strongly opposed it, and that one,\\nSenator Sewell, of New Jersey, begged him, For God s sake,\\nMr. President, recall Dewey and let those islands alone!\\nThere is a world of meaning in that exclamation. It is also\\nbelieved, upon good evidence, that the robbery was finally\\ndecided upon by the influence of the British government. If\\nthis is true, it wa^s a bad day for the world when that selfish\\nmonarchy induced the great American republic to adopt her\\ncold-blooded and rapacious policy.\\nThe citizens of the United States are the most intelli-\\ngent people in the world. It is reasonable to conclude that\\nthe delusion under which many of them have been laboring,\\nthat patriotism requires them to support a war begun and\\nwaged for spoil and by the advice of another nation and for\\nher benefit, must pass away.\\nIt is to be hoped that their reason and sense of justice\\nwill return to them, that the principles of those great Presi-\\ndents, Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln, will be reestab-\\nlished in the government of the United States, and that all\\nits departments may be filled with men who will be faith-\\nful to their own country and devoted to the everlasting-\\ntruths of their Declaration of Independence.\\nGENERAL WASHINGTON S SPEECH.\\nGeneral Washington was the next speaker. He said:\\nIn discussing the importance of peace with all nations and\\nthe danger of being hurried into war by passion and preju-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 103\\ndice, in mj farewell address I stated that the nation,\\nprompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to\\nwar the government contrary to the best calculations of pol-\\nicy. The government sometimes participates in the national\\npropensity and adopts, through passion, what reason would\\nreject.\\n*^That statement grew out of the relations of the United\\nStates at that time to foreign nations, but was intended as a\\ngeneral truth, and has been entirely applicable to this coun-\\ntry since the beginning of the agitation against Spain. There\\nwas, to use Mr. Clay s expression, no dire necessity for our\\nwar with Spain. Spain, England, or Russia had, upon prin-\\nciple, the same right to make war upon the United States for\\nthe cruelty with which we treated the negroes and the rob-\\nbery we practiced upon the Indians, that we had to make\\nwar upon Spain for her robbery of and cruelty to the Cubans.\\nThe President, according to his own public and positive\\nstatement, was opposed to that war. The quotation I have\\nmade fits the origin of the war with Spain as well as it fit-\\nted the occasion for which it was made. That war, in my\\nopinion, was not the offspring of reason or principle or sound\\npolicy. Its professed object was to secure to the Cubans the\\nblessings of freedom and self-government. There is not, at;\\npresent, very much probability of any other fate for Cuba\\nthan a change of masters. But, however that may be, and\\nhowever specious and plausible may have been the reasons\\nfor the war with Spain, and however much good citizens may\\nhave been misled by them, I think it is perfectly clear that\\nthe war upon the Filipinos, because they insist upon their", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "104 The Great Trial of the\\nright to freedom and self-government and refuse to submit\\nthemselves and their country to the United States, is in di-\\nrect conflict with our Declaration of Independence, with\\nnatural right, and with the revealed will of the Governor of\\nthe Universe.\\nIt was with great regret that I felt compelled to find a\\nverdict against the President of the United States. I still\\nthink that it was right. If sustained by the people and Con-\\ngress, it may avert from our country the punishment which\\nalways follows great national crimes when unrepented of\\nand unatoned for.\\nBISHOP SIMPSON S ADDRESS.\\nThe subject which the meeting had been called to con-\\nsider has been so thoroughly discussed that I do not wish to\\nsay much in conclusion, except upon one point. That point\\nwas raised by Mr. Lincoln. He said: In discussing the\\nquestion of war, Christianity seemed to be a failure.\\nI had occasion many years since to preach a ser-\\nmon upon that subject, and time has confirmed me in\\nthe views I then expressed. It seems to me that I can do\\nnothing better in closing this meeting than to give the views\\nI then expressed, enlarged and ripened by subsequent\\nexperience:\\nThe advent of Christ was predicted 4,000 years before\\nHe appeared. This prediction was repeated by the prophet\\nIsaiah long afterwards in perhaps the grandest propheoy", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 105\\never uttered. I will read a part of it for your instruction\\nand my own\\n3. He is despised and rejected of men; a man of sor-\\nrows, and acquainted with grief; and we hid as it were our\\nfaces from him; he was despised, and we esteemed him not.\\n*4. Surely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our\\nsorrows; yet we did esteem him stricken, smitten of God, and\\nafflicted.\\n5. But he was wounded for our transgressions, he\\nwas bruised for our iniquities the chastisement of our peace\\nwas upon him and with his stripes we are healed.\\n*6. All we like sheep have gone astray; have turned\\nevery one to his own way and the Lord hath laid on him the\\niniquity of us all,\\n7. He was oppressed, and he was afflicted, yet\\nhe opened not his mouth; he is brought as a lamb to\\nthe slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb, so\\nhe opened not his mouth.\\n8. He was taken from prison and from judgment:\\nand who shall declare his generation? for he was cut off out\\nof the land of the living: for the transgression of my people\\nwas he stricken.\\n9. And he made his grave with the wicked, and with\\nthe rich in his death; because he had done no violence,\\nneither was any deceit in his mouth.\\n*10. Yet it pleased the Lord to bruise him he hath\\nput him to grief: when thou shalt make his soul an offering\\nfor sin, he shall see his seed, he shall prolong his days, and\\nthe pleasure of the Lord shall prosper in his hand.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "106 The Great Trial of the\\n11. He shall see of the travail of his soul, and shall\\nbe satisfied: by his knowledge shall my righteous servant\\njustify many; for he shall bear their iniquities.\\nNineteen hundred years ago, in fulfillment of this\\nprophecy, Christ came and performed His mission. He\\nspent his life in doing good and in teaching the best system\\nof morals and politics and religion ever known among men,\\nand sent His disciples to proclaim it throughout the world.\\nAll the suffering, sorrow, humiliation, and shame pre-\\ndicted by the prophet came upon him. He lived a perfect\\nlife and died an infamous death. The greatest writers who\\ndeny His divinity admit the grandeur and glory of His char-\\nacter, and that He was the greatest and best of created be-\\nings. Few have been so hardy as to deny that the rules\\nhe left for the guidance of our race, if universally followed,\\nwould transform the earth and lead to universal peace and\\nhappiness.\\nNo level-headed man can deny this who considers well\\nthe radical nature of the teaching of Christ and the solid and\\neternal foundation upon which His religion is based. Its\\nfoundation is love. Not the love of parent and child, of hus-\\nband or wife, of relative or friend or country, but the love of\\nall mankind as brethren, having the same origin and the\\nsame destiny.\\nIt is not easy to realize the far-reaching and revolu-\\ntionary nature of the teaching of Christ, if carried, as He in-\\ntended it should be, into every relation of life, including the\\nlaws, politics, and diplomacy of every government. And un-\\nless it is in its influence thus all-pervading, it falls far short", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 107\\nof its mission, and is indeed, to use the expression of Mr. Lin-\\ncoln, a failure. The mission of Christ was to remove evil\\nfrom the earth, to spread abroad peace and truth.\\nI need not take the time of such an audience as this to\\nprove that so far the gospel has not succeeded in removing\\nevil and spreading truth and peace throughout the world.\\nThe world is full of evil, and two of the most unjust wars in\\nhistory are now being waged by the two greatest nations,\\nwhich are nominally Christian, and all the great nations\\nof the world are armed to the teeth for war. More than\\nsixty-two generations have passed away since Clirist sent\\nHis apostles to teach all nations, and yet how little has really\\nbeen accomplished in morals or religion\\nTake uncivilized countries where the gospel has been\\npreached: how little effect it has had among them! Come\\nto civilized lands where the gospel is heard: how little in-\\nfluence it has had! what corruption there is in high places!\\nLook at society: even among men who pretend to be Chris-\\ntians, how much selfishness there is! how much covetous-\\nness! See how wickedness reigns in the world! What is\\nthe trouble? Why has the progress of the Gospel been so\\nslow?\\nI answer that the strongest reason is that the men who\\nprofess to be Christians are such imperfect specimens of\\nChristianity. Christ selected twelve apostles; what were\\nthey? In the hour of danger one of them cursed and swore.\\nWhen Jesus rose from the dead, another doubted. See their\\nselfishness! Trying, some of them, to be greater than the\\nrest; wanting, some of them, to sit at His right hand, and", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "108 y/ie areat Trial of the\\nothers at his left. How little idea had they of the purity\\nand spirituality of His kingdom! They longed for a tem-\\nporal power. Take the church organizations: the leading\\nmen of the church, how inefficient! And there is so little\\nefficiency in the church as an organization. Go through it;\\ngo into your stores and offices: how little is said of Christ!\\nhow little faith is manifested! And they say, What can the\\nchurch accomplish? How little faith that the work can be\\ndone! We assemble in our congregations, but we have no\\nthought that the city can be conquered.\\nVice is running down our streets; degradation has its\\nhome in our garrets and cellars. Ah! well, if it were con-\\nfined to garrets and cellars; but vice in its most hideous\\nforms has its home in your brown-stone houses, your costly\\nresidences,\\nTake the literature: how obscene much of it is, and\\nhow poisoning! Take the man who will be a true Christian,\\na living earnest man in his shop, his business, his politics,\\neverywhere, who talks of Jesus and the triumphs of His cross\\nas he talks of business and trade: he is a singular man and\\nthe world wonders at him.\\nI have spoken of covetousness. Perhaps there is no\\nmore general, all-pervading vice, and it leads to so\\nmuch crime. We are told that the love of money is the root\\nof all evil. The churches are full of covetousness and the\\nlove of money. In fact, it has come to pass that money gov-\\nerns nearly every business, political, literary, and religious\\norganization in this country. Indeed, it controls the gov-\\nernment itself and often decides state and national elections.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 109\\nIt elects United States senators and controls them after they\\nare elected.\\nMoney was at the bottom of the Philippine and Boer\\nAvars and all the horrors and infamy they have brought in\\ntheir train. What did the church in England and America\\ndo to prevent these wars? Nothing! On the contrary, their\\ninfluence was the other way, and the blood of thousands of\\nFilipinos and Americans shed in that unhallowed war is\\ncrying to heaven against the churches as well as against the\\nspeculators, politicians, and traders who made it. The Ser-\\nmon on the Mount, Paul s sermon on the absolute necessity\\nof charity (or love), the exhortations of all the apostles, the\\ndying command of Christ to put up the sword, that all who\\ntook the sword should perish by the sword, have bec-n so far\\ninadequate to the task of turning the so-called Chris-\\ntian churches against this wicked Philippine War.\\nThis state of things is partly the fault of the clergy, but\\nmore the fault of the men upon whom the clergy depend. A\\ndistinguished clergyman states the case as follows\\nAlmost more than any other class, the men who minis-\\nter from our pulpits are becoming the helpless victims of the\\nmost brutal intimidations of money interests. If they preach\\nthe truth which Jesus preached, they will disrupt their con-\\ngregations, destroy their own reputations, and will be practi-\\ncally blacklisted by the churches. Long years of prepara\\ntion are required for their calling, and the financial returns\\nto ability are small. Helpless economic dependence is not a\\ngood school in which to train men for spiritual boldness and\\nliberty. With the doors of the church closed against him,\\nafter years of preparation, and with a dependent family", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "110 The Great TiHal of the\\nabout him, it is not wonderful that the pastor seeks truth in\\nthe terms of the existing order.\\nAn illustration of the correctness of the foregoing state-\\nment occurred recently in one of our cities in a large congre-\\ngation. In the forenoon the pastor preached against war.\\nSome of the leading members of the church interviewed him\\nduring the day, and at night he preached in favor of war.\\nBut illustrations are not necessary. The entire history of\\nChristianity proves the tremendous influence that pecuniary\\ninterest has over the clergy and the people. That history is\\ndarkened by the shadows of many apostates, great and small,\\nwho for filthy lucre, popularity, or office abandoned the ser-\\nvice of God and enlisted under the bloody banners of Mars\\nand Moloch.\\nIt is true that there have been in all ages, and now are,\\nnoble examples of men who have not bowed the knee to these\\nblood-thirsty deities. There are men in this country who\\nwould sacrifice their salaries and their lives, if necessary, be-\\nfore they would preach in favor of such an abomination as\\nthis Philippine War, but they are sadly in the minority. At\\npresent nearly every large and popular church organization\\ngoes with the multitude. The really good people among\\nthem, who take Christ at His word and do not attempt to\\nfritter away His meaning, do not count for much. The or-\\nganization, as a whole, is governed by fashion and by money,\\nand is not a very congenial place for poor people, no mat-\\nter how good they may be. If Christ should suddenly enter\\na fashionable church. He would not be welcome. If He were\\ngiven a seat at all, it would be as far back as possible.\\nThe conversion of the world must be commenced in the", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. Ill\\nchurches, and first of all among the preachers. When they\\nare truly converted, when they become actual Christians,\\nwhen they become sanctified by the truth and the truth has\\nmade them free to carry out and practice their religion\\neverywhere and live it all the time, then they will have cour-\\nage to declare the whole counsel of God. Then they will\\nboldly preach against fraud and falsehood and hypocrisy,\\nagainst covetousuess, against the love of money, against de-\\nvotion to fashion; in favor of the love described, commanded,\\nand practiced by Christ, and the charity preached by Paul\\nand against war, the greatest of evils war which embodies\\nin itself or carries in its train nearly all evils and all crimes\\nwar which is the lowest, coarsest, most vulgar and brutal\\nof all the occupations of man war which had its origin with\\nthe fallen angels and is the proper profession of devils only.\\nThe popular notion that war is a great promoter of\\ncivilization is another reason for the demoralization of the\\nChristian world. The idea is absurd. War is the prolific\\nfountain of vice and crime, as already shown. War is al-\\nmost the embodiment of barbarism. How can civilization be\\npromoted by its opj)osite, barbarism? Christ exposed the\\nfallacy of that kind of reasoning when He exploded the\\ncharge of His enemies that He cast out devils by Beelzebub,\\nthe prince of devils.\\nRecently the general assembly of the Presbyterian\\nChurch addressed a petition to the President against the\\nenormous increase of saloons and intemperance in Manila\\nsince its occupancy by the American Army. This is like lock-\\ning the stable door after the horse has been stolen. If the\\nclergy of the United States had been as earnest in opposing\\n8", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "112 TJie Great Trial of the\\nthe beginning of the war as they now are in trying to abate\\none of its many evil consequences, their united and de-\\ntermined influence might have prevented it, and the four\\nhundred saloons of which they complain would not have\\nbeen started. The war caused the saloons, and their apathy\\nis, to a considerable extent, responsible for the war.\\nI say their apathy, because, to their credit be it spoken,\\na large majority of them did not really preach in favor of it.\\nThat kind of preachers are not very numerous in the Chris-\\ntian church, and it is well that they are not. Of all the mon-\\nstrosities this world exhibits, a preacher of the gospel of the\\nPrince of Peace who advocates a foreign war of aggression\\nand conquest to acquire territory, extend commerce, and in-\\ncrease trade and wealth, in the name of Christian civiliza-\\ntion, is perhaps the greatest. It is diflScult to conceive of a\\ngreater moral paradox. Such preachers crucify the Son of\\nGod afresh and put Him to an open shame. Of whom Isaiah\\nsaid: Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil;\\nthat put darkness for light, and light for darkness; that\\nput bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter! And against\\nwhom Christ hurled that terrible denunciation: Woe unto\\nyou Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! Ye serpents, ye\\ngeneration of vipers, how can ye escape the damnation of\\nhell?\\nWhen the impostor who, under the name of American\\ncivilization, established the four hundred saloons in Manila\\ngets his gambling-houses and all the other places of vice aiul\\ncrime which accompany or follow such a war in full and suc-\\ncessful operation, he will be prepared to take off the mask.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century- 113\\nHe can then safely put to the victims of his guile the same\\nterrible question asked by the unveiled prophet of Khoras-\\nsan of his deluded and astonished victim.\\nAt the rate we are now going, Manila is likely to be-\\ncome in time as good a specimen of the civilization wrought\\nby such a war as Calcutta, the capital of British India, after\\na commixture of criminal aggression and benevolent assim-\\nilation had been tried upon that country for generations.\\nA distinguished English writer described that city as a gor-\\ngeous monument of rapine, a painted sepulchre of crime.\\nChrist prayed that His disciples might all be one in\\nHim and His Father That the world may believe that thou\\nhast sent me. Similar reasoning will govern the modern\\nworld. When men see that the clergy are actuated by the\\nspirit of Christ and governed by His precepts in all their\\nways, they will be prepared to accept a religion which bears\\nsuch good fruits.\\nBut you ask me when this will be. How long will the\\nworld have to wait till the evils and crimes of humanity will\\nbe ended by the universal acceptance and practice of the re-\\nligion of Christ? I answer, I cannot tell. I do not know.\\nWe must wait and see. It was forty centuries from the time\\nChrist was promised till He came. He waited for the full-\\nness of time; waited till men had exhausted their plans;\\nwaited until the world was weary with attempting to con-\\nquer human ills and human errors waited until the wisest\\nphilosophers had taught, until the most eloquent orators had\\nspoken, until the strongest governments had tried their\\nschemes; waited until Egypt had risen in learning and then\\nsunk to ruin waited until Babylon and all her glory had per-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "114 TJw Great Trial of the\\nislied, until Greece with all her philosophy and arts was a\\nfailure; waited until Rome seated on her seven hills, and\\ngrasping the known world, had gathered her poets, painters,\\nand philosophers, and yet in the midst of her glory was rush-\\ning headlong to ruin, and poor humanity was uttering the\\ncry, What must we do to be saved? Then, when man could\\ndo no more, Christ came.\\nThe world has waited since His advent nineteen hun-\\ndred years to be conquered by His spirit and His precepts.\\nNo man knoweth how much longer it must wait. The times\\nand seasons and the reason why we must wait are known\\nonly to God. He is His own interpreter, and He will make\\nit plain.\\nBut I think we have passed the sonship and childhood\\nof Christianity the age when it astonished by its miracle\\nand wonders, when it simply stirred the intellectual powers\\nof the world. We have reached the point where it has laid its\\nhands upon the powers of the earth, and it is opening its\\nheart of sympathy and taking in the lowest of the low all\\nforms of suffering and misfortune and the next age that\\nshall be developed is that of the Prince of Peace. I see the\\nera coming. I see it in the proposals to arbitrate and in the\\nefforts to avoid war. The age is coming when out of the heart\\nof the everlasting Father shall be developed the reign of the\\nPrince of Peace. Christ is to reign King of Kings and Lord\\nof Lords; and as He reigns the sword shall be beaten into\\nthe plowshare and the spear into the pruning-hook, and men\\nshall learn war no more. And when that age comes, of His\\ndominion there shall be no end. He shall reign until the uni-\\nverse shall crown Him Lord of all.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 115\\nThe nations which ought to lead in this regeneration of\\nour race are Great Britain and the United States, and I\\nearnestly hope they will. And I fervently pray that the\\nBoer and Philippine wars will be the last exhibitions which\\nthese nations will ever give of the rapacity which they inher-\\nited from their heathen ancestors. Their privileges and\\nblessings have been greater than those of any other nations,\\nand their obligations to God and humanity are greater.\\nI think they will realize this more and more from year\\nto year, and I hope that ere long they will awake to a con-\\nsciousness of the wrongs they have inflicted upon those un-\\nfortunate peoples, restore all their rights to them, atone, as\\nfar as possible, for all the evil they have done them, and be\\nforgiven. Even the author or authors of the war against the\\nFilipinos, who have caused so much intemperance, disease.\\nInsanity, and the slaughter of so many thousand men; even\\nthey, stained as they are, with so much blood unrighteously\\nshed, may be forgiven. The Great Prophet assures us that\\nthough your sins be as scarlet, they shall be white as snow;\\nthough they be red like crimson, they shall be as wool. Even\\nwholesale murder may be forgiven.\\nIn that noble passage from Isaiah which I read in open-\\ning this discourse it is said of Christ He shall see the trav-\\nail of his soul and be satisfied. He could not be satisfied\\nwithout the salvation from slavery and sin and want of all\\nthe race He died to save. Every continent and every island\\nof the sea shall be redeemed. Ethiopia shall stretch out her\\nhands to God. And the dark continent of Africa, so long\\nthe prey of the white man, shall be lighted up by the Sun of\\nRighteousness, who shall shine upon all her deserts, and in", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "116 The Great Trial of the\\nall her waste places, and o er all her blood-stained fields,\\nwith healing in His beams, for all her woes.\\nBut though men are to be saved and the world is to be\\nredeemed and regenerated, you are not to infer that either\\nindividuals or nations can escape the natural consequences\\nof their evil deeds. Christ came to save His people from\\ntheir sins, not from the consequences of their evil deeds.\\nThese were interwoven by the Creator in the very frame-\\nwork of the universe, and can neither be avoided nor escaped.\\nThe evils that men do live after them, and cannot be undone.\\nThe forty thousand men who have been slaughtered in this\\nlamentable Philippine War cannot be restored to life.\\nThe thousands of maimed bodies and ruined constitu-\\ntions will remain maimed and ruined. The enormous cost of\\nthe war must be paid by the people. The intemperance, prof-\\nligacy, corruption, and other evils caused by it will continue\\nlong after the present conflict is ended. And the disgrace of\\nmaking such a war will endure as long as the history of the\\nnation.\\nI entreat my countrymen, and also my countrywomen,\\nwho have suffered so long and so much from this curse, and\\nI implore all of my brethren and sisters of the Chris-\\ntian Church, of all denominations, to use all their influence\\nto put a final end to this greatest scourge of the human race.\\nI assure the young men of my country that it is a great de-\\nlusion to suppose that honor or glory can be acquired in an\\nunjust or an unnecessary war. Such a war, no matter how\\nsuccessful it may be, is a disgrace and shame. Nothing but\\nrighteousness exalteth a nation, and nothing but sin is a dis-\\ngrace to any people. If the young men of this country", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. il\\nwould win true and lasting honor and glory, let them engage\\nin a bloodless contest with war itself and fight it to the end.\\nThe Great Apostle tells us that one star excelleth an-\\nother in glory. In the celestial world of the future, his star\\nshall be the brightest who has done the most to put war and\\nall the enemies of our race under the feet of the Prince of\\nPeace. The glory of Sirius, that matchless star that now\\nshines nightly above us, is material and transitory. But the\\nglory of the men who spend their lives in the regeneration\\nand redemption of mankind will continue to shine, with un-\\ndiminished radiance, after the material heavens have been\\nrolled together as a scroll and the elements have melted with\\nfervent heat.\\nI should rejoice if, in closing this discussion, I could\\ninspire this audience with the confidence which I feel in the\\nfuture. I have an abiding faith in the abolition of war and\\nthe redemption of man. I shall not live to see it, but it will\\ncome before the close of the next century, and maybe before\\nthe end of the next generation.\\nThe present fearful demoralization in church and state\\nwill pass away. The craze in favor of war will be followed\\nby a reaction in favor of peace. In 1854 slavery, the next\\nevil in magnitude to war, seemed stronger than ever before.\\nIn ten years it was abolished. The means taken to extend\\nand perpetuate it hastened its destruction. So it will be\\nwith war. This miserable Boer and Philippine business will\\nso extend and strengthen the abhorrence of war throughout\\nthe world as to compel the nations to abolish it.\\nSome of you, perhaps, fear the spirit of unrest that per-\\nvades the nations. Fear not. The spirit you see moving on", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "1 1 8 TJie Great Trial of the\\nthe face of the troubled waters is a benign and not an evil\\nspirit. The ear of faith can hear it repeating those words of\\nhope and encouragement uttered long ago upon a stormy\\nsea: Be of good cheer. It is I. Be not afraid.\\nAs I close this address the predictions of prophets and\\nsongs of poets foretelling and describing the blissful reign\\nof Messiah seem to crowd my memory. I give you in con-\\nclusion a few cheering and inspiring lines from one of them\\nNo more shall nation against nation rise,\\nNor ardent warriors meet with hateful eyes:\\nNor fields with gleaming steel be covered o er,\\nThe brazen trumpets kindle rage no more;\\nBut useless lances into scythes shall bend,\\nAnd the broad falchion in a ploughshare end.\\nAll crimes shall cease, and ancient fraud shall fail:\\nReturning Justice lift aloft her scale,\\nPeace o er the world her olive wand extend\\nAnd white robed Innocence from heaven descend.\\nNo more the rising sun shall gild the morn.\\nNor evening Cynthia fill her silver horn\\nBut lost, dissolved in thy superior rays,\\nOne tide of glory, one unclouded blaze,\\nO erflow thy courts: The Light Himself shall shine\\nRevealed, and God s eternal day be thine!\\nThe seas shall waste, the skies in smoke decay.\\nRocks fall to dust and mountains melt away;\\nBut fixed His word, His saving power remains.\\nThy Realm forever lasts, thy own Messiah reigns.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 119\\nCONCLUSION.\\nThe speech of Bishop Simpson occupied nearly an hour\\nin the delivery. I have given the substance of it, but very\\nimperfectly. The presence and manner of the speaker added\\nmuch to the effect of it, and the fact of his long and intimate\\npersonal and political friendship for Mr. Lincoln added\\nmore. He held the undivided attention of the entire audi-\\nence and the effect of his address was evidently very great.\\nAfter the Bishop closed, Mr. Clay took the platform\\nand offered a series of resolutions for adoption by the meet-\\ning declaring that the war against the Filipinos was un-\\njustly and unconstitutionally begun by the President that\\nthey were the owners of their own country and had a right\\nto freedom and independence and self-government, and that\\nno nation had a right to force any form of government upon\\nthem against their own consent. And requesting Congress\\nto put an immediate stop to the war, and the President to\\nenter promptly into a treaty of peace with the Filipinos\\nupon the basis of their freedom and independence.\\nHe explained each resolution briefly, and then for a few\\nminutes addressed the meeting, urging their unanimous\\nadoption. It was the most eloquent speech I ever heard. His\\nappeal to those who professed to be followers of Christ was\\nirresistible. He stated that he was himself a member of a\\nChristian church, and that he expected soon to stand before\\nthe judgment-seat of Christ, and there to meet the inhabit-\\nants of those islands, who had been persecuted so long by\\nprofessedly Christian men.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "120 The Great Trial of tJie\\nHe wished to meet them feeling that his garments were\\nnot stained with their blood. In that awful presence he\\nwished to know that his robe was white and pure, and he\\nappealed to all his hearers to so Tote now and act hereafter\\nthat they could feel, in the presence of their final Judge, that\\nthey had done their whole duty to these unfortunate peoijle\\nand all others.\\nThe effect of this speech was shown in the vote upon the\\nresolutions. It seemed to be the unanimous voice of twenty\\nthousand people. It seemed to pierce the roof of the build-\\ning, and to reach the very throne of the Almighty Power be-\\nfore whom Mr. Clay had summoned his audience.\\nThe noise awoke me from my long sleep. The great\\nauditorium, the vast audience, the tall commanding form of\\nthe speaker, the sad earnest face of Mr. Lincoln, the benign\\ncountenance of Bishop Simpson, the majestic form of Wash-\\nington the whole wonderful scene in which I had been en-\\ntranced for so many hours faded away and left nothing be-\\nhind but the remembrance of a dream.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Gentunj. 121\\nAPPENDIX.\\nNote to Bishop Simpson s sermon (taken from the Liter-\\nary Digest for March, 1900).\\na* Regret is expressed by several papers for the\\nstate of affairs pictured in a number of reports from the\\nPhilippines, which seem to agree that there is an immense\\namount of drunkenness among the Americans there. Presi-\\ndent Schurman, of the Philippine Commission, it will be re-\\nmembered, said publicly soon after his return to this coun-\\ntry: I regret that Americans have been allowed to estab-\\nlish saloons in the Philippines, for the Filipinos are a tem-\\nperate people, and the sight of an intoxicated American dis-\\ngusts them. Nothing has done so much damage to the repu-\\ntation of the American people as this. Captain Frank M.\\nWells, chaplain of the First Regiment of Tennessee Volun-\\nteers, who describes himself as an Administration man\\nclear through, said in an address in Washington, February\\n11th, that before the American troops entered Manila there\\nwere only three saloons in the city, and that in each only\\nsoft drinks were sold; but that now there are four hundred\\nsaloons, selling whisky. And the drunkenness seems to be\\nas bad afloat as ashore. He said\\nWhile on board one of the transports to Cebu, I found\\nthat liquor-selling was the same as on the other transports.\\nI tried to have it stopped, but failed. I took special care of\\nthe men in my regiment, with the determination that if I\\ncould not save their souls, I would at least get them to hell\\nsober. I never saw so much liquor on a Mississippi steam-\\nboat, and I have traveled on a good many, as I saw on the\\ntransport Sheridan the last three days we were in Cebu.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "122 The Great Trial of the\\nSimilar testimony was given a few weeks ago by Lieu-\\ntenant E. Hearne, of the Fifty-first Iowa Volunteers, who had\\njust returned from Manila. In an address in New York City\\nhe said:\\nThe Filipinos, while pagans and semi-civilized, are\\nmoral and sober. They first learn of Christianity from the\\nprofane sailor, and when they see immense numbers of\\ndrunken, profane, and immoral soldiers representing this\\ncountry, they have little respect for the religion they profess.\\n*If that is your religion, they say, we prefer our own. The\\nsoldier, when associated with others, loses his identity.\\nThen his savage and lower nature displays itself. This is\\nparticularly true of the soldier in the Philippines, idle under\\na tropical sun. He loses all his religion. It is our duty first\\nto send out Christian soldiers if we expect to make any sort\\nof impression on the people there.\\nMr. W. B. Miller, who has charge of the Army and Navy\\nwork of the Young Men s Christian Association, said in an\\naddress at the same meeting:\\nSo great was the effect of the drunkenness and irrev-\\nerence of the American soldier in the Philippines that one\\nman, writing to me from Manila, said that two missionaries\\ngave up their work among the natives and went to work on\\nthe army. They realized the uselessness of their work when\\nthere was an immoral and drunken army representing this\\ncountry on hand. One drunken soldier can do more evil than\\ntwo missionaries can undo. The sending of whisky and\\nquestionable things to Manila is not a badge of honor for this\\ncountry.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 123\\nThe latest report from Manila on this phase of expan-\\nsion comes from Mr. H. Irving Hancock, Manila correspond-\\nent of Leslie s Weehly, who says\\nOf all the problems that confront us in the reconstruc-\\ntion of the Philippines, the gravest and wickedest is one of\\nour own importation. The Manila saloons, taken collectively,\\nare the worst possible kind of a blot on Uncle Sam s fair\\nname. The city s air reeks with the odors of the worst of\\nEnglish liquors. And all this has come to pass since the\\n13th day of August, 1898! To-day there is no\\nthoroughfare of length in Manila that has not its long line\\nof saloons. The street-cars carry flaunting advertisements of\\nthis brand of whisky and that kind of gin. The local papers\\nderive their main revenue from the displayed advertisements\\nof firms and companies eager for their share of Manila s\\ndrink-money. The city presents to the new-comer a Satur-\\nnalia of alcoholism.\\nI do not mean this as a tirade against all saloons. It\\nis only a much-needed protest against the worst features of\\nthe American saloon that have crept into Manila arm in arm\\nwith our boasted progress. There is nowhere in the world\\nsuch an excessive amount of drinking, per capita, as among\\nthe few thousand Americans at present living in Manila.\\nNor does this mean that we have sent the worst dregs of\\nAmericanism there. Far from it some of the best American\\nblood is represented in Manila. There are men of brains and\\nattainment there, who would nobly hold up our name were it\\nnot for the saloon at every step. Gamblers and depraved\\nwomen in both classes the very dregs of this and other\\ncountries have followed, and work hand in hand with their", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "1^4 The Great Trial of the\\nnatural ally. These people are fast teaching the natives the\\ndepths of Caucasian wickedness, and the natives imagine it\\nis Americanism.\\nChairman Schurmau of the Philippine Commission\\nvoices his regret that the American saloon was ever permit-\\nted to make its advent in Manila. Well may he regret it, as\\nmay every other American too who has been in Manila dur-\\ning the past year. It is a great mistake to suppose that\\nevery officer, soldier, and sailor in the Philippines is drinking\\nto excess, but some of them do, and the same is true of a\\ngreat percentage of the civilians. The native is not discrim-\\ninating, and attributes this vice to all Americans. If sa-\\nloons were carefully and honestly restricted in number and\\nput under the rigid regulations that decency requires, this\\nshame of Uncle Sam would quickly vanish. It is the glar-\\ning opportunity for drunkenness that does so much harm.\\nSo far as my observation went, I found that the mili-\\ntary authorities of Manila were not on record as having done\\nanything to abate this crying disgrace. Indeed, one Ameri-\\ncan officer, fairly high in the councils at the palace, is the\\nputative head of the concern that is doing the most to en-\\ncourage and supply the thirst of Manila. We tried to civil-\\nize the Indian, and incidentally wiped him off the earth by\\npermitting disreputable white traders to supply him with ar-\\ndent liquors. Are we to repeat this disgrace tenfold, as we\\nat present seem fair to do, in the Philippines?\\nA Crime Against a People. The American soldiers, how-\\never, might drink themselves into death or idiocy, and it\\nwould be of less ultimate consequence than the simple fact\\nof the introduction of the liquor traffic into the Philippine", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 125\\nIslands. In one respect, at least, the civilization of the Filip-\\ninos was superior to our own, and that was in the use of in-\\ntoxicating drinks. All travelers have testified to their tem-\\njjerateness and their very slight use of intoxicants. Our first\\nstep has been to flood their towns and cities with whisky,\\nand thus break down a conspicuous native virtue. For this\\nliquor curse must remain in the Philippines long after the\\nbulk of the American army has been withdrawn. It is the\\nexperience in all tropical countries that the whisky habit,\\nonce it secures a foot-hold, is difficult to extirpate. Whisky\\nis a great decimater of tropical populations.\\nThe seriousness of the crime thus committed must be\\nconfessed by the Government itself, since, in its view, the\\nFilipinos must be regarded as children. What would the\\nworld think of a nation that deliberately or heedlessly led\\nmillions of children into the liquor habit for the sake of\\nprofit? It is certainly remarkable that the Government,\\nwhile regarding the Filipinos as children in their political\\ncapacity to govern themselves, should regard them as thor-\\noughly mature in their capacity to govern their physical ap-\\npetites. The Government has been extremely solicitous not\\nto grant the Filipinos self-rule in political affairs, yet it has\\nleft them the prey of American rum-sellers in social affairs.\\nOne does not need to be a prohibitionist in the United\\nStates to believe that the sudden and unrestrained intro-\\nduction of the liquor traffic into a country where it had\\nnever before existed was a crime against heaven and earth.\\nThe traffic could have been forbidden at the outset by one\\nman; it could be forbidden to-day by one man, because the", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "126 The Great Trial of the\\nwhole archipelago is under martial law. The Springfield\\nRepublican.\\nExtract from a speech delivered at a great public dinner\\ngiven to Mr. Webster at Philadelphia, on the 2d of Decem-\\nber, 1846, on the War Power.\\na* gy^ ^jjg annexation was completed. The\\nwestern boundary was a matter about which disputes exist-\\ned or must arise. There was, as between us and Mexico, as\\nthere had been between Texas and Mexico, no ascertained\\nand acknowledged western boundary.\\nThis was the state of things after the annexation of\\nTexas, and when the President began military movements\\nin that direction. Now, gentlemen, that I may misrepresent\\nnobody, and say nothing which has not been clearly proved\\nby official evidence, I will proceed to state to you three\\npropositions, which, in my opinion, are fairly sustained by\\nthe correspondence of the government in its various branches\\nand departments, as officially communicated to Congress.\\nFirst That the President directed the occupation of a\\nterritory by force of arms, to which the United States had\\nno ascertained title; a territory which, if claimed by the\\nUnited States, was also claimed by Mexico, and was at the\\ntime in her actual occupation and possession.\\nThe Texan convention was to assemble July 4, 1845,\\nto pass upon the annexation. Before this date, to-wit, on\\nthe 28th day of May, General Taylor was ordered to move to-\\nwards Texas; and on the 15th day of June he was instructed\\nby a letter from Mr. Bancroft to enter Texas and concentrate", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 127\\nhis forces on its western boundary, and to select and oc-\\ncupy a position on or near the Rio Grande, to protect what,\\nin the event of annexation, will be our western border.\\nThat the United States had no ascertained title to the\\nterritory appears from Mr. Marcy s letter to General Taylor\\nof July 30, 1845. General Taylor is there informed that\\nwhat he is to occupy, defend, and protect is the territory\\nof Texas, to the extent that it has been occupied by the peo-\\nple of Texas. It appears in the dispatch last quoted, that\\nthis territory had been occupied by Mexico.\\nMr. Marcy goes on to say The Rio Grande is claimed\\nto be the boundary between the two countries, and up to this\\nboundary you are to extend your protection, only excepting\\nany posts on the eastern side thereof w^hich are in the actual\\noccupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over\\nwhich the republic of Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at\\nthe period of annexation, or shortly before that event.\\nThis makes it perfectly clear that the United States had\\nneither an ascertained nor an apparent title to this territory\\nfor it admits that Texas only made a claim to it, Mexico hav-\\ning an adverse claim, and having also actual possession.\\nSecond That as early as July, 1845, the President knew\\nas well as others acquainted with the subject, that this terri-\\ntory was in the actual possession of Mexico; that it con-\\ntained Mexican settlements, over which Texas had not exer-\\ncised jurisdiction, up to the time of annexation.\\nOn the 8th of July the Secretary of War wrote to\\nGeneral Taylor that this department is informed that\\nMexico has some military establishments on the east side of", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "128 The Great Trial of the\\nthe Rio Grande, which are, and for some time have been, in\\nthe actual occupancy of her troops. On the 30th of July\\nthe Secretary wrote as already mentioned, directing General\\nTaylor to except from his protection any posts on the\\neastern side thereof [of the Kio Grande] which are in the\\nactual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements\\nover which the republic of Texas did not exercise jurisdic-\\ntion at the period of annexation, or shortly before that\\nevent.\\nIt manifestly appears to have been the intention of the\\nPresident, from the 28th day of May down to the consumma-\\ntion of his purpose, to take possession of this territory by\\nforce of arms, however unwilling Mexico might be to yield\\nit, or whatever might turn out on examination to be her right\\nto retain it. He intended to extinguish the Mexican title by\\nforce; otherwise his acts and instructions are inexplicable.\\nThe government maintained from the first, that the Bio\\nGrande was the western boundary of Texas, as appears from\\nthe letters to General Taylor of the 28th day of May and 15th\\nday of June, 1845. On the 15th day of June, General Taylor\\nwas instructed to take such a position on or near the Kio\\nGrande as will be best to repel invasion and protect what,\\nin the event of annexation, will be our western boundary.\\nIn accordance with these are also the instructions of July\\n30th, to which I have already referred.\\nOn the 6th day of August the Secretary wrote to Gen-\\neral Taylor: Although a state of war with Mexico or an in-\\nvasion of Texas by her forces may not take place, it is, never-\\ntheless, deemed proper and necessary that your force should", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 129\\nbe fully equal to meet witli certainty of success any crisis\\nwhich may arise in Texas, and which would require you by\\nforce -of arms to carry out the instructions of the gov-\\nernment. He is then, in the same letter, authorized to pro-\\ncure volunteers from Texas. On the. 23d day of August the\\nSecretary instructed General Taylor thus: Should Mexico\\nassemble a large body of troops on the Rio Grande, and\\ncross it with a considerable force, such a movement must be\\nregarded as an invasion of the United States and the com-\\nmencement of hostilities. He is then instructed how to as-\\nsemble a large force. On the 30th day of August he was in-\\nstructed, in case any Mexican force crossed the Rio Grande,\\nto drive all Mexican troops beyond it that any attempt by\\nthe Mexicans to cross the river with a considerable force\\nwould be regarded as an invasion; and that on such an\\nevent, namely, in case of war, either declared or made mani-\\nfest by hostile acts, he was not to confine his action within\\nthe territory of Texas. On the 16th day of October the Secre-\\ntary wrote that the information which we have here ren-\\nders it probable that no serious attempt will, at present, be\\nmade by Mexico to invade Texas. But General Taylor is\\nstill instructed to hold the country between the Nueces and\\nthe Rio Grande. Previous instructions will have put you\\nin possession of the views of the government of the United\\nStates, not only as to the extent of its territorial claims, but\\nof its determination to assert them.\\nHe is directed to put his troops into winter quarters, ac-\\ncordingly, as near the Rio Grande as circumstances will per-\\nmit. Up to this time and to the 11th day of March, 1846,\\nGeneral Taylor was at Corpus Christi. The open and de-", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "1 30 The Great Trial of the\\ncided step was taken on the 13tli day of January. On that\\nday the Secretary of War directed General Taylor to march\\nto the Rio Grande and to take up a position opposite Mata-\\nmoras. He is instructed, in so doing, in case Mexico should\\ndeclare war, or commit any open act of hostility, not to act\\nmerely on the defensive. Throughout the correspondence it\\nis plain that the intention was to extinguish the Mexican ti-\\ntle to this territory by armed occupation; and the instruc-\\ntions are explicit, to treat every assertion of title or move-\\nment on the part of Mexico as an act of hostility and to pro-\\nceed accordingly and resist it.\\nTo show how Gen. Taylor understood the instructions\\nof his government, it may be observed that on the 2d day of\\nMarch, thirty miles from Matamoras, at a stream called the\\nArroyo Colorado, he was met by a party of Mexicans, whose\\ncommanding officer informed him that if he crossed the\\nstream, it would be deemed a declaration of war, and put in-\\nto his hand a copy of General Mejias s proclamation to that\\neffect. Notwithstanding this. General Taylor put his forces\\nin order of battle, crossed the stream, and pushed on, the\\nMexicans retreating. He arrived on the Rio Grande, oppo-\\nsite Matamoras, on the 29th day of March.\\nLet me now ask your attention to an extract from a let-\\nter from Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Slidell, of January 20, 1846.\\nIn this letter Mr. Buchanan says:\\nIn the mean time the President, in anticipation of the\\nfinal refusal of the Mexican government to receive you, has\\nordered the Army of Texas to advance and take position on\\nthe left bank of the Rio Grande; and has directed that", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 131\\na strong fleet shall be immediately assembled in the Gulf of\\nMexico. He will thus be prepared to act with vigor and\\npromptitude the moment that Congress shall give him the\\nauthority.\\nNow, if, by this advance of troops, possession would L^\\ntaken on the extreme line claimed by us, what furth.\\nvigorous action did the President expect Congress to auth(\\nize? Did he expect Congress to make a general declaration\\nof war? Congress was then in session. Why not consult it?\\nWhy take a step not made necessary by any pressing danger,\\nand which might naturally lead to war, without requiring\\nthe authority of Congress in advance? With Congress is the\\npower of peace and war; to anticipate its decision by the\\nadoption of measures leading to war is nothing less than an\\nexecutive interference with the legislative power. Nothing\\nbut the necessity of self-defense could justify the sending of\\ntroops into a territory claimed and occupied by a power with\\nwhich at that time no war existed. And there was, I think,\\nno case of such necessity of self-defence. Mr. Slidell replied\\nto Mr. Buchanan on the 17th day of February, saying: The\\nadvance of General Taylor s force to the left bank of the Eio\\nGrande and the strengthening of our squadron in the Gulf\\nare wise measures, which may exercise a salutary influence\\nupon the course of this government.\\nThe army was thus ordered to the extreme limits of our\\nclaim; to our utmost boundary, as asserted by ourselves; and\\nhere it was to be prepared to act further, and to act with\\npromptitude and vigor. Now, it is a very significant inquiry,\\nDid the President mean by this to bring on, or to run the\\nrisk of bringing on, a general war? Did he expect to be", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "132 The Great Trial of the\\nauthorized by Congress to prosecute a general war of in-\\nvasion and acquisition? I repeat the question, Why not\\ntake the opinion of Congress, it then being in session, before\\nany war-lilie movement was made? Mr, Buchanan s letter is\\nof the 20th day of January. The instructions to march to\\nthe Eio Grande had been given on the 13th. Congress was\\nin session all this time; and why should, and why did, the\\nexecutive take so import-ant a step, not necessary for self-\\ndefence and leading to immediate war, without the authority\\nof Congress? This is a grave question and well deserves an\\nanswer,\\nAllow me to repeat, for it is a matter of history, that be-\\nfore and at the time when these troops were ordered to the\\nleft bank of the Rio Grande there was no danger of invasion\\nby Mexico or apprehension of hostilities by her. This is per-\\nfectly evident from General Taylor s letters to the govern-\\nment through the jjreceding summer and down to the time\\nthe orders were given,\\nI now refer to these letters.\\nOn the 15th day of August, General Taylor writes *In\\nregard to the force at other points on the Rio Grande, except\\nthe militia of the country, I have no information; nor do I\\nhear that the reported concentration at Matamoras is for any\\npurpose of invasion. On the 20th day of August he says:\\nCaravans of traders arrive occasionally from the Rio\\nGrande, but bring no news of importance. They represent\\nthat there are no regular troops on that river except at Mata-\\nmoras, and do not seem to be aware of any preparations for\\na demonstration on this bank of the river. On the 6th day", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 133\\nof September he writes thus: I have the honor to report\\nthat a confidential agent, despatched some days since to\\nMatamoraSj has returned and reports that no extraordinary\\npreparations are going forward there; that the garrison doe-?\\nnot seem to have been increased, and that our consul is of\\nthe opinion that there will be no declaration of war. On\\nthe 11th day of October he says: Recent arrivals from the\\nRio Grande bring no news or information of a different as-\\npect from that which I reported in my last. The views ex-\\npressed in previous communications relative to the pacific\\ndisposition of the border people on both sides of the river are\\ncontinually confirmed. This was the last dispatch, I pre-\\nsume, received by the War Department before giving the\\norder of January 13th for the march of the army.\\nA month after the order of march had been given all\\nGeneral Taylor s previous accounts were confirmed by him.\\nOn the 16th day of February he thus writes to the Adjutant-\\nGeneral at Washington Many reports will doubtless reach\\nthe Department giving exaggerated accounts of Mexican pre-\\nparations to resist our advance, if not indeed to attempt an\\ninvasion of Texas. Such reports have been circulated even\\nat this place, and owe their origin to personal interests con-\\nnected with the stay of the army here. I trust they will re-\\nceive no attention at the War Department. From the best\\ninformation I am able to obtain, and which I deem as authen-\\ntic as any, I do not believe that our advance to the banks of\\nthe Rio Grande will be resisted. The army, however, will go\\nfully prepared for a state of hostilities, should they unfor-\\ntunately be provoked by the Mexicans.\\nThis oflflcial correspondence proves, I think, that there", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "134 The Great Trial of the\\nwas no danger of invasion or of hostilities of any kind\\nfrom Mexico at the time of the march of the army. It must,\\nin fact, be plain to everybody that the ordering of the army\\nto the Rio Grande was a step naturally, if not necessarily,\\ntending to provoke hostilities and to bring on war. I shall\\nuse no inflammatory or exciting language, but it seems to me\\nthat this whole proceeding is against the spirit of the Consti-\\ntution and the just limitations of the different departments\\nof the government; an act pregnant with serious conse-\\nquences and of dangerous precedent to the public liberties.\\nNo power but Congress can declare war. But what is\\nthe value of this constitutional provision if the President of\\nhis own authority may make such military movements as\\nmust bring on war? If the war power be in Congress, then\\neverything tending directly or naturally to bring on war\\nshould be referred to the discretion of Congress. Was this\\norder of march given in the idle hope of coercing Mexico to\\ntreat? If so, idle it was, as the event proved. But it was\\nsomething worse than a mistake or a blunder; it was, as it\\nseems to me, an extension of executive authority of a very\\ndangerous character. I see no necessity for it and no apol-\\nogy for it, since Congress was in session at the same moment\\nat the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue, and might have\\nbeen consulted.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 135\\nExtracts from a speech of Mr. Clay in the House of\\nKepresentatives March 24, 1818, on his motion providing\\nfor a minister to the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata.\\nThis speech contains the true, well-settled American\\ndoctrine, against which the United States is fighting in the\\nPhilippine Islands.\\nu-g^^ I ^a]^g jj broader and a bolder po-\\nsition. I maintain that an oppressed people are authorized,\\nwhenever they can, to rise and to break their fetters. This\\nwas the great principle of the English Revolution. It was\\nthe great principle of our own. Vattel, if authority were\\nwanting, expressly supports this right. We must pass sen-\\ntence of condemnation upon the founders of our liberty, say\\nthat they were rebels, traitors, and that we are at this mo-\\nment legislating v/ithout competent powers, before we can\\ncondemn the cause of Spanish America. Our Revolution was\\nmainly directed against the mere theory of tyranny. We had\\nsuffered comparatively but little; we had, in some respects,\\nbeen kindly treated; but our intrepid and intelligent fathers\\nsaw, in the usurpation of the power to levy an inconsider-\\nable tax, the long train of oppressive acts that were to fol-\\nlow. They rose, they breasted the storm, they achieved our\\nfreedom. Spanish America for centuries has been doomed\\nto the practical effects of an odious tyranny. If we were jus-\\ntified, she is more than justified.\\nI am no propagandist. I would not seek to force upon\\nother nations our principles and our liberty if they did -.not", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "136 The Great Trial of the\\nwant tbem. I would not disturb the repose even of a de-\\ntestable despotism. But if an abused and oppressed people\\nwill their freedom; if they seek to establish it; if, in truth,\\nthey have established it we have a right, as a sovereign\\npower, to notice the fact, and to act as circumstances and\\nour interest require. I will say, in the language of the ven-\\nerated father of my country, Born in a land of liberty, my\\nanxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best\\nwishes are irresistibly excited, whensoever, in any country,\\nI see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom.\\nWhenever I think of Spanish America, the image irresistibly\\nforces itself upon my mind of an elder brother whose educa-\\ntion has been neglected, whose person has been abused and\\nmaltreated, and who has been disinherited by the unkindness\\nof an unnatural parent. And when I contemplate the\\nglorious struggle which that country is now making, I think\\nI behold that brother rising by the power and energy of his\\nfine native genius to the manly rank which Nature and Na-\\nture s God intended for him.\\nThe independence of Spanish America, then, is an\\ninterest of primary consideration. Next to that, and highly\\nimportant in itself, is the consideraton of the nature of their\\ngovernments. That is a question, however, for themselves.\\nThey will, no doubt, adopt those kinds of government which\\nare best suited to their condition, best calculated for their\\nhappiness. Anxious as I am that they should be free govern-\\nments, we have no right to prescribe for them. They are,\\nand ought to be, the sole judges for themselves. I am\\nstrongly inclined to believe that they will in most, if not all\\nparts of their country, establish free governments. We are", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "Nineteenth Century. 137\\ntheir great example. Of us they constantly speak as of\\nbrothers, having a similar origin. They adopt our princi-\\nples, copy our institutions, and, in many instances, employ\\nthe very language and sentiments of our revolutionary\\npapers.\\nBut it is sometimes said that they are too ignorant and\\ntoo superstitious to admit of the existence of free govern-\\nment. This charge of ignorance is often urged by persons\\nthemselves actually ignorant of the real condition of that\\npeople. I deny the alleged fact of ignorance; I deny the in-\\nference from that fact, if it were true, that they want capac-\\nity for free government; and I refuse to assent to the fur-\\nther conclusion, if the fact were true and the inference just,\\nthat we are to be indifferent to their fate.\\nThe fact is not therefore true, that\\nthe imputed ignorance exists; but, if it do, I repeat, I dispute\\nthe inference. It is the doctrine of thrones, that man is too\\nignorant to govern himself. Their partisans assert his in-\\ncapacity in reference to all nations; if they can not command\\nuniversal assent to the proposition, it is then demanded as\\nto particular nations, and our pride and our presumption too\\noften make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign\\nthe dispositions of Providence himself to suppose that He\\nhas created beings incapable of governing themselves and to\\nbe trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural\\ngovernment of man, and for proof I refer to the aborigines\\nof our own land.", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2817", "width": "1850", "jp2-path": "greattrialofnine00park_0154.jp2"}}