{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2797", "width": "1835", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class _\\nBook H\\nCop Tight N\u00c2\u00b0\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSrr.", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS AND SCHOOL READINGS\\nJohn Brown\\nWILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY,\\nAuthor of The Provisional Government of S ebraska Territory. James TTenry\\nLane, the Grim Chieftain of Kansas, Wyandotte Folk-Lore,\\nKansas Territorial Governors, etc., etc.\\nVOLUME I.\\nSic itur ad astra.\\nFrom boulevards\\nOverlooking both Nyanzas,\\nThe statured bronze shall glitter in the sun,\\nWith rugged lettering:\\nJohn Brown of Kansas\\nHe dared begin\\nHe lost,\\nBut, losing, won.\\nEugene F. Ware.\\nCrane Company, Publishers\\nTopeka, Kansas\\n1900", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "55332\\niL it i-Mry ef ConjrMs\\nv. Copifj Received\\nOCT 2 1900\\nCopyright antry\\nSECOND COPY.\\nl)i- iv*r\u00c2\u00ab 1 to\\nOrtOtrt DIVISION,\\n-OCT S O i w J\\nCopyrighted by\\nCrane Company, Topeka, Kansas\\n1900", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "They never fail trno die\\nIn a great cause: the block may soak their gore.\\nTheir heads may sodden in the sun; their limbs\\nBe strung to city gates and castle walls.\\nYet still their spirits stalk abroad. Though years\\nElapse, and others share as dark a doom,\\nThey but augment the deep and sweeping thoughts\\nWhich o erpower all others, and conduct\\nThe world at last to freedom.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Lord Byron.\\nr o)", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "For the gown? of learned Serjeants are good: parchment rec-\\nords, rixed forms, and poor terrestrial Justice, with or without\\nhorsehair, what sane man will not reverence these! And. yet,\\nbehold, the nan is not sane, but insane, who considers these alone\\nas venerable. Oceans of horsehair, continents of parchment, and\\nlearned serjeant eloquence, were it continued till the learned tongue\\nwore itself small in the indefatigable learned mouth, cannot make\\nunjust just. The grand question still remains, Was the judgment\\njust? If unjust, it will not and cannot get harbour for itself, or\\ncontinue to have looting in this Universe, which was made by other\\nthan One Unjust Enforce it by never such statuing, three read-\\nings, royal assents: blow it to the four winds with all manner of\\nquilted trumpeters and pursuivants, in the rear of them never 90\\nmany gibbets and hangmen, it will not stand, it cannot stand.\\nFrom all souls of men. from all ends of Nature, from the Throne\\nof God above, there are voices bidding it: Away. Away! Doe it\\ntake no warning: does it stand, strong in its three readings, in its\\ngibbets and artillery-parks? The more woe is to it. the frightfuler\\nwoe. It will continue standing for its day. for its year, for its\\ncentury, doing evil all the while; but it has One enemy who i-\\nAlmighty: dissolution, explosion, and the everlasting Laws of\\nNature incessantly advance towards it: and the deeper its rooting,\\nmore obstinate its continuing, the deeper also and huger will its\\nruin and overturn be. Carlyle s Past and Present,\\n(6)", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nAwait the issue. In all battles, if you await the issue, each\\nfighter has prospered according to his right. His right and his\\nmight, at the close of the account, were one and the same. He has\\nfought with all his might, and in exact proportion to all his right\\nhe has prevailed. His very death is no victory over him. He dies\\nindeed; but his work lives, very truly lives. A heroic Wallace,\\nquartered on the scaffold, cannot hinder that Scotland become, one\\nday, a part of England: but he does hinder that it become, on\\nunfair terms, a part of it; commands still, as with a god s voice,\\nfrom his old Valhalla and Temple of the Brave, that there be a just\\nreal union as of brother and brother, not a false and merely sem-\\nblant one as of slave and master. Carlyle.\\nEmerson says that all history resolves itself into the\\nbiographies of a few strong characters. This great truth\\nmakes it imperative that we study the life of John Brown.\\nFor it is rare that a country produces a man who delib-\\nerately and joyously lays down his life for a principle\\nan idea. When such a character appears among men he\\nis at first maligned and misunderstood, and afterwards\\npersecuted and driven. After his death the people come\\ngradually to see and understand the great truths he died\\nfor. It becomes apparent that, after all, though in conflict\\nwith accredited forms and established conventionalities,\\nhe was right. This realization presses upon the people;\\nthe cause in their interest which cost human blood becomes\\nvital to their existence, as the martyr insisted; and it is\\ncarried to a triumphant issue, not infrequently by much\\naid from those who demanded the life of the revolutionist.\\n(7)", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "8 PREFACE\\nWhat message has John Brown for us to-daj Unless\\nhis life can touch and quicken in us truth, justice, and\\npatriotism, it were idle to ponder it. But if we can get\\nsome correct comprehension of the motives by which his\\nlife was ordered, and it turns out that he sacrificed him-\\nself for high and noble purposes, that he only sought the\\nrelief of the poor, the weak and the despised, and in so\\ndoing only sought to bring us back to accord with laws\\nboth human and divine, then his life has important\\nlessons for us.\\nWas John Brown, as some are inclined to say, a saint\\nwhose every act was just, who was incapable of doing\\nwrong, who alone and unaided saved Kansas to freedom\\nand America to liberty? JSTo. And we must insist that\\nthose who seek to sink him to the level of the criminal\\nand malefactor, who distort their country s history with\\nmalice and venom to gratify private animosity or exalt\\na contemporary, are as much in error. The efforts of\\nboth are futile. Posterity comes to a right verdict on\\nthe actions of all. Every fact will become fully known\\nthat will in any way affect the verdict. In such an in-\\nstance it is as impossible to conceal a wrong or suppress\\na virtue as to blot out the sun.\\nJohn Brown was human, and as such was burdened\\nwith human weaknesses. That he often erred, must be\\nadmitted. That his faults were grievous, none knew so\\nwell as he himself; and his letters are full of confessions.\\nHe made no claim to perfection, and who would place\\nhim in a position so false would do him great injustice.\\nHe strove daily with his own shortcomings, and never", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PEEFACE if\\nfor a moment tried to evade the full responsibility for\\nany act committed by himself or at his instance. Long\\nbefore he left Kansas for Harper s Ferry he said with-\\nout evasion or reservation that if the killing at Potta-\\nwatomie was murder he was not guiltless, and this was\\nsaid without any injunction to secrecy.\\nThe strength of John Brown s character lies not in\\nhis having been always right. Xo man has ever been so.\\nBut it lies in his doing his duty as he saw it. He might\\nand perhaps did fail in judgment, but never in intention,\\nnor by evasion. In Kansas patriotic men differed from\\nhim in the policy to be pursued. They would have been\\nsatisfied with a temporary peace and any compromise\\nwhich would have made Kansas a free State. And, in-\\ndeed, this would have been a great, and when accom-\\nplished was, a wonderful achievement. He believed it\\nhis duty and the duty of every man to demand freedom\\nfor the whole people. He saw that we might patch a\\ncompromise and cry peace peace but that there\\nwould be no peace and no possibility of permanent peace\\nin Kansas or any other State or Territory so long as our\\ngovernment was an absurdity so long as we proclaimed\\nfreedom and practiced slavery. We had been trying com-\\npromise and proclaiming peace for half a century, during\\nwhich slavery had made conquest after conquest,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nmarched from triumph to triumph, until those forces\\nof our country resting on justice, humanity, the Declara-\\ntion, the Constitution, and the Christian religion, said\\nthat it was useless to continue longer the deception.\\nWithout claiming more than that he was acting in\\nobedience to God s will, John Brown represented these", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "1 PREFACE\\nforces for our preservation. He believed that God com-\\nmanded him to make war upon the wickedness of slavery.\\nNot only that, he believed this command was to every\\nother man. I find no evidence that John Brown assumed\\nto be the only man with a divine commission to fight slav-\\nery. John Brown heeded this call; therein lies his glory.\\nJohn Brown was right. He was a revolutionist and\\na reformer; he went back to first principles, and having\\ndone so, deception and temporizing became impossible\\nto him. He saw the inconsistency of a government\\nfounded upon freedom enslaving millions of its people.\\nHe very properly concluded it was better that such a gov-\\nernment oease to exist altogether if it could not be brought\\nto conform to its expressed and underlying principle. As\\nit then existed it was a living lie. He believed that God\\ncalled him and every other man to work as in him lay,\\nto the end that our country might rise to the divine\\nheights of enduring truth and become in fact what the\\nfathers designed it the beacon to lead the world to\\nhigher conceptions of liberty. In this world obedience to\\nthe call of duty and the defense of humanity are due from\\nevery man. How few of us respond And our universal\\nindifference gives the greater glory to the individual who\\nsays in his weakness Here am I send me I will\\ndo what T can. John Brown said that. In sickness\\nand in health, through evil and good report, maligned\\nand ridiculed, beset by poverty, surrounded by ob-\\nstacles none other could have overcome, without any\\nhope, desire or expectation of reward in this life,\\nhe toiled onward and upward in the steep and rug-", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\n11\\nged path appointed to him. There is little doubt\\nthat he often saw the scaffold, or a file of soldiers\\nin front of himself with a coffin at his feet, at the end\\nof the way. But he turned not aside. And therein lies\\nthe grandeur of the character of John Brown. God had\\ngiven him the cup, and until He let it pass it must be\\ndrained to the last drop. When it was plain that this cup\\ncontained the bitterness of death, it was given him to\\nsee that he was certainly right, and the power to exclaim\\nwith Saint Paul: I have fought the good fight, I have\\nfinished my course, I have kept the faith: Henceforth\\nthere is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which\\nthe Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at that day:\\nand not to me only, but unto all them that love His\\nappearing.\\nIt took the Civil War to tell us that John Brown was\\nright. On the scaffold he could exclaim with Carlyle:\\nFor men s hearts ought not to be set against one an-\\nother; but with one another, and all against the Evil\\nthing only. Men s souls ought to be left to see clearly;\\nnot jaundiced, blinded, twisted all awry, by revenge, mu-\\ntual abhorrence, and the like. An Insurrection that can\\nannounce the disease, and then retire with no sucli\\nbalance-account opened anywhere, has attained the highest\\nsuccess possible for it.\\nA word personal. The writing of this Life of John\\nBrown was in the beginning assigned to our Editor,\\nWilliam M. Davidson, Esq., Superintendent of the\\nPublic Schools of Topeka, than whom no one is better\\nqualified for the work. But Mr. Davidson found it im-", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "12\\nPREFACE\\npossible to devote the time to it which he believed neces-\\nsary to attain the highest results. Then he turned the\\nwork over to me, together with his results as far as he\\nhad gone with the matter. I have had the benefit of bis\\nkindly advice and judgment, the use of his private library,\\none of the finest in the State, and am under such a debt\\nof obligation to him that nothing less than this public\\nacknowledgment can in any degree discbarge it, and this\\nI gratefully accord him.\\nMy thanks are due, too, to the State Historical Society.\\nIts library is one of the best in the United States, and\\nis rich in documents relating to John Brown. Mr. George\\nW. Martin, the efficient Secretary, placed them all at\\nmy service.\\nI rest also under obligations to F. B. Sanborn, of Con-\\ncord, Massachusetts, author of Life and Letters of John\\nBrown. During his recent visit to our city we discussed\\nthe whole field, and since his return home he has sent me\\nbooks and papers.\\nAnd no less am I bound to Colonel Richard J. Hinton,\\nof Brooklyn, New York. AVhile in attendance upon the\\nsessions of the Annual Meeting of the State Historical\\nSociety we had many conferences upon this subject. He\\nhas, since his return home, kindly continued to assist\\nme. He was one of John Brown s men, and but one\\nother man now living has such a personal knowledge of\\nthe old hero. Colonel Hinton is the author of John Brown\\nand His Men.\\nHon. D. W. Wilder, of Hiawatha, Kansas, is entitled\\nto the gratitude of anyone who desires a knowledge of\\nKansas history. His Annals of Ivansas is the greatest", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\n13\\nwork ever written of our State, and is an imperishable\\nmonument to his genius and industry. And aside from\\nthat I have had the benefit of his personal interest in\\nthis work, and his vast knowledge of the subject has been\\nat all times at my disposal.\\nI wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Mrs. Sara\\nT. D. Robinson, of Lawrence, Kansas. She has furnished\\nme much information which I could not have obtained\\nelsewhere. One of the earliest and best books written\\non Kansas is her Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life.\\nIt was not the least of the causes that made Kansas free.\\nAnd in addition to her literary work for bleeding Kan-\\nsas, she rendered other services that are a great credit\\nto her head and heart, and of vast benefit to us who\\nenjoy the fruits of them.\\nThe Rev. Thomas C. Richards, pastor of the Con-\\ngregational Church in West Torrington, Connecticut, to\\nwhich John Brown s father and mother belonged, has sent\\nme valuable papers, for which I return him my thanks.\\nThe Historical Department of Iowa, Des Moines, sent\\nme books and papers which I found indispensable in\\nthis work.\\nMrs. E. G. Piatt, of Oberlin, Ohio, now in the evening\\nof a noble and beautiful Christian life, forgetting the\\nweight of her many years, has taken her pen in hand to\\ngive me information.\\nMajor J. B. Remington, of Osawatomie, Kansas, mar-\\nried the daughter of the Rev. S. L. Adair, who was the\\nbrother-in-law of John Brown. He sent me the letters\\nwritten by the old hero that yet remain in the family.", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "14 PREFACE\\nI have talked with a great number of persons in Kan-\\nsas who were personally acquainted with John Brown.\\nI mention some of them: John Armstrong, Edward P.\\nHarris, G. W. W. Yates, Harvey D. Kice, and Edwin K.\\nPartridge. I have profited by information imparted by\\nall. I have been inspired and aided by the poetry of my\\nfriend Eugene F. Ware, and have had the benefit of his\\ngenius and research. His knowledge of Kansas affairs\\nif. something wonderful. I am also indebted to my friend,\\nCaptain Joseph G. Waters, for many kind and useful\\nsuggestions.\\nI feel, too, that it is due the house of Crane Company,\\nfor whom this work is prepared, that I should acknowledge\\nthe deep interest they have taken in the collection of\\nmaterial for the use of the writer. They have ever been\\nthe friends of Kansas writers. They left nothing undone\\nto help me make this work all that it should be.\\nWILLIAM E. CONNELLEY.\\nTopeka, Kansas, June, 1900.", "height": "2620", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nSLAVERY IN AMERICA.\\nThe abhorred Form\\nWhose scarlet robe was stiff with earthly pomp,\\nWho drank iniquity in cups of gold,\\nWhose names were many and all blasphemous.\\nColeridge.\\nThe origin of moral law must be sought in the dawn\\nof intelligence and at that point in human progress where\\nman is first conscious of human dignity. In the condi-\\ntion anterior to this, man was a savage with a remote\\nsocial instinct. He was a hunter, and prowled from the\\nsame necessity that impels the wolf. As war is a relation\\nbetween state and state and not a relation between man\\nand man, his conflicts in this early stage of his develop-\\nment are to be regarded as single combats, duels, and\\nencounters; and in these he could capture prisoners but\\ncould not make them slaves. Having no occupation nor\\nindustry in which one held by force could be profitably\\nemployed, he slew his captives on the field of battle or\\nreserved them for torture or sacrifice. If any escaped\\nthese ends, they were adopted, and became competent\\nmembers of the victorious band or family. But death\\nmight not await females, for in this period of social prog-\\nress (or the want of it) whatever of labor is necessary to\\nlife is performed by the women. And in the animal king-\\n(15)", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "16 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ndom the first and chief contention between the males arises\\nfor possession of the females in even the crudest forms\\nof society females may be held by force, but their deten-\\ntion is not slavery as we understand the term, and their\\nlot is not more wretched than that of the women born in\\nthe family or band holding them.\\nIn the path of human progress the barbarian follows\\nthe savage; the advance is chiefly due to the tending of\\nsuch animals as may have been domesticated. Men are\\ncongregated into rude governments, the distinguishing\\nfeatures of which are patriarchal men are associated\\nalong the lines of consanguinity. Man is here nomadic,\\nbut usually the wanderings of a band or community do\\nnot extend beyond the bounds of a circumscribed and well-\\ndefined district; and such rovings are often to find pas-\\nturage for herds and flocks. The outlines of a state are\\ndiscernible and a rude and savage warfare is possible.\\nCaptives are reserved for barter to adjoining tribes, and\\na few are retained to assist in whatever of agriculture\\nmay be practiced some may be even intrusted with the\\ncare of animals.\\nIn the third period of human progress society becomes\\nsedentary and man fixes himself to the soil of a particular\\nlocality, and in the main he keeps to this. This is the\\nresult of several causes; as the nomadic families and\\nclans of the barbarous increase, more dependence is had\\nupon the soil for existence. The warlike characteristics\\nare retained, and as slaves cannot be expected to battle\\nvaliantly for their masters, they are forced to cultivate\\nthe land, and are also given care of the herds and flocks\\nwhich the masters have deserted for war and conquest.", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 1 7\\nThe divine decree, In the sweat of thy face shalt thou\\neat bread, was considered by the ancients a punishment\\nof sufficient magnitude for disobedience to God s specific\\ncommand. This judgment is founded in the nature of\\nman, for in him there is no inherent love of work. Reg-\\nular and sustained labor is a characteristic which it lias\\ntaken man ages to acquire. Antipathy to regular and\\nsustained labor is deeply rooted in human nature, es-\\npecially in the earlier stages of the social movement,\\nwhen insouciance is so common a trait, and irresponsi-\\nbility is hailed as a welcome relief.\\nProductive industry has always been the result of slav-\\nery, and has become a fixed characteristic in a people only\\nafter ages of labor performed by the helpless under the\\nstrong hand of force and oppression. Nowhere has a\\nsystem of economics arisen by voluntary effort. When\\nthe decadence of force enabled the lower strata of society\\nto rise and throw off their bonds, the whole community\\nwas compelled to work, to unite in labor to supply the\\nnecessaries and wants resulting from the labor of a por-\\ntion, now become indispensable to the existence of all.\\nSlavery is reestablished by further conquest, or, perhaps,\\nhas not been allowed to become altogether obsolete. But\\nas slavery presupposes the existence of a condition or state\\nof war, it becomes now deleterious to the society founded\\nupon the industries its presence developed. For, in the de-\\nvelopment of these industries human dignity appears and\\nmoral law is perceived; this the moral reaction of slav-\\nery tends to subvert, and if involuntary servitude is per-\\nsisted in as an institution, society is thrown back on itself", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "18 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nand industrial and moral development becomes impossible.\\nAnd the mental powers being different in different indi-\\nviduals, or becoming so by occupations in different indus-\\ntries or by certain conventionalities instituted and im-\\nposed by the masters, society divides along the line of\\nmental strength or upon the basis of conventionalities,\\nand this results in the enslavement of a portion of society\\nby caste or custom. The accumulations of ages fall into\\nthe hands and under the control of a few. If the inferior\\nclasses escape the slavery of caste, slaves are imported,\\nand the free citizens are sent to war. The property of\\nthe state, including the land, falls into the hands of the\\nclass who rule politically, and who are supported by the\\nlabor of the weak and the helpless. They become a class of\\nidlers and cruel oppressors who lead lives of ease, indul-\\ngence, and often of excess and wickedness. War is en-\\ntered upon for conquest and weaker nations are enslaved\\nor destroyed. In this period of human progress slavery\\nbecomes a curse to all classes, and must cease, or end in\\ndisorder or, even, the destruction of society.\\nThough the evil effects of slavery always manifest\\nthemselves so clearly in this period of progress and are\\ncried out against by the just and the humane, the interests\\nof property are usually paramount to the rights of man,\\nand only the most enlightened nations have abolished\\nslavery.\\nOnly the political effects of slavery and its aid in the\\ndevelopment of productive industry have been noticed\\nhere. The moral effects of the institution have been\\nscarcely considered in the foregoing. While it must be\\nadmitted that politically slavery was indispensable in", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 19\\nthe early periods of social progress, in that productive\\nindustry is wholly the result of it, it is true that its moral\\neffects have always been debasing and disastrous, and\\nequally so to the master and the slave. It always afforded\\nunusual opportunities for the indulgence of the basest\\npropensities of human nature. Another evil of slavery,\\nmore manifest to society than the preceding one, was the\\ndevelopment of tyranny. Absolute rule the exercise of\\nabsolute power is ruinous to man s nature, and the ar-\\nrogance and intolerance it develops in a class are always\\nsubversive of patriotism. It engenders and develops all\\nthe brutal tendencies of unrestrained human nature.\\nFlattery is sought and vanity becomes characteristic.\\nTrue conditions of moral life become obscured, society\\nbecomes distorted, and tendencies to decay and demorali-\\nzation are hailed as signs of social and political progress.\\nThe rights of others are wholly disregarded, and this\\ncharacteristic is carried into all intercourse with institu-\\ntions and states. Constraint in even its mildest forms is\\nirksome, not to be endured or even thought of, and the\\npolicy of the slave-owner comes to be expressed in two\\nwords rule or ruin. Reason is dethroned and tyranny\\nset on the throne in the temple of human liberty. The\\nvoice of protest is stifled and the right of free speech\\ndenied. In ancient times the sages commented on the\\nlittle humanity commonly observed in persons accustomed\\nfrom their infancy to exercise so great authority over\\ntheir fellow-creatures and to trample upon human nature.\\nNor can a more probable reason be assigned for the\\nsevere, I might, say, barbarous manners of ancient times\\nthan the practice of domestic slavery, by which every", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "20\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CEASSICS\\nman of rank was rendered a petty tyrant, and educated\\namidst the flattery, submission, and low debasement of his\\nslaves.\\nSlavery was introduced into the ~Kew World by the\\nSpaniards. They enslaved the natives, and in many\\nplaces exterminated them by this barbarous system.\\nBefore the discovery of America (in 1402), the Portu-\\nguese had begun to enslave the Africans. One Antam\\nGonsalves captured some Moors while exploring the At-\\nlantic coast of Africa, and carried them to his own country;\\nPrince Henry the Navigator ordered them returned to\\ntheir own land; and as a reward for this act of justice\\nthe Moors of that country gave Gonsalves ten negroes\\nand some gold dust. Here was discovered by accident an\\nopportunity for enterprise in a new field of commerce, and\\nmany Portuguese embraced it. Ports were built and\\nmanned along the Atlantic coast of Africa, to serve as\\nbases for the slave trade. From these points many\\nnegroes were sent into Portugal and Spain, and their de-\\nscendants were carried slaves to the Spanish and Portu-\\nguese colonies in America. Early in the sixteenth cen-\\ntury the King of Spain granted a patent to a favorite\\ncourtier, giving him the exclusive right to carry negro\\nslaves to the West Indies. This patent allowed the im-\\nportation of four thousand slaves per annum; it was sold\\nto Genoese navigators, who procured their negroes from\\nthe Portuguese. The practice became from this time\\nsystematic, and was eagerly entered by many of the\\nnations of Europe. The first Englishman to engage in\\nthis odious traffic was Captain John Hawkins, who\\namassed a great estate, and was knighted by Queen Eliza-", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n21\\nbeth. England had no colonies in America at that time,\\nand Sir John s business was with the Spanish settlements.\\nHis manner of barter is said to have been somewhat arbi-\\ntrary. It is recorded of him that he would land with his\\nhuman chattels at some unfortified town, train the cannon\\nof his ships upon the principal buildings, and then de-\\nmand that he be instantly paid so much for his human\\ncargo. His conditions were complied with from necessity,\\nand the bluff old Captain sailed away with great satisfac-\\ntion.\\nThose portions of our country acquired from Spain, or\\nsome of them, contained slaves before the English planted\\ncolonies in America. But in 1620 a Dutch ship landed\\nat Jamestown, in the colony of Virginia, with slaves\\nobtained on the coast of Guinea. A part of this cargo\\nwas sold to the tobacco-planters of Virginia. The trade\\nhere commenced was carried into all the colonies of Great\\nBritain in America; and in 1790 Virginia contained\\ntwo hundred thousand negro slaves.\\nThe greatest men of England condemned the slave trade\\nin the last half of the seventeenth century, and in 1772\\nLord ]VIansfield defined the legal status of an English\\nslave in his famous decision rendered for the whole bench.\\nHe declared that u as soon as a slave set his foot on the\\nsoil of the British Islands he was free.\\nThe first action taken in England by an organization\\nor body against the slave trade was had by the Quakers,\\nwho declared in their meeting of 1727 that it was a prac-\\ntice not to be commended or allowed. In 1761 they\\nprohibited their members from engaging in it. They\\nformed an association of their members in 17So having", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "22\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nfor its object the relief and liberation of the negro slaves\\nin the West Indies, and for the discouragement of the\\nslave-trade on the coast of Africa. The practice was not,\\nhowever, abolished and prohibited by England until 1811.\\nDenmark was the first country to abolish the loathsome\\ntraffic; May 16, 1792, it was decreed that it cease in the\\nDanish possessions at the end of 1802.\\nThe Quakers in Pennsylvania advocated the abolition\\nof the slave-trade before those in England considered the\\nquestion. Their first opposition to it was formulated in\\n1696; and they continued to take advanced ground upon\\nthe subject until 1776, when they excluded slaveholders\\nfrom membership in their society. The United States\\nfinally prohibited the importation of slaves; the law was\\npassed March 2d, 1807, to become effective January 1st,\\n1808.\\nWashington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton,\\nand many others of the founders of the Republic opposed\\nslavery and saw in it the source of evil and trouble to\\nour country. Jefferson was the most active of its eminent\\nadversaries. In 1784 he proposed to the Continental\\nCongress a plan of government for the territory included\\nnow in the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee,\\nin which it was provided that after the year 1800 there\\nshall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any\\nof said States, otherwise than in punishment for crime.\\nThis humane and patriotic measure was lost. The conven-\\ntion which met in Philadelphia in 1787 and formed our\\nConstitution was opposed to slavery. The fathers of the\\nRepublic there assembled would have provided for its ex-\\ntinction but for the States of South Carolina and Georgia.", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 23\\nBoth of these States, the latter probably at the instance\\nof the former, insisted upon its retention as a condition\\nto their becoming members of the new Union. In the\\nsame year slavery had been excluded from the territory\\nnorthwest of the Ohio river by the last Continental Con-\\ngress. Slavery was gradually extinguished in the North.\\nSlavery having survived the establishment of the Re-\\npublic, it soon became aggressive. Its tenacious depravity\\nwas aided by many favorable circumstances. The in-\\nfluences which augmented the increasing power of the\\nslave-owners and slave States are marked in our national\\ngrowth by (1) The acquisition of Louisiana, although the\\npurchase was not made in the interest of slavery; (2) The\\nMissouri Compromise of 1820; (3) The annexation of\\nTexas, in 1845; (4) The Fugitive Slave Law, slavery\\nlegalized in New Mexico, and the other measures of the\\nCompromise of 1850; (5) The Kansas-Nebraska bill,\\n1854.; (6) The Ostend Manifesto, 1854; (7) The at-\\ntempt to reopen the slave-trade, 1859-60. While the\\nmeasures of 1854 were in the interest of slavery,\\nthey precipitated the conflict which ended in its ex-\\ntinction. There were many subordinate causes for the\\ngrowth of slavery, not the least of which was the\\ninvention of the cotton-gin by Whitney, the profits\\nof which were almost all filched from him by the\\nslave States. The South apostatized from the faith\\nof Jefferson, and chiefly through the efforts of Calhoun.\\nThe tariff was made the cause in 1828, when Calhoun de-\\nclared that the resolutions of 98 inculcated the doctrine\\nof secession as a remedy against obnoxious or unsatis-\\nfactory Federal laws. His construction was soon made", "height": "2718", "width": "1675", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "u\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\napplicable to slavery by Southern statesmen, who were\\ndetermined to make this institution the underlying prin-\\nciple of a league or cabal for the control of the Govern-\\nment.\\ntt is wonderful to realize the completeness of the infat-\\nuation of tlic South with the institution of negro slavery.\\nIt is strange and seems almost incredible that the truth\\nof history allows us to say that in this free land, up to\\n1860, freedom of speech was absolutely prohibited^ more\\nthan one-half of it. Yet such is the fact. No minister\\ndared to lift up his voice there against slavery or any of\\nits evil consequences. Sermons were always prepared to\\nmeet the approval of the slave-owners. Mob law and\\nsuch punishments as burning at the stake were advo-\\ncated by the aristocratic press of the South as suitable\\nfor those who opposed their institution on its own ground.\\nThe non-slaveholding whites were terrorized and brutally\\nhung without trial. Many persons of Northern birth\\nwere put to death in the South upon mere suspicion and\\nwithout even mob trial. The Government mails were\\nrifled and anti-slavery literature seized and publicly\\nburned by the clergy and prominent men in public assem-\\nbly. The Rev. Elijah P. Love joy was slain in Alton,\\nIllinois, and anti-abolition riots occurred in many North-\\nern cities, including Boston. Never in our history have\\nthe arrogance and intolerance of the slave-power been\\nequaled. It was boasted that the masters would again call\\nthe rolls of their slaves in the shadow of the Bunker Hill\\nmonument. Public moneys were embezzled and purloined\\nto buy newspapers to speak for slavery. It was asserted\\nthat could Washington have returned to life he would", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n25\\nhave been mobbed in Virginia. A lawyer sent from\\nMassachusetts to South Carolina to perform a mission\\nfor the State was forced to depart from Charleston after\\na mob had been for days warning him to quit the city; he\\nand his daughter were forcibly placed in a carriage, driven\\nto the wharf, placed on a boat and sent away. Slavery\\nwas carried into our foreign relations, and we stood in\\nthe eyes of the world what we in fact were a slave\\nNation. At the close of the Missouri struggle in 1820\\na Governmental policy was formulated which prevented\\nthe North from reaping any advantage accruing from that\\nCompromise. The arable portion of the country north of\\nthe Compromise line in the Louisiana Purchase was as-\\nsigned to emigrant tribes of Indians, to be by them held\\nas long as grass grows or water runs. As opposed to\\nthis policy for the North, Texas was annexed to afford\\nslavery a field for expansion. Cuba was coveted, and the\\nslave-power committed the Government to its acquisition.\\nThe Mexican war brought vast territory to slavery and as\\na last resort the Compromise was repealed. The supreme\\ntribunal of the land was made the ally of slavery, and\\nannounced that the institution could not be excluded by\\nlaw from any territory in the United States. Slavery\\ndominated the Government; up to 1860 the South had\\nheld the Presidency forty-eight years more than two-\\nthirds of the time to 1860 eleven of sixteen terms. The\\nSouth had seventeen of the twenty-eight Justices of the\\nSupreme Court, fourteen of the nineteen Attorneys-\\nGeneral, sixty-one of the seventy-seven Presidents of the\\nSenate, twenty-one of the thirty-three Speakers of the", "height": "2729", "width": "1701", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "26 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nHouse, and eighty of the one hundred and thirty-four\\nForeign Ministers.\\nNature never made a fairer country nor a more fertile\\none than that portion of the United States south of Mason\\nand Dixon s line. ]STo material natural resource is want-\\ning. Gold, silver, lead, zinc, copper, iron, coal, oil, build-\\ning-stone, timber, natural gas, water-power, fertile soil,\\nbeautiful and grand scenery, a healthful and pleasant cli-\\nmate, navigable rivers in great abundance, and an ocean\\nline of remarkable extent, all these invited for the South\\nan industrial development second to no other equal area\\non the globe. At the time of the adoption of the Federal\\nConstitution the South was the most populous portion of\\nthe Union, and, too, the most prosperous and wealthy.\\nIn 1790 Virginia contained 748,308 inhabitants and New\\nYork but 340,120. The census for 1850 showed 3,097,394\\nfor New York and 1,421,661 for Virginia. Commerce\\nmade a similar transfer of preponderance. In 1791 the\\nexports of Virginia amounted to $3,130,865, while those\\nof New York were only $2,505,465. The figures in 1852\\nwere, for New York $87,484,456, and for Virginia, $2,-\\n724,657, a decrease of $406,208 from the amount for the\\nyear 1791. The comparisons between Massachusetts and\\nNorth Carolina, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, show\\neven greater paralysis and stagnation in those Southern\\nStates and the same vigor and progress in the correspond-\\ning Northern States. No manufactures were established\\nin the South; in fact, they were discouraged; by public\\nsentiment, prohibited.\\nNot alone did slavery blight agriculture and commerce\\nin the South. Where the foot of the slave pressed it the", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n27\\nsoil was accursed. In 1850 the value of land in New-\\nJersey was $28.76 per acre; in South Carolina, consid-\\nered the queen of the slave States, the value of land in the\\nsame year was one dollar and thirty-two cents per acre,\\nand almost the same proportion prevailed between the\\nother Northern and Southern States.\\nThe slaveholders were always a great minority of the\\nwhite population of the South; but they succeeded in\\noverriding and debasing the non-slaveholding whites to\\nthat degree that they were eliminated from any participa-\\ntion in public affairs. No schools were provided, and so\\nignorant and sodden became the poor whites that they\\nwere held in contempt by even the slaves. This condition\\nexisted in all portions of the South, except what may be\\ntermed Appalachian America. Here there was a hardy\\npeople imbued with the principles of liberty, and who\\nbitterly hated slavery. When the opportunity came they\\nfought for its destruction, and they have never been in\\nsympathy with the slave portion of the South. The South-\\nern planters sold their own children by slave mothers into\\nslavery, and the knowledge of this fact brought no dis-\\ngrace. Indeed, it secured honor; for Richard M. John-\\nson, of Kentucky, was elected Vice-President of the United\\nStates after it was publicly known that many of his chil-\\ndren were slaves. Wendell Phillips said: Virginia is\\nonly another Algiers. The barbarous horde who gag each\\nother, imprison women for teaching children to read, pro-\\nhibit the Bible, sell men on the auction-block, abolish\\nmarriage, condemn half their women to prostitution, and\\ndevote themselves to the breeding of human beings for\\nsale, is only a larger and blacker Algiers.", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "28 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nIt will be asked why slavery was permitted and so\\nfiercely fought for as to lead men to look to a dissolution\\nof the Union in order to perpetuate it, if it was so great\\nan evil. Slavery benefitted the individual slave-owners.\\nThrough it they seized all political power where the in-\\nstitution existed; they were the landholders, ministers,\\nmerchants, and planters. By their insolent intolerance\\nthey moulded the sentiment of the South, and there it was\\nmade to favor the institution with a unanimity remark-\\nable, and never before surpassed in any part of any country\\non any subject. They cared nothing for the general decay\\nof their country so long as they flourished individually.\\nTheir white non-slaveholding neighbors increased enor-\\nmously, but there was nothing for them to follow in the\\nway of honorable calling, and there existed no schools for\\ntheir children; but this was brutally disregarded, for to\\ntheir own children would fall slaves to cultivate the soil,\\nand an education in Northern colleges. They utterly\\nignored and disregarded that axiom of republican govern-\\nments, that the injury to one is the injury of the whole.\\nIn the South violence was done to the rights of a vast\\nmajority of the people, and this violence benefitted a\\nclass upon which it finally reacted morally, and the reac-\\ntion destroyed the institution by which the wrong existed.\\nEvery law is the result of some social instinct in the\\nnature of man. What conflicts with his nature and social\\ninstinct cannot long remain a law. As man is the only\\nanimal endowed with any considerable degree of reason,\\nhe is the only animal in which different environment and\\ndegrees of progress beget variety and modification in in-\\nstinct to an appreciable degree. Progress in man modifies", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n29\\nhis social instinct, and this modification makes social ad-\\nvancement possible necessary imperative. Man will\\nbattle in one age to throw off and rise above what cost blood\\n^nd treasure in a preceding age. There is no stationary\\nground for man socially, morally, or mentally; he must\\nadvance, to avoid retrocession. Institutions suited to one\\ncondition of society become the bane and destruction of a\\nhigher condition. Governments that do not learn and\\nheed this law perish from the earth. We may see this\\nexemplified in the tendencies of our own country under\\nslavery. We founded a free government a republican\\ndemocracy with slavery as an institution, an institution\\nso alien to our Declaration of Independence and all our\\navowed principles and recognized tenets, that only the\\npatriotism developed in our people by the War of the Revo-\\nlution enabled us to survive for even a short time. In the\\ngeneration succeeding the Revolutionary fathers, the poison\\nmanifested itself in symptoms of some violence. Before\\n1850 the decadence of the Republic was plainly visible;\\nand between 1850 and 1860 the Government was a slave\\noligarchy. From the time of the beginning of the Admin-\\nistration of Jackson the nationality of the country and the\\nsentiment of the people for the Union fell into a rapid\\nand almost fatal decline. This may be said to have begun\\nwith the adoption of the Missouri Compromise. It took\\ncivil war to save us that cleared away falsehoods and\\ngave us a true conception of what our Union means. It\\nrighted us about, and from the devious paths through the\\nquagmires of nullification, State-rights, human bondage,\\nand secession, brought us to the solid highway of liberty\\nand nationality. Von Hoist finds slavery in a democratic", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "30 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nrepublic to be such a political inconsistency as could only\\nend in violent revolution.\\nThe opposition to slavery in the early days of the Repub-\\nlic was of the type which tolerated it while recognizing its\\nevils and its dangers to free institutions. The fathers of\\nour country were opposed to it, but they feared to take\\naction looking to its extinction: that step might have pre-\\nvented the formation of a more perfect Union. They con-\\ntented themselves with leaving to posterity their recorded\\nconvictions, and the hope that time would set right what\\nthey could not then with safety undertake. Their action\\nwas the choice of the least of two evils.\\nNo direct anti-slavery movement, or even advocate, was\\nanywhere found in our country until about the year 1815.\\nA New Jersey Quaker named Benjamin Lundy organized\\nthe Union Humane Society in Wheeling, Virginia, in\\nthat year. So much engrossed with his work in this field\\ndid he become that he spent his life in it. He founded\\npapers for the exposition of his views. He organized anti-\\nslavery societies in the South in 1824, principally among\\nthe Quakers there, and visited Hayti in 1825 in the interest\\nof his work. He was followed by William Lloyd Garrison,\\nwho was the most radical and impracticable of all the\\nopponents of slavery; many opponents of the institution\\ncould not agree with him in either method or sentiment.\\nA Liberty party arose, composed of men who believed\\nthe Federal Constitution was in spirit anti-slavery. They\\nsupported only such men as were in favor of liberty for\\nall, and were the most practical and effective in their\\nwork against slavery, of the Northern parties. There\\nwere many organizations formed in the North having for\\ntheir purpose agitation against the further extension of", "height": "2692", "width": "1706", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "JOHX BROWN\\n31\\nslavery, not so radical as the Garrisonians nor so liberal\\nas the Liberal party. They were never independently\\nnor collectively of sufficient strength to materially influence\\npublic sentiment, and served more to indicate the growing\\ndiscontent with the institution than as a means to its aboli-\\ntion. The agitation commenced in the North by Lundy,\\nand carried forward by those societies and parties,\\nbore fruit in later years. There began to be a conservative\\nand independent element there that grew steadily and took\\na practical view of the situation; they did not separate\\nthemselves from existing parties, but sought the election\\nof such men as they believed would turn every favorable\\nincident to advantage and work consistently against the\\nfurther extension of slavery. Of this great body such men\\nas Lincoln, Greeley, and Giddings were leaders; their\\nadherents constantly increased in numbers and influence,\\nand finally in the development of events, and, fired by the\\nmartyrdom of John Brown, they arose in their might and\\naccomplished the redemption and purification of our coun-\\ntry.\\nBy slaveholders everywhere in the South these people,\\nsocieties and parties were called abolitionists indis-\\ncriminately. No distinctions were made; and the people\\nthere were taught that these Northern opponents of slavery\\nwere in hostility to the Christian religion and the Federal\\nConstitution, and were deserving of death. In the South it\\nwas taught that Northern society was founded on free-love\\nprinciples, and the text-books spoke of Northern childless\\nwives, old maids, and divorced women as constitut-\\ning the female part of the population. The men of the\\nNorth were spoken of as cowardly, hypocritical, mercenary,\\nand meddlesome; it was taught and believed that one", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "32 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nSouthern man could easily put six Yankees to flight,\\nand that Northern men would never fight the aggressions\\nof slavery if it came to blows. The Democratic party\\nstood as the champion of slavery, and from a national\\nbecame a sectional party, seeking the supremacy of the\\ninstitution, or, in the event of failure in that, a sepa-\\nration from the North by means of secession. The odium\\nwhich it cast upon the workers for the confinement of\\nslavery to its bounds as fixed by the terms of the Missouri\\nCompromise had its effect and innueuce in the North, and\\nmany persons who really favored freedom were deterred\\nby it from identifying themselves with the advocates of\\nliberty.\\nUp to 1854 the abolition movement had accomplished\\nlittle of practical benefit. Public sentiment was being\\nslowly aroused very slowly; the minister who preached\\nthe funeral sermon of John Brown in 1859 was driven\\nfrom his charge. In the face of all the agitation and\\ntheory the slave-power constantly extended its prestige and\\ninfluence. It had cause to be encouraged, and felt strong\\nenough to undertake the removal of the last barrier which\\nstood between it and the unsettled portion of the United\\nStates. In this spirit it triumphantly entered upon tho\\nrepeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in the accomplish-\\nment of this purpose it stood in exultation on the ruins of\\nthe temporizing measures devised to prohibit the intro-\\nduction of slaves into the Territories.\\nBut it has often happened in this world that the exultant\\ncry of victory and defiance was the voice that aroused\\nthe latent energies of a nation to a more desperate resist-\\nance. It proved so in this case. Theory and agitation\\nhad failed. It now came to blows in Kansas.", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nTHE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS.\\nWe cross the prairies as of old\\nThe fathers crossed the sea,\\nTo make the West, as they the East,\\nThe homestead of the free.\\nWe go to plant the common school\\nOn distant prairie swells,\\nAnd give the Sabbaths of the wilds\\nThe music of her bells.\\nUpbearing, like the ark of God,\\nThe Bible in our van,\\nWe go to test the truth of God\\nAgainst the fraud of man.\\nWhit tier.\\nThe Platte Country was so called from some time\\nperhaps as remote as the Missouri Compromise. It\\nstretched from the Indian Territory and the Missouri river\\nto the summit of the Rocky Mountains and to the borders\\nof British America. The name came from the great river\\ncrossing it from west to east to add its turbid waters to\\nthe yellow flood of the Missouri. It was in 1850 a vast\\nplain covered with Indian tribes and buffalo the home of\\nwild men and wild animals. White men were prohibited\\nfrom settling on this portion of the public domain, and\\nthe fairest and most fertile land in the West remained\\na waste. But, although without civilization, the land was\\nwell known. Great and ancient highways traveled these\\nboundless plains. One followed the Platte up to that de-\\n-3 (33)", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "34\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\npression in the great mountain-chain known as South\\nPass here it divided, and separated into two ways. One\\nof these followed western waters down to the Great Salt\\nLake Valley, and from thence across the burning sand-\\nwastes, over plains of sage, cactus and grease-wood, up\\nmountain ranges till the clouds were below, and down\\ngolden waters to the fair valleys of California. The other\\nbranch followed over rocky fastnesses, along and across\\ndeep and winding rivers, into wilderness wastes, over\\nragged and lava-scorched mountains to the green valley\\nof the Willamette, in Oregon, and down the mighty Co-\\nlumbia to the shores of the Pacific ocean. The other\\nancient way was the Old Santa Fe Trail, famous in\\nromance and song, and leading from the mouth of the\\nKansas river across the plains and through the mountains\\nto the land of the Montezumas. Along these plains high-\\nways rolled a commerce; the migration of the Mormons\\nand the discovery of gold in California sent over them\\nmighty streams of humanity.\\nBy the Missouri Compromise the Platte Country\\nwas dedicated and set apart to human liberty it was never\\nto be polluted nor pressed by the foot of the slave. For\\nthis reason the Government, in the hands of the slave-\\nowners, had removed it from the roll of lands upon which\\nthe people might enter and build homes. This removal\\nwas effected with plausibility; the land was assigned to\\ntribes of eastern Indians 2 who held it by virtue of solemn\\ntreaties which guaranteed that neither they nor the tracts\\nby them occupied should ever become part of any State\\nor Territory to be organized by the United States. But so\\nabsurd became this policy of prohibition that even the", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 35\\nIndians came to oppose it. In 1852 they began the agita-\\ntion for the removal of restrictions which resulted in the\\nformation of a provisional government for the country,\\nwhich they called Nebraska. Clamor for the removal of\\nthe restrictions resulted, and the representatives of the\\nprovisional government knocked for admission to the halls\\nof Congress. The pressure of home-seekers upon the\\nborders of the beautiful and forbidden land became tre-\\nmendous. Public sentiment, led by the owners of the soil,\\nwas fast coining to demand that the country be opened to\\nsettlement. This sentiment Avas not confined to the free\\nStates the people of some of the slave States, Missouri\\nespecially, were eager to have permission to establish them-\\nselves on the fair and fertile plains of Nebraska. On this\\naccount the provisional government received encourage-\\nment from that portion of the Missouri people reposing\\nconfidence in the leadership of Senator Benton. But as\\nthere was no available tract of country in that portion of\\nthe unsettled public domain surrendered to slavery to be\\nopened to settlement to counterbalance the Platte Coun-\\ntry should the restrictions to its settlement be removed,\\nto allow its organization would be giving an advantage to\\nfreedom. By the Missouri Compromise this land right-\\nfully belonged to the principles of freedom, and had been\\nrelinquished by the advocates of slavery thirty years be-\\nfore; but it was resolved to now make an effort to regain\\nat least a portion of the domain then lost.\\nA new tenet had been recognized in the compromise of\\n1850; it permitted the people of a Territory applying for\\nadmission as a State to determine for themselves the nature\\nof their institutions, and to legalize or prohibit slavery as", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "36 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthey might choose. When the Nebraska question came up\\nfor discussion the slave-power contended that this principle\\nabrogated the Missouri Compromise. The bills for the\\norganization of Nebraska Territory were cast aside, and a\\nbill providing for the formation of two Territories from the\\ndomain of the Platte Country was substituted for them.\\nThis bill declared the Missouri Compromise inoperative\\nand void, and affirmed the application of the principle of\\nthe compromise of 1850 to the proposed Territories in\\nexplicit terms. The struggle was long and bitter, and no\\nless so in Congress than in the country at large. The\\nSouth was properly charged with bad faith, and the matter\\nwas discussed by every newspaper in the land by citizens\\nin private walks and in public assemblies. Ministers ev-\\nerywhere made it the subject of sermons often objurga-\\ntory and vituperative in the North, always complimentary\\nand commendatory in the South. But in the struggle the\\nSouth had the advantage she was perfectly united, and\\nby seizing upon the personal ambitions and demagogical\\npropensities of Northern politicians created and main-\\ntained a considerable sentiment in its favor in that part\\nof our country where slavery was abhorred. She had\\nlooked forward to this very contingency, and fortified her-\\nself in the White House; Pierce was compelled to commit\\nhimself without reserve to the policy declared in the\\nKansas-Nebraska bill, in order to attain the Presidency.\\nIt was with great satisfaction, therefore, that he approved\\nthe Kansas-Nebraska bill on the 30th day of May, 1854.\\nThe result of this struggle was despondency in the North\\nand exultation in the South. Slavery regarded the vic-\\ntory won as in fact a compromise on the same lines gov-", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n37\\nerning the admission of States into the Union in the early\\ndays of the Government, when equilibrium of Congres-\\nsional representation was maintained by the admission of\\none slave and one free State at the same time. On this\\nprinciple two Territories were formed instead of one, and\\nthe South claimed the slave State Kansas, and conceded\\nthe free State Nebraska. The South was well equipped\\nto enter the contest for the consummation of this design.\\nOn the east Kansas joined a slave State\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Missouri. The\\nwestern counties of Missouri contained a large population\\npossessing many slaves, and an intense sentiment and de-\\nsire for the extension of slavery into Kansas. This condi-\\ntion was largely relied upon in the formulation of the\\nKansas-Nebraska plan. It was believed that the citizens\\nof Missouri would at once migrate to the new Territory\\nand seize all the choice lands before people from a\\ngreater distance could arrive. To facilitate this action the\\nGovernment concluded secret treaties with the Indian\\ntribes owning the land in the eastern portion of the Terri-\\ntory, wherein the greater part of the best land was to be at\\nonce opened to settlement; and the representatives of the\\nslave-power in Missouri were apprised of the conclusion\\nof these treaties long before their public proclamation.\\nAnd other slave States were expected to contribute largely\\nof their inhabitants with their slaves to form the popula-\\ntion of the new Territory organized in the interest of\\nslavery.\\nBut, the best-laid schemes o mice and men gang aft\\na-gley. Missouri failed to meet the expectations enter-\\ntained of her, because there was no pressing demand in\\nher western counties for land. These counties were yet", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "38 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nnew, and the people had not more than accomplished the\\nsubjection of the forest and prairie; land was cheap, and\\nno great sum could be realized from its sale. When it\\nwas known that people from the free States intended to\\ncontest for Kansas, the people owning slaves in Missouri\\nbecame averse to jeopardizing their property by carrying\\nit to a Territory which might in the end destroy its value.\\nThe institution proved too clumsy and too much of a\\nweight to be readily removed from States at a greater\\ndistance.\\nThe despondency of the North was temporary, and dis-\\nappeared after a brief period following the passage of the\\nKansas-Nebraska hill. In New England this reaction\\nwas largely sentimental. In the free States of the Ohio\\nValley it was intensely aggressive and practical. People\\nfrom Ohio, Pennsylvania and Indiana were in Kansas be-\\nfore the bill had finally passed. When it was known that\\nit had become a law, people from western New York and\\nPennsylvania, and from all the States made from the old\\nNorthwest Territory, set their faces towards Kansas with\\nthe avowed intention of building themselves homes and of\\nmaking the Territory a free State. The people of Mas-\\nsachusetts turned their sentiment to practical use, and\\nother New England States followed the example. The\\nEmigrant Aid Company was formed to carry out the\\npolicy announced by William H. Seward in the debate of\\nthe bill in the United States Senate. Eli Thayer was\\nthe principal mover in this organization, which became a\\npotent factor in making Kansas a free State. It was\\nlargely due to his efforts that the sentimental opposition\\nto the bill in New England was given some practical", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 39\\ndirection and form. Societies like that projected by him\\nwere formed in other New England States, and, indeed,\\nin other parts of the North. While it must be admitted\\nthat they accomplished great good for Kansas and the\\ncountry, it is true that their organization first alarmed the\\nSouth, and many of the outrages perpetrated by the border\\nruffians were inspired by their hostility to Northern emi-\\ngrant aid societies. Similar organizations were formed\\nin the South in the interest of slavery; in Missouri it was\\nclaimed that their organization was for the purpose of\\ncounteracting those of the North they were called Blue\\nLodges, Social Bands, Friends Societies, and\\nThe Sons of the South.\\nThe result of the ])assage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill\\nwas to localize for a time, and to transfer to Kansas, the\\npreliminary battle in the final contest between freedom\\nand slavery. The forces on each side were stirred to effort.\\nThe resources of each section were drawn upon to advance\\nrespective interests and pave the way to ultimate victory,\\nof which the South was sanguine and the North hopeful.\\nIn the actual conflict in Kansas, the South, flushed with\\nvictory in Congress and animated with impatience of re-\\nstraint, intolerance, and a fanatical but distorted faith\\nin the justice of her cause, was always the aggressor. The\\nNorthern emigrant was proclaimed an abolitionist, what-\\never his political faith or however tolerant his views.\\nNo discriminations were made. Abolitionists were de-\\nnounced in Kansas, as they had been everywhere in the\\nSouth, as the enemies of society, religion, humanity, and\\nthe Union. Of rights they were supposed not to have any,\\nand they were to be accorded none in Kansas. Their lives", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "40 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nwere considered as forfeited here, as in the South, and the\\nPro-Slavery settlers were urged to destroy them. The\\npartisans of freedom soon came to be called Free-State\\nmen; the advocates of slavery were known by various\\nnames: Pro-Slavery men, Law and Order men, and Na-\\ntional Democrats. But the people of Kansas bestowed\\nupon them the name, Border Ruffian. Many of the more\\ndepraved characters among them came to glory in this\\nterm, but there were many good people in the slavery\\nranks, and they were opposed to violence at all times.\\nThey were allowed little part in the formulation of the\\ncourse in Kansas in the interest of slavery. Those in\\npower and the great majority of those who came to Kansas\\nwere noisy, violent, aggressive, brutal and murderous from\\nthe very first. Some of the outrageous conduct of these\\nslavery partisans is enumerated: J\\nAs early as the 6th of October, 1854, Westport sent a\\nlarge body of men with arms, and banners decorated with\\nstrange devices and violent and threatening legends, to\\nbreak up the Free-State settlement of Lawrence. In the\\nmost violent and horrible oaths possible of expression in the\\nEnglish language they ordered the abolitionists to strike\\ntheir tents and leave the Territory. The settlers showed\\nthe eyes and teeth of courage, and the presumptuous\\ninvaders were so astonished at the exhibition of bravery\\nin Yankees that they returned home swearing wicked\\noaths of what they would do when they returned at the\\nend of a week with a larger force.\\nThe first elections were scenes of violence and disorder.\\nLong lines of whisky-sodden ruffians wound their sev-", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN ^1\\neral ways about the prairies and along the streams of\\nKansas, took armed possession of the polls and voting-\\nplaces, cast thousands of illegal votes, perjured themselves\\nby certifying to fraudulent election returns, and returned\\nin a drunken frenzy to their homes in Missouri. At\\nLeavenworth a Free-State election clerk named Wetherell\\ncomplained because a youth who said he was but nineteen\\nwas allowed to vote, on the qualification of having a claim\\nin Kansas he said he lived in Missouri. He was allowed\\nto cast nine votes for residents of Missouri who were not\\npresent, but who, so the youth said, had claims in the\\nTerritory. At this easy manner of exercising the rights\\nof suffrage Wetherell declared that the election was a\\nfraud. Charles Dunn was the chief ruffian present, and\\nhearing the remark of the clerk, seized him by the head,\\ndragged him from the building through the window with\\ngreat bodily injury, fell upon him, in company with other\\nruffians, beat and kicked him in a shamefully brutal man-\\nner, and left him for dead.\\nIn the same city a vigilance committee was formed at\\na meeting addressed by the Chief Justice of the Territory\\non the 30th of April, 1855. The resolutions adopted\\nwarned all persons not to come to our peaceful firesides\\nto slander us, and sow the seeds of discord between the\\nmaster and the servant and the duty of the committee\\nwas defined in the following explicit language All such\\npersons as shall by the expression of abolition sentiments\\nproduce a disturbance to the quiet of the citizens or danger\\nto their domestic relations, shall be notified and made to\\nleave the Territory.\\nMr. William Phillips, a lawyer, and by all reports a", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "42 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nbrave and good citizen, lived at the time in Leavenworth,\\nand soon became amenable to this power of the committee.\\nA mob seized him and carried him to Weston, Mo. There\\none-half his head was shaved as were the heads of convicts\\nin the dark ages he was stripped of his raiment, tarred\\nand feathered, ridden on a rail, had a halter put on his\\nneck by which he was led to the block, and by a negro\\ncried to the highest bidder and sold for one-fourth of one\\ncent. He was allowed to return home, but was soon after-\\nward murdered in his own house by a band of law and\\norder men styling themselves Territorial militia, and\\ncommanded by Frederick S. Emory; his sole offense was\\nlils refusal to leave the town of Leavenworth at the mob s\\nbidding.\\nOne of the most brutal and wanton murders ever com-\\nmitted in the Territory was that of Rees P. Brown. He\\nwas a resident of Leavenworth county, and had been to\\nthe polls at the village of Easton to attend the election\\nfor State officers under the Topeka Constitution. As he\\nand a number of other Free-State men were returning\\nhome they were met by Captain Charles Dunn, one of\\nthe most rabid ruffians that ever cursed the border. They\\nwere taken back to Easton and confined in a store; all\\nbut Brown were allowed to escape. A mob broke into\\nthe building in which Brown was confined and struck\\nhim several times in the face with a hatchet. The assault\\nwas made by one Gibson. He was thrown into a lumber\\nwagon, where he remained for seven hours while his\\ncaptors were drinking at a doggery, the weather being at\\nthe time bitterly cold. He was taken home and dragged\\nfrom the wagon to the frozen ground he was cast into", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n43\\nthe cabin with the words, Here is Brown He died\\nin about three hours, and the brutality he had suffered\\nmade his wife a maniac.\\nA Pro-Slavery man in Leavenworth made a bet that he\\ncould in two hours bring in the scalp of an abolitionist. A\\nyoung German was just returning to town after having\\ntaken his wife to visit her sister in Lawrence. The\\nruffian shot him, and he fell from his carriage; then the\\nmurderer scalped him and triumphantly returned with his\\nreeking trophy to claim his winning, which was a pair of\\nboots, against which he had bet six dollars. He was after-\\nwards tried for murder, and acquitted\\nThe paper of Stringfellow, published at Atchison, con\\ntained a standing notice that abolitionists would be\\nlynched if they dared to pollute our soil.\\nLut the ne phis ultra of ruffian outrage and villainy\\nwas attained in the enactment of the infamous code known\\nas the Bogus Laws, by the Legislature fraudulently se-\\nlected by the election at which the outrages before spoken\\nof occurred, and known in history as the Bogus Legisla-\\nture. One of these statutes provided that any person\\ndaring to discuss the question of the establishment of\\nslavery in Kansas, or whether it exists or does not exist\\nthere, should be imprisoned at hard labor for at least two\\nyears the maximum term not fixed it might be ninety-\\nnine years. By this code no man could serve on a jury\\nwho was opposed to slavery. It contained many laws of\\nthe same nature and that certain indication of tyranny\\nthe appointment of all county and township officers by the\\nLegislature or executive was fixed upon the people, who\\nwere thus divested of the right of local self-government.", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "44\\nTWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nAndrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, was appointed the\\nfirst Governor of the Territory; and his administration\\nwas one continuous struggle against the ruffians and min-\\nions of the slave-power for some semblance of right and\\njustice for the people. His efforts in this direction were\\nresented at Washington, and he was removed from office.\\nHe remained for a time in the Territory, and assisted in\\nthe founding of the Tree-State party and became its first\\ncandidate for Delegate to Congress. He was defeated by\\nfraud, and contested the election; the result was the ap-\\npointment of a committee to investigate Kansas affairs.\\nThis committee was virtually driven from the Territory\\nby the ruffians but it formulated a report which contains\\nmore than a thousand printed pages of the outrages against\\nliberty and the free people of Kansas. Reeder was forced\\nto fly to escape assassination at the hands of the principal\\nruffian of Leavenworth county acting for the slave-power.\\nUpon the removal of Reeder, Wilson Shannon was ap-\\npointed Governor. His weakness and his cringing and\\nobsequious sycophancy resulted in the outrages committed\\nin the Wakarusa war, and, finally, in anarchy. The\\nmurder of Free-State men became so common that it\\nceased even to cause comment. Governor Shannon was\\nhimself compelled to seek safety from assassination in\\nflight; he reported that dead bodies lay thickly all along\\nall the Territorial highways.\\nThus, chaos, anarchy, confusion and disorder in Kansas\\nresulted from the efforts of the Government to force\\nhuman bondage upon the people. Nevertheless, emigrants\\nfrom the free States continued to arrive. The foregoing\\ndescription will serve to show to some degree the disor-", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 45\\ndered and unsettled condition of society into which they\\ncame, and that their lives were forfeited the minute they\\nset foot in Kansas. They were subjected to many indig-\\nnities while passing through Missouri and the pirates\\nand ruffians there finally closed the Missouri river in the\\nhope that they would thereby be deterred from attempting\\nto reach the Territory. But these crusaders for freedom\\nwere made of sterner stuff. They turned to the north,\\nand came into the Mecca of their faith by the way of\\nIowa and Nebraska.\\nThere was in those days living in Ohio and New York\\na most remarkable family that of John Brown. So im-\\nportant was the work of this family in the emancipation\\nof the slaves of America, that a recent and eminent writer\\nupon the subject assigns it the fourth place in the causes\\nwhich resulted in their freedom. In the fall of 1854 five\\nof the sons of John Brown determined to remove to Kansas\\nto make themselves homes and assist in making it a free\\nState. They were bred to rugged industry and self-\\nreliance, and were inured to hardship, scant living, high\\nthinking and right conduct before God and man. They\\ncame to labor, to till the soil, to erect houses, to plant and\\ntend vineyards and orchards and to rear cattle, to devote\\nthemselves to the peaceful pursuits of the farm. They\\nbrought with them their young fruit trees and grapevines,\\ntheir plows and reaping-hooks, their tents and their cattle.\\nThey set out from the Western Reserve, in Ohio, where\\nthey then lived and where they had been born, in the fall\\nof 1854, with their cattle, and got as far as Meredosia,\\nIllinois. Here the brothers, Owen, Frederick and Salmon,", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "46\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nremained to care for the cattle through the winter, and\\nwhen spring came they drove them overland into Kansas.\\nThe brothers, Jason and John, jr., came by steamer down\\nthe Ohio river and to St. Louis. At this point they and\\ntheir families took passage on a boat bound for the Terri-\\ntory. It was crowded with people mostly from the South,\\n;is was plainly indicated by their language and dress;\\nwhile their drinking, profanity, and display of revolvers\\nand bowie-knives openly worn as a part of their make-up\\nclearly showed the class to which they belonged, and\\nthat their mission was to aid in establishing slavery in\\nKansas. Cholera appeared on the boat, and a number\\nof passengers died; among them, Austin, the little son\\nof Jason Brown. The brothers and their families went\\nashore at the panic-stricken town of Waverly, Missouri,\\nat night, in a furious thunder-storm, to commit to the\\nearth the body of their child; and without warning the\\nboat cast off and continued her way without them.\\nThey were left to make their way to Kansas City as best\\nthey could, and were compelled to complete their journey\\nby stage.\\nThese brothers arrived very early in the spring of 1855.\\nIf they were too late to see the ruffians come over from\\nMissouri to carry the election, they arrived while that\\noutrage was fresh in the minds of the people. They all\\nselected claims some ten miles from Osawatomie, near\\nthat of their uncle, the Rev. S. L. Adair. Their farms\\ndid not adjoin, for claims were then selected with a view\\nto secure some timber but they were not far apart, and a\\ncircuit of two miles would have inclosed them all. They\\nsucceeded in raising something, though little, the first year.", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "JOHN BUOWX\\n47\\nBut the political turmoil and the merciless persecutions of\\nthe Free-State men raged during the summer. The usur-\\npation of the government by the Missourians and their\\nenactment of the bogus laws could not be tamely submitted\\nto by a people loving liberty and coming from a country\\nwhere the laws were for all and obeyed by all. It was\\ngenerally agreed by the Free-State settlers that they could\\nnot submit to all these laws. It was apparent that it was\\nintended that the laws should make it impossible for\\nFree-State people to remain in Kansas. As the newspa-\\npers along the border of Missouri were teeming with\\nthreats and inflammatory articles, it was believed that\\ntrouble would arise as soon as the crops ceased to engross\\nthe attention of the people. The part of prudence de-\\nmanded that the Free-State men be prepared to protect\\nthemselves from assault. The Browns early identified\\nthemselves with the movement to organize and make effect-\\nive the anti-slavery forces in the Territory. On the 8th\\nof June, 1855, some of them attended the Free-State meet-\\ning in Lawrence, and John Brown, jr., was a member of\\nthe committee on resolutions. He and his brother Fred-\\nerick were delegates to the Big Springs Convention, and\\nassisted there to form the Free-State party.\\nEarly in the summer John Brown, jr., wrote his father\\nthe conditions existing in the Territory, and requested him\\nto procure arms for their defense and send them on to\\nKansas. John Brown was then living at jSTorth Elba,\\nNew York. He attended an anti-slavery or abolition con-\\nvention at Syracuse, in that State, in the latter part of\\nJune, Here he made a very fiery speech, during which", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "48 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nhe said lie had four sons in Kansas, and had three others\\nwho were desirous of going there, to aid in fighting the\\nbattles of freedom. He could not consent to go unless\\narmed, and he would like to arm all his sons; but his\\npoverty prevented him from doing so. It had not been\\nhis intention to go to Kansas. In a letter to his son John\\nalmost a year before he had said If you or any of my\\nfamily are disposed to go to Kansas or Nebraska, with a\\nview to help defeat Satan and his legions in that direction,\\nI have not a word to say hut I feel committed to operate\\nin another part of the field. If I were not so committed,\\nI would be on my way this fall. His attendance upon\\nthe Syracuse convention appears to have changed this de-\\ntermination; perhaps he met there persons with whom he\\nwas committed to labor in some different part of the\\nfield, and after discussion it was agreed that Kansas was\\nas inviting and promising as any field for the time being\\nneed be. His appeal to the convention for arms and\\nmeans to reach the Territory seems to have resulted to his\\nsatisfaction, for he wrote his wife I have reason to\\nbless God that I came. I met with a most warm recep-\\ntion a most hearty approval of my intention\\nof arming my sons and other friends in Kansas. Some-\\nthing more than sixty dollars was given him and it is\\nvery probable that other and further contributions were\\nsent him before he left New York for the Territory.\\nHe set out for Kansas sometime in August, accom-\\npanied by his son-in-law, Henry Thompson. His son\\nOliver was then at Rockford, Illinois, and he was taken\\nalong, and wrote to his mother that he hoped to see them\\nall in Kansas in a year or two. They wrote from Chicago", "height": "2722", "width": "1778", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN.\\n49\\nthat they had there purchased a nice young horse for\\n$120, but have so much load that we shall have to walk\\na good deal enough probably to supply ourselves with\\ngame. From a point in Scott county, Iowa, about\\ntwenty miles west of the Mississippi, he wrote his wife\\nthat their load was heavy and they walked much. They\\nfared very well on crackers, herring, boiled eggs, prairie\\nchicken, tea, and sometimes a little milk. Have three\\nchickens now cooking for our breakfast. We shoot enough\\nof them on the wing as we go along to supply us with\\nfresh meat. Oliver succeeds in bringing them down quite\\nas well as any of us. He further says We hope our\\nmoney will not entirely fail us but we shall not have any\\nof account left when we get through. They expected to\\ngo direct through Missouri. This letter contains the\\nremarkable statement I think, could I hope in any other\\nway to answer the end of my being, I would be quite con-\\ntent to be at North Elba. He believed with his whole\\nsoul that God had appointed him to make war on slavery,\\nand in no other way could he hope to answer the end of\\nhis being. To answer this call he surrendered the com-\\nforts of domestic happiness, the ease so much coveted by\\nmen of his age, anything like a competency for increasing-\\nyears, and set forth on a journey long and toilsome, and\\nin which he walked much, to join a heroic band of\\nfroodom-loving men and women engaged then in fighting\\nback the foul institution of human bondage threatening to\\nengulf them on the plains of Kansas. In that sentence\\nis the key and explanation of the character of John Brown.\\nThey arrived at the Brown settlement on the 6th\\nof October, and found all more or less sick or feeble", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "50 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nbut Wealthy and Johnny. The entire party had but\\nsixty cents when they arrived. And strange man, this\\nBrown! while anxious to battle to the death with the\\npowers of slavery and darkness, and determined to shed\\nblood if need be, and fully realizing that his own blood\\nmight be required, as well as that of his children, he was\\nas sensitive to the touch of love and sympathy as is a\\nmother to the cry of her babe. No mother ever carried\\nmore tenderness in her soul for her children than John\\nBrown bore in his heart for suffering of every kind. His\\nwhole being responded to the grief of those who mourned.\\nOn this weary journey he remembered that his daughter-\\nin-law had left the light of her life in an unmarked and\\nlonely grave on a hill washed by the yellow tide of the\\nMissouri. He turned aside to seek the lowly grave he\\nlifted from it the tiny body of his grandson, and carried\\nit with him to the free land of Kansas to gladden the\\nheart of her that wept. All summer she had borne such\\ngrief as only a mother who has lost her child can feel.\\nThe parents had written: We fully believe that Austin\\nis happy with his Maker in another existence and if there\\nis to be a separation of friends after death, we pray God\\nto keep us in the way of truth, and that we may so run our\\nshort course as to be able to enjoy his company again.\\nEllen feels so lonely and discontented here without Austin,\\nthat we shall go back to Akron next fall if she does not\\nenjoy herself better.\\nWhat manner of people are these Browns, old and\\nyoung, to whom the world seems a sort of temporary\\nstopping-place; who are continually seeking the sustain-\\ning arm of a higher power; who never fail to commend", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 51\\none another to God; who realize their weakness and ask\\nstrength only from Him who is able to give who struggle\\nin poverty to do the work a nation has neglected? Ah!\\nthese are questions which John Brown answered with his\\nlife on a scaffold in the beautiful mountains of Virginia", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nTHE BROWNS\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A FAMILY OF PIONEERS.\\nThe priest-like father reads the sacred page.\\nHow Abram was the friend of (4od on high;\\nOr, Moses hade eternal warfare wage\\nWith Amalek s ungracious progeny:\\nOr how the royal bard did groaning lie\\nBeneath the stroke of Heaven s avenging ire:\\nOr Job*s pathetic plaint, and wailing cry;\\nOr rapt Isaiah s wild seraphic fire;\\nOr other holy seers that tune the sacred lyre.\\nBums s The Cotter s Saturday Night.\\nPeter Brown was an Englishman; lie was a. Puritan,\\nand one of the Pilgrim Fathers who landed on Plymouth\\nRock, December 22d, 1620. In even that early age he\\nwas a crusader for political and religious liberty, lie\\nwas by trade a carpenter, and of his life we know little\\nmore than has been already here told. But that he loved\\nliberty and hated tyranny is fully established by his action\\nin coming to America to brave the forces of the untamed\\nwilderness on the bleak shores of rock-bound Xew Eng-\\nland, when he might have remained in his native land in\\nease and peace had he chosen to conform outwardly to what\\nhis conscience condemned. That the evils under which he\\nlay in his native land might be slowly reformed and\\nfinally corrected, was not enough for him. We see in the\\naction of the Pilgrims in their migration to a primeval\\n(52)", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN. 53\\nland the uncompromising spirit which moved the old\\nprophets to exhort those who had not bowed the knee to\\nBaal to come out of her, O my people.\\nPeter Brown, the Pilgrim, married; and to him was\\nborn in 1632 a son, called, also, Peter Brown. The son\\nmarried Mary Gillett, in 1658, and died in 1692, leaving\\nfour sons. The second son was named John, and he\\nmarried Elizabeth Loomis in the year of his father s death.\\nHis second son was also named John; he married Mary\\nEggleston, and one of his sons, born November 4, 1728,\\nwas named John. This third John Brown married\\nHannah Owen in 1758; she was the daughter of John\\nOwen, a native of Wales, who had sought broader oppor-\\ntunities and greater freedom in the New World. He was\\none of the first settlers of Windsor, Connecticut, where\\nhe was a good citizen and held as a man of worth and in-\\ntegrity to the end of life. The sons of John and Hannah\\n(Owen) Brown were John, Frederick, Owen, and Abiel.\\nIn the war of the Revolution John Brown heeded the\\ncall of his country, and, disregarding his personal conven-\\niences and interests, left the peace and quiet of private\\nwalks and joined the army of the patriots. He was chosen\\nCaptain of the trainband of West Simsbury, Connecticut,\\nand sent to join the American army, then in New York.\\nAt the end of two months he was seized with a fatal illness\\nand died in a barn, September 3, 1776, and was buried\\non the Highlands near the western bank of East river.\\nHe, too, might have remained at home, a defender of\\naccredited and established order, could he have reconciled\\nhis conscience to a course so unpatriotic and unjust; he\\ncould have been protected, and might have been carried to", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "54 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nEngland and there made the recipient of royal favors, as\\nothers were. But he saw a duty and chose liberty for him-\\nself and others and resolved to battle for it as stoutly as\\nhe might though hung for a traitor, as he would have been\\nhad the cause failed and he had lived. He left a widow\\nand eleven children.\\nOwen Brown, the son of the Revolutionary hero, mar-\\nried Ruth Mills. She was a teacher, and came of illus-\\ntrious ancestry, descending from a long line of God-fearing-\\nmen, ministers of the gospel, and Revolutionary soldiers.\\nThe family was founded by Peter Mills, an emigrant\\nfrom Holland to Connecticut, and was one of the first in\\nthat stable, solid, patriotic, and enterprising common-\\nwealth. Owen Brown was a tanner and shoemaker, and\\nlived at different places in Connecticut to the year 1805,\\nwhen he removed to Hudson, Ohio, in the Western Reserve.\\nThis was in fact a New Connecticut, and no equal area of\\nour country has surpassed it in patriotic devotion to liberty\\nor enterprise in productive industry. It has stamped the\\nimpress of its high purposes upon the civilization of the\\nentire West. This is the result of the just principles,\\nthe upright lives, the rigid morality, and the uncompro-\\nmising stand for the right and hostility to evil carried here\\nby the sons of old Connecticut to serve as foundations\\nfor their institutions to be erected in the Western wilder-\\nness.\\nOwen Brown first came to the Western Reserve in 1804,\\non a tour of observation, a journey preliminary to his\\nfinal removal. He made his way with his family, in 1805,\\nthrough Pennsylvania with an ox team. Hardships inci-\\ndent to pioneer life beset Owen Brown. His wife died", "height": "2702", "width": "1726", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n55\\nand he was subsequently married, and his second wife\\ndying, he took a third. He had a large family. One of\\nhis sons, Salmon, died in New Orleans with yellow fever.\\nHe was a lawyer, and editor of a French and English\\nnewspaper called the New Orleans Bee.\\nThe remarkable things to be observed of Owen Brown\\nare, the pure and exalted Christian life he led, and the\\nprinciples and purposes he instilled into his children.\\nHe became acquainted with the business people and\\nministers in all parts of the Western Keserve. In his\\nown account of his life he says: In 1807 (Feb. 13)\\nFrederick, my sixth child, was born. I do not think of\\nanything else to notice but the common blessings of health,\\npeace, and prosperity, for which I would ever acknowledge\\nthe goodness of God with thanksgiving. He was a man\\nof strong attachments. Forty years after the death of his\\nwife, Ruth, he writes These were days of affliction.\\nThe remembrance of this scene makes my heart bleed now.\\nHe was a home-lover I would say that the care of our\\nfamilies is the pleasantest and most useful business we\\ncan be in. The absence of a child caused him to suffer:\\nAbout this time my son Salmon was studying law in\\nPittsburg. I had great anxiety and many fears on his\\naccount. With Owen Brown the things of this life were\\ncounted as but dross I can say the loss or gain of\\nproperty in a short time appears of but little consequence;\\nthey are momentary things, and will look very small in\\neternity. The justice of God as well as His mercy re-\\nmained always before him: January 29, 1832, my son\\nWatson died, making a great breach in my family. He\\ndid not give evidence in health of being a Christian, but", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "56 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nwas in great anxiety of mind in his sickness; we some-\\ntimes hope he died in Christ. At the age of seventy-\\neight he writes: I have great reason for thanksgiving.\\nHe was a lifelong abolitionist. In 1850 he wrote: lam\\nan abolitionist. I know we are not loved by many;\\nI have no confession to make for being one. Every\\nact of his life was ordered in the light he drew from the\\nScriptures and his Christian experience. A few months\\nbefore his death he wrote his son John I feel as\\nthough God was very merciful to keep such a great sinner\\non probation so long. I ask all of you to pray more ear-\\nnestly for the salvation of my soul than for the life of my\\nbody, and that I may give myself and all I have up to\\nChrist, and honor him by a sacrifice of all we have.\\nHis family remained unbroken, though widely scattered\\nand often invaded by death. He writes his son I con-\\nsider all my children in Kansas as one family. He was\\nafflicted with stammering or a stoppage in his speech;\\non this acount it was very painful to strangers to hear him\\ntalk. But there was one place where this defect disap-\\npeared: in the services of the church, in his prayers, he\\nwas eloquent from fervency, and his tongue was loosed\\nand he spake with power. His life is fittingly described\\nin the words, He walked in the fear and admonition\\nof the Lord.\\nTo this humble and devout man who lived daily in the\\nsight of God and abased himself continually that his Master\\nmight not refuse to exalt him, was born a son while he yet\\nlived in his native State of Connecticut. He notes this\\nin the simple annals of his life: In 1800, May 9, John\\nwas born, one hundred years after his great-grandfather.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 57\\nThis son was John Brown, afterwards the liberator of the\\nlowly, despised, oppressed and enslaved, and the martyr\\nfor a more perfect Union. Some one has said that the first\\nrequisite of greatness is to be born right. Another has\\nsaid that the first indication of genius in a man is mani-\\nfested in the selection of his parents. Still another has\\nsaid that the time to begin to educate a child is a\\nhundred years before it is born. The biographer of a\\ngreat man has said I do not think a great man ever\\nlived who was not born of a strong, naturally intellectual,\\npoetic and emotional mother. As much as John Brown\\nowed to his father, he owed still more to his mother. She\\nwas a woman of superior intelligence, deep and profound\\nreligious convictions, emotional, and of great strength of\\ncharacter. Her husband wrote of her About this time I\\nbecame acquainted with Ruth Mills (daughter of Rev.\\nGideon Mills), who was the choice of my affections ever\\nafter, though we were not married for more than two years.\\nIn March, 1793, we began to keep house; and here was\\nthe beginning of days with me. We have seen that she\\nwas descended from a Hollander who was early in Con-\\nnecticut. The solid and enduring qualities of the Teuton\\nwere quickened and intensified in America, and enriched\\nthe character of the mother of John Brown. She died\\nwhile he was yet a child, but his recollection of her was\\nclear and the memory of her justice as well as of her love\\nremained to him a priceless heritage. So complete was\\nher influence over him and his love for her that he never\\nceased to feel her loss. In his Life written for the\\nlittle son of George L. Stearns, he says At eight years\\nold, John was left a motherless boy, which loss was com-", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "58 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nplete and permanent, for notwithstanding his father again\\nmarried to a sensible, intelligent, and on many accounts\\na very estimable woman, yet he never adopted her m feel-\\ning, but continued to pine after his own mother for years.\\nIn this brief autobiography he has described his youth and\\nearly manhood with a charming simplicity and faithful-\\nness which no other can ever equal and the reader is ex-\\nhorted to read and study it.\\nJohn Brown was taught from earliest childhood to fear\\nGod and keep His commandments. He received no more\\neducation than fell to the lot of the average boy on the\\nfrontier, where schools were few and necessarily inferior.\\nHe acquired knowledge enough of mathematics to enable\\nhim to become a good surveyor of lands, and this vocation\\nhe followed at intervals for years. He was of a studious\\nand reflective disposition. The books which he read were\\nfew, but the principles they inculcated were deeply pon-\\ndered and became a part of his character; they were\\n^Esop s Fables, the Life of Franklin, the Pilgrim s\\nProgress, the hymns of Dr. Watts, and above all, the\\nBible. Upon the teachings of this latter book he meditated\\nboth day and night; he was familiar with its every story\\nand principle. He could recite many parts of it, and could\\nreadily turn to any portion referred to. He was particu-\\nlarly charmed with the beauties of the Old Testament; the\\nstern old prophets denouncing the wickedness of the times\\nhad a peculiar fascination for him.\\nIt has been shown that the Brown family have been\\npioneers in America for almost three centuries. They\\nhave been in the vanguard of advancing civilization in\\nits march across the continent from sea to sea. While", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n59\\nthe frontier is always devoid of good schools, it possesses\\nfacilities for education in the practical affairs of life\\nsuperior to those found in the elegant society of older com-\\nmunities. To develop sterling qualities of head and heart,\\nno other place equals the frontier of a progressive and\\ngrowing people. Here man must always grapple with\\nnature direct. Truth is not veiled with conventionalities,\\nand here shams cannot exist. Men stand before their\\nfellows uncovered and in their true characters. Crime\\ncannot be hidden nor virtue and worth concealed in a\\nfrontier settlement. The few conventionalities indulged\\nare the simplest and those rendered most necessary by social\\ncustom and the law. Heart touches heart and man knows\\nhis fellow in every detail and relation of character; the\\nbusiness and inclinations of one are known to all and are\\nusually the concern of all. All dealing and intercourse\\nbetween men become direct and personal. The somber\\nface of nature in winter, the lack of crowds and large\\nassemblies of men, and the absence of strangers and strange\\nthings, all tend to develop the reflective faculties of the\\nmind and to induce melancholy. Melancholy is the child\\nof solitude, the parent of genius. Add to these influences\\nand agencies a poetic temperament and a fearful sense of\\nresponsibility to a personal God who numbers the hairs of\\nyour head and will demand a strict accounting at that\\nday, and you have the environment that burned out the\\ndross and sent John Brown forth with a character purged\\nand refined as by fire.\\nThe heroic age of any country is that in which man\\nmeets and subdues the wilderness. Here in the subjection\\nof the forest and wild beast, confidence is obtained. Men", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "60\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nfrom this school expect to succeed; the overcoming of ob-\\nstacles is the daily experience. Relations between men are\\nexhibited in their true light and are sharply denned. Merit\\nalone brings approval. The frontier is a social democracy\\nwhere nothing artificial or superfluous can exist. Men are\\njealous of their rights and the rights of others, and are im-\\npatient of delays and restraints. Rude and exact justice is\\ndemanded, and the manner of insuring it often shocks\\nthe disciples of formal conventionalities. In matters of\\ncharacter only the pure gold passes for anything; the false\\nis not tolerated, and it is usually requested to move on\\nif it remains it is only by sufferance, and it must skulk\\nand cower and sink to depths of public scorn unknown in\\nmore polite and well-ordered society.\\nIn this school was John Brown reared and well learned.\\nOther men of our country coming from this school were\\nWashington, Franklin, Sevier, Shelby, Jefferson, Jack-\\nson, Benton, Harrison, Corwin, Clay, Lincoln, and Lane.\\nIn the establishment and maintenance of our Government\\nthese men have been the friends and bulwarks of human\\nliberty. And our rank in the nations of the world and\\nour phenomenal advancement along all the lines of mental\\nand productive industry may be best accounted for by re-\\nmembering that we are a nation of pioneers, and yet\\nattacking the primeval forest and plain with blade and\\nsaw and share.\\nJohn Brown became a tanner, and worked in his father s\\nservice as foreman of his establishment. He had not at-\\ntained his majority when he married, as he says, a re-\\nmarkably plain, but neat, industrious and economical girl", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 61\\nof excellent character, earnest piety, and good practical\\ncommon-sense; about one year younger than himself.\\nShe was indeed all that he described her, and by her\\nmild, frank, and more than all else, by her very consistent\\nconduct, acquired and ever while she lived maintained a\\nmost powerful and good influence over him. Her plain\\nbut kind admonitions generally had the right effect;\\nwithout arousing his haughty obstinate temper. Her\\nname was Dianthe Lusk, and he seems to have regarded\\nher with the same deep affection held by his father for\\nhis mother, Ruth Mills Brown. Long after her death he\\nsaid to his son, John, jr., I feel sure that your mother\\nis now with me and influencing me. Seven children\\nwere born to them. After her death he married Mary\\nAnne Day, daughter of Charles Day, of Whitehall, New\\nYork, but living at that time in Pennsylvania. Thirteen\\nchildren blessed this marriage, but seven of them died in\\ninfancy and childhood. She was the sheet-anehor of his\\nhopes and the object of his anxious solicitude, the inspira-\\ntion to exertion during the long years of his heroic battle\\nagainst human bondage. She survived him more than\\ntwenty years, and died at the residence of her daughter\\nin San Francisco, Cal.\\nJohn Brown was laboring at the vocations of both tanner\\nand surveyor before his marriage. He lived in his own\\nhouse, having employed a housekeeper, a widow named\\nLusk, who brought her daughter, Dianthe Lusk, who be-\\ncame his first wife, as we have seen. In 1825 he moved\\nto Pennsylvania, settling near Randolph (now Richmond),\\nwhere he remained for ten years. He served as postmaster\\nhere for some years, and carried on a large tannery. He", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "62\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ntook a leading part in the affairs of the community, and\\nthe neighborhood school was taught in a part of his huge\\nlog dwelling. He removed to Franklin Mills, Portage\\ncounty, Ohio, in 1835. Here a speculation in village lots\\nruined him financially; he made an assignment and was\\ndischarged as a bankrupt, but afterwards paid much on\\nthe debts he was legally free from. Later he was an ex-\\ntensive sheep-farmer and from this business became a\\nmember of the firm of Perkins Brown, wool merchants,\\nwith warehouses at Springfield, Massachusetts, to which\\ncity he moved in 1846. He became an expert grader of\\nwool, and might have succeeded in his enterprise but\\nfor the attempt to dictate the price of wool to the New\\nEngland manufacturers this caused him to take a large\\ncargo of wool to England in August, 1840, which was\\nfinally sold for much less than it would have brought in\\nSpringfield. He traveled considerably in Europe, and\\nvisited for critical inspection and study some of the most\\nfamous battlefields. He returned to Springfield in Octo-\\nber. His reception by his partner was cordial, and he\\nwas urged to remain in business. He might have succeeded\\nas a wool-factor, though he was not fitted by nature for a\\ncompetitor in trade. And through all the years since\\n1837 he had another purpose in life than the accumulation\\nof property: he had in that year dedicated his remaining\\nyears to an aggressive battle against slavery, and had or-\\ndered his life accordingly.\\nOn August 1, 1846, the anniversary of the emancipation\\nof slaves in the West Indies, Gerrit Smith offered to give\\none thousand acres of wild mountain land in the Adiron-\\ndack Mountains of New York to such negroes as would", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 63\\naccept, clear and cultivate farms there. The tracts were\\nlimited to forty acres in size, and a few families accepted\\nthem at once, though the severity of the climate and the\\nhardships of pioneer life made it a discouraging venture\\nfor negroes. In April, 1848, John Brown called upon\\nSmith and proposed to take one of the farms, go on it and\\nbuild a home, and become an example to the few negro\\nfamilies then there and to those who might afterward come.\\nHe explained that pioneer life was familiar to him, and\\nthat he could be of much use and assistance to the colony\\nin teaching the best means of surmounting difficulties en-\\ncountered in building homes in the wilderness. There is\\nlittle doubt that he had other designs in mind, for he\\nhad, when a resident in Pennsylvania, proposed to his\\nbrother that they found some such colony as this now\\nprojected by Smith. The proposition was promptly ac-\\ncepted by Mr. Smith, and Brown secured one or more sur-\\nveys, and the refusal of others. Before the final settlement\\nof his wool business he removed a portion of his family to\\nNorth Elba, New York, where his home always remained,\\nand where he is buried.\\nLike his father, John Brown was a tender and affec-\\ntionate parent. Whenever he and I were alone, he never\\nfailed to give me the best of advice, just as a true and\\nanxious mother would give a daughter, says Ruth. He\\nalways seemed interested in my work. When I\\nwas learning to spin he alwaj-s praised me, if he saw that I\\nwas improving, she writes. And again Father used to\\nhold all his children, while they were little, at night, and\\nsing his favorite songs. She recorded the recollections\\nof her baptism The first recollection I have of father", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "64 TWENTIETH CENTUET CLASSICS\\nwas being carried through a piece of woods on Sunday,\\nto attend a meeting held at a neighbor s house. After we\\nhad been at the house a little while, father and mother\\nstood up and held us, while the minister put water on our\\nfaces. After we sat down, father wiped my face with a\\nbrown silk handkerchief with yellow spots on it in dia-\\nmond shape. It seemed beautiful to me, and I thought\\nhow good he was to wipe my face with that pretty hand-\\nkerchief. He showed a great deal of tenderness in that\\nand other ways. He sometimes seemed very stern and\\nstrict with me; yet his tenderness made me forget that\\nhe was stern. He even accepted two-thirds of the punish-\\nment he felt due his son John, his sense of justice and\\nduty not permitting him to have any of it omitted. Even\\nhis daughters did not escape the rod He used to whip\\nme quite often for telling lies, one of thorn writes. II is\\naffection for his children was very great; it caused him\\nto think of them constantly, and he was anxious on their\\naccount. Ruth received a letter from him when she was\\neighteen, from which we take the following:\\nI will just tell you what questions exercise my mind\\nin regard to an absent daughter, and I will arrange them\\nsomewhat in order as I feel most their importance.\\nWhat feelings and motives govern her In what\\nmanner does she spend her time Who are her associates\\nHow does she conduct in word and action Is she improv-\\ning generally? Is she provided with such things as she\\nneeds, or is she in want? Does she enjoy herself, or is\\nshe lonely and sad Is she among real friends, or is she\\ndisliked and despised\\nSuch are some of the questions which arise in the\\nmind of a certain anxious father; and if you have a\\nsatisfactory answer to them in your own mind, he can\\nrest satisfied.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 65\\nShe describes the sickness and death of her sister:\\nThe little babe took a violent cold that ended in quick\\nconsumption, and she died at the end of April, 1849.\\nFather showed much tenderness in the care of the little\\nsufferer. He spared no pains in doing all that medical\\nskill could do for her, together with the tenderest care\\nand nursing. The time that he could be at home was\\nmostly spent in caring for her. He sat up nights to keep\\nan even temperature in the room, and to relieve mother\\nfrom the constant care which she had through the day. He\\nused to walk with the child and sing to her so much that\\nshe soon learned his step. When she heard him come\\nup the steps to the door, she would reach out her hands\\nand cry for him to take her. When his business at the\\nwool store crowded him so much that he did not have time\\nto take her, he would steal around through the woodshed\\ninto the kitchen to eat his dinner, and not go into the\\ndining-room, where she could see or hear him. I used to\\nbe charmed myself with his singing to her. He noticed a\\nchange in her one morning, and told us that she would not\\nlive through the day, and came home several times to see\\nher. A little before noon he came home, and looked at\\nher and said, She is almost gone. She heard him speak,\\nopened her eyes, and put up her little wasted hands with\\nsuch a pleading look for him to take her that he lifted\\nher from the cradle, with the pillows she was lying on,\\nand carried her until she died. He was very calm, closed\\nher eyes, folded her hands, and laid her in her cradle.\\nWhen she was buried, father broke down completely, and\\nsobbed like a child. It was very affecting to see him so\\novercome, when all the time before his great tender heart\\nhad tried to comfort our weary, sorrowing mother, and all\\nof us.\\nWe give the private and domestic life of John Brown at\\nsome length that it may be fully known to the reader, on\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00945", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "66 TWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nthis account a man is often best judged by the members\\nof his own household. And if a man is strong with his\\nneighbors or associates it may be taken as reasonably cer-\\ntain that his life is correct and his actions just. The\\nfirst question asked when a man s character is a matter of\\ninquiry, is, What do the people of his home, his castle,\\nthink and say of him If at home he is strong in the\\naffection and esteem of his family, friends, associates and\\nneighbors, it is very sure that he is just.\\nIn addition to the books enumerated as being the favor-\\nites of John Brown his daughter adds Plutarch s Lives,\\nLife of Oliver Cromwell, and Baxter s Saint s Ever-\\nlasting Rest. She also mentions that greatest of all books,\\nthe Bible. He could, she says, repeat whole chapters and\\nbooks from it. The stern and rigid righteousness of the\\nold prophets was in accord with his own faith. He ordered\\nhis life by precepts taken from the Holy Word. It has\\nbeen said here that he sang well, and in his home he lifted\\nhis voice in song in the praise of God. His favorite\\nhymns were, Blow ye the trumpet, blow, Why should\\nwe start, and fear to die, Ah, lovely appearance of\\ndeath His religion entered into his daily life. When\\na tanner he was very careful to see that his leather was\\nperfectly dry before being offered for sale. His voice was\\ndaily lifted in supplication at the family altar. On the\\nplains of Kansas he cried to God for help and guidance,\\nand no meal was eaten in his camp until the blessing of\\nheaven was invoked upon it.\\nAnother feature of John Brown s life was his intense\\nearnestness. He early selected an object in life, or rather,\\nit was selected by his training and the inherited tenden-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWN\\ncies of his nature. He swore eternal war against slavery.\\nFollowing are his own words\\nDuring the war with England a circumstance oc-\\ncurred that in the end made him a most determined\\nAbolitionist, and led him to declare, or swear, eternal war\\nwith Slavery. He was staying for a short time with a\\nvery gentlemanly landlord, since a United States Marshal,\\nwho held a slave boy near his own age, very active, intelli-\\ngent, and good feeling, and to whom John was under con-\\nsiderable obligation for nnmerous little acts of kindness.\\nThe master made a great pet of John: brought him to\\ntable with his first company and friends called their at-\\ntention to every little smart thing he said or did, and to\\nthe fact of his being more than a hundred miles from home\\nwith a companv of cattle alone; while the negro boy (who\\nwas fully if not more than his equal) was badly clothed,\\npoorly fed and lodged in cold weather, and beaten before\\nhi* eyes with iron shovels or any other thing that came\\nfi rst to hand. This brought John to reflect on the wretched,\\nhopeless condition of fatherless and motherless slave chil-\\ndren; for such children have neither fathers nor mothers\\nto protect and provide for them. He sometimes would\\nraise the question, Is God their Father?\\nEternal war with slavery! This subject was never\\nabsent, from his mind it abode with him it glared in\\nupon him; it became a companion ever present, While\\nhe toiled in the tan-yard, when he traced the lines of\\ntortuous surveys, in the care of his cattle, when he tended\\nhis sheep in the starlit night, in the counting-house in\\nNew England\u00e2\u0080\u0094 always and forever did this thing press\\nnpon him for action. The cry of the poor he heard\\never appealing to him. About 1S37 he assembled his\\nhousehold and laid before them this burden of his heart.\\nThe time for action had come. In theory and practice", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "68 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nhe had always been an abolitionist. But this was not\\nenough. Warfare was henceforth to be waged. His first\\nsoldiers were to be members of his own house; if he was\\nstrong at home he could not be weak anywhere. His\\ncourse met the perfect approval of his family. Three\\nof his sons (those old enough) consecrated themselves to\\nthis work by prayer. In this service the father was seen\\nby his children to kneel for the first time, his uniform\\nattitude in prayer having previously been that of si mul-\\ning with reverence before the throne. In a work so\\nmighty it was meet that it be commenced in humility\\nand in the strength of Him who turns to flight the armies\\nof aliens.\\nDetainers of John Brown have attempted to show that\\nlie whs a Garrisonian; nothing could be further from the\\ntruth, hut it would have been nothing to his discredit had\\nlie been so. Garrison was not ten years old when John\\nBrown swore eternal war with slavery. John Brown fol-\\nlowed no man it was his intention and purpose to follow\\nGod. He took counsel of no man in marking his line of\\nconduct. His father had become an enemy to slavery\\nwhen a mere child\u00e2\u0080\u0094in the war of the Revolution, while\\nhis father was giving his life for liberty. The Brown\\nfamily were abolitionists of the Brown school exclusively.\\nIf associated with others they were so only because others\\nfollowed the Browns led. From the period of the en-\\nlistment of his family in his cause, preparation was made\\nagainst the time when they should be called to the field.\\nFrederick Douglass found the family living in severe plain-\\nness at Springfield, although Brown s business was then\\nprospering. Money saved to furnish a parlor was freely", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n69\\ngiven to purchase clothing for fugitive slaves at North\\nElba. In Europe the ancient battlefields were examined,\\nand the guerilla warfare of the world was studied to\\nobtain a knowledge of strategy that would aid in this con-\\nflict that he had sworn.\\nHere, then, is a man who believes in himself before\\nother men who finds strength in his arm only in propor-\\ntion as he feels that he finds favor with God who is moved\\nto tears at the unhappiness of his fellow-men in bonds\\nwho, like Luther, could not if he would, turn from the\\nappointed work; who consecrated his home a shrine to\\nliberty who made this shrine an altar, and like the great\\npatriarch, offered his sons thereon who asked nothing of\\nany man he was not willing to freely give, no sacrifice he\\ndid not himself joyfully make; and who sealed with his\\nblood the heroic faith in which he walked, who received\\nthe crown of the martyr, and whose soul led the Nation as\\nit marched to the higher plane of right, and liberty, and\\nfreedom for all.", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nFROM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE.\\nSlavery, like the great Python\\nApollo slew; bred in the slime\\nOf earth; whose birth was the first crime\\nAgainst mankind, and that sublime\\nIniquity of hell to dethrone\\nThe rights of man, now crawling winds\\nHerein in slimy, snaky fold:\\nOr like the dragon great of old,\\nOn Thebes rich plain in story told,\\nGreat Cadmus slew, and wond rous finds\\nThat from his teeth sown in the earth,\\nA race of men comes forth from clods.\\nFor civil strife; and whom the gods\\nTurned man to man, barring all odds,\\nAgainst his equal man by birth.\\nPython and dragon both, with fierce\\nAnd bloody mouth, crawling it came;\\nEyes that shot forth a burning flame\\nGlared round for prey; and naught could tame\\nThe gloated beast of hell, nor pierce\\nIts flinty scales, till it had fed\\nAnd fattened on the blood and flesh\\nOf Freedom s sons.\\nJoel Moody s The Song of Kansas.\\nThe bogus Legislature denned the issue for the Pro-\\nSlavery people and party of Kansas. This issue was\\n(70)", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n71\\nSLAVERY alone. In Kansas nothing else was to be\\nknown; anything which came in conflict with this issue\\nwas to be subordinated, no matter what its importance.\\nThe Free-State party was organized to meet and combat\\nthe issue made by the bogus Legislature. Up to this time\\nthere had been no concert of action by the opponents of\\nslavery in Kansas. The Pro-Slavery party had acted in\\nunison and for a single purpose from the beginning, and\\nthis gave it a great advantage in the opening conflict.\\nSomething of the spirit in which this action was mani-\\nfested may be seen from the following expressions:\\nWe learn from a gentleman lately from the Territory\\nof Kansas that a great many Missourians have already\\nset their meg in that country, and are making arrange-\\nments to darken the atmosphere with their negroes. This\\nis right. Let every man that owns a negro go there and\\nsettle, and our Northern brethren will be compelled to\\nhunt further north for a location. Liberty (Mo.) Dem-\\nocratic Platform, June 8, 185 J/..\\nThe same paper says, under date of June 27, 1854:\\nWe are in favor of making Kansas a Slave State if it-\\nshould require half the citizens of Missouri, musket in\\nhand, to emigrate there, and even sacrifice their lives in\\naccomplishing so desirable an end.\\nAnd again it says Shall we allow such cut-throats\\nand murderers as the people of Massachusetts are to settle\\nin the Territory adjoining our own State No If pop-\\nular opinion will not keep them back, we should see what\\nvirtue there is in the force of arms.\\nThis was the expression all along the border. The ad-\\nvantage of the Pro-Slavery party was the result of it.", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "72 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nThe actions of the party up to and including the bogus\\nLegislature plainly indicated that even the Squatter\\nSovereignty feature of the Kansas-Nebraska bill would\\nnot be tolerated, nor given any fair trial in Kansas. The\\npenalty for enticing a slave away from his master was\\ndeath. This Legislature believed that a law to make even\\nthe discussion of slavery in ordinary conversation a felony\\nwould be in their interest, and its enactment was seriously\\nconsidered.\\nTo meet the sentiment for slavery in Missouri, and the\\nissue forced upon Kansas by Missourians in the bogus\\nLegislature, became the work of the Free-State men of the\\nTerritory. To prepare for this work, the Big Springs\\nconvention was called. This convention had its origin in\\na number of preliminary conventions held in Lawrence\\nand elsewhere. It was well attended, and representatives\\nfrom all parts of the Territory were present. A platform\\nof principles was drawn up and adopted; it demanded\\nthat Kansas be a free State. Here, then, were the issues\\nSlavery alone, for the Pro-Slavery party; liberty and\\nnothing else, for the Free-State party. These were the\\nissues up to the Civil War nothing else, in Kansas. All\\nthe invasions by Missourians, their election outrages and\\nbogus Legislature and laws, all the campaigns for the\\nnforcement of the bogus Territorial laws, all the murders\\nand robberies by the ruffians, the Lecompton Constitution,\\nand the aid of the Administration at Washington, were\\nincidents in the battle waged by the slave-power for the\\nsupremacy of its issue. The Topeka movement, Lane s\\nNorthern Armies, Black Jack, Fort Titus, Fort Saunders,\\nFranklin, Hickory Point, and the Leavenworth Consti-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n73\\ntution, were incidents in the struggle of the Free- State\\nparty to make its issue victorious. It will be well to bear\\nthis always in mind; it is the key to Kansas Territorial\\nhistory, and the fact that it is so has been overlooked by\\nmany writers on the subject.\\nIf the Pro-Slavery party could enforce the bogus laws,\\ntheir victory would be complete without aid of any other\\nof the subordinate incidents. They were so framed that\\nthey could be obeyed only by adherents of slavery and if\\nobeyed by the people of the Territory, advocacy of free\\nprinciples and a free State would disappear from Kansas.\\nIf the Free-State men remained in Kansas they were\\ncompelled to resist these tyrannical enactments. Their\\nenforcement was the first step decided upon for the success\\nof their issue by the Pro-Slavery men. Being in posses-\\nsion of the judiciary of the Territory and having all the\\noffices and the cooperation of the Government, it seemed\\nthat the laws could not be successfully resisted by the\\nFree-State party. But at the solicitation and instance of\\nex-Governor Reeder the Big Springs convention resolved\\nto resist these infamous laws to a bloody issue, a very\\nunfortunate declaration for a party at so great a disadvan-\\ntage as the Free-State party then was. Reeder was angered\\nby the treatment he had received from the bogus Legisla-\\nture and the President, and acted from a spirit of revenge\\nand retaliation, and in so doing brought indescribable\\nwoe to Free-State settlers. That the provocation under\\nwhich the anti-slavery people lay was sufficient to justify\\nthe adoption of this resolution by their representatives,\\nthere is no doubt. But the more conservative leaders of\\nthe party would have devised some less dangerous way", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "74 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nof evasion. The adoption of this resolution was the cause\\nof war for extermination, total and complete, by the\\nMissourians a little later. The resolution did the Free-\\nState cause much harm in Congress and in the East. In\\nKansas and Missouri it was regarded as a challenge to\\nbattle by the ruffians, and their supporters in the United\\nStates Senate took the same view. Nothing more unfor-\\ntunate than this action of the convention could have be-\\nfallen the Free-State party in Kansas, as was afterwards\\ndemonstrated by great cost of blood and treasure and un-\\ntold hardship and suffering.\\nThe Big Springs convention was held precisely one\\nmonth before John Brown arrived in Kansas. We have\\nseen that two of his sons were delegates to that gathering\\nof patriots. On October 13, 1855, he wrote his family\\nthat he had reached the place where the boys are located\\none week ago, late at night. He found the condition of\\nhis sons deplorable indeed. No crops of hay or any-\\nthing raised had been taken care of; with corn wasting\\nby cattle and horses, without fences; and, I may add,\\nwithout any meat; and Jason s folks without sugar, or\\nany kind of breadstuff s but corn ground with great labor\\nin a hand-mill about two miles off. Some have\\nhad the ague, but lightly but Jason and Oliver have had\\na hard time of it, and are yet feeble. We have\\nmade but little progress but we have made a little. We\\nhave got a shanty three logs high, chinked, and mudded,\\nand roofed over with our tent, and a chimney so far ad-\\nvanced that we can keep a fire in it for Jason.\\nWe have got their little crop of beans secured, which,\\ntogether with johnny cake, mush and milk, pumpkins and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 75\\nsquashes, constitute our fare. Potatoes they have none of\\nany account; milk, beans, pumpkins, and squashes a very\\nmoderate supply, just for the present use. Their poor\\nsuccess was largely due to the fact that little can be done\\nupon a prairie farm the first year. The thick, hard sod\\nis held firmly together by the heavy roots of the grass_,\\nand is so firm and tenacious that its cultivation is profitless\\nand almost impossible. But by the second year the roots\\nhave decayed, and the sod has fallen asunder; the field\\nis a bed of mellow loam, ready to yield immense crops.\\nThe experience of the Browns was that of all settlers on\\nprairie farms, and was not a reason for discouragement.\\nThree weeks after the arrival of John Brown in Kansas,\\nDow was murdered near the Hickory Point postoffice, in\\nDouglas county. This was the first of a series of events\\nwhich rapidly followed one another, and were seized upon\\nto serve as a pretext for the invasion of Kansas by the\\nMissourians to enforce the laws, mark the purpose.\\nThus early did the bloody issue resolution of the Big\\nSprings convention begin to bear fruit. This invasion\\ncame to be known as the Wakarusa War or Shannon s\\nWar. In this war Brown and his sons took part. When\\nthe rumors of the invasion spread over the Territory,\\nJohn Brown left Osawatomie and went to the locality\\nwhere dwelt his sons, some eight or ten miles distant.\\nHe intended to go on to Lawrence to learn the true situa-\\ntion, but afterwards sent his son John. The younger\\nBrown had scarcely left the house when the courier from\\nLawrence arrived to summon them to the defense of that\\ntown at once. ~No time was lost in obeying this order;\\nthe father and four sons set out in the afternoon, and", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "76\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nafter a march which continued all night and most of the\\nfollowing forenoon, arrived in the threatened town Friday t\\nDecember 7, 1855. They found the negotiations be-\\ntween Governor Shannon, and the citizens of Lawrence\\nrepresented by Doctor Robinson and Colonel Lane,\\nunder way. A company of militia was organized imme-\\ndiately after their arrival, of which they were made\\nmembers; the command of it was given to John Brown,\\nwho was at once commissioned Captain by Doctor Rob-\\ninson. It was composed of other new arrivals and some\\nmen who had been for a few days in Lawrence. The neigh-\\nbors of Thomas W. Barber and those having acted with\\nhim in his labor in Lawrence were mustered into Brown s\\ncompany.\\nThe war ended without any battle between the invaders\\nand the people of Kansas. John Brown was not well\\npleased with what he first believed to be the terms of\\nthe peace, but that he threatened to go out and fight the\\nMissourians against all orders is scarcely probable. He\\nleft Lawrence believing that by the terms of the treaty\\nconcluding the war the attempt to enforce the laws was\\nabandoned by Governor Shannon, and his account of the\\nmatter shows that he was satisfied with what he was given\\nto understand were the conditions secured by the Free-\\nState men. He may have been misinformed or purposely\\ndeceived. He says:\\nAfter frequently calling on the leaders of the Free-\\nState men to come and have an interview with him, by\\nGovernor Shannon, and after as often getting for an\\nanswer that if he had any business to transact with any-\\none in Lawrence, to come and attend to it, he signified", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "joHisr brown 77\\nhis wish to come into the town, and an escort was sent\\nto the invaders camp to conduct him in. When there,\\nthe leading Free-State men, finding out his weakness,\\nfrailty, and consciousness of the awkward circumstances\\ninto which he had really got himself, took advantage of his\\ncowardice and folly, and by means of that and the free\\nuse of whisky and some trickery succeeded in getting a\\nwritten arrangement with him much to their own liking.\\nHe stipulated with them to order the Pro-Slavery men of\\nKansas home, and to proclaim to the Missouri invaders\\nthat they must quit the Territory without delay, and also\\ngive up General Pomeroy (a prisoner in their camp),\\nwhich was all done; he also recognizing the volunteers\\nas the militia of Kansas, and empowering their officers\\nto call them out whenever in their discretion the safety\\nof Lawrence or other portions of the Territory might re-\\nquire it to be done. He (Governor Shannon) gave up\\nall pretension of further attempt to enforce the enact-\\nments of the bogus Legislature, and retired, subject to the\\nderision and scoffs of the Free-State men (into whose\\nhands he had committed the welfare and protection of\\nKansas), and to the pity of some and the curses of others\\nof the invading force.\\nSo ended this last Kansas invasion, the Missourians\\nreturning with flying colors, after incurring heavy ex-\\npenses, suffering great exposure, hardships, and priva-\\ntions, not having fought any battles, burned or destroyed\\nany infant towns or Abolition presses leaving the Free-\\nState men organized and armed, and in full possession\\nof the Territory; not having fulfilled any of all their\\ndreadful threatenings, except to murder one unarmed man,\\nand to commit some robberies and waste of property upon\\ndefenseless families, unfortunately within their power.\\nWe learn by their papers that they boast of a great victory\\nover the Abolitionists.\\nIt will be seen from a careful reading of the treaty that", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "78 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nBrown s understanding of it was incorrect. From whom\\nhe obtained his knowledge of it does not appear, for it\\nwas not published immediately. That he desired to fight,\\nthere is little doubt that he would have advocated battle\\nbefore the concession of any vital thing contended for, he\\nevidently made plain. It may have been thought best to\\nconceal for a few days the real terms, and claim more than\\nwas actually obtained from Governor Shannon; there\\nwere many Free-State men who would have insisted upon\\nbattle before yielding any semblance of submission to the\\nbogus laws especially was this the case after the murder\\nof Barber, when they were restrained with difficulty.\\nA study of all the acounts of the Wakarusa war makes\\nit very certain that desire to arrest Branson and put him\\nunder bonds was only a pretense seized upon by the Pro-\\nSlavery party to enable them to begin a war to force the\\nFree-State people to obey the bogus laws.\\nJohn Brown and his sons returned to the Pottawatomie;\\nthere he was engaged during the winter in work upon the\\ncabins of his sons, and in the erection of a house for his\\nbrother-in-law, Orson Day. He wrote, February 1, 1856,\\nthat Lawrence is again threatened with an attack.\\nShould that take place, we may be soon called upon to\\nbuckle on our armor, which by the help of God we will\\ndo. He and Salmon made a trip to Missouri to buy\\ncorn, from whence they returned February 20th. There\\nthey heard that Frank Pierce means to crush the men of\\nKansas, but I think he may find his hands full before\\nit is all over. This rumor was not far wrong, as the\\nwhole slave-power was then making preparation to enter\\nKansas and begin a vigorous campaign as soon as spring", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 79\\nopened. Buford was organizing in Alabama and South\\nCarolina. Mississippi was preparing to do her part in the\\nwork. Jefferson Davis was committing the Administra-\\ntion to aid in this very purpose. It becomes necessary\\nfor us to review these preparations for the invasion of\\nKansas in the spring of 1856. It has been charged by\\nthose who would disparage John Brown, that all the out-\\nrages committed upon the Free-State party and people\\nof Kansas after the killing of the Doyles and others by\\nJohn Brown and his company on the Pottawatomie were\\nthe result of that act. Such writers charge that all the\\ntrouble in Lawrence, all the troubles in southeastern Kan-\\nsas, all the troubles at Leavenworth, Buford s march from\\nthe South with his army for the subjugation of the Terri-\\ntory, the imprisonment of Doctor Robinson and others\\nfor treason, the war of extermination, and finally the\\nCivil War, resulted from the bloody work at Dutch Henry s\\nCrossing. If such were the truth it would be the highest\\ntribute to John Brown s judgment, for it would exalt that\\nevent to the dignity of being the direct cause of the aboli-\\ntion of slavery in America. While that killing was one\\nof the great factors in making Kansas free, it cannot be\\nclaimed the abolition of slavery grew directly out of it,\\nas one of the detractors from John Brown s fame would\\nhave us believe. The campaign of the advocates of slav-\\nery in Kansas in the spring and summer of 1856 was the\\nresult of elaborate preparation and long premeditation.\\nOf this period and the attitude of the South toward\\nKansas after the Wakarnsa war, we desire to cite as au-\\nthority the History of Lawrence, by the Rev. Richard\\nCordley. We have no authority in Kansas better than\\nthat work", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "80 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nThough the settlers were not molested during this\\nsevere weather, they knew the quiet was only temporary.\\nThe opening of the spring would bring a renewal of hos-\\ntilities. The hordes that had left Franklin so sullenly\\ndid not propose to drop the controversy. They saw they\\nhad made a mistake, and the Free-State men had profited\\nby it. Next time they would plan more wisely. They\\nwould not be caught in court again without a case. All\\nover Missouri and the South, preparations were going\\non to push the controversy to a successful issue for slavery.\\nThe shrewdest men in the land were planning together\\nfor the summer campaign. The general idea was to make\\nit so uncomfortable for the Free- State men that they\\nwould flee the country, and so that others would not come.\\nThe line of attack was not hard to determine. The\\nFree-State men occupied a position that was difficult to\\nmaintain. They knew that the Shawnee Legislature had\\nbeen elected by Missouri votes. They pronounced its en-\\nactments an imposition and a fraud. They determined to\\nignore them, and as far as possible to nullify them or\\ndestroy their effect. The laws were of the most extreme\\npro-slavery type. They not only protected slave property,\\n.but punished all acts and expressions against slavery with\\ngreat severity. They could not even discuss the subject\\nwithout becoming liable to criminal prosecution. Their\\nonly course was to ignore these laws and practically nullify\\nthem. Then nobody would dare to bring any slaves into\\nKansas. If there were no slaves in Kansas, slavery would\\nnot really exist, even though the laws did recognize it. In\\ntwo years there would be another election, and by that\\ntime the Free-State men felt they would be strong enough\\nto take possession of all the machinery of government and\\nshape the laws to suit themselves. If they could only keep\\nthings as they were till the next election, immigration\\nfrom the North would do the rest.\\nThe Pro-Slavery people, on the other hand, strove to", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n81\\nforce an immediate issue. They laid their plans to compel\\nthe Free-State men to recognize the bogus laws, or else\\nresist the officials charged with their enforcement. The\\nproblem of the Free- State men was to ignore the bogus\\nlaws and yet avoid a collision. They might suffer violence,\\nbut as far as possible they were to avoid doing violence.\\nAbove all, they were to avoid any collision with the author-\\nity of the United States.\\nAnother element entered into the problem, which must\\nbe mentioned that the whole situation may be understood.\\nThat element grew out of what has been referred to as\\nthe Topeka movement The Free-State policy had its\\nnegative side in the rejection of the bogus laws. It had\\nits positive side in the adoption of the Topeka Constitu-\\ntion. During the autumn of 1855 the Free-State people\\nheld a constitutional convention at Topeka, which framed\\na State constitution. They then sent it to Congress and\\nasked to be received into the Union as a State. The House\\nof Eepresentatives passed the bill admitting Kansas as a\\nState, but the Senate rejected it. Thus the movement\\nfailed in Congress, but it was kept alive in Kansas as a\\nrallying-point of defense. An election Avas held in Jan-\\nnary for State officers, and Dr. Robinson was elected Gov-\\nernor. The Legislature then chosen met in March and\\norganized, and Governor Robinson sent in his message.\\n~No attempt was made, however, to put the State Govern-\\nment into operation. But the thought was to do this if\\nthe situation became intolerable. The occasion never\\ncame, and the Topeka government and constitution never\\nwent into effect.\\nAs spring opened, the policy of the Pro-Slavery men\\nbegan to manifest itself. It was a deeply laid, shrewd\\nscheme. It went on the assumption that the attitude of\\nthe Free-State men toward the bogus laws was rebellion,\\nand that the actors in the Topeka Free-State movement\\nwere guilty of treason. They proposed to have the Free-\\n6\u00e2\u0080\u0094", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "82\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nState leaders indicted for high crimes, and either have\\nthem arrested or compelled to flee from the Territory.\\nThis will give a general clue to the new line of attack,\\nand will show the animus and purpose of the violent pro-\\nceedings which followed.\\nThe Constitutional Convention of the Free-State peo-\\nple met at Topeka October 23, 1855. The constitution\\nformed there was adopted on the 15th of December by a\\nvote of the people, which stood: In favor of the Constitu-\\ntion, 1,731 against the Constitution, 46. This action\\nof the Free-State men was taken as an additional act of\\nhostility to the Territorial laws, and the Territorial au-\\nthorities resented it accordingly. Although the Waka-\\nrusa treaty was supposed to be in force, neither side de-\\nceived itself with the belief that it had ended the conflict.\\nOn the 14th of November the convention at Leavenworth\\nwhich formed the Law and Order party denounced the\\nTopeka Constitutional Convention as treasonable, and\\nafter the constitution was adopted the members of the\\nparty were so profuse in threats that the Free-State men\\nof Lawrence believed it necessary to form a secret league\\nfor the defense of the interests of the city and the party.\\nThis was perfected in December, perhaps about the time\\nof the holding of the convention to nominate State officers\\nunder the Topeka Constitution. It was the Society of\\nDanites sometimes called the Regulators, and some-\\ntimes the Defenders. Lane, Eobinson, Legate, and\\nother Free-State leaders were at the head of this society.\\nOn the 12th of January a Free-State convention in Law-\\nrence declared in favor of the establishment of the Free-\\nState government at once; and on the 15th of the same", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n83\\nmonth State officers under the Topeka Constitution were\\nelected. While it is now known that it was never the\\nserious intention to inaugurate a hostile government\\nby the Free-State people, the Territorial authorities be-\\nlieved that an aggressive and conflicting government was\\nto be immediately established. The leaders of the Free-\\nState party designed this Topeka movement to hold the\\nanti-slavery forces together on the issue between the ideas\\ncontending for the supremacy, but most of the party be-\\nlieved with the Territorial authorities, that the Free-State\\ngovernment was to attempt to gain control of the affairs\\nof the Territory. This was to be accomplished through\\nthe admission of the Territory as a State. On January\\n24th President Pierce sent a special message to Congress\\nin which he indorsed the course of the bogus Legislature,\\nand denounced the adoption of the Topeka Constitution\\nand the election of officers thereunder as an aet of revolu-\\ntion and rebellion. February 5, 1856, Governor Chase\\nof Ohio recommended to the Legislature of that State\\nthat measures be taken to aid freedom in Kansas and fair\\nplay for its advocates. Henry Ward Beecher made his\\nfamous address in which he denominated a Sharps rifle\\none of the moral agencies of the times. On the 6th of\\nFebruary the result of the Free-State election was pro-\\nclaimed. This was followed by the proclamation of Presi-\\ndent Pierce commanding all persons engaged in unlaw-\\nful combinations against the constituted authority of the\\nTerritory of Kansas, or of the United States, to disperse,\\nand retire peaceably to their respective abodes. Very\\nsoon there came the promulgation of an order by Jefferson\\nDavis, Secretary of War, authorizing Governor Shannon", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "84 TWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nto use the United States troops to suppress insurrectionary\\ncombinations, and invasive aggression. This latter\\nterm was to enable the Governor to turn back Free-State\\nsettlers, but was never construed to apply to the Mis-\\nsourians in favor of forcing slavery on the Territory, nor\\nto Buford s men, who were coming with the avowed pur-\\npose of making war. On the 16th of February Secretary\\nMarcy directed Governor Shannon to call on the officers\\nof Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley for troops for a the\\nsuppression of insurrectionary combinations, or armed\\nresistance to the execution of the laws.\\nThese acts of the Administration were to counteract\\nthe movements of the Free-State men in resolving to\\nresist the bogus laws and setting up the Free-State Gov-\\nernment. These were considered treason, and the United\\nStates courts for the Territory were not long in making\\nthis conclusion the law, in the promulgation of the con-\\nstructive-treason theory. The South took alarm. Bu-\\nford, of Alabama-, proposed to give $20,000 toward the\\ncost of leading an army into Kansas from the Southern\\nStates. The Legislature of his State appropriated $25,-\\n000 for the same purpose. Other Southern States pre-\\npared to send men to contest for Southern rights. Vir-\\nginia would send Colonel Wilkes; South Carolina com-\\nmissioned Colonel Trcadwell; Kentucky sent Captain\\nHampton; Florida dispatched Colonel Titus. We\\nwant money and armed men was the perpetual cry,\\nand it was heard all over the South. The response was\\nall that it was hoped it would be. The forces of the\\nSouth were gathering to descend upon the plains of Kan-\\nsas early in the spring of 1856. The Eastern and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 85\\nNorthern States were continually warned that the war had\\nhardly yet commenced, and that the next act in the drama\\nwould assume more terrible aspects than anything yet\\nseen in the Territory. General Atchison had named the\\nday of the meeting of the Free-State Legislature as the\\ndate of the at lack of the Southern forces under the lead-\\nership of Missouri, as that act was held to come under the\\nterms of the proclamations of the Administration as ex-\\npressed in orders to Governor Shannon. But the Free-\\nState men were not to be frightened from their course by\\nrumors and threats. The Legislature convened, and the\\ncourse of the Free-State Government was clearly set forth\\nin the message of Governor Robinson, and to this remark-\\nably able paper was due the short respite enjoyed by the\\npeople of the Territory. Kansas had engrossed the at-\\ntention of Congress, and a committee consisting of Con-\\ngressman John Sherman of Ohio, M. A. Howard of Michi-\\ngan and M. Oliver of Missouri was appointed to come\\nto the Territory and investigate the outrages perpetrated\\nby the ruffians in the early elections. April 18th this\\ncommittee commenced its work by a session at Lecornpton,\\nand soon aroused the wrath of the Pro-Slavery party,\\nboth in Kansas and Missouri. The feeling against the\\nmembers, against ex-Governor Reeder and against the\\nFree-State people increased until the Republican mem-\\nbers were driven from the Territory, and Mr. Reeder was\\nforced to leave in disguise to escape assassination, as we\\nhave seen.\\nBuford s men began to arrive early in the spring.\\nThey were quartered at different places in the Territory,\\nsupposed to be points from which they could most effect-", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "86 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nually assist the Missouri invaders when they arrived.\\nThey did not pretend to select claims and enter on the\\nwork of building homes; they established themselves in\\nmilitary camps, where they were drilled, and were sub-\\nsisted upon what could be seized from the Free-State\\nsettlers. They were severe and often cruel and brutal in\\ntheir treatment of helpless and defenseless people who\\nopposed slavery. A large camp was established near Osa-\\nwatomie, and their course there was one of outrage from\\nthe first. They established intimate relations with the\\nmost rabid Pro-Slavery settlers, and urged them to the\\ncommission of horrible atrocities. The life of no Free-\\nState settler was safe in the vicinity of their camp. They\\nhad an avowed object, and that was loudly proclaimed:\\nit was to make a slave State of Kansas, and to accomplish\\nthis every means was to be utilized, fair or foul.\\nThe hope of Kansas to turn this gathering horde from\\nher doors was in the arrival of settlers from the Northern\\nStates as soon as the Missouri river was open to naviga-\\ntion in the spring of 1856. They were expected to come\\narmed with Sharps rifles and ready to defend themselves\\nfrom outrage and robbery. But the forces of the South\\ntook steps to prevent either men or arms from reaching\\nKansas over the Missouri river route. The river was\\nblockaded and vessels were searched. Arms were seized,\\nand settlers turned back. Here was an unexpected blow\\nto the Free-State people, and their condition became criti-\\ncal in the extreme. The resources of the South were\\norganizing for invasion. The United States troops were at\\nthe disposition of those demanding their extermination.\\nNo means of defense could reach them by the usual route,", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWN\\n87\\nand a new way into the Territory could not be established\\nby the way of Iowa and Nebraska for some months. It\\nseemed that the Free-State settlers were at last at the mercy\\nof their mortal enemies, and their condition desperate\\nalmost hopeless. To add to their dangers, their leaders\\nwere arrested or forced to leave the Territory; and the\\noffense charged against them was treason.\\nHaving effectually isolated the Free-State men from\\ntheir friends in the North and East and shut out the pros-\\npect of assistance from those sections, and having deprived\\nthem of their leaders, a cause was sought that would in\\nsome degree serve as an excuse for the invasion of the\\nTerritory. In this emergency Sheriff Jones was depended\\nupon, and, as events demonstrated, the expectations en-\\ntertained of him were fully realized. Mr. Jones took it\\nupon himself to declare the Wakarusa treaty at an end,\\nand came to Lawrence on the 19th of April, 1856, to ar-\\nrest Samuel N. Wood for his complicity in the rescue of\\nBranson. He effected his purpose, but his prisoner was\\nenabled to escape by a diversion created by the citizens\\nwho witnessed the arrest. On the following Sunday Jones\\nreturned with some aids from Lecompton, and these not\\nbeing considered sufficient for his object, he summoned\\nseveral citizens who were on their way to church, to assist\\nhim. These were not to be so easily diverted from their\\nthen zeal for the cause of religion, very suddenly developed\\nand intensified by the duty and service demanded by the\\nsheriff. They gave no heed to his commands, and he, be-\\ncoming exasperated, arrested another of the Branson res-\\ncuers, but one for whom he had no warrant. His efforts\\nproving fruitless, he applied to Governor Shannon for", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "88\\nTWENTIETH CENTUBY CLASSICS\\ntroops with which to effect the arrest of persons for whom\\nhe had writs. These were furnished, and Jones again\\nappeared in Lawrence, on the 23d of April. With the\\nassistance of the detachment of soldiers he succeeded in\\narresting those persons who had refused to obey his sum-\\nmons to aid him on the previous Sunday. These were put\\ninto a tent and guarded. On the following night Charles\\nLenhart, acting upon his own responsibility, shot Sheriff\\nJones, inflicting a painful wound, but one not considered\\ndangerous. It was not known who did this deed, and the\\npeople of Lawrence immediately assembled and disavowed\\nthe act and condemned it; they also offered a reward of\\n$500 for the arrest and conviction of the criminal. This\\nwas an unfortunate affair for the Free-State people gen-\\nerally and for the city of Lawrence particularly. It was\\ndifficult of explanation, and was immediately seized upon\\nas the cause for the invasion of the Territory by the forces\\norganized for months previous for that very purpose. The\\nleaders spread reports of the death of Jones at the hands\\nof a Tree-State mob or assassin, and the reports grew as\\nthey were passed from ruffian to ruffian along the border.\\nMany Pro-Slavery Missourians were already in the Ter-\\nritory awaiting developments, having been placed there\\nby their leaders, who no doubt had some understanding\\nwith Jones that he was to find them an excuse to attack\\nthe settlers. In fact, there is little doubt that Jones was\\nhaving recourse to his old writs to exasperate the Free-\\nState men to some act that would bring on hostilities.\\nWhile Jones was disabled, his deputy, one Sam Salters,\\nan ignorant ruffian from South Carolina, was scouring\\nthe country with United States soldiers at his heels and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 89\\narresting people on all kinds of charges. The United\\nStates Marshal issued a proclamation May 11th calling\\non the law-abiding citizens of the Territory to assemble\\nat Lecompton in sufficient numbers for the execution\\nof the laws. This was the authority under which the\\nMissourians came from their hiding in the Delaware 1 Re-\\nserve north of Lawrence, and again poured over the border\\nfrom the western counties of that State. It is quite prob-\\nable that Lawrence would have been so strongly manned\\nand so well fortified and defended, had the leaders of the\\nFree-State people there determined to battle for their\\ntown, that the ruffians would have been beaten off. They\\nwould have found some excuse for retiring, as they had in\\nthe Wakarusa war. But the policy of non-resistance was\\nadopted, and couriers were sent out to turn back the pa-\\ntriotic men hastening to battle for the cause of right.\\nOn the morning of the 21st of May, 185G, there were\\nseveral hundred Missourians and ruffians from other\\nSouthern States in the vicinity of Lawrence. The Mis-\\nsourians were commanded by Senator Atchison, the Ala-\\nbama forces were under Buford, and those from Florida\\nunder Titus. Atchison had led his army in through the\\nDelaware Reserve, on the north side of the Kansas river;\\nBuford had his camp at Franklin, and Titus was in the\\nvicinity of Lecompton. On the morning of the 21st these\\nforces, together with the troops from the United States\\narmy, gathered on the hill south of Lawrence. The peo-\\nple had desired to defend themselves, but had been pre-\\nvented by their committee of safety; then this committee\\nhad been discharged and a new one appointed. But the\\nnew was no better than the old. Every Kansan should", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "90\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nread the letter sent to Donaldson by this craven committee;\\nic may be seen in Phillips s Conquest of Kansas, page\\n293. They offered to obey the Territorial laws passed\\nby the bogus Legislature if the assembled forces would\\nrefrain from attacking the town. This act of the com-\\nmittee brought it into contempt with both the invaders\\nand the citizens of Lawrence; it was designated the Safe-\\nty Valve, and was ever after the object of contempt and\\nridicule. The people did not generally wish a conflict with\\nthe United States troops, but some would have fought even\\nthem; almost all were in favor of resisting Jones and the\\nTerritorial militia, as the Missourians and other invad-\\ners were called. Both the invaders and the troops were\\nin close consultation with Governor Shannon, in whose\\noffice they met to discuss and arrange their plans of cam-\\npaign. They had the approval of the Governor in all that\\nwas done. The forces of the United States pretended to\\nbe looking for persons upon whom to serve warrants;\\nJones and the invaders who were acting as his posse held\\norders from Chief Justice Lecompte to destroy the two\\nnewspapers of the town and the Free-State hotel, as they\\nhad been indicted under his constructive-treason doc-\\ntrine and theory.\\nThe Deputy Marshal first entered the town and made a\\nfew arrests. That he needed no troops to effect this was\\nshown on the previous night, when he had been in Law-\\nrence and made some arrests without any assistance and\\nwithout molestation. When he had enacted his farce he\\nwithdrew, and Sheriff Jones entered with his horde of cut-\\nthroats. These worthies ran up various flags, and then\\nproceeded with the work for which some of them had", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "91\\nJOHN BROWN a\u00c2\u00b1\\nmarched a thousand miles. The presses, type, paper-stock\\nand fixtures of the printing-offices were destroyed. The\\nFree-State hotel was first bombarded, and afterwards\\nburned. Other buildings were burned, including the dwell-\\ning of Doctor Robinson, and the town was looted. As\\nthe shades of night fell the vandals departed by the red\\nglare of the burning city, and weighted down with the\\nbooty obtained in its pillage. Some of the Missourians\\nreturned home, but by far the greater number remained to\\nassist the men of Buford, Titus and Treadwell in harrying\\nthe Free-State settlers and following up the work of the\\ncampaign planned the preceding winter, and so auspi-\\nciously begun at Lawrence.\\nThe border papers were filled with exultation, and the\\nruffians were urged to continue the work. One paper said\\nthat nothing more would be done to the settlers if the ruffi-\\nans were not further molested but this was for effect in\\nthe East, where their allies, Davis and other members of\\nthe Administration, might need something to quiet the\\napprehensions of those not fully informed as to the situa-\\ntion in Kansas, and the designs of the slavery propa-\\ngandists.\\nFollowing the sacking of Lawrence all semblance of\\norder disappeared from the camps of the invaders, except\\nthat maintained among thieves. No secret was made of\\nthe fact that the conquest of the Territory had been de-\\ncided upon. They were fortified in authority by the proc-\\nlamations of the President and Jefferson Davis the Gov-\\nernor had received from the Administration orders to assist\\nin the work, and seemed anxious to do the bidding not\\nonly of Davis, but of the bloodiest ruffian on the plains", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "92 TWENTIETH CENTUBY CLASSICS\\nof Kansas. For the Free-State settlers there was now no\\nprotection. Murder, anarchy, rapine a reign of terror\\nsurged around them. It seemed that the boast of the\\nchivalry of the South, that the opponents to slavery in\\nKansas should be exterminated, was on the point of fulfill-\\nment. But for the heroism and unconquerable will of one\\nman, this object of the South might have come to a con-\\nsummation.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEK V.\\nWAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 PRELIMINARY.\\nThen Slavery s champions these words\\nProclaim: Come, direful War, and whet\\nThy sword and let no freeman set\\nHis foot on Kansas soil, forget\\nThat he is man, ye ruffian hordes!\\nLet bogus votes and bogus laws\\nStand as the will of God! Drive out\\nThe villain cursed who talks about\\nThe Higher Law! Let him not spout\\nHis treason here! The righteous cause\\nOf slavery is recognized\\nBy the first law of man and God;\\nKansas we own, and on her sod\\nShall stand no man, unless he nod\\nTo our great Truth, and be baptized\\nAnd taken into fellowship\\nWith all the dear, beloved ones\\nWho are not classed with Freedom s sons.\\nGive to Northern men solid tons\\nOf iron hail! and then let slip\\nThe dogs of War! Let no church ope\\nThe door to him who cannot pray\\nFor Slavery s cause! Let no man stay\\nOn Kansas soil, who casts a ray\\nOf heavenly light on sinking hope.\\n(93)", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "94 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nBrave Kansas! Now thy bitter hour\\nComes like a gale of piercing woe,\\nAnd where fair Freedom stands, the foe\\nUnsheaths his sword. Her friends bend low\\nThe neck beneath usurping power.\\nJoel Moody s The Song of Kansas.\\nWe come now to consider the most important work of\\nJohn Brown in Kansas. It is the principal point of attack\\nby those who seek to detract from the fame of the hero and\\nmartyr. It has been said by those more interested in\\nexalting names of his contemporaries than in preserving\\nthe truth of history, that John Brown, without provocation,\\ndeliberately, and with malice aforethought, went to the\\npeaceful vales of the Pottawatomie and there took five\\npeaceable, harmless, Christian men from their peaceful\\nhomes and their families, and, carrying them away, hewed\\nthem to pieces with broad claymores and remorselessly\\nand fiendishly mutilated their bodies after death. If this\\nwere true, it would indeed be a just cause for condemna-\\ntion. There could be nothing offered in justification; and\\nif I believed that history did in any manner substantiate\\nthis charge, I would drop my pen here, or continue its\\nuse to execrate the diabolical crime.\\nBut justice demands that any historical character be\\njudged by the times in which he lived. lie cannot justly\\nbe tried by conditions existing in any other age, nor by\\nthose existing in any other part of the country in which\\nhe lived than the scene of his acts. A few men have done\\nJohn Brown the injustice to try him by the conditions\\nexisting to-day. Others have tried him by the conditions\\nexisting in his own time in New England, where no danger", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n{15\\never threatened anyone and where the sect of non-resistants\\nhas ever been of great influence. Various causes can be\\njustly assigned for this injustice to John Brown s memory\\nand his character. They lie deep in human nature, and\\nare political jealousies and the desire of incompetent per-\\nsons to exalt their own names at the expense of the fame\\nof any and all persons engaged in the same cause.\\nIn a former chapter we have set out. some of the condi-\\ntions found in Kansas in the year L856, when the war on\\nthe Pottawatomie raged. It will be necessary to be more\\nspecific, that the reader may have a clear comprehension of\\nall the conditions under which John Brown acted. We\\nhave seen Free-State men murdered for pastime and as the\\nresult of wagers. We have seen them hacked in the face\\nwith hatchets and flung dying into their cabins in a man-\\nner so inhuman that their wives were made maniacs. We\\nhave seen a. town sacked because it would not sanction\\nslavery. We have seen the ruffians of Kansas upheld and\\nassisted by the President of the United States. We have\\nseen the infamous doctrine of constructive treason orig-\\ninated for the purpose of forcing Free-State men to for-\\nswear themselves and subscribe to the most diabolical code\\never devised by tyranny and oppression and under this\\ndoctrine we have seen patriotic men indicted, torn from\\ntheir families and immured in vermin-infested prisons to\\nbe tried for their lives. We have seen Free-State women\\nand children harried and outraged by remorseless ruffians.\\nWe have seen all these things, but still the record is not\\ncomplete. New England people can never comprehend\\nthe fact that such things were suffered here by the brave\\nmen and women Avho stood continuously in the presence", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "96\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nof death that liberty might survive. The patriot pioneers\\nhave always said to me: We could never make the people\\nin the East comprehend our situation; they believed the\\nmost conservative accounts of the revelry in blood indulged\\nby the ruffians overdrawn. Let us look a little deeper\\ninto the affairs of Kansas in the year of 1856.\\nBuford established one of his camps south of the Potta-\\nwatomie, and near the settlement in which John Brown\\nand his sons lived. In this settlement there were many\\nFree-State men, but not a majority of them. This settle-\\nment was in the western part of what is now Miami county\\nand the eastern part of Franklin county. The streams\\nare clear and deep, and timber along their courses was\\nplentiful; and as claims were selected in the early settle-\\nment of the Territory for their timber, this part of Kansas\\nwas early seized by the Missourians. The present town of\\nPaola was a stronghold of slavery. For virulence and in-\\ntolerance the Pro-Slavery settlers of this region were the\\nequals of those in any part of the Territory. Here were\\nthe Miami, Wea, Peoria and other fragmentary Indian\\ntribes with just enough of civilization to make suitable\\nallies for the cruel and ignorant ruffians who came to\\nmake a slave State of Kansas or assist Davis, Hunter and\\nothers to make it a part of the Southern Confederacy.\\nIf such a thing were possible, the Pro-Slavery settlers in\\nthis part of the Territory were more ignorant and sodden\\nthan in any other portion. The present counties of Linn,\\nBourbon, Anderson, Franklin and Miami were seized by\\na class of poor whites owning few slaves, but more\\nfanatical and unreasonable in support of slavery than the\\nslave-masters themselves. They brought their bloodhounds", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n97\\nwith them from Tennessee and Mississippi, and came to\\ndo the bidding of the slave-owners as blindly and unques-\\ntioningly as they had in the country from whence they\\ncame, where they were regarded as so degraded that they\\nwere not subject to the laws. What a blessing to those\\nfair counties that freedom prevailed and made it possible\\nfor patriotic and civilized people to build them into in-\\ntegral parts of a glorious free State But it must be re-\\nmembered that in 1856 these Pro-Slavery poor whites\\nwere largely in possession of them; and the Free-State\\nsettlers were yet weak in numbers.\\nOn the 16th of April John Brown, John Brown, jr.,\\nO. V. Dayton, Richard Mendenhall, Charles A. Foster,\\nDavid Baldwin, and others of the settlement, met and\\nresolved to not pay the taxes levied under the authority\\nof the bogus laws. For this act they were soon afterwards\\nindicted by the United States courts as conspirators, under\\nthe constructive-treason theory of Judge Lecompte, Chief\\nJustice of the Territory. James F. Legate has preserved\\na picture of the Grand Jury of that court; he says:\\nWhat a sweet-scented jury it was! There were seven-\\nteen members, and at least fifteen bottles of whisky in the\\nroom all the time. These jurymen were of the class de-\\nscribed as committing such acts as the sacking of Free-\\nState towns the burning of Free-State houses the rav-\\nishing and branding of Free-State women, and turning\\nthem and their helpless children naked upon the prairies\\nthe murders of Free-State men and shocking mutilations\\nof their dead bodies. These acts were common then in\\nthe Territory, and were some of those believed in New\\nEngland as improbable and impossible of execution by\\n-7", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "98 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nman; and they were impossible in New England but not\\nin Kansas. The mobbing, tarring and feathering of Kev.\\nPardee Butler at Atchison and the turning him adrift\\nupon the Missouri river occurred on the 30th of April.\\nEarly in May some of Buford s men camped on Washing-\\nton and Coal creeks, along the Santa Ee Trail, and were\\nnot only committing depredations upon the property of the\\nsettlers, but were intercepting, robbing and imprisoning\\ntravelers on the public thoroughfares, and threatening to\\nattack the towns. On the 19th of May they murdered\\na young Free-State man named Jones, at a store near\\nBlanton s Bridge. On the following day another Eree-\\nState man, a young gentleman recently from New York,\\nwas shot in a cowardly and wanton manner in the public\\nhighway about one and one-half miles from Lawrence.\\nThe retreat from the sacking of Lawrence was marked by\\nthe pillaging of houses, stealing horses, and violating the\\npersons of defenseless women. There are hundreds\\nof well-authenticated accounts of the cruelties practiced\\nby this horde of ruffians, some of them too shocking and\\ndisgusting to relate, or to be accredited, if told. The tears\\nand shrieks of terrified women, folded in their foul em-\\nbrace, failed to touch a chord of mercy in their brutal\\nhearts, and the mutilated bodies of murdered men, hang-\\ning upon trees, or left to rot upon the prairies or in the\\ndeep ravines, or furnish food for vultures and wild beasts,\\ntold frightful stories of brutal ferocity from which the\\nwildest savages might have shrunk with horror.\\nThese ruffians were joined in their robberies and mur-\\nders by the Pro-Slavery settlers, and even by the Terri-\\ntorial officials. Governor Geary describes them as bands", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n99\\nof armed ruffians and brigands whoso sole aim and end\\nis assassination and robbery. These men, he continues,\\nhave robbed and driven from their homes unoffending\\ncitizens; have fired upon and killed others in their own\\ndwellings; and stolen horses and property under the pre-\\ntense of employing them in the public service. They have\\nseized persons who had committed no offense, and after\\nstripping them of all their valuables, placed them on steam-\\ners, and sent them out of the Territory. Some of these\\nbands, who have thus violated their rights and privileges,\\nand shamefully and shockingly misused and abused the\\noldest inhabitants of the Territory, who had settled here\\nwith their wives and children, are strangers from distant\\nStates, who have no interest in, nor care for the welfare of\\nKansas, and contemplate remaining here only so long as\\nopportunities for mischief and plunder exist.\\nIn isolated or country places, no man s life is safe.\\nThe roads are filled with armed robbers, and murders for\\nmere plunder are of daily occurrence. Almost every farm-\\nhouse is deserted, and no traveler has the temerity to ven-\\nture upon the highway without an escort.\\nThe chief centers of these ruffians were Leavenworth\\nand Lecompton towns sunk by them to the lowest degree\\nof depravity. Dr. Gihon says Lecompton is situated\\non the south side of the Kansas river, about fifty miles\\nfrom its junction with the Missouri, and forty miles in a\\nsouthwesterly direction from Leavenworth City, upon as\\ninconvenient and inappropriate a site for a town as any\\nin the Territory it being on a bend of the river, difficult\\nof access, and several miles beyond any of the principal\\nthoroughfares. It was chosen simply for speculative pur-\\nI\\nt. of C.", "height": "2744", "width": "1747", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "100\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nposes. n Indian floating claim of a section of land was\\npurchased by a company of prominent Pro-Slavery men,\\nwho found it easy to induce the Legislative Assembly to\\nadopt it for the location of the capital, by distributing\\namong the members, supreme judges, the governor, secre-\\ntary of the Territory, and others in authority, a goodly\\nnumber of town lots, upon the rapid sale of which each\\nexpected to realize a handsome income. It contained, at\\nthe time of Governor Geary s arrival, some twenty or more\\nhouses, the majority of which were employed as groggeries\\nof the lowest description. In fact, its general moral condi-\\ntion was debased to a lamentable degree. It was the resi-\\ndence of the celebrated Sheriff Jones (who is one of the\\nleading members of the town association), and the resort\\nof horse-thieves and ruffians of the most desperate char-\\nacter. Its drinking saloons were infested by these charac-\\nters, where drunkenness, gambling, fighting, and all sorts\\nof crimes were indulged in with entire impunity. It was\\nand is emphatically a border-ruffian town, in which no\\nman could utter opinions adverse to negro slavery with-\\nout placing his life in jeopardy.\\nThese brigands and murderers can be well described by\\nrepeating the boast of one Robert S. Kelly, one of their\\nleading men in the Territory, who declared that he could\\nnever die happy until he had killed an abolitionist. If,\\nsaid he, I can t kill a man, I ll kill a woman; and if I\\ncan t kill a woman, I ll kill a child. On the 21st of\\nJune, an Indian agent, named Gay, was traveling in the\\nvicinity of Westport, and was stopped by a party of Bu-\\nford s men, who asked him if he was in favor of making-\\nKansas a free State. He promptly answered in the affirm-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 101\\native, and was instantly shot dead. Such was the only\\ncrime for which this soul was hurried into the eternal\\nworld.\\nThe foregoing will serve to give some idea of the general\\ncondition of the Territory in the spring and early summer\\nof 1856. This condition was the result of the campaign\\ncommenced immediately after the Wakarusa war; we\\nhave seen the preparations made for this campaign all\\nover the South and in the cabinet of the President. The\\nactive operations against the Free-State men began with\\nthe arrival of the bands under Buford. We will now see\\nwhat were the conditions existing on the Pottawatomie.\\nHenry Sherman had been in the Territory for some\\nyears. He was at first a laborer for John T. Jones, or\\nOttawa Jones, as he was called. Jones was an educated\\nOttawa Indian and a minister; he is universally spoken\\nof as a good man. Sherman finally went into business\\nfor himself. He squatted on a claim where the military\\nroad crossed the Pottawatomie, and his place soon came to\\nbe known as Dutch Henry s Crossing. It was agreed by all\\nthat his character was bad; his principal occupation was\\ngetting his brand upon the cattle of Indians and others.\\nHe was a giant in stature, drunken and quarrelsome, and\\nfinally lost his life for the outrageous course he adopted\\ntowards the wife of a Free-State settler. He was in favor\\nof slavery only because he saw in its adherents kindred\\nspirits to his own, and the opportunity to carry on his\\nquestionable business if slavery should succeed. As a\\nmatter of principle he cared no more for slavery than any\\nother institution he supported it because it gave him the\\nopportunity to gratify the basest of inclinations and pro-", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "102 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\npensities. His brother, William Sherman, was much such\\na man, but without the ability of Henry he was younger,\\njust as drunken, a little more reckless because of the\\nconfidence he had in the ability of his brother to defend\\nand protect him and his known willingness to do so.\\nAllen Wilkinson found a congenial companion in Henry\\nSherman, and in the first rush for claims he seized one\\nadjoining that of Dutch Henry, and a little below the\\nCrossing. In the first election for members of the Legis-\\nlature he was chosen to the bogus Legislature by fraudu-\\nlent votes from Missouri and while yet a resident of that\\nState. In this execrable body he was one of the most\\nservile, obsequious, abject and sycophantic tools of the\\nslave-power in the whole assembly. He was made a great\\nfanfaron, boaster, and jack-pudding by the service he had\\nrendered slavery there, and seeing that he who became the\\nvilest was given political preferment he aspired to the\\nleadership of his precious constituency. Such men are\\nalways the tools of others without knowing it; Dutch\\nHenry was the man upon whom the slave leaders relied.\\nWilkinson supposed it was himself, and to retain the high\\nposition he supposed he had won he was ever foremost in\\nthe outrages perpetrated upon Free-State settlers. The\\nDoyle family were from Tennessee they were of that\\nclass considered too low in the social and moral scales to\\nbe amenable to law. Though detested and despised, and\\nby slavery reduced to a level below the negro, they believed\\nin the vile system and were ready to commit any outrage\\nsuggested by its advocates. They had lived in the South\\nby patrolling plantations and spying on the actions of\\nslaves; they brought their bloodhounds to Kansas with", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n103\\nthem, and were located in this settlement to hunt down\\nand turn back fugitive and runaway slaves. They were\\nthe abject tools of Henry Sherman, and had a miserable\\nand squalid cabin on a branch of Mosquito creek, directly\\nnorth of that of Wilkinson, and less than a mile away,\\nalthough on the opposite side of the river. Here with\\ntheir bloodhounds they spied on the actions of the Free-\\nState settlers and reported to Wilkinson and Sherman,\\nand after the arrival of Buford s men were in constant\\ncommunication with them. They lost their bloodhounds\\nin trying to capture a Free-State man who had been\\nthrough their reports notified to leave the Territory. He\\nfled before Buford s Georgians and the Doyles, and when\\nthe hounds came up with him he took refuge in the river\\nthe dogs followed him there, but were not so dangerous in\\nthe water. He caught them one by one and stabbed and\\ndrowned them all, and escaped to Leavenworth, where he\\nhad friends who protected him and he was there when he\\nheard of the death of the Doyles. Man does not descend\\nany lower in the scale of humanity than the point reached\\nby the Doyle family. There are things told of them too\\nvile to write, and long years of inquiry lead me to believe\\nthem true.\\nThe nearest camp of Buford s men was that of a com-\\npany of Georgians, about four miles away. Dutch\\nHenry kept liquor, and his place was the congregating\\npoint for the Pro-Slavery men and the Georgians. It was\\nthe headquarters of this band, the center from which in-\\ntelligence of the best localities for stealing cattle and\\nhorses and other supplies was supplied. The Shermans,\\nWilkinson and the Doyles spent much time in the camp", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "104\\nTWENTIETH CENTUBY CLASSICS\\nof their friends, and kept them informed of the arrival\\nof Free-State families, who came in greater numbers in\\n1855 and the spring of 1856 than did those of the Pro-\\nSlaver j party. In the spring of 1855 Henry Sherman\\nhad warned two Germans that they might expect the fate\\nof a Vermont man who had been hanged a short time be-\\nfore, but rescued before death.\\nThe Browns, and the Shermans and their proteges soon\\ncame into conflict. Frederick Brown interfered in behalf\\nof a woman against whom one of the Shermans had\\ndesigns. The Browns did not drink whisky nor steal\\ncattle and this was enough to turn the ruffians against\\nthem. While there had been no public outbreak in the\\nsettlement against the Free-State men, the reinforcement\\nof the Pro-Slavery men by the arrival of the Georgians\\nwas an event of a nature to create anxiety in the minds of\\nthe Browns. Wishing to ascertain what might come from\\nthis location of Buford s men in their midst, John Brown\\ntook his surveying instruments and ran a line through\\ntheir camp he knew that only Pro-Slavery surveyors were\\nemployed, and that the ignorant Georgians would believe\\nhim one of the Government surveyors without asking ques-\\ntions. He found that the death or expulsion of himself\\nand sons and other Free-State people had been decided\\nupon, and evidently through the information supplied by\\nthe Shermans, Wilkinson, and the Doyles. One of\\nBrown s neighbors said in 1885 The Browns were\\nhunted as we hunt wolves to-day and because they under-\\ntook to protect themselves they are called cold-blooded mur-\\nderers, merely because they had the dare, and were con-\\ntented to live and die as God intended them to. Brown", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n105\\nwas a Bible-man, he believed it all; and though I am\\nnot, I give him credit for being honest, and the most con-\\nsistent so-called Christian I have ever met. Brown and\\nhis sons had claims, and worked them, as I did mine,\\nwhen these devils were not prowling about, killing a man\\nnow and then, stealing our stock and running them off to\\nMissouri.\\nWhen Sheriff Jones stirred the caldron of border-\\nruffianism to find a pretext for the attack so elaborately\\nprepared for by the South, the Free-State men of Kansas\\ndetermined to again assist the people of Lawrence to beat\\nback the invaders. John Brown, jr., was Captain of the\\nPottawatomie Kifles, and these were held in readiness\\nto march on very short notice. The Browns were sum-\\nmoned to the defense of Lawrence on the 22d of May,\\nand every man (eight in all) except Orson, turned out;\\nhe staying with the women and children to take care of the\\ncattle. They went in two companies, John Brown, jr.,\\ngoing with his company, which was joined by two other\\ncompanies on the road; he was elected to command the\\ncombined force, but probably this was a temporary con-\\nsolidation, intended to remain effective during the cam-\\npaign then being entered upon. In the second company\\nof the Brown family were John Brown, his sons Owen,\\nFrederick, Salmon, Oliver, and Henry Thompson, his son-\\nin-law. He speaks of these as the other six, saying,\\nthe other six were a little company by ourselves. On\\nthe way to Lawrence they learned that it had been de-\\nstroyed on the 21st, the day before they had received or-\\nders to march to its defense. The forces halted, and it\\nwas decided not to proceed to Lawrence, but to await", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "106\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nfurther orders before either advancing or returning home.\\nThe camp was pitched on Ottawa creek, on the claim of\\nCaptain Shore. John Brown favored continuing the\\nmarch to Lawrence; this might have been done had not a\\ncourier arrived to say that the town was short of food,\\nand that the people had submitted to the sacking of the\\ntown without any attempt at resistance. The halt was\\nmade on the evening of the day upon which the march\\nbegan May 2 2d.\\nOn the following day, in the forenoon, a messenger ar-\\nrived in the camp with intelligence which caused John\\nBrown to return to the Pottawatomie with his company.\\nWhen the Free-State men on the Pottawatomie heard\\nthat Lawrence was threatened, and before they had re-\\nceived any formal notice that their services might be\\nneeded, they had made preparations to render what as-\\nsistance they could to their neighbors and fellow-sufferers.\\nAll the lead that could be procured was cast into bullets,\\nand the guns were put in as good condition as possible.\\nThe only store at which lead could be obtained in the\\nsettlement was at the little establishment near Dutch\\nHenry s Crossing, kept by an old gentleman from Michi-\\ngan, a Free-State man named Morse. He seems to have\\nbeen a widower with a family of little children. He was\\na harmless and inoffensive old gentleman, very timid,\\nand too old to take part in the protective arrangements\\nmade by the settlers. He had engaged in the vocation of\\ntradesman for the purpose of procuring a living for his\\nmotherless children, the oldest of whom was about twelve.\\nHe supposed his age and his expressed intention to devote\\nhimself to his business exclusively would afford him pro-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n107\\ntection. He dealt in such things as the condition of the\\nsettlers rendered most profitable groceries, and lead and\\ngunpowder. Frederick Brown had bought some thirty\\npounds of lead of him, and this had been used in getting\\nready to go to Lawrence, should it become necessary. He\\nwas questioned about the use to which the lead was to be\\nput, as he carried it by the home of the Shermans, where\\nthe Doyles and others were congregated; he made no\\nsecret of the purpose of its purchase.\\nA company from Missouri was expected to come into\\nthe Free- State settlement on the Pottawatomie and attack\\nthe settlers there; this was a part of the general plan\\nto move against the Free-State settlers and enforce obedi-\\nence to the bogus laws and subdue the spirit of resistance\\nmanifest. When the Free-State companies went to the aid\\nof Lawrence the Pottawatomie settlement was left without\\nany means of self-protection. Such a time would natur-\\nally be seized upon in which to strike the contemplated\\nblow, by the Missouri ans and their ruffian allies, the Sher-\\nmans, Doyles, the Georgians and the other companies of\\nBuford then in the doomed settlement or hanging on its\\noutskirts. And the invaders were to do much more than\\nmake an attack upon the Pottawatomie; they were to do\\nfor this part of the Territory what Sheriff Jones and Don-\\naldson were to accomplish at and about Lawrence. The\\nblow was to be a little later, and to be cooperated in by the\\ninvaders from about Lawrence, if found necessary many\\nof these invading bands did march to the vicinity of the\\nPottawatomie settlements after Lawrence was sacked.\\nThe active work of the campaign was commenced as soon\\nas the Pottawatomie Kifles marched out to aid Law-\\nrence. The Pro-Slavery men, under the lead of William", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "108 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nSherman, Henry Sherman being in Missouri at the time,\\nand probably to bring in invaders, took a rope and re-\\npaired to the store of Mr. Morse to hang him. They\\ntold him to leave by eleven o clock, after being persuaded\\nto spare his life. At eleven o clock they returned, much\\nunder the influence of whisky, and attempted to kill the\\nold gentleman with an axe. He was saved by the pleadings\\nand tears of his children, but was warned to be gone by\\nsundown, and that there would be no further trifling with\\nhim; if found he would be killed at once. Notices were\\nprepared and delivered to Free-State settlers warning them\\nto leave in three days, and threatening them with death if\\nfound there after that time. These notices were written\\nwith rod ink and had a skull-and-crossbones rudely drawn\\nupon them. They went to the families of the Browns\\nand threatened to burn their cabins over their heads, and\\nwhen prevailed upon to spare their lives ordered them to\\nleave, and after the women had found a yoke of cattle and\\nhitched them to the cart, they were allowed to put into this\\nrude conveyance their children and a few valuables and\\noo to the home of the Rev. S. L. Adair. The ruffians went\\nto the houses of two German settlers who favored the Tree-\\nState cause, warned them to leave, and burned their houses.\\nOne of these, that of Theodore Weiner, contained a con-\\nsiderable stock of goods. Weiner fled to the company of\\nmen who had gone to the assistance of Lawrence.\\nThis is a brief statement of the actual conditions which\\nconfronted the Tree-State settlers on the Pottawatomie\\nimmediately after the departure of the militia to fight for\\nLawrence. We have not enumerated all the outrages com-\\nmitted, as it is not necessary to go into greater detail.\\nOther actions of the ruffians were as rabid and reprehensi-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 309\\nble as those set down here. Some wives fled to overtake\\ntheir husbands in the companies marching to the relief\\nof Lawrence. The country was terrorized by the Pro-\\nSlavery men under orders from the Shermans. The no-\\ntices given the Free-State families made i t plain that they\\nwere to be murdered if they were found there on the night\\nof the day mentioned in them. The ruffians were moving\\nupon them from Missouri and from their camps in the\\nvicinity; Cooke arrived from Bates county, Missouri, on\\nTuesday, the 27th, with a considerable force. Their de-\\nfenders were away to battle for liberty in another part of\\nthe Territory. The only thing to be done was to send word\\nfor them to return. The settlers put a young man on a\\nhorse, and directed him to overtake the forces marching\\naway and urge that some help be sent back to protect their\\nown homes. All this is clear and undisputed.\\nThis, then, was the condition on the Pottawatomie on\\nthe night of May 22d. Helpless women and children had\\nbeen turned out of their own houses under threats of death,\\nand their houses burned to ashes; they had sought what\\nrefuge they could find. They and those of whom they\\nasked shelter and protection bore red notices that their\\nlives were forfeited if they were found there three days\\nlater. The sacred calling of the ministry of the gospel\\nafforded no protection. The people could almost see the\\ncamps of the ruffians by the light of their burning cabins.\\nIf help could not be had they must depart from their\\nhomes and carry with them what they could. But where\\ncould they go? Missouri was on the east and the desert\\nof raw prairies on the west. To them it seemed that they\\nwere in the power of the ruffians, and that there was little\\nhope of escape.", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "110\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI.\\nWAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE-COt/P DE MAITRE.\\nThe raven croaks!\\nThe black cloud is low over the thane s castle;\\nThe eagle screams\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he rides on its bosom.\\nScream not, gray rider of the sable cloud,\\nThy banquet is prepared!\\nThe maidens of Valhalla look forth,\\nThe race of Hengist will send them guests.\\nShake your black tresses, maidens of Valhalla,\\nAnd strike your loud timbrels for joy!\\nMany a haughty step bends to your halls,\\nMany a helmed head.\\nDark sits the evening upon the thane s castle,\\nThe black clouds gather round;\\nShrink not then from your doom, sons of the sword!\\nLet your blades drink blood like wine;\\nFeast ye in the banquet of slaughter,\\nBy the light of the blazing halls!\\nStrong be your swords while your blood is warm,\\nAnd spare neither for pity nor fear,\\nFor vengeance hath but an hour.\\nSir Walter Scott.\\nGovernor Robinson thus defines Eli Thayer s theory of\\nfreedom in Kansas:\\nEli Thayer, as he has often said, looked upon the\\nstruggle in Kansas as the entering-wedge in the conflict\\nfor the overthrow of slavery in the nation. Freedom once\\nplanted in Kansas would spread east and south accord-\\nance with the popular sovereignty of the Kansas-Nebraska\\nbill till not a slave should be found in any fetate. lnis\\n(ill)", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "112 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nwas the view of the agents of the Aid Company and many\\nothers who came to Kansas from the North and East.\\nThis theory, as stated by Mr. Thayer s most devoted\\nfriend and closest confidant, Avas Make Kansas a\\nfree State without any regard to the slave question as it\\naffects the country at large, without any regard to the\\nright or wrong of slavery, then the beauties of freedom\\nand its advantages, as exemplified in Kansas under the\\nsquatter features of the Douglas bill, will so impress and\\nappeal to the slave States that they will voluntarily abolish\\nthe slave system and give freedom to the slaves. As free-\\ndom was to spread east and south, it is supposed that\\nMissouri was counted upon as the first convert to this\\nepidemic theory of freedom, and, no doubt, Arkansas\\nwas to become the second. This theory was to spread\\nuntil not a slave was left in any State.\\nIt may be well affirmed that if a whimsical, imprac-\\nticable, and foolish vagary was ever promulgated on earth\\nit was this. This squatter feature had always remained to\\nthe Southern States. Mr. Thayer would have us believe\\nthat no State was empowered to free the slaves it contained\\nuntil the Douglas bill became a law. But the truth is, any\\nState could have liberated its slaves at any time, if it had\\ndesired to do so. Slavery rested upon the sentiment of\\nthe people of the South quite as much as it rested upon\\nlegal enactments; in fact, there could have been no enact-\\nments without the existence first of the sentiment. And\\nthe whole South had seen the rapid progress of the North\\nunder freedom, and the decadence of the South under slav-\\nery but public sentiment there had increased for slavery\\nuntil its aggressions had upset the solemn compact of the", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 113\\nnation and created the conditions existing at the very time\\nof the promulgation of Thayer s ridiculous epidemic\\ntheory. He seemed to forget that Missouri, the first State\\ninto which his theory was to spread, bordered on two\\nfree States, Illinois and Iowa: Illinois had been a free\\nState and Missouri a slave State for more than thirty\\nyears. The Free-State men who encountered these same\\nMissourians on the plains of Kansas could discover no\\nsentiment in them in favor of Mr. Thayer s theory. Their\\nfavorite theory was the extermination of Free-State men\\nthe nationalization of slavery! But Governor Robinson\\nvery properly and correctly says that there existed an ele-\\nment in Kansas who held to this preposterous theory.\\nIt was very fortunate for the settlers on the Pottawato-\\nmie, and in fact for all the Free-State men of Kansas,\\nthat there were no men in the camp on Middle Ottawa\\ncreek on the 23d of May who were believers in so trans-\\nparent an absurdity. These men had guns in their hands.\\nThey were practical, common-sense men. They had not\\ngotten beyond the impression that when their country was\\ninvaded by whisky-sodden ruffians, armed, loudly proclaim-\\ning their intention to exterminate Free-State people, in\\nthis extremity these men had somehow gotten the idea that\\nthey were in duty bound to defend their families and homes\\nas best they could. They may have been mistaken, and in\\nfact we are often told by the non-resistants that they were\\nwrong; but they had their wives and children on an ex-\\nposed and dangerous frontier, and they were threatened\\nwith death by as relentless and brutal foes as ever carried\\ndesolation and rapine into a border-land. These Free-State\\nmen in camp on the Middle Ottawa creek were mistaken to\\n-8", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "114\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthat degree that they imagined they were justified in trying\\nto defend their homes and make some effort to turn back the\\nhordes of invasion Actual occurrences and experiences\\nmade impressions upon them, strange as it may seem If\\na man burned a house, they were foolish enough to believe\\nhe meant mischief! If he came with a blood-red notice\\nto warn a family to move away by a certain day on pain of\\ndeath, they mistrusted that he might mean harm And\\nwhen he went to cabins where were wives and children of\\nmen on the road to defend Lawrence and threatened mur-\\nder, driving mothers and children to seek safety in flight\\nafter terrorizing them with the avowed intention of burn-\\ning the cabins over their heads, and even outrage, these\\nmen felt that there was danger which called upon them to\\ntake some steps to defend their families But they were\\nonly plain men, intent upon having some share of their\\nrights if they had to fight for them and having, also, some\\nidea, mistaken or otherwise, that duty demanded that they\\ndefend their families with their lives, and if in doing so\\nthey killed some ruffian they might be justified in the eyes\\nof all right-thinking men\\nThe message carried by Mr. Williams to the camp on\\nMiddle Ottawa creek was not sent to any particular person\\nor commander it was a statement of conditions and\\nan appeal for help. John Brown heard the message de-\\nlivered. He immediately declared I will attend to those\\nfellows. He called for volunteers to return with him to\\nthe Pottawatomie. His son, John Brown, jr., objected to\\nthe separation of the men at that time, but as many as were\\nrequired to make an investigation were readily secured.\\nIt has often been asked why the whole company did not", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 115\\nreturn, if there was danger to the Pottawatomie settle-\\nments. There was but a portion of the company from that\\nparticular settlement. And Judge Hanway says that it\\nhad been determined to proceed, and rescue Doctor Rob-\\ninson, as it was expected that he would be brought by\\na certain route to Leoompton. It was learned later that\\nhe was taken over a different road. Then, it was not\\nknown just what would be necessary in the settlement when\\nJohn Brown left the camp. And the camp was but a few\\nhours ride from the Pottawatomie, and from it reinforce-\\nments could be speedily obtained. Again, as they were\\nnot to go on to Lawrence, they would perhaps all return to\\ntheir homes in a day or two, and arrive in time to prevent\\nthe expulsion of the Free-State settlers on the following\\nWednesday. Whatever the reason, it is nowhere set\\ndown that they remained away because they supposed no\\ndanger threatened.\\nThe party which left the camp on Middle Ottawa creek\\nto return to the Pottawatomie consisted of John Brown\\nand his sons Frederick, Owen, Watson and Oliver, and his\\nson-in-law Henry Thompson, Theodore Weiner, and James\\nTownsley, eight. It was soon known in the camp that\\nBrown had raised a company to return to the Pottawatomie\\nin response to the appeal for protection, and to take such\\naction as might be required by the conditions found exist-\\ning there when the company arrived. Some were requested\\nto go, and told what would be done should necessity require\\nit, who declined to go. Indeed no secret was made of the\\nintentions of the company, nor of the purpose for which\\nit was to return in advance of the company of enlisted\\nRifles. The men who remained in camp helped to grind", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "116\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthe swords of those who returned. When the little party\\nmoved out to go in the defense of home and family, three\\ncheers were given by the men who remained, and the com-\\nmander of the company says all knew that a blow of retalia-\\ntion was to be struck. The departure was open, public,\\namid the cheers of companions in arms, in nowise secret,\\nwith no intention that it should be so. All the party except\\nTheodore Weiner rode in the wagon of James Townsley.\\nWeiner rode his own gray pony. It seems that lie was not\\na member of the Pottawatomie Rifles, but that he had fled\\nto the camp the previous day, after having received his\\nnotice to quit the Territory. It is claimed by some that\\nhis store had been burned by the Doyles and others, and\\nthat he had been obliged to fly for his life, but the prepon-\\nderance of the evidence says that Captain Pate burned\\nhis store a few days later. The Doyles only delivered the\\nnotice, and accompanied it with dire threats of what would\\nfollow its disregard.\\nThe only evidence we have of the party s having been\\nseen on the road is contained in a letter written by Colonel\\nJames Blood, twenty-three years after the occurrence. He\\nwas a very timid man, and was slipping into Lawrence by\\na roundabout way to escape the ruffians. He says he met\\nthe party a few miles north of Dutch Henry s Crossing.\\nThe letter contains many curious and strange statements,\\ncontradictory of what is now known to be true, and insist-\\ning upon what is known to be false. A mile north of Dutch\\nHenry s Crossing the party went into camp in the woods\\nbetween deep ravines. What happened in this camp for\\nthe next twenty-four hours is set out in Townsley s state-\\nment, If he had not made several statements, no two", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 117\\nalike all different our knowledge of the actions of the\\nparty at this point might be easily gained, and be very\\nsatisfactory after we had obtained it. In his later state-\\nments Townsley maintains that the party remained inactive\\nhere all the night and following day, trying to induce him\\nto point out all the Pro-Slavery men in the settlements on\\nthe Pottawatomie, so that they might sweep the creek,\\nand destroy them indiscriminately. He remained obdu-\\nrate, and the expedition could do nothing until the follow-\\ning night, when he agreed to point out only a stipulated\\nnumber of the ruffians and then the work was done,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthe Pro-Slavery men killed. This is preposterous, when\\nit is remembered that John Brown knew the location of\\nthe Pro-Slavery settlers quite as well as Townsley. And\\nit is disproved by what actually occurred. Brown had no\\nintention of sweeping the creek. He only sought the\\nguilty and two Pro-Slavery men who were captured were\\nreturned to their homes unharmed, because they satisfied\\nBrown that they had no part in the outrages inflicted, and\\nno intention to join in those contemplated. If Brown\\nhad desired or intended to kill indiscriminately, he would\\nnever have spared these men who were found so near the\\nhouse of Henry Sherman and where he found William\\nSherman. In one of his statements Townsley says he did\\nnot point out other persons to be killed, because it was too\\nnear daylight when those who were killed had been dis-\\nposed of. Other men of the party have left statements\\nof what occurred in the camp and in the settlement on the\\n24th of May. They are entitled to as much credit as\\nTownsley, especially since his stories do not always agree.\\nThe many contradictory statements make it difficult to", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "118 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nreach a satisfactory determination. The most that can be\\nsaid is, that what did actually take place in the camp of\\nBrown and his party on the night of the 23d and the fol-\\nlowing day must for the present remain a matter of con-\\njecture, with the absolute certainty that it was not spent\\nas Townsley says in his last statements that it was occupied.\\nAll that Townsley was invited to join the party for was\\nto carry them in his wagon nothing else. Every member\\nof the party knew the settlement as well as Townsley knew\\nit. Let us endeavor to account for the day May 24th\\nfrom what reliable evidence we have.\\nIt is maintained by almost all the early writers on Kan-\\nsas history those who were here at the time and should\\nhave known that these men had a trial. The known\\ncircumstances tend to confirm their statements. That\\nsome inquiry or investigation was conducted by Brown\\nduring the day of the 24th of May, is quite possible, even\\nprobable. Brown told Governor George A. Crawford,\\nthat the death of those Pro-Slavery men had been deter-\\nmined upon at a meeting of the Free-State settlers the\\nday before; that he was present at the meeting, and, I\\nthink, presided, and that the executioners were then and\\nthere appointed. Governor Crawford was a man of re-\\nmarkably clear comprehension and vivid recollection, and\\nthere is no doubt that John Brown told him precisely what\\nhe has recorded. Gihon, the private secretary of Gov-\\nernor Geary, says These five men w r ere seized and dis-\\narmed, a sort of trial was had, and in conformity with the\\nsentence passed, were shot in cold blood. This was doubt-\\nless an act of retaliation for the work done but a few days\\nbefore at Lawrence. Ilolloway, in his history, says:", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n119\\nPro-Slavery men in the region of Osawatomie had for\\nsome time been very impudent, bold and threatening. The\\nspirit of extermination which incited the destroyers of\\nLawrence and which had been breathing its threats along\\nthe border all spring, at once seized the Pro-Slavery men\\nof that section. When the men about Osawat-\\nomie were absent at Lawrence, their Pro-Slavery neighbors\\nvisited their defenseless families, insulted and notified\\nthem to leave the country, and threatened, in case they did\\nnot observe this order, to kill them all. On the\\nreturn of Captain John Brown, junior, and his company,\\nand learning of the deep-laid plots of assassination, a coun-\\ncil was held near Osawatomie, at which the question of\\ntaking the field and engaging in actual hostilities was dis-\\ncussed, of which Captain John Brown, senior, warmly\\nadvocated the affirmative. The majority of the company,\\non its being put to a vote, deciding against him, he stepped\\nout from the ranks, and with sword upraised, called upon\\nall who were willing to begin the war in earnest to fol-\\nlow him. About eight responded, and with them he left\\nthe camp of his son, to begin his memorable career. Pro-\\nceeding up the Marais des Cygnes a short distance, he\\nhalted his men, and there, in the still and deep-tangled\\nwoods, held a council. Exactly what was said is not\\nknown. But Brown soon infused in his followers his own\\nspirit of determination and hostility to slavery. At this\\ncouncil it was determined whenever any demonstration\\ntowards executing the plot to massacre Free-State men\\nshould be made, that certain parties should be killed on\\nthe spot.\\nRedpath says:\\nA meeting of the intended victims was held; and it\\nwas determined that on the first indication of the mas-\\nsacre, the Doyles, a father and two sons, Wilkinson,\\nand Sherman should be seized, tried by lynch law, and", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "120 TWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nsummarily killed. On the night of the 24th of May,\\nthe Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman were seized, tried,\\nand slain. This act was precipitated by a brutal assault\\ncommitted during the forenoon on a Free-State man at the\\nstore of Sherman, in which the Doyles were the principal\\nand most ruffianly participators. These wretches, on the\\nsame day, called at the house of the Browns; and, both\\nin words and by acts, offered the grossest indignities to a\\ndaughter and daughter-in-law of the old man. As they\\nwent away, they said, Tell your men that if they don t\\nleave right off, we ll come back to-morrow and kill them.\\nThey added, in language too vile for publication, that the\\nwomen would then suffer the worst brutalities.\\nTuttle s History of Kansas thus portrays this feature\\nof the event:\\nIn addition to this instance of wanton cruelty, the\\n]\\\\Iissouri settlers about Osawatomie availed themselves of\\nthe absence of the free-soil fighting men, to visit and in-\\nsult their wives and families, giving them orders to quit\\nthe Territory on pain of death. There may have been no\\ndeliberate intention back of all these threats, but there is\\nabundant reason to be found in the tactics of the party\\nelsewhere for the assumption that every Free-State settler\\nwould have been compelled to vacate his lot, if he could\\nnot defend it with his own right arm. The belief\\nwas common that the whole settlement, and the Browns\\nmore particularly, would be destroyed by an act of sim-\\nultaneous assassination, and there were very few that\\nwished to sit calmly down and wait for the consummation.\\nx\\\\ council of war was held, and Old John advocated war\\non the instant. The majority inclined to bide the course\\nof events, waiting for reinforcements and watching the\\nenemy closely, but a small minority of nine, including the\\nleader, declared for the arbitrament of the sword. It is\\nnot easy for us to determine which policy was the best.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n121\\nThe younger Browns were not among those who followed\\nthe more impetuous leader, but the men who had chosen the\\nmore eventful career were soon heard from. The little\\narmy of observation determined, upon mature consulta-\\ntion, that certain men who were the leading spirits of the\\nPro-Slavery section, and had made themselves peculiarly\\nconspicuous by their evil deeds during the Lawrence in-\\nvasion, should be held responsible for the actions of their\\nparty, and if any indication appeared that the scheme of\\nmurder was to be prosecuted, they should be destroyed\\ninstanter, as a precautionary measure.\\nThe other early writers almost all declare that the men\\nhad a trial. There are mistakes in the works of the writers,\\nand some of their errors are contained in the quotations\\ngiven they appear when the statements are compared with\\nwhat we now know to be the truth. The writers were not\\nin possession of all the facts. But there is unanimity on\\nthe point that the men had a sort of trial. All the circum-\\nstances that have come to light in later years confirm this\\nview. It is not contended that this was any regular trial\\nby a competent legal tribunal. It was only a sort of in-\\nquiry into the danger the families were in; the evidence\\nwas believed to be sufficient to warrant the killing of those\\nafterward slain, and they were killed accordingly.\\nBrown told Mr. E. A. Coleman I had heard these\\nmen were coming to the cabin that my son and I were stay-\\ning in (I think he said the next Wednesday night) to set\\nfire to it and shoot us as we ran out. Now that was not\\nproof enough for me. He then described to Coleman\\nand his wife how he disguised himself, took his surveying\\nimplements and ran lines by the houses of each of these\\nmen, recording in a book what each man said of the con-", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "122\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ntemplated course towards the Free-State settlers. He\\nfound that the death of the Browns next Wednesday\\nnight had been fully determined upon. And no doubt\\nhe found true all that he had heard at the camp on Middle\\nOttawa creek. Anyone reading Mr. Coleman s state-\\nment of the surveying expedition and the statements of\\nothers concerning the running of the lines through the\\ncamp of Buford s men, must conclude that there were two\\nsurveying parties engaged in by John Brown. In that to\\nthe camp lie depended for his safety upon the fact that\\nhe was a surveyor. In the one Mr. Coleman describes he\\ndisguised himself, probably because he was to meet and\\ntalk to men who knew him well. That John Brown, and\\nperhaps the others of his party, were engaged upon that\\nday in finding out for themselves the exact conditions\\nthen and there existing, it is most reasonable to believe.\\nThe mere message to the camp by the settlers was not\\nproof enough for him he must be convinced by his own\\ninvestigations that they had committed murder in their\\nhearts. Having informed himself thoroughly of the in-\\ntention of the Shermans and their tools, he reported to a\\nmeeting of the settlers assembled for the purpose of deter-\\nmining what should be done. At this meeting the situa-\\ntion was reviewed, the execution of the guilty parties\\ndetermined upon, and the executioners appointed. This\\nis what the statements of Governor Crawford and Mr.\\nColeman establish. These statements are founded upon\\nwhat Brown himself said, and in each instance he avowed\\nthe killing and his own participation in it, and assumed his\\nfull share of the guilt, if guilt there was and as Governor\\nRobinson says he did not base his reasons for this act on", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWN\\n123\\nself-defense, he could have no object in making any mis-\\nstatement of these preliminary and minor affairs. All\\nthe circumstances point to a day spent in investigation into\\naffairs; John Brown said it was; he said the sentence\\nof death was passed in the meeting of settlers. It is true\\nthat he was an interested party, testifying in his own\\nbehalf. But his testimony should be as good as that of\\nTownsley, who told at least three different stories of the\\nexpedition, and was also an interested party, speaking in\\nhis own interest. And this view is still further confirmed\\nby what Brown told Colonel Samuel Walker, of Lawrence.\\nThey went to the Nebraska line to escort into Kansas\\nLane s Army of the North. We give Mr. Walker s state-\\nment at length as recorded in Sanborn s Life of Brown\\nThen Walker said he would take him back under escort,\\nwith Brown s help; and they started so, with twenty or\\nthirty men, and Brown among them. When they camped\\nfor the night,- Brown, according to his custom, went\\naway to sleep by himself; and Walker describes him as\\nsitting bolt upright on his saddle, with his back against a\\ntree, his horse lariated to the saddle-peak, and Brown\\nasleep with his rifle across his knees. At early dawn\\nWalker went up to waken Brown, and as he touched him on\\nthe shoulder Brown sprang up quick as a cat/ leveled,\\ncocked, and discharged his piece, which Walker threw up\\nwith his hand in time to escape death but the bullet grazed\\nhis shoulder. That shows how quick he was; but he was\\nfrightened afterward, when he saw it was I he had fired\\nat. Then, said Walker, as we rode along together, Brown\\nwas in a sort of study and I said to him, Captain Brown,\\nI would n t have your thoughts for anything in the world.\\nBrown said, I suppose you are thinking about the Potta-\\nwatomie affair. Said I, Yes. Then he stopped and\\nlooked at me and said, Captain Walker, I saw that whole", "height": "2744", "width": "1783", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "124 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthing, but I did not strike a blow. I take the responsibility\\nof it; but there were men who advised doing it, and after-\\nward failed to justify it meaning, as Walker supposed,\\nLane and Robinson. Walker now believes Brown, and can-\\nnot think that Townsley s statement about Brown s shoot-\\ning Doyle through the head is correct; for Brown would\\nnever tell me what was not true, and would not deny to me\\nanything he had really done.\\nBrown may have meant that Lane and Robinson advised\\nand failed to justify the Pottawatomie killings, but we\\nbelieve he meant to say here that some of the settlers in\\nthe vicinity advised the action and afterwards failed to\\njustify it. But we recur to our former conclusion, that\\nwhat did actually take place in the Pottawatomie settle-\\nment on the 24th day of May is not clear is not estab-\\nlished beyond doubt, and is a matter of conjecture. That\\nthe day was not spent in idle and fruitless argument with\\nTownsley to overcome his scruples as to the number of\\nmen to be killed, we may well believe. John Brown, as\\nGovernor Robinson has well said, did not rely entirely\\nupon self-defense for his justitication. But that he might\\nwell have rested his cause upon this ground, we now know.\\nHe also knew it. But in meting out justice to these\\nguilty parties he looked beyond the matter of self-defense.\\nIt was a blow for Kansas, then prostrate and bleeding.\\nAnd above all, it was a thrust at slavery, and time proved\\nthat it was one of a very serious nature to that institution.\\nAs to the number slain and the manner in which the\\nmen were killed, we are not left in doubt. Those who\\nwere released by the party, as well as the widows of Doyle\\nand Wilkinson, made affidavits in which their recollections\\nare preserved and the statements of Townsley confirm", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 125\\nmuch they said, and they arc evidently in the main true.\\nThe Doyles were the first to meet death. Mrs. Doyle\\ntestified that Brown s party arrived at her house about\\neleven o clock on Saturday night, the 24th day of May.\\nThe name of her husband was James P. Doyle; those of\\nher slain sons were William and Drury. William was\\nabout twenty-two years of age, and Drury was about\\ntwenty, she said. The Doyles were of that class of poor\\nwhites that never know the precise and exact ages of their\\nchildren. They determine the dates by some event that\\noccurred about the time of their births, such as being more\\nbrutally intoxicated than usual, or shooting a neighbor\\nor his ox or his dog, or the high water, or the overflow,\\nor being chased from a community for petty thieving. So,\\nthe sons were about twenty-two and twenty respectively,\\nas Mrs. Doyle said.\\nJohn Brown and his sons Owen, Watson and Oliver, and\\nhis son-in-law, went to the house and brought out Doyle and\\nhis two sons. They were taken a short distance down the\\nroad towards the Crossing and there killed with swords.\\nThe son, William, attempted to escape by running away,\\nbut was soon overtaken and cut down. Townsley says that\\nJohn Brown shot the old man Doyle in the forehead\\nwith his pistol; this has always been denied by the other\\nmembers of the company. John Brown said to Captain\\nWalker, I saw the whole thing, but I did not strike a\\nblow. He commanded the company, and the ruffians were\\nall executed by his direction there was absolutely no rea-\\nson why he should deny killing anyone if he had struck\\na blow. Mrs. Doyle says she heard two shots here, and\\nalso a wild whoop. There is much contradiction in the", "height": "2739", "width": "1752", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "126 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nevidence concerning the number of shots fired by the party\\nduring the killing. Townsley says one was fired here by\\nBrown. This does not agree with what Mrs. Doyle said.\\nTownsley keeps in the background any work he may have\\ndone, and says he was always one of those left on guard.\\nBy his own statement, he was not where he could see who\\ndid the killing. Others of the party say they heard a shot\\nbelow them while they were at Harris s house, and that\\nthey did not know what the shot meant. Those in the\\nhouse say they heard a cap burst; they evidently heard no\\nshot, and believe that the cap was exploded as a signal for\\nthe others to leave the house where they had been left as\\nguards and return to their leader.\\nIt was past midnight when the party arrived at the\\nhouse of Allen Wilkinson. His wife was sick with\\nmeasles. He seems to have been suspicious, and to have\\nmanifested a strong disposition to not come out when sum-\\nmoned. The party forced him to open the door. His wife\\nentreated for him, but he was inarched away and swiftly\\nand silently slain with swords. His body was dragged\\nfrom the road and left. Brown and his party of swift\\nand terrible vengeance went noiselessly in search of the\\nShermans.\\nIn his statement Townsley says that the party went from\\nthe house of Wilkinson to that of the Shermans. Here,\\naccording to him, two persons were brought out and ques-\\ntioned afterwards they were taken back to the house and\\nnot molested further. He says that when they were re-\\nturned, William Sherman Dutch Bill was brought out,\\ntaken to the river, and slain with swords. A Mr. James\\nHarris made an affidavit for Mr. Oliver, of the Congres-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "joirx beown 127\\nsional Committee of Investigation, in which he says that\\nWilliam Sherman was taken from his house. He was\\nliving near the house of Dutch Henry. William Sher-\\nman and two others were staying overnight with him.\\nHe says William Sherman was taken out, after the others\\nhad been taken out and brought back by Brown and his\\nmen, and did not return; and that at about ten o clock the\\nfollowing morning he found Sherman lying in the creek,\\ndead, his skull having boon split with some weapon. There\\nare many other discrepancies in the statement of Townsley.,\\nand they become apparent when it is examined with the\\naffidavits of the Doyles, Mrs. Wilkinson and Mr. Harris.\\nThere are still more to be found, and many of them\\nirreconcilable, when examined with the statements of the\\nother members of the body of men who did the killing on\\nthe Pottawatomie. The Pro-Slavery affidavits agree in\\nsaying that the party represented themselves as a portion\\nof the Northern Army, and searched for and carried\\naway arms and ammunition, as well as saddles. One of the\\nparty took a pony and other horses belonging to Henry\\nSherman.\\nThe fact that Townsley believed William Sherman was\\ntaken from the house of Dutch Henry, when in fact he\\nwas not, goes far to disprove his statement that he was to\\npoint out the Pro-Slavery settlers so that the creek\\nmight be swept. It might be said that he was to do this\\npointing out in the vicinity of his own home, but he\\ngives us the impression that John Brown originally de-\\npended upon him to do the guiding that was to sweep\\nthe creek. Townsley doubtless tells much truth, but it is\\nplain, that from some motive, he did not tell all the truth.", "height": "2739", "width": "1752", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "128 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nIn his first statement, or one of the first, he says the party\\nwere going from house to house in his wagon when the\\nkilling was done, or at least leaves us to infer that. They\\nthen wanted Mr. T. to drive them to another place, but it\\nwas now late at night, and he declined to take them any\\nfarther. This is the only statement in the first of\\nTownsley s confessions about any refusal to obey orders,\\nand completely disposes of the statement in his last con-\\nfession that this refusal was made on the first night when\\nhe would not consent to kill all the Pro-Slavery settlers,\\nbut did afterwards consent to kill some of them. The\\nfacetious Mr. Spring remarks that his theological educa-\\ntion had evidently been neglected.\\nIn one of his statements, the one upon which most re-\\nliance is placed, Townsley says that from the house of\\nHenry Sherman the party returned to the camp, where he\\nhad left his team. They remained here in camp until the\\nafternoon of the following day, when they set out to return\\nto the camp of the military company on Middle Ottawa\\ncreek, arriving there about midnight. All the evidence\\nis agreed that no prisoner was carried to their camp by\\nthe party who did the killing. Harris says that the two\\nmen taken first from his house were brought back and re-\\nmained with him, leaving the next morning. In 1880 one\\nJames Christian wrote a sensational letter in which he\\nmade a bid for notoriety. It will perhaps result in all the\\ndistinction he hoped to gain, but of a dishonorable, dis-\\nreputable, and infamous variety. He says one of those\\nyoung men was taken from the house of Mr. Harris; that\\nhe was detained until the next morning in the camp of\\nBrown, and that when John Brown raised his hands to", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n129\\nask a blessing upon their breakfast they were stained with\\nthe dried blood of his victims. This statement is improba-\\nble in itself. It is disproved by all the evidence on both\\nsides. It bears all the marks of being manufactured out\\nof whole cloth. It is made by a man who says another\\nman gave him the information from which he writes, a\\nshort time before he was killed by the Browns, twenty-four\\nyears before the letter was written. The statement made in\\nthis letter is wholly disproved by the affidavit of Harris\\nand by all of Townsley s statements.\\nThere has been much controversy as to whether John\\nBrown himself killed any one of these men on the Potta-\\nwatomie or not. Townsley says he shot the old man\\nDoyle with his pistol. The affidavits of the Doyles say\\nthat the elder Doyle had the mark of a pistol-ball on his\\nforehead. John Brown told many persons that he killed\\nno man at Pottawatomie, but never denied his full measure\\nof responsibility for the killing of them all. It is a mat-\\nter of little importance, for he commanded the party which\\ndid the killing, and if the killing was a crime he was\\nguilty of the blood of each and every one of the slain.\\nThe charge has been persistently made that John Brown\\nand his men wantonly and fiendishly mutilated the dead\\nbodies of the persons killed. This charge has been made\\nby the bitter personal enemies of Brown. It will be re-\\nmembered that the men were killed with short heavy\\nswords at night. The victims evidently tried to ward off\\nthe blows with their hands and arms, and as they were\\nwholly unprotected the swords severed fingers, hands, and\\npossibly arms. No blow was struck after death came to\\nthe misguided men. This is expressly stated by Towns-\\n-9", "height": "2739", "width": "1752", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "130 TWENTIETH CENTUPY CLASSICS\\nley. In some of the works prepared for the purpose of\\ndefaming the memory of John Brown the last statement\\nof Townsley is published at length, but that portion of it\\nwhich says the bodies were not intentionally mutilated and\\nwere not struck after death, is omitted, as is also that por-\\ntion saying that the killing was a benefit to the Free-State\\ncause. After this omission is made concerning the mutila-\\ntion, the works in question go on and insist that the bodies\\nwere mutilated after death.\\nWhen John Brown turned from the settlement toward\\nhis camp on Sunday morning, five men lay prone and stark\\non the Pottawatomie. They had whetted a sword for\\nthe Free-State settlers. John Brown turned this red blade\\nagainst those who had taken it in hand. It was a new\\ndeparture in the warfare in Kansas a startling revela-\\ntion at which the Pro-Slavery forces stood aghast. Cham-\\npions of freedom could no longer be murdered with im-\\npunity by ruffian hordes. Henceforth men were to defend\\ntheir families and their homes; here was notice of it;\\nlet him who dared to do so violate or disregard it, lie did\\nit at his peril. It was notice to the Pro-Slavery men who\\nhad roamed bloody-handed through the Free-State settle-\\nments that he who takes up the sword must die by the\\nsword. These five dead men lay there, a warning to the\\nadvocates of the issue made in the bogus Legislature, that\\na new factor had entered the contest in opposition to their\\nbarbarous dogma. This new factor was on the side of\\nthose who stood for the other issue in Kansas Territory.\\nIt was an assertion that the Free-State men were entitled\\nto life, liberty, freedom of conscience, the protection of the\\nConstitution, and equality before the law FREEDOM.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n131\\nCould these dead men have spoken on that Sun-\\nday morning in May on the Pottawatomie, they would\\nhave plainly said to their misguided brethren and\\nfellow-ruffians: You invoked the sword; the people\\nof Kansas submitted long and patiently while we mer-\\ncilessly wielded it. The bones of her people whiten\\non the prairies; we have given their flesh as a prey\\nto the fowls of the air, to the wolf and her whelps. The\\nwild winds chant their requiem. Widows and orphans\\nwail in cabin homes. Outraged maidens implore death\\nand entreat the grave to hide their shame. Their Chris-\\ntian forbearance and their fortitude have been our marvel;\\nwe believed them weak and courageless. In the dawn of\\nthis Sabbath, with fixed and glassy eyes that see not we\\nlook up to the pure stars, and with tongues that are forever\\nstilled and speak not we proclaim to you that we have\\nstood for a lie. We have devoted our energies to the es-\\ntablishment of a crime against humanity. We forfeited\\nour lives in the interest of a barbarous cause one that is\\nreactionary and against all law, human and divine, and\\nopposed to human nature itself. The winter storm, the\\ngentle rain of spring, the summer sunshine, and the glo-\\nrious colorings of autumn will pass over us, and battles\\nrage around us, but we shall heed them not. But to us it\\nis now given to say to you that liberty and freedom must\\nreign in all this land, after having been baptized in blood\\nand consecrated anew on the plains of Kansas.", "height": "2739", "width": "1752", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nWAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 DETERMINATION.\\nThe web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and ill together:\\nour virtues would be proud, if our faults whipped them not; and our\\nrrimes would despair, if they were not cherished by our virtues.\\nShakespeare s All s Well that Ends Well.\\nFrom the very day after the men were killed on the\\nPottawatomie there was never any doubt in the vicinity\\nas to who had killed them. The members of the party never\\nmade a secret of the matter, nor of their participation in\\nthe killing. John Brown always declared that they were\\nkilled by his order, but said he had not killed any of them\\nhimself. It remains for ns to inquire into the effects of\\nthis act upon (1) the settlers of the Pottawatomie; (2)\\nupon the Free-State cause in Kansas; (3) upon the cause\\nof general abolition.\\nThe party left the vicinity of Dutch Henry s Crossing\\non the afternoon of Sunday, and arrived at the camp of\\nthe company under the command of John Brown, jr., near\\nthe house of Ottawa Jones, about midnight. The com-\\npany had come to this point on the return to their homes.\\nJohn Brown, jr., had been to Lawrence in the meantime,\\ntaking with him a number of his company. Upon his re-\\nturn he had seized two slaves belonging to a Missourian\\nliving near Palmyra. These slaves he carried to the camp\\nof his men, to be disposed of as they might decide. The\\n(132)", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n133\\ncompany were in favor of returning them to their master,\\nwho had fled to Missouri. The slaves were given to a\\ncourier, who was ordered to overtake the master and deliver\\nthem to him this he did, and was rewarded for so doing,\\nthe master giving him a sidesaddle. This incident caused\\nsome opposition to John Brown, jr., and the opposition\\nincreasing, he resigned his command on Monday morning,\\nMay 26th. The company voted for a new commander;\\nthe candidates were H. H. Williams and James Townsley,\\nWilliams being elected. The company then broke camp\\nand returned to their homes.\\nG. W. Brown says that John Brown, jr., remained in-\\nsane much of the following summer on account of the\\naction of his father on the Pottawatomie. There are\\nmany of his letters in existence, some of them written at\\nthat time, and they do not reveal insanity. He was, soon\\nafter his return home, arrested upon an indictment charg-\\ning conspiracy to resist the bogus laws, and upon this\\ncharge was imprisoned at Lecompton. He was made in-\\nsane by being driven before a body of armed Pro-Slavery\\nmen a whole day in June while bound with chains.\\nOn the 27th of May, Tuesday following the Saturday\\nupon which the men were killed, a meeting of the settlers\\non the Pottawatomie condemned the killing. Their first\\nresolution declared, That we will from this time lay aside\\nall sectional and political feelings and act together as men\\nof reason and common-sense, determined to oppose all men\\nwho are so ultra in their views as to denounce men of\\nopposite opinions. In their second resolution they ex-\\npressed their intention to stay at home during these ex-\\nciting times and protect, and, if possible, restore the peace", "height": "2739", "width": "1752", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "134 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nand harmony of the neighborhood. The last resolution\\nsaid, That we pledge ourselves, individually and collect-\\nively, to prevent a recurrence of a similar tragedy, and to\\nferret out and hand over to the criminal authorities the\\nperpetrators for punishment.\\nThis meeting seems to have been more in the nature of\\na precautionary measure than of a determined effort to\\napprehend John Brown and his men. In fact, neither\\nparty regarded it as affording any guaranty of protection.\\nFor a short time there were armed incursions into the\\nneighborhood from Missouri and other parts of the Terri-\\ntory. The headquarters of these were at Paola, and they\\nranged the country in search of those against whom the\\ncourts had found indictments for resistance to the bogus\\nlaws a continuation of the campaign so recently con-\\ncluded against Lawrence. There is little doubt that the\\nkilling of Wilkinson and others directed the attention of\\nthe Pro-Slavery men to the Pottawatomie settlements, and\\nthat they overran them for a short time. But this did\\nnot continue long; the law and order settlers left in\\ngreat numbers, and returned to Missouri and other slave\\nStates. In order to make the Pottawatomie killings the\\ncause for all the woes which afterwards fell upon Kansas,\\nsome writers of Kansas Territorial history assert that the\\nsacking of Lawrence was a great victory for the Free-State\\nparty, and the end of the Territorial troubles; and that\\nthese troubles would not have again revived if the Potta-\\nwatomie affair had not occurred. I have searched dili-\\ngently for some confirmation of this strange conclusion,\\nbut can find none. I find no evidence that Buford was\\nwithdrawn from the Territory, and none that it was con-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 135\\ntemplated that he should withdraw. None of his camps\\nwere abandoned, but all of them were strengthened. Some\\nof the Missourians returned home, but remained only long\\nenough to replenish their supply of whisky and dispose of\\nthe plunder carried from their defeat at Lawrence I\\nhave failed to find any order for the release of Governor\\nEobinson and other Free-State treason prisoners On the\\ncontrary, I find that the work of increasing their number\\n*went persistently on. Officers scoured the Territory, not\\nto apprehend the men who had killed the ruffians on the\\nPottawatomie, but to capture men for whom they had\\nwarrants for resistance to the bogus laws. The campaign\\nfor which such elaborate preparations had been made in\\nthe previous winter, and which had threatened to break\\nover the border since March, continued, and continued all\\nsummer, and would have continued all summer if the men\\non the Pottawatomie had never been killed. There is some\\nevidence that the Pro-Slavery forces used the incident in\\nMissouri to inflame the people and get them to rally to the\\nwork determined upon, but this seems not to have been\\nvery successful. War extras of newspapers were thrown\\ninto steamboats, but the people of Missouri needed nothing\\nof this kind to whet them for the campaign; they had\\nmade preparation for it for months, and they intended to\\nprosecute it until the bogus laws were triumphant or the\\nlast Free-State man was driven from the Territory or\\nexterminated. And they were too well acquainted with\\nthe characters killed to shed any false and sentimental\\ntears over their fate. They regarded the matter in its true\\nlight, and as an incident of the war, and would have re-\\nspected the Free-State men more and have departed to", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "136\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ntheir homes much sooner if this resistance had manifested\\nitself earlier and over larger areas. They were waging\\nwar, and expected that others would wage war against\\nthem.\\nLet us examine the record to some extent for the results\\nof the Pottawatomie killings. We will first introduce Mr.\\nTownsley, who continued to live in that locality for more\\nthan thirty years. Mr. Clark, in writing down Townsley s\\nfirst statement or confession, says: On May 24, 1855,\\nWilliam Sherman called at the house of John T. Grant,\\na Free-State man from New York, and there, in anger and\\nin liquor, told the Grant family that they (the Pro-Slavery\\nmen) intended to drive out the Free-State men from\\nPottawatomie creek and other parts of Kansas. This\\nalarmed Grant, and he sent his son George to the camp of\\nJohn Brown, who was at that time on Ottawa creek, some\\ntwenty- five miles northwest. Upon arriving in camp,\\nyoung Grant told John Brown the condition of things in\\nhis neighborhood, and the trouble anticipated if help was\\nnot had immediately. And here it is proper to state that\\nnews had come from Kansas City that Buford had or-\\nganized and armed a large force of Georgia immigrants,\\nand was about to march upon Kansas. The news had also\\narrived that Lawrence was in ashes, and that our Free-\\nState Governor, Kobinson, was a prisoner in the hands of\\nPro-Slavery border ruffians/ at Leavenworth. In brief,\\nit was a time of terror so appalling that it was felt that\\nthe destiny of Kansas was trembling in the balance, and\\nits fate about to be decided. This is the testimony of\\nMr. Clark, put as a preface to the statement of Townsley.\\nIn Townsley s second extensive statement he says I", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 137\\ndid not then approve of the killing of those men.\\nIn after-years my opinion changed as to the wisdom of\\nthe massacre. became, and am, satisfied that it resulted\\nin good to the Free-State cause, and was especially bene-\\nficial to the Free-State settlers on Pottawatomie creek.\\nThe Pro-Slavery men were dreadfully terrified, and large\\nnumbers of them soon left the Territory. It was after-\\nwards said that one Free-State man could scare a company\\nof them. In his last statement he uses exactly the same\\nlanguage.\\nColonel Samuel F. Tappan says:\\nIn the summer of 1856 I was at Leavenworth as\\nclerk of the Congressional Committee investigating Free-\\nState affairs. A reign of terror prevailed. Free-State\\nmen, women and children were forcibly driven from their\\nhomes, put upon steamers, and sent down the river. Free-\\nState men were arrested by a mob of Buford men, and\\nimprisoned in the basement of a warehouse. Miles Moore,\\nM. J. Parrott, Charles Robinson, Judge Wakefield, and\\nothers, were also held as prisoners in the city. This con-\\ntinued until one afternoon the Herald (General Eastin,\\neditor) published an extra about six inches long giving\\nan account of the horrible murder by John Brown, of\\nWilkinson and six [four] others, on Pottawatomie creek,\\nsoutheastern Kansas. This put a stop to further demands\\nupon Free-State men, and they were all soon after released.\\nThe Buford men remained quiet, no longer appearing\\nin the street under arms. In a few days I took passage\\nin [a] mail-coach for Lawrence, with S. C. Smith. Mr.\\nWeibling, who had been a prisoner, drove the team. Judge\\nWakefield, having been released, was also on the coach,\\nand we drove to Lawrence without further trouble.\\nWe give the statement of John B. Manes I came to\\nKansas in 1854. I worked for the Shermans in the sum-", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "138\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nmer of 1855. Have often heard them say that the d d\\nYankees on the Pottawatomie ought to have and would\\nhave their d d throats cut.\\nWhile Weiner was absent at the defense of Lawrence,\\nMr. Benjamin, who was Weiner s partner in a store on\\nMosquito Branch, was warned to leave in five days, or have\\nhis store, himself and his family burned. The old man\\nDoyle and William Sherman were the men who warned\\nhim to leave. The Grant family was warned to leave in\\nthe same limit of time, and on pain of murder and destruc-\\ntion of property if they refused to heed the warning. At\\nthe time of the warning William Sherman flourished a\\nbowie-knife, and threatened to cut the d d Yankee heart\\nout of Mary Grant, the daughter of the Grant referred to\\nin Townsley s testimony. Other Free-State people were\\nwarned to leave on penalty of death if they remained, and\\nthe time was about up, these men being killed before the\\nexpiration of the five days.\\nI was but a boy of 13 or 14 at this time, but know what\\nthere occurred as well as anyone could know who didn t\\nsee all that was done and hear all that was said, as indeed\\nno one person could. Being a boy, I was often sent on\\nerrands when it was thought older people could not \u00c2\u00a7o\\nwithout being murdered by border ruffians and at this\\ntime of dread, when even my nearest kindred dared not\\nmove abroad without danger of being assaulted or killed,\\nI would not be likely to forget what was generally believed\\nto be the danger surrounding those who were in favor of\\na free State.\\nI know that my father was knocked down for having\\na New York Tribune in his pocket. I know that my\\nfather s house and brother-in-law s store were burned to\\nashes. I know there was a reign of terror, of which those\\nmen who were killed were the authors and I am sur-\\nprised that anyone should believe that the killing of those\\nmen was without excuse. Were the Free-State men to\\nabandon Kansas Were thev to fold their arms in mar-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n139\\ntyrdom at the end of five days Or were they to slay their\\nwould-be murderers before the fifth day arrived Which\\nof these\\nIt has often been said that these settlers who stood in\\nthe shadow of death on the Pottawatomie should have ap-\\npealed to courts. This was the cry of the impracticables\\nand non-resistants in John Brown s clay, and was later\\nheard in New England, chiefly through the efforts of Eli\\nThayer, and in the Administrative circles of the Govern-\\nment, and wherever the enemies of Kansas as a free State\\ndid then congregate. This was so manifestly absurd and\\nridiculous that Emerson gave it his attention In this\\ncountry for the last few years the Government has been\\nthe chief obstruction to the common weal. Who doubts\\nthat Kansas would have been very well settled if the\\nUnited States had let it alone The Government armed\\nand led the ruffians against the poor farmers.\\nIn the free States we give a sniveling support to slavery.\\nThe judges give cowardly interpretations to the law, in\\ndirect opposition to the known foundation of all law, that\\nevery immoral statute is void. And here, of Kansas, the\\nPresident says, Let the complainants go to the courts\\nthough he knows that when the poor plundered farmer\\ncomes to the court, he finds the ringleader who has robhed\\nhim dismounting from his own horse, and unbuckling his\\nknife to sit as his judge.\\nCharles Robinson was the Free-State Governor of Kan-\\nsas at the time these men were killed by John Brown on\\nthe Pottawatomie. Having the interests of the Eree-State\\nmen of Kansas in his charge, and it being his business to\\nknow the conditions everywhere prevailing, he bestowed", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "140 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nupon John Brown the highest praise and most flattering\\npanegyrics. In 1878 he said I never had much doubt\\nthat Captain Brown was the author of the blow at Potta-\\nwatomie, for the reason that he was the only man who\\ncomprehended the situation and saw the absolute necessity\\nof some such blow, and had the nerve to strike it.\\nSanborn quotes Colonel Samuel Walker\\nColonel Walker, of Lawrence, in quoting to me\\nBrown s saying in August, 1882, the Pottawatomie exe-\\ncution was a just act, and did good, added: I must\\nsay he told the truth. It did a great deal of good by terri-\\nfying the Missourians. I heard Governor Robinson say\\nthis himself in his speech at Osawatomie in 1877 he said\\nhe rejoiced in it then, though it put his own life in dan-\\nger, for he [Robinson] was a prisoner at Lecompton\\n[Leavenworth] when Brown killed the men at Pottawato-\\nmie.\\nWe again quote from Sanborn\\nAt a public meeting held in Lawrence, Dec. 19, 1859,\\n(according to the newspaper reports at the time,) the citi-\\nzens passed resolutions concerning the Pottawatomie execu-\\ntions, declaring that according to the ordinary rules of\\nwar said transaction was not unjustifiable, but that it was\\nperformed from the sad necessity which existed at that\\ntime to defend the lives and liberties of the settlers in that\\nregion. This resolution was supported by Charles Rob-\\ninson, who said that he had always believed that John\\nBrown was connected with that movement. Indeed, he\\nbelieved Brown had told him so, or to that effect; and\\nwhen he first heard of the massacre, he thought it was\\nabout right. A war of extermination was in prospect, and\\nit was as well for Free-State men to kill Pro-Slavery men,\\nas for Pro-Slavery men to kill Free-State men.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n141\\nIn 1877 the people of the Pottawatomie settlements,\\nbeing proud of the part their ancestors took in the battle\\nAvhich made Kansas free, and desiring to commemorate\\ntheir heroic deeds, joined with the survivors of those bat-\\ntles in the erection of a monument to those who fell in\\nthe great cause. This monument was built at Osawatomie,\\nwhere it now stands, and was dedicated August 30, 1877.\\nIt was fitting that the old Free-State Governor, the Hon.\\nCharles Robinson, under whose direction the struggle was\\ncarried on, should preside over the ceremonies of dedica-\\ntion, and he did. He delivered two addresses upon the\\noccasion, one at the monument and one to an audience of\\ncitizens who came to pay him honor at the residence where\\nhe was a guest, in Paola, the county seat of the county\\nin which the monument was erected. He said\\nThis is an occasion of no ordinary merit, being for\\nno less an object than to honor and keep fresh the memory\\nof those who freely offered their lives for their fellow-men.\\nWe are told that scarcely for a righteous man will one\\ndie, yet peradventure for a good man some would dare to\\ndie but the men whose death we commemorate this day,\\ncheerfully offered themselves a sacrifice for strangers and\\na despised race. They were men of convictions, though\\ndeath stared them in the face. They were cordial haters\\nof oppression, and would fight injustice wherever found;\\nif framed into law, then they would fight the law if up-\\nhold and enforced by government, then government must\\nbe resisted. They were of Revolutionary stock, and held\\nthat when a long train of abuses had put the people under\\nabsolute despotism, it was right and duty to throw off such\\ngovernment and provide guards for future security. The\\nsoul of John Brown was the inspiration of the Union\\narmies in the emancipation war, and will be the inspiration\\nof all men in the present and distant future who may re-", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "142 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nvolt against tyranny and oppression; because he dared to\\nbe a traitor to the government that he might be loyal to\\nhumanity. To the superficial observer, John Brown was\\na failure. So was Jesus of aSTazareth. Both suffered\\nignominious death as traitors to the government, yet one\\nis now hailed as the savior of the world from sin, and\\nthe other of a race from bondage.\\nAugust Bondi was a resident of the Dutch settlement\\non the Pottawatomie at the time. This settlement had in-\\ncurred the enmity of the Shermans, Wilkinson, and the\\n1 )oyles, because it was composed of men who desired that\\nKansas should be a free State. In this settlement was\\nthe store of Weiner and Benjamin, which the ruffians\\nburned. Mr. Bondi says: At 9 o clock that evening\\n(22d) a messenger from Pottawatomie creek arrived and\\nreported that the Pro-Slavery men there (Wilkinson,\\nDoyle and sons, William and Dutch Henry Sherman)\\nhad gone from house to house of Free-State men and\\nthreatened that shortly the Missourians would be there\\nand make a clean sweep of them, and at many places\\nwhere the men were absent grossly insulted their wives\\nand daughters.\\nGeneral Jo. O. Shelby, of Missouri, was a great ad-\\nmirer of John Browri, and often referred to his brave acts\\nin the border wars in Kansas and to his heroic death in\\nVirginia. He delighted to tell how Captain Pate cap-\\ntured John Brown at Black Jack, and this he could tell\\nin an inimitable manner that would set the table in a\\nroar. General Shelby was one of the bravest and most\\nchivalrous of soldiers, and could appreciate bravery in\\nanother, even though an enemy. He said of John Brown", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "JOHN BBOWN\\n143\\nI knew him well. I freighted with him in Kansas,\\nand I fought him in Kansas. I knew him thoroughly,\\nand I tell you a braver or more gallant man never\\nbreathed. It is all a mistake to say John Brown was a\\ncoward.\\nDo you think he murdered people as charged\\nWhy, of course he did, but it was simply a measure\\nof retaliation. He didn t have any the best of us. We\\nkilled and John Brown killed there was no difference on\\nthat score.\\nHon. James F. Legate was one of the first settlers in\\nKansas. He had settled in Douglas county before Law-\\nrence was founded. No man in Kansas ever knew the\\nconditions existing here in the Territorial days better\\nthan Mr. Legate knows them. He wrote the following\\nin December, 1879\\nOut of the history being written by George W T Brown,\\na trial is made to make of John Brown a murderer rather\\nthan a martyr.\\nHatred must have its full share in the promptings\\nof such a history. We believe old John Brown planned\\nthe killing of Wilkinson, Sherman and the Doyles, and\\nperhaps was one of the actors in the drama. But if that\\nbe true, he was not a murderer, for it was the sacrificing\\nof human life for the advancement of a great cause.\\nWilkinson was especially a bad man, and the leader\\nof the Doyles and others in raids against the Free-State\\nmen. The Georgia company had built a fort just below\\nor south of there, and murder and robbery and arson was\\ntheir daily avocation. Wilkinson, Sherman and the\\nDoyles were parties to all their crimes. These men were\\nscouts and spies of the Georgians. The Georgians were\\nplanning to murder the whole Free-State settlement in the\\nneighborhood of Osawatomie, and would have executed\\ntheir plans but for this interposition. Brown knew it,", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "144 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nand the Free-State men throughout the Territory know it.\\nBut it was hard to explain to the Eastern, moral people\\nwhy it was necessary to take such steps, and it never was\\nexplained, denounced or justified.\\nBut the result of that deed was peace in the Territory.\\nBefore this time, the Pro-Slavery settlers were active par-\\nticipants in the Pro-Slavery raids in the Territory; they\\njustified the deeds of the Pro-Slavery ruffians, but after\\nthat, even the Pro-Slavery men were active in their oppo-\\nsition to the atrocities of the border ruffians, and did their\\nfull share in stopping them. It made those Southerners,\\nwho were committing all manner of depredations, feel\\nthat their lives were not secure and that they must measure\\ntheir conduct by the exigencies of the times, and they were\\nless offensive. It emboldened the Free-State men to assert\\ntheir rights, and in asserting their rights they won a\\nvictory for freedom.\\nJohn Brown planned the taking of the lives of these\\nmen in the interest of peace and freedom, and if he exe-\\ncuted the plan himself he was a hero, not a murderer.\\nIn relation to the part played by the Blue Lodges of\\nMissouri in the preparation of the campaign to be waged\\nagainst Kansas in the spring of 1856, we quote S. 1ST.\\nWood, one of the first settlers in Douglas county. He was\\na member of an anti-slavery organization there early in\\nJune. He was a prominent actor in the stirring times of\\nTerritorial days, and the object of much hatred by Missou-\\nrians. He says:\\nThe Blue Lodges of Missouri and Kansas were secret\\norganizations, whose members swore, on peril of their lives,\\nto make a slave State of Kansas. In the fall of 1855 they\\nbecame very active and strong; and one of the members,\\nwhose conscience revolted against murder even in the in-\\nterest of slavery, revealed the fact that a new policy had", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n145\\nbeen agreed upon: Free-State men were to be killed pri-\\nvately struck down, one to-day in one place, one to-\\nmorrow in another, until no Free-State man would feel\\nsafe. This put every man on his guard.\\nJudge James Han way was a resident in the settlement\\non the Pottawatomie. He was a member of the company\\nrailed the Pottawatomie Kifles, of which John Brown,\\njr., was captain. He was a man of good mind, and did\\nmuch for the intellectual development of Kansas. He was\\na just man and a good citizen. He was a member of the\\nconvention which formed the present State Constitution.\\nHis ability and integrity were everywhere recognized, and\\nhis attainments were great. He was one of the men in-\\nvited to go with the party under John Brown to the Potta-\\nwatomie. He refused, and tried to induce the company to\\nwait until all could return together. He knew that the\\neompany left the camp with the avowed purpose of killing\\nsome of the ruffians on the Pottawatomie, should conditions\\nthere be found as represented. He often declared that\\nJames Harris told him that when John Brown and his men\\ncame into his house in search of the ruffians, his wife sup-\\nposed they were the men from Missouri come to expel or\\nmurder the Free-State settlers. It is also said that she\\narose and commenced to prepare something for them to eat,\\nunder the impression that they were the expected Missouri\\nruffians. Judge Hanway always said that the account\\nthat Harris gave of the affair to his neighbors was very\\ndifferent from that contained in his affidavit. Judge\\nHanway says, further:\\nI was informed by one of the party of eight who left\\nour camp on Ottawa creek, May 22, 1856, to visit the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009410", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "146 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nPottawatomie, what their object and purposes were. I\\nprotested, and begged them to desist. Of course my plea\\navailed nothing. After the dreadful affair had taken\\nplace, and after a full investigation of the whole matter,\\n1, like many others, modified my opinion. Good men and\\nkind-hearted women in 1856 differed in regard to this\\naffair, in which John Brown and his party were the lead-\\ning actors. John Brown justified it, and thought it a\\nnecessity; others differed from him then, as they do now.\\nI have had an excellent opportunity to investigate the\\nmatter, and, like others of the early settlers, was finally\\nforced to the conclusion that the Pottawatomie massacre,\\nas it is called, prevented the ruffian hordes from carrying\\nout their programme of expelling the Free-State men from\\nthis portion of the Territory of Kansas. It was this view\\nof the case which reconciled the minds of the settlers on\\nthe Pottawatomie. They would whisper to one another:\\nIt was fortunate for us for God only knows what our\\nfate and condition would have been, if old John Brown\\nhad not driven terror and consternation into the ranks\\nof the Pro-Slavery party.\\nIn a communication to Judge Adams, Secretary of the\\nState Historical Society, February 1, 1878, Jud*re TTan-\\nway says\\nSo far as public opinion in the neighborhood where\\nthe affair took place is concerned, I believe I may state\\nthat the first news of the event produced such a shock that\\npublic opinion was considerable divided but after the\\nwhole circumstances became better known, there was a\\nreaction of public opinion and the Free-State settlers\\nwho had claims on the creek considered that Capt. Brown\\nand his party of eight had performed a justifiable act,\\nwhich saved their homes and dwellings from threatened\\nraids of the Pro-Slavery party.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "JOIIX BROWN\\n147\\nWe have seen that Mrs. Harris was aware that ruffians\\nfrom Missouri were expected to arrive to aid the Pro-\\nSlavery settlers in their work of expelling the Free-State\\nfamilies on the Pottawatomie. There is no doubt that\\nMrs. AVilkinson had been apprised also that such was the\\nplan being matured for the ejection of the Free-State\\nneighbors around her. Sanborn says:\\nMrs. Wilkinson, an unfortunate woman who had tried\\nin vain to keep her husband from engaging in the outrages\\nagainst their Free-State neighbors, was visited early in the\\nmorning after the executions, by Dr. Gillpatrick and Mr.\\nGrant, two Free-State men, who went to her house (which\\nwas the postoffice) to get their mail. They found the poor\\nwoman weeping, and saying that a party of men had been\\nto the house during the night and taken her husband out;\\nshe had heard that morning that Mr. Doyle had been\\nkilled within the night, and she was afraid that her hus-\\nband had been killed also. Among other reasons she gave\\nfor fearing this, he had said to her the night before that\\nthere was going to be an attack made upon the Free-State\\nmen, and that by the next Saturday night there would not\\nbe a Free-State settler left on the creek. These, she said,\\nwere his last words to her the night before as they were\\ngoing to sleep.\\nProfessor Spring was particularly unjust to Brown in\\nhis history of Kansas. But later, he made a modification\\nof his views, and says:\\nThe Dutch Henry s Crossing of 1882 is a paradise of\\nrural peace and happiness. Here quiet and security seem\\nto have reached their utmost limit. The Pottawatomie\\nhalf limpid, with slighter mixtures of discoloring mud than\\nany Kansas stream that I have seen winds languidly\\nbetween beautifully shaded banks towards the Marais des", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "148 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nCygnes. The vast fields of corn and wheat, with their\\npicturesque borders of orange hedge, lie mapped upon the\\nrolling prairie in every direction,\\nAs quietly as spots of sky\\nAmong the evening clouds.\\nThe Dutch Henry s Crossing of 1856 stands in an-\\ntithesis to all this Arcadian repose. Then there was no\\nlaw hut force, no rule but violence, in the Territory of\\nKansas. A veritable reign of terror was inaugurated.\\nMarauders were prowling about, in whose eyes nothing\\nwas sacred that stood in the way of their passions. Thn\\nopposing factions into whose hands the question of slavery\\nor no slavery for Kansas had fallen, hunted each other like\\nwolves. Pistol-shots and sword-slits were the prevailing\\nstyle of argument.\\nWe shall see later that he finally gained a correet esti-\\nmate of the results of the descent of John Brown upon the\\nruffians of the Pottawatomie.\\nThe outrages on the Grant family have been spoken of,\\nImt a more specific statement will be given:\\nMy father, John T. Grant, came from Oneida county,\\nX. Y., and settled on Pottawatomie creek, in 1854. We\\nwere near neighbors of the Shermans, of the Doyles, and of\\nWilkinson, who were afterwards killed. There was a com-\\npany of Georgia Border Ruffians encamped on the Marais\\ndes Cygnes, about four miles away from us, who had been\\ncommitting outrages upon the Free-State people and these\\nPro-Slavery men were in constant communication with\\nthem. They had a courier who went backward and for-\\nward carrying messages. When we heard on the Pottawa-\\ntomie that the Border Ruffians were threatening Lawrence,\\nand the Free-State wanted help, we immediately began to\\nprepare to go their assistance. Frederick Brown, son of\\nJohn Brown, went to a store at Dutch Henry s Crossing,\\nkept by a Mr. Morse, from Michigan, known as old Squire", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n149\\nMorse, a quiet, inoffensive old Free-State man, living there\\nwith his two boys, and bought some bars of lead, say\\ntwenty or thirty pounds. He brought the lead to my\\nfather s house on Sunday morning, and my brother Henry\\nC. Grant and my sister Mary spent the whole day in\\nrunning Sharps and other rifle bullets for the company.\\nAs Frederick Brown was bringing this lead to our house,\\nhe passed Henry Sherman s house, and several Pro-\\nSlavery men, among them Doyle and his two sons, William\\nSherman, and others, were sitting on a fence, and inquired\\nwhat he was going to do with it. He told them he was go-\\ning to run it into bullets for Free-State guns. They\\nwere apparently much incensed at his reply, as they knew\\nthat the Free-State company was then preparing to go to\\nLawrence. The next morning, after the company had\\nstarted to go to Lawrence, a number of Pro-Slavery\\nmen Wilkinson, Doyle, and his two sons, and Will-\\niam Sherman, known as i Dutch Bill took a rope\\nand went to old Squire Morse s house, and said they\\nwere going to hang him for selling the lead to the\\nFree-State men. They frightened the old man ter-\\nribly; but told him he must leave the country be-\\nfore eleven o clock, or they would hang him. They then\\nleft and went to the Shermans and went to drinking.\\nAbout eleven o clock a portion of them, half drunk, went\\nback to Mr. Morse s, and were going to kill him with an\\naxe. His little boys one was only nine years old set\\nup a violent crying, and begged for their father s life.\\nThey finally gave him until sundown to leave. He left\\neverything, and came at once to our house. He was nearly\\nfrightened to death. He came to our house carrying a\\nblanket and leading his little boy by the hand. When\\nnight came he was so afraid that he would not stay in the\\nhouse, but went outdoors and slept on the prairie in the\\ngrass. For a few days he lay about in the brush, most of\\nthe time getting his meals at our house. He was then taken\\nviolently ill and died in a very short time. Dr. Gillpat-", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "150\\nTWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nrick attended him during his brief illness, and said his\\ndeath was directly caused by the fright and excitement\\nof that terrible day when he was driven from his store.\\nThe only thing they had against Mr. Morse was his selling\\nthe lead, and this he had previously bought of Henry\\nSherman, who had brought it from Kansas City. While\\nthe Free-State company was gone to Lawrence, Henry\\nSherman came to my father s house and said: We have\\nordered old Morse out of the country, and he has got to\\ngo, and a good many others of the Free-State families have\\ngot to go. The general feeling among the Free-State\\npeople was one of terror while the company was gone, as\\nwe did not know at what moment the Georgia ruffians\\nmight come in and drive us all out.\\nAs tending to show that Brown was justifiable, I give\\nadditional instances among them some further quotations\\nfrom the writings of Judge Hanway and Governor Robin-\\nson:\\nIt was thought that the effect of the Pottawatomie\\naffair would be disastrous to the settlers who had taken up\\ntheir quarters in this locality. For a few weeks it looked\\nominous. I spent most of my time in the brush. The set-\\ntlement was overrun by the law and order men, who took\\nevery man prisoner whom they came across, jay-hawked\\nhorses and saddles, and even, in several cases, work-cattle;\\nbut after these raids ceased, the Pro-Slavery element be-\\ncame willing to bury the hatchet and live in peace. The\\nmost ultra of those who had been leaders left the Terri-\\ntory, only to return at periods to burn the house of some\\nobnoxious Free-State man. The Pottawatomie affair sent\\na terror into the Pro-Slavery ranks, and those who re-\\nmained on the creek were as desirous of peace as any\\nclass of the community.\\nAs a note to the foregoing, Mr. Sanborn has the follow-\\ning:", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 151\\nAs to the wisdom of John Brown s general policy of\\nbrave resistance and stern retaliation, the sagacious Judge\\nHanway says: In the early Kansas troubles I considered\\nthe extreme measures which he adopted as not the best\\nunder the circumstances. We were weak, and cut off, as\\nit were, from our friends. Our most bitter enemies re-\\nceived their support from an adjoining State. We were\\nnot in a condition to resist by force the power of the Bor-\\nder Ruffians, backed and supported as they were by the\\nAdministration at Washington. Events afterwards proved\\nthat the most desperate remedies, as in the Pottawatomie\\naffair, were best. In place of being the forerunner of\\nadditional strife and turmoil, the result proved it was a\\npeace measure. Charles Robinson, in an article written\\nfor the Kansas Magazine many years ago, said of the\\nexecutions by Brown: They had the effect of a clap of\\nthunder from a clear sky. The slave men stood aghast.\\nThe officials were frightened at this new move on the part\\nof the supposed subdued free men. This was a warfare\\nthey were not prepared to wage, as of the bona fide settlers\\nthere were four free men to one slave man.\\nThe Pottawatomie executions were the work of John\\nBrown. No meeting of outraged citizens to condemn mur-\\nderers to death would have been held on the Pottawatomie\\nhad not John Brown left the camp of the Free-State com-\\npany on Middle Ottawa creek and returned to the settle-\\nments at Dutch Henry s Crossing. Whether he killed any\\nwith his own hand is of no consequence so far as respon-\\nsibility is concerned. Each one of the eight, whatever his\\npart in the actual work, stood upon precisely the same\\nground. John Brown never denied his participation in\\nthis foray, and he always avowed his responsibility for\\nit. The utmost of his denial was that he had not killed\\nanyone with his own hand. Captain Brown, did you", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "152 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nkill those five men on the Pottawatomie, or did you not?\\nasked Mrs. Coleman. I did not; but I do not pretend\\nto say they were not killed by my order; and in doing so\\nI believe I was doing God s service, he replied without\\nhesitation. So he always said. This avowal was in the\\nsummer of 1856, and but a short time after the killing.\\nThis was always known in Kansas to be the position of\\nJohn Brown that he killed those men with his company\\nthere was never the slightest doubt. The denials attributed\\nto him are the work of Mr. Redpath, principally, and\\nalways did Brown an injustice; they were made without\\nhis knowledge or consent.\\nHad not John Brown killed the ruffians on the Pot-\\ntawatomie, the campaign against the Free-State men for\\nthe enforcement of the bogus laws would have been suc-\\ncessful. The Free-State men held for treason would have\\nbeen killed or sentenced to long terms of imprisonment\\nin Federal prisons. Liberty would have been trampled\\ndown by ruthless barbarians and washed into the earth\\nby the blood of martyrs for her cause. Slavery, with legal\\nmien and hypocritical face, but ending foul, in many a\\nscaly fold, would have encircled Kansas in fatal coils.\\nIf freedom s cause had failed in Kansas, the conflict\\nwould have been delayed and a future generation would\\nhave been compelled to battle with greater difficulties.\\nWho sees no more in this raid on the Pottawatomie than\\nthe mere protection of a few families, (though as a matter\\nof justification, that was for it a sufficient cause,) has read\\nthe history of his country in vain. While it was indeed\\nthat, it was primarily much more than that it was a blow\\nagainst slavery in America. It was the opportunity long", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n153\\nsought by John Brown. For this purpose he came to Kan-\\nsas. Compromise with crime was, in his eyes, a crime. If\\nslavery was a curse, it was the duty of men everywhere\\nto attack it. Many of the leaders of Kansas were in favor\\nof dissimulation. Their opposition must be carried for-\\nward while they rendered a passive submission to the pow-\\ners they were battling against. Attacks must be covertly\\nmade, so that if need be they could be effectively disa-\\nvowed. This double-dealing was scorned by John Brown.\\nHe saw evil standing as a menace to humanity. His duty\\nwas clear to him his resolution was, Let others do as they\\nmay in God s name I will battle against it as best I can\\n1 should be joined by all men, but if I must fight alone,\\nthen be it so. The old truism, that a man should be true\\nto duty though he stand alone, was exemplified by John\\nBrown on the Pottawatomie. He came from that field\\nconfirmed in his own belief that he was chosen of God to\\nbattle against the foul institution that threatened his\\ncountry and oppressed humanity. His fame spread\\nabroad, and for a season the campaign against freedom\\nin Kansas was diverted from its purpose and turned\\nagainst John Brown and at this he rejoiced.\\nThe following is a quotation from Professor Spring:\\nIt may be that this modern Mr. Valiant for Truth\\nwas a fanatic. I am not disturbed by that word. Every\\ngreat cause has so fascinated some men so taken posses-\\nsion of their souls, subduing, inspiring, harnessing them to\\nits service, so bounding their visions by its horizon that\\nthey have been indifferent to other questions and inter-\\nests. The passion of liberty enslaved John Brown. In his\\njudgment, violence alone could save the day violence was\\nthe charmed weapon for the impending contest; and the", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "154\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nbloody instrument which he seized did not break in his\\nhand. I recall a sentence in Oliver Cromwell s dispatch\\nannouncing the storming and massacre of Drogheda, which\\nis at once a declaration of Brown s motive and prophecy\\nof his hope when he lifted his hand against the cabins on\\nthe Pottawatomie: Truly, I believe this bitterness will\\nsave much effusion of blood, through the goodness of God\\nWas the fanatic s expectation realized Did the event\\napprove his sagacity I think there is but one answer to\\nquestions like these. After all, the fanatic was wiser than\\nthe philosopher. The effect of his retaliatory policy, in\\nchecking outrages, in bringing to a pause the depredations\\nof bandits, in staying the proposed execution of Free-State\\nprisoners, was marvelous. The raid upon Dutch Henry s\\nCrossing is not least among the deeds that saved Kansas\\nto liberty.\\nIn the February, 1884, North American Review, Sena-\\ntor John J. Ingalls said:\\nJudge Hanway, before quoted, says\\nI did not know of a settler of 50 but what regarded\\nit as amongst the most fortunate events in the history of\\nKansas. It saved the lives of the Free-State men on the\\nCreek, and those who did the act were looked upon as\\ndeliverers.\\nOne of the most eminent of the Free-State leaders,\\nv/ho is still living, writes:\\nHe was the only man who comprehended the situa-\\ntion, and saw the absolute necessity for some such blow,\\nand had the nerve to strike it.\\nAnother prominent actor writes\\nI wish to say right here about the Pottawatomie\\nCreek massacre, which has been the theme of so much\\nmagazine literature, that at the time it occurred it was\\napproved by myself and hundreds of others, including the\\nmost prominent of the leaders amongst the Free-State", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 1^5\\nmen. It was one of the stern, merciless necessities of the\\ntimes. The night it was done I was but a few miles away\\non guard, to protect from destruction the homes of Free-\\nState men and their families, who had been notified by\\nthese men and their allies to leave within a limited time\\nor forfeit their lives and property. The women and chil-\\ndren dared not sleep in the houses, and were hid away in\\nthe thickets. Something had to be done, and the avenger\\nappeared, and the doomed men perished, they who had\\ndoomed others.\\nIt was the blood and iron prescription of Bismarck.\\nThe pro-slavery butchers of Kansas and their Missouri\\nconfederates learned that it was no longer safe to kill.\\nThey discovered, at last, that nothing is so unprofitable\\nas injustice. They started from the guilty dream to find\\nbefore them, silent and tardy, but inexorable and relent-\\nless, with uplifted blade, the awful apparition of vengeance\\nand retribution.\\nI cannot close this chapter in any more suitable manner\\nthan by adding the testimony of the most eminent histo-\\nrian who has ever written of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, author\\nof the Annals of Kansas\\nMay 24-25. James P. Doyle and his two sons, and\\nWilliam Sherman and Allen Wilkinson (a member of the\\nBogus Legislature), all Pro-Slavery, taken from their\\nhomes at night and murdered. They lived on the Potta-\\nwatomie, in Franklin county. Capt. John Brown led the\\nparty that did the deed. No other act spread such conster-\\nnation among the ruffians, or contributed so powerfully to\\nmake Kansas free. Hitherto, murder had been an ex-\\nclusive Southern privilege. The Yankee could argue and\\nmake speeches; he did not dare to kill anybody. Blood\\nsprinkles all the pages of history.", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nAND SCHOOL READINGS\\nUNDER THE EDITORIAL SUPERVISION OF\\nW. M. DAVIDSON\\nSUPERINTENDENT OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF TOPEKA, KANSAS\\nJohn Brown", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "_4\\nBOUIIBOPC\\nPott Scofto\\ns\\nMAP\\nS j i j*w n\\\\g t Ke A fe a of t li 6 X a r 1 nj K 5 ii s a sWj^\\nD v a\\nBy\\nWlllilm E- Gon uellevj J^o.-* 1 lie Life ojTohn B w a.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "What judgment soever political loyalty, social ethics, or mili-\\ntary strategy may pronounce upon his expedition into Virginia, Old\\nJohn Brown has a grasp on the moral world.\\nIi. H. Dana, Jr.\\nWhatever may be thought of John Brown s acts, John Brown\\nhimself was right.\\nJohn A. Andrew, Governor of Massachusetts.\\nBut the three men of this era who will loom forever against the\\nremotest horizon of time, as the pyramids above the voiceless desert,\\nor mountain-peaks over the subordinate plains, are Abraham Lincoln,\\nUlysses S. Grant, and Old John Brown of Osawatomie.\\nJohn J. Inyalls.", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "A TRIBUTE TO JOHN BROWN.\\nAgainst this crime of crimes he fought and fell;\\nHe freed a race and found a prison-cell;\\nIn mid-air hung upon the gibbet s tree,\\nBut lived and died, thank God, to make men free.\\nAnd dusky men the ages down will tell,\\nFor what he fought, and how he bravely fell;\\nAnd. dim the jewels in each earthly croicn,\\nBeside the luster of thy name, John Brown.\\nJoseph G. Waters.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS AND SCHOOL READINGS\\nJohn Brown\\nWILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY,\\nAuthor of The Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory,- James Henry\\nLane, the Grim Chieftain of Kansas, Wyandot Folk-Lore,\\nKansas Territorial Governors, etc., etc.\\nVOLUME II.\\nFor true words are things,\\nAnd dying men s are things which long outlive,\\nAnd oftentimes avenge them.\\nByron.\\nBeautiful it is to understand and know that a Thought\\ndid never yet die that as thou, the originator thereof, hast\\ngathered and created it from the whole Past, so thou wilt\\ntransmit it to the whole Future.\\nCarlyle.\\nCrane Company, Publishers\\nTopeka, Kansas\\n1900", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "54655\\nLibrary of Congr***\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2v.* Cones Received\\nOCT 1 1900\\nCopyright wtry\\nSECOND COPY.\\nU*l verw1 ro\\nOfcDtW DIVISION,\\nOCT 20\\nCopyrighted by\\nCrane Company, Topeka, Kansas\\n1900", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nTHE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK.\\nThankless, too, for peace,\\nSecure from actual warfare, we have loved\\nTo swell the warwhoop, passionate for war!\\nAlas! for ages ignorant of all\\nIts ghastlier workings, (famine or blue plague,\\nBattle, or siege, or flight through wintry snows,\\nWe, this whole people, have been clamorous\\nFor war and bloodshed. Coleridge.\\nJohn Brown and the company who were with him on the\\nPottawatomie returned with the Pottawatomie Rifles\\nafter they had disbanded in the camp at the house of\\nOttawa Jones. The eight men remained together, and at\\nthe crossing of Middle creek they separated from the main\\nbody of returning soldiers and went to the cabin of John\\nBrown, jr., which was deserted and solitary, the family\\nhaving been driven away by the Doyles and others. They\\nremained here one night, and with guard set; the follow-\\ning night they went to the cabin of Jason Brown, which\\nwas also deserted and lonely. Here they remained a few\\ndays, and maintained a guard all the time; and were\\njoined by August Bondi and another, believed by Towns-\\nley to have been Benjamin L. Cochran. They were ready\\nto go to the assistance of any Free-State family or com-\\nmunity. They were poorly armed Captain Brown had a\\nsword and a heavy revolver. His sons were armed with\\n(157)", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "158 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nrevolvers, the heavy swords that had done such fearful ex-\\necution on the Pottawatomie, and old obsolete rifles of\\nsmall bore. Townsley bore an old musket, Werner a\\ndouble-barreled gun, and Bondi an old-fashioned flint-\\nlock musket.\\nJohn Brown, jr., and Jason Brown went to the residence\\nof their uncle, the Rev. S. L. Adair, where they found their\\nfamilies, on their return from the expedition to aid Law-\\nrence. But as they did not want to subject Mr. Adair to\\ndanger on their account, they determined to go to some\\ncamp of United States troops and surrender themselves.\\nThis conclusion was reached after they were informed\\nthat a posse was seeking them with warrants for con-\\nspiracy against the bogus laws or for treason. There was\\na command of United States troops at the house of Ottawa\\nJones, and Jason set out to reach it and deliver himself\\nup. He was on foot, and in crossing the prairies he met\\na company of Pro-Slavery men under command of Rev.\\nMartin White here he expected to be killed. He marched\\nbackward in the road for some distance, all the time with\\nhis bosom bared and avowing that he was an abolitionist.\\nThe ruffians were slowly advancing upon him, and finally\\ntold him that he would not then be killed. He was carried\\nto Paola, where Judge Cato had been located for some time,\\nintending to hold a term of court. The charge against him\\nwas conspiracy, and he narrowly escaped lynching. He\\nwas imprisoned and well guarded, but as the town was full\\nof Buford s men and Pro-Slavery Missourians, he expected\\nto be killed, and had been driven by their brutality to the\\nverge of despair, and cared little whether he was murdered\\nor not. John Brown, jr., was taken by Captain Pate and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n159\\nthe United States Marshal, at the house of his uncle, on the\\n28th of May, and was also taken to Paola.\\nJohn Brown, hearing that his sons were captured and in\\nPaola, sent his relative, Horace Day, a mere boy, with a\\nnote to the people of Paola, which said simply that he was\\naware that two of his sons were held there as prisoners.\\nThis brief note threw the town into consternation. Mid-\\nnight alarms were frequent thereafter, and the prisoners\\nwere shifted about from place to place in order that they\\nmight not be rescued and in these uneasy and troubled\\nperambulations the prisoners were left sometimes to care\\nfor themselves while the invincible guards betook them-\\nselves to the brush until the danger from Old Brown\\nwas past. There were times, too, when the ruffians crowded\\nabout with uplifted knives to slay them. John Brown, jr.,\\nhad been spending the nights in the woods, deeply anxious\\nfor the safety of his family. His uncle says he was suffer-\\ning from a temporary insanity while at his house. When\\nit was determined to remove the prisoners to Lecompton,\\nCaptain Walker bound the arms of John Brown, jr., so\\ntightly that he was in great pain he was made to trot be-\\nfore the horses in the hot sun for nine miles. The bonds\\nwere not removed for twenty-seven hours all circulation\\nof the blood was stopped and his arms were fearfully swol-\\nlen when the chains were taken off the skin clung to them,\\nand the marks so made remained with him to the grave.\\nHe was a maniac for some days he was seized with a\\ndangerous illness and his life was despaired of for a time,\\nbut he finally recovered.\\nThe settlers of Prairie City were threatened by the\\nruffians in that vicinity. They sent O. A. Carpenter to", "height": "2729", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "160 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nsearch out John Brown and request him to come to their\\nprotection; and such a message was never sent to John\\nBrown in vain. He agreed to go, and at dusk set out for\\nthe troubled district, which he reached on the morning of\\nMay 27th he went into camp in a deep wood, where he\\ncould be reached with great difficulty by an enemy and with\\nconsiderable trouble by his friends. He devoted his time\\nto searching for the marauders, but they were wary and not\\neasily found. A large camp of Buford s men were sta-\\ntioned at the house of one La Hay, on the Wakarusa, and\\nspent their time between their camp and the house of\\nColonel Titus and a Mr. Clark; they were preying upon\\nthe Free-State settlers, and it was evident that they would\\njoin any band of Missourians who might invade the settle-\\nment. The settlers kept a close watch upon these precious\\nrogues, and more than once came into collision with them\\nas they were prowling about for plunder and bent on mur-\\nder in the interest of slavery.\\nH. Clay Pate was a Virginian. He seems to have been\\na man of some education he was a graduate of some col-\\nlege, and, like many wiser men, supposed that the world\\nwas breathlessly waiting for his graduation in expectation\\nthat he would at once give it a thorough overhauling, and\\nremedy all its ills, and especially the ills that slavery was\\nfalling into from the scoundrels in the North who called\\nthemselves abolitionists. In his peregrinations toward the\\nsetting sun he stopped a season in Cincinnati. Here he\\npublished a book of reminiscences, which the world treated\\nwith much indifference he also entered journalism, where\\nhe had some pecuniary success. But as slavery cried out\\nfor champions beyond Missouri he chafed under restraint,", "height": "2672", "width": "1694", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n161\\nand finally breaking- through hindrances and subordinate\\nalliances he continued his perambulations, and halted on\\nthe border of Kansas Territory. He seized upon West-\\nport, and there devoted himself to journalism and war.\\nHe raised a company of ruffians, almost all Missourians, and\\nhad himself elected Captain. This company was mustered\\nin as Shannon s Sharp-Shooters. As they were poor\\nmarksmen, it is supposed that the word sharp in their\\nofficial designation was meant to indicate that they were\\nmen of intelligence who could shoot, or that it might in-\\ndicate that they could shoot men of intelligence but on\\nthis point there is much doubt, and we are left altogether\\nto the resources of conjecture.* This company was made\\na part of the Kansas militia, under some authority of the\\nbogus laws. Pate had it at the sacking of Lawrence,\\nwhere he distinguished himself by riding rapidly about\\nupon a horse decked in trappings such as might delight an\\nIndian warrior there were ribbons attached to mane\\nand tail, and the wind carried them out as gay streamers.\\nHe was jealous of the unsavory reputation of the Kickapoo\\nHangers, and strove to do some service to the cause dear\\nto the ruffian heart which would place him upon the same\\nfooting enjoyed by that band of cut-throats. After the\\ntown of Lawrence was sacked he tarried in the Territory,\\nand was in no hurry to return to Missouri. His head-\\nquarters were at Lecompton, but he remained here but a\\nshort time. Phillips says he burned the house and store of\\nWeiner, in the Pottawatomie settlements. If this be true\\nhe must have gone directly from Lawrence to the vicinity\\nof Dutch Henry s Crossing. Sanborn says that he re-\\n*TMs is General Jo. 0, Shelby s characterization of this band.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009411", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "162\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nmained at Lecompton until the 25th, when, hearing of the\\nkilling of the Doyles and others, he resolved to capture\\nJohn Brown. The fact that the Lecompton Union an-\\nnounced his departure, but made no reference to his desire\\nto capture Brown, but gave as his mission that explanation\\nfurnished by his lieutenant, one Brockett, We are going-\\ndown to the southern part of the Territory expecting to see\\nrattlesnakes and abolitionists, and shall take our guns\\nalong/ makes it probable that Pate departed before the\\n25th, and before the raid on the Pottawatomie by John\\nBrown. He pretended to be a deputy United States Mar-\\nshal, and may have been one in fact. He was at Paola\\nwhen the sons of John Brown arrived as prisoners, and in-\\ndeed captured John Brown, jr., at the house of Mr. Adair.\\nHe took to the prairies, declaring that he would capture\\nOld John Brown, and the robberies he committed upon\\nFree-State men in this mission caused the men of the\\nPrairie City region to seek the aid of Brown.\\nPate and his company left the United States troops on\\nMiddle Ottawa creek on Saturday, the 31st day of May,\\nand marched to the Santa Fe road, near Hickory Point,\\nin Douglas county. That night be camped on the prairie\\nnear the ravines which formed a small stream called\\nBlack Jack, from the abundance of scrub-oak of that\\nname which grew about it. He was much discouraged\\nthat he had not found John Brown, and began to fear\\nthat he might not be able to find him at all. But not to\\nentirely fail in their objects, they went, as soon as it was\\ndark, to Palmyra, which town they attacked and plun-\\ndered. They took some Free-State men prisoners, and one\\nof these being a preacher, he was outrageously treated.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\nA funnel was placed in his mouth and through it a boun-\\ntiful supply of ruffian whisky was poured down his throat.\\nThe predatory expedition to Palmyra on Saturday night\\nwas not satisfactory, and it was renewed on Sunday morn-\\ning. They brought a wagon, which they tilled with the\\ngoods of the village storekeeper, after destroying much\\nthat they could not carry away. This only whetted their\\nappetites. In the afternoon they expressed their intention\\nto go to the little town of Prairie City and pillage it.\\nIt is said that Pate tried to dissuade them, but was un-\\nsuccessful; six of them rode away to accomplish this ob-\\nject. The people had gathered to hear the Gospel\\npreached, among them some twenty men; and in true\\nWestern-frontier fashion, they had carried with them\\ntheir guns, for the minister had been captured the pre-\\nvious night and released. They mistrusted that it might\\ndevolve upon them to do battle against the visible as well\\nas the invisible powers of darkness and allies of the devil,\\nand their guns were always in ready reach. Services were\\nalmost closed when the guard rushed in and cried:\\nThe Missourians the Missourians are coming!\\nThe congregation immediately dispersed and surrounded\\nthe four ruffians who came in first the two who were fol-\\nlowing at a little distance in the rear, seeing how the\\nmatter was likely to turn out, wheeled their horses and gal-\\nloped away and escaped, though they were fired at.\\nAs soon as Captain Shore was informed of the presence\\nof the enemy he began to collect his men. Captain Brown\\nwas notified that the invaders were in the vicinity in force;\\nhe and Captain Shore spent Sunday looking for their\\ncamp, which was concealed in the clumps of bushes grow-", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "164 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ning in the ravines. They returned to Prairie City at day-\\nlight on Monday morning, and there met two scouts who\\nhad just returned from the head of Black Jack, and who\\ngave them information which enabled them to find Pate s\\ncamp. Captain Shore had collected nineteen of his com-\\npany, and Captain Brown had nine men. The Free-\\nState forces numbered thirty men. Captains Shore and\\nBrown led these forces against the camp of Pate. It was\\nwell chosen for defense, and had a breastwork of wagons\\nin front; in the rear it was protected by a deep ravine in\\nwhich grew timber, and beyond this was a quagmire filled\\nwith high grass and swamp-bushes. Captain Brown led\\nhis men up to the head of the ravine, and directed Cap-\\ntain Shore to get into the lower part of the ravine where\\nhis men would have protection, and from which both\\nparties could fire at Pate while they were out of range\\nof the guns of each other. Captain Brown gained his\\nposition, but Captain Shore was not so successful. Being\\nchallenged by Pate, he formed his men on the prairie and\\ndelivered a volley, which was returned at once by the\\nMissourians. The fight continued some ten minutes, when\\nPate retreated from his breastwork of wagons to the ra-\\nvine. He was here protected from the fire of Captain\\nShore, whose position became untenable. His men re-\\ntreated some distance up the hill, where they were out of\\nrange. Captain Shore then went to the line of Brown,\\nwhere he remained through much of the action, and some\\nof his men went with him. Brown s position was a good\\none, and several of the Missourians were wounded. Am-\\nmunition was low in the Free-State ranks, and some men\\nwere sent away to secure more. Runners were sent, among", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "JOHN BttOWN\\n165\\nthem Captain Shore, to Captain J. B. Abbott, to request\\nhim to bring his men and help in the work of defeating\\nPate.\\nAfter the firing had continued about throe hours, Cap-\\ntain Brown directed some of his men to shoot at the horses\\nbelonging to Pate s forces. He went to Shore s men and\\nhad them do the same. The Missourians began to slip\\ndown the ravine until they were out of range, and then\\nmake a dash for their horses they would mount, one by\\none, and gallop away. Frederick Brown mounted his\\nhorse and galloped around the camp, shouting to imagi-\\nnary reinforcements to hurry up. Captain Pate saw no\\nhope of being able to escape, and sent out a flag of truce.\\nCaptain Brown inquired of the bearer if he was the\\nCaptain of the company, and when assured that he was\\nnot, ordered a Mr. Lymer, a Free-State prisoner who had\\nbeen sent with the flag of truce, to return and call the\\ncommander.\\nIt is said that a Mr. James carried the flag of truce;\\nand some claim that it was Lieutenant Brockett. Whoever\\nthe man, he remained with Captain Brown while Mr.\\nLymer returned for Captain Pate, who, now that his\\nflag of truce served no better purpose than to summon him\\nto face a grim and relentless foe in conference, reluctantly\\nand with misgivings as to the result, came forth. Upon\\nbeing asked whether he had a proposition to make, he hesi-\\ntated, and said he believed he had not. Captain Brown\\ncut into his explanation that he was a Deputy United\\nStates Marshal, and said he wanted to hear no more about\\nthat. I know exactly what you are, sir. I have a propo-\\nsition to make to you\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that is, your unconditional sur-\\nrender.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "106 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nAs Captain Brown held a large revolver in close prox-\\nimity to Pate s head, there was little to be expected from\\nduplicity. Brown ordered his men to go to the mouth\\nof the ravine to prevent the escape of the Missourians,\\nwhile he went to their camp with their Captain. Brockett\\nobjected to surrender, and talked defiantly, but Brown\\ndemanded of Pate that he order Brockett and his men to\\nlay down their arms and surrender, and as the large re-\\nvolver was thrust a little nearer, Pate ordered them to\\ncomply. This they did. Twenty-two Pro-Slavery men\\nsurrendered to nine Free-State men. The losses of Cap-\\ntain Pate were as follows: twenty-one surrendered;\\nwounded and escaped, twenty-seven. Perhaps others es-\\ncaped before the battle closed all the wounded except two\\nescaped. The Free-State men captured a large quantity\\nof arms and ammunition, and recovered much property\\nthe marauders had stolen from the settlers; some of the\\nplunder taken from Lawrence when it was sacked was\\nrecovered. The four wagons were fairly well loaded with\\nprovisions. In his account of the battle, written for the\\nMissouri Republican, Pate said I was taken prisoner\\nunder a flag of truce. I had no alternative but to submit\\nor to run and be shot. I went to take old Brown and old\\nBrown took me.\\nThe arms of the Missourians were taken from them, and\\nthey were inarched to John Brown s camp. Just as the\\nfile of captives were starting under guard, Captain iibbott\\ncame up with reinforcements, some fifty men. So Cap-\\ntain Pate could not have escaped had he even known that\\nJohn Brown and his men had remaining but one round\\nof ammunition when the demand for the surrender was", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 1\\nmade. Pate and bis command were marched to Brown s\\ncamp on Middle Ottawa creek, where they were kept as\\nprisoners. An agreement was here made between Captains\\nBrown and Shore and Pate and Broekett that prisoners\\nshould be exchanged. John Brown, jr., and Jason Brown,\\nwho were jet in the camp of the United States dragoons\\nnear the house of Ottawa Jones, were to be given up for\\nthe release of Pate and Broekett; and other prisoners\\nwere to be exchanged on equal terms.\\nIn the Territorial days of Kansas it was always the duty\\nof the Governor to aid the ruffian forces in every conceiv-\\nable way, and this duty was generally cheerfully per-\\nformed. No sooner had Governor Shannon been informed\\nthat Pate had not only failed to capture John Brown but\\nhad been himself captured, than he issued a proclamation\\nordering all armed bands to disperse and retire to their\\nhomes. Colonel Sumner was directed to go to the vicinity\\nof the late battle and release the Shannon Sharp-\\nShooters from the iron grip of Old John Brown. It was\\nwell known that had Pate been successful in his enter-\\nprise, no proclamation would have been issued. This proc-\\nlamation was not issued until after the Pro-Slavery men\\nhad been attacked at Franklin, on the night of June 4th,\\nalthough it was dated the same day. Colonel Sumner was\\nordered to defend Franklin and the house of a Pro-Slavery\\nman who sheltered a company of Buford s men. But the\\nattack frightened the ruffians and Franklin was not contin-\\nued as one of their bases, and not so used for some time.\\nWhen the news of the capture of Pate reached Missouri,\\nWhitfield left Westport in haste, on the evening of the 2d\\nof June, to succor and relieve that worthy. He had three", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "168 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ncompanies of Missourians under him, each numbering\\nseventy men, all well equipped and armed. He was ac-\\ncompanied by General Reid, who was a candidate for\\nCongress in some Missouri district. They went into camp\\non Bull creek, some twelve miles east of Palmyra. Other\\nPro-Slavery parties gathered, and some of them camped\\non the same field made gory by the heroism of Captain\\nPate On the 5th of June Colonel Sumner went to John\\nBrown s camp and released Pate and his men, and restored\\nto them their arms and horses. He prevailed upon Cap-\\ntain Brown and Captain Shore to disband their forces;\\nthis he accomplished by assuring them that the forces\\nunder Whitfield and Reid should return to Missouri at\\nonce. This they agreed to do, and a part of their force did\\nso return; but by far the larger portion of the men had\\nnot had any opportunity to steal from Free-State men, and\\nas plunder was always one of the strong inducements for\\nthe invasion of Kansas, these men could not be so easily\\nturned back. They had murdered only one Free-State\\nman, and this was another reason why they could not be\\ninduced to return some town must be pillaged and more\\nthan one abolitionist killed before they would feel war-\\nranted in returning from an expedition of which so much\\nwas expected. Pate agreed to return to Missouri, but\\ntailed to do so and it is said that he and his men partici-\\npated in the trial of Jacob Cantrel for treason to Mis-\\nsouri, of which he was convicted and for which he was\\nshot. In all the orders to the Free-State men to disperse,\\nthe United States troops warned them that they must\\nobey the bogus laws or leave the Territory. Indeed, this\\nwas the cause of the invasions resistance to the bogus", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n169\\nlaws was the foundation upon which all the outrages com-\\nmitted upon the Free-State men by the Pro-Slavery Mis-\\nsourians in the summer of 1856 were built.\\nOn the 6th of June Whitfield set out on his return to\\nMissouri, but not until he had seen Pate, Reid, Jenigan\\nand Bell start to Osawatomie with one hundred and sev-\\nenty men. The Free-State forces having been disbanded,\\nthere could be no effective resistance at Osawatomie. The\\nruffians were led to the town by a spy who had been sent\\nin the day before, and who pretended to be sick and had\\nreceived good treatment. They pillaged dwellings and\\nbusiness houses alike. Trunks, drawers, boxes, desks and\\nwardrobes were broken and ransacked. Rings were torn\\nfrom the fingers of the women, as well as from their ears\\nclothing and even furniture were loaded on their horses to\\nbe carried away to Missouri. Whisky was seized and swal-\\nlowed while the crusaders for slavery raged and threatened.\\nSome of them tore the clothing from women and children,\\nand an eminent writer of that time says that they ought\\nto have had a petticoat apiece as trophies. I close this\\nchapter with a quotation from this writer:\\nHaving got all the plunder they wanted, they were\\nanxious to be off.\\nHurry, hurry they said to each other. These d d\\nabolitionists are somewhere not far off, and will be down\\non us the first thing we know. They accordingly re-\\ntreated from the ill-fated town as rapidly and unmolested\\nas they had entered it, carrying their booty with them.\\nWhen they got to their camp the company divided.\\nHalf of them started immediately back for Westport, and\\nthe remainder moved off and camped on the lower part\\nof Bull creek, some eight miles from Osawatomie. There\\nthey had an adventure.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "170\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nAs might be expected, they kept a sharp lookout for\\nabolitionists. Two days after sacking the city of Osawato-\\nmie, a couple of their own number had been on a scout,\\nand on their return to camp, while near it, fired off their\\nguns. The guard in that direction gave the alarm, tired\\nhis gun in the direction of the two men, and cried at the\\ntop of his lungs, The abolitionists are coming the\\nabolitionists are coming! Whereupon the whole camp\\ngot into a panic, and, without taking time to pack up\\ntheir effects, started off at the run. There were some horses\\nharnessed to wagons these were hurriedly taken out, and\\noff the whole party went in a helter-skelter race, outrival-\\ning John Gilpin s. Once or twice one of their number\\nwould discharge a pistol or a gun behind him, as a warning\\nto abolitionists to keep off, which had the effect of keeping\\nup the fear of the retreating party.\\nThey never stopped till they got to Battiesville\\n[Paola], an Indian station among the Weas. The Indian\\nstorekeeper, seeing a band of wild-looking fellows gallop-\\ning up, with arms in their hands, and looking very terrible\\nfrom fear and excitement, closed his door, and, in spite of\\nall their entreaties, would not let them in.\\nThe abolitionists are coming! we want to come in\\nsnd defend the place\\nThe Indian happened to be a Pro-Slavery Indian,\\nbut he was moderately suspicious of the appearance of\\nthese law and order men so he grunted,\\nAbolitionists, heap bad no come\\nYes, they are coming yelled a score of anxious\\nvoices. G d blast ye let us in They ll be here in a\\nminute\\nCome in to-morrow, maybe, was the cautious answer.\\nTime was pressing. There were two or three unoccu-\\npied log houses close at hand; so they made a virtue of\\nnecessity and got into them. The chinking was driven\\nout for portholes, and the doors barricaded; meanwhile\\ntwo of the best-mounted were dispatched in hot haste to", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN I l\\nMissouri, one to Jackson, and the other to Cass county,\\ntelling their friends to come up quick, for the abolitionists\\nwith great force were besieging them in Battiesville, and\\nthat they would endeavor to hold out till they could come.\\nA party of men did start to the rescue, and more would\\nhave gone if these had not returned and reported it a hoax.\\nThis masterly retreat was a standing joke amongst the\\nborder ruffians in that quarter, who taunted their com-\\nrades about their holding out against the abolition-\\nists.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nWOODSON S WAR OF EXTERMINATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1856.\\nBethink thee, Gordon,\\nOur death-feud was not like the household fire,\\nWhich the poor peasant hides among its embers,\\nTo smoulder on, and wait a time for waking.\\nOurs was the conflagration of the forest,\\nWhich, in its fury, spares nor sprout nor stem,\\nHoar oak, nor sapling\u00e2\u0080\u0094not to be extinguished,\\nTill Heaven, in mercy, sends down all her waters;\\nBut, once subdued, its flame is quench d forever;\\nAnd spring shall hide the track of devastation,\\nWith foliage and with flowers.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Sir Walter Scott.\\nSome of the emigrant aid societies were founded upon\\nthe old colonization principle, that money should be made\\nin the settlement of a new countiy. This was not the only\\nobject of those corporations, but was one of the paramount\\nconsiderations. jSTot a few New England people refused\\nto come to Kansas under their auspices when the plans\\nto obtain town lots and other property were made known;\\nthey chose rather to endure greater sacrifices, and carry\\nto Kansas the true spirit of liberty, which required no hope\\nof pecuniary reward, but was moved by right conscience.\\nThese people came to fight for the liberties they enjoyed\\nat home; with them property interests were subordinated.\\nIf Kansas could not be a free State, property in her bounds\\nwould be to them of little value, for they could not re-\\n(172)", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 1 3\\nmain to foster and to care for it. These people believed in\\ndefending their lives with weapons; they supposed that\\nall law sanctioned defense of wives and babes when the\\nblood-stained fangs of wolfish barbarians gnashed at the\\ndoors of their dwellings. They were not moved to compro-\\nmises and subterfuges in the interest of property. They\\nexpected no dividends except those paid by an approving\\nconscience; they believed that when Kansas was once\\nfree, with slavery blotted from the books of all America,\\nindustrial and intellectual development such as the world\\nhad not before witnessed would follow. They did not\\nwant Kansas a free State with the South, or even what\\nis now Colorado and all the West and Northwest, slave\\nStates. They believed that Kansas was the field on which\\nthe question of slavery should be settled settled finally\\nand forever. And they were right.*\\nThe battle of Black Jack, while insignificant in itself,\\nwas important in this respect, it was the first field in\\nthe Kansas struggle where the free men cast aside the tram-\\nmels of property interests and marched out to make war\\nupon any and all who came to fight for the establishment\\nor maintenance of the institution of slavery. Men have\\nonly been great as they placed all upon the altar and staked\\nMr. Thayer s plan was an epitome of Yankee characteristics thrift, and devo-\\ntion to principle. He did not propose to win Kansas with hirelings, but to show the\\nnatural aggressiveness of the Yankee an outlet for his energy at once honorable and\\nprofitable. And thus, also, the company he proposed was not to be a charitable labor\\nentirely, as religious missionary societies mostly are; but he asked. Why is it worse\\nfor a company to make money by extending Christianity, or suppressing slavery, than\\nby making cotton cloth The company which he plannpd was intended to be an in-\\nvestment company, giving and taking advantages with those whom it induced to go to\\nKansas, anrf incidentally crippling slavery. While the Aid Company must be\\ncredited for something of the high tone of the New England emigrants, it is a common\\nerror to suppose that these emigrants came to Kansas expecting to win martyrs\\ncrowns. I have questioned many of them as to their motives, and the uniform answer\\nhas been We went to Kansas to better our condition, incidentally expecting to make,\\nit a free State. We knew we took some risks but if we had foreseen the struggles and\\nhardships we actually underwent, we never should have gone. \u00e2\u0080\u0094William H. Carruth 1\\nTTie New England Emigrant Aid Company as an Investment Society, in The Kansas\\nHistorical Cull, ction, Vol. VI, p. 90.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "174 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ntheir very lives in the hazard. If anything at all is re-\\nserved, it is as fatal to noble purpose as was the hiding of a\\nportion to Ananias and Sapphira. Peoples have been\\ngreat only as they had a strong faith in God and were\\nactuated by a deep and single motive to live and act up\\nto the highest conceptions of His law. All history teaches\\nthis in fact, it teaches only this. In this God s-world,\\nwith its wild-whirling eddies and mad foam-oceans, where\\nmen and nations perish as if without law, and judgment\\nfor an unjust thing is sternly delayed, dost thou think\\nthere is therefore no justice? It is what the fool hath\\nsaid in his heart. It is what the wise, in all times, were\\nwise because they denied, and knew forever not to be.\\nI tell thee again, there is nothing else but justice. One\\nstrong thing I find here below: the just thing, the true\\nthing. My friend, if thou hadst all the artillery of Wool-\\nwich trundling at thy back in support of an unjust thing;\\nand infinite bonfires visibly waiting ahead of thee, to\\nblaze centuries long for thy victory on behalf of it, I\\nwould advise thee to call halt, and fling down thy baton,\\nand say, In God s name, No! Thy success Poor\\ndevil, what will thy success amount to? If the thing-\\nis unjust, thou hast not succeeded no, not though\\nbonfires blazed from North to South, and bells rang,\\nand editors wrote leading articles, and the just thing\\nlay trampled out. of sight, to all mortal eyes an\\nabolished and annihilated thing. Success? In a few-\\nyears thou wilt be dead and dark, all cold, eyeless,\\ndeaf; no blaze of bonfires, ding-dong of bells or leading\\narticles visible or audible to thee again at all forever:\\nWhat kind of success is that It is true, all goes by", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n175\\napproximation in this world with any not insupportable\\napproximation we must be patient. There is a noble Con-\\nservatism as well as an ignoble. Would to Heaven, for\\nthe sake of lonservatism itself, the noble alone were left,\\nand the ignoble, by some kind severe hand, were ruthlessly\\nlopped away, forbidden evermore to show itself! For it\\nis the right and noble alone that will have victory in this\\nstruggle; the rest is wholly an obstruction, a postponement\\nand fearful impediment of the victory. Towards an\\neternal centre of right and nobleness, and of that only, is\\nall this confusion tending. We already know whither\\nit is all tending; what will have the victory, and what\\nwill have none! The Heaviest will reach the center. The\\nHeaviest, sinking through complex fluctuating media and\\nvortices, has its deflections, its obstructions, nay, at times\\nits resiliences, its rebound ings whereupon some block-\\nhead shall be heard jubilating, See, your Heaviest as-\\ncends but at all moments it is moving centreward,\\nfast, as is convenient for it; sinking, sinking; and, by\\nlaws older than the World, old as the ^laker s first Plan of\\nthe World, it has to arrive there. The dust of controversy,\\nwhat is it but the falsehood flying off from all manner of\\nconflicting true forces, and making such a loud dust-whirl-\\nwind, that so the truths alone may remain, and embrace\\nbrother-like in some true resulting force It is ever so.\\nSavage fighting Heptarchies: their fighting is an ascer-\\ntainment, who has the right to rule over whom; that out\\nof such waste-bickering Saxondom a peaceful cooperating\\nEngland may arise. Seek through this Universe if with\\nother than owl s eyes, thou wilt find nothing nourished\\nthere, nothing kept in life, but what has right to nourish-", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "176 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nment and life. The rest, look at it with other than owl s\\neyes, is not living; is all dying, all as good as dead!\\nJustice was ordained from the foundations of the world;\\nand will last with the world and longer.\\nWith these old Puritanical doctrines was John Brown\\ndeeply imbued, not from Creed-books and Faith-confes-\\nsions, but from an absorbing contemplation of righteous-\\nness and the principles of liberty. Great men are the\\nresult of evolution. First principles of justice and human-\\nity lay hold upon them they demand that some great\\nreform be consummated be accomplished; for in the\\nprogress of the world, evil institutions grow to such pro-\\nportions as to seriously menace the good. These men\\nare allowed to see but one great underlying principle;\\nand the strange thing in this world is, that this great\\nright-principle has had to be consecrated anew and dyed\\nin the blood of those who proclaimed it before it was visi-\\nble to mankind. John Brown was aware of that; it\\nnerved his arm and strengthened his heart when making\\nwhat seemed so hopeless and uneven a battle in the scrub-\\nbush in the ravines of Black Jack. The United States\\ntroops might wrest from him the fruits of his victory, and,\\nwhile retaining under the bogus laws the prisoners they\\nhad, release, arm and set on the path to pillage and arson\\nthose so lately taken from it by him, but there remained\\nthe example of resistance to cut-throats; and this example\\nwas not lost on the free men of Kansas. It marked a\\nnow era in the struggle for freedom. Kansas men saw\\nthat those who fought for their rights and the lives of\\nwives and children were held in more respect and were\\naccorded more protection than those who preached non-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n177\\nresistance in the interest of property preservation. These\\nmen had the example of Pomeroy and others, who surren-\\ndered Lawrence without even a show of resistance, hoping\\nto save the city in a fawning sycophancy and a hypocritical\\npretension that they would in future not fail to render\\nallegiance to the bogus laws. These Free-State men, who\\nhad now resolved to fight for their lives and for their wives\\nand children, remembered that all the humility of leaders\\ndid not save the good people of Lawrence from outrage\\nand their fair city from pillage. Free-State men have told\\nme with what scorn and contempt Pomeroy and others\\nwere regarded in New England when the people heard\\nthat instead of using a cannon donated by them for the\\ndefense of Lawrence, they had handed it over to the en-\\nemy to be used in battering down Free-State institutions\\nThey have also described to me how the same people\\npointed with pride to the first defense of Lawrence, when\\nRobinson, Lane and Brown stationed their men like a wall\\nto turn back the ruffians; and how they deplored the ab-\\nsence of these heroes when the hordes again compassed it,\\nbent on its destruction. This first resistance openly made\\nin Kansas to the minions of the slave-power and the cur-\\nrent issue that the bogus laws must be obeyed, strengthened\\nJohn Brown and encouraged him to still fight and hope.\\nIt also aroused the Missourians, for it revealed a new phase\\nin the conflict. Whitfield, summoned by Long, the courier\\nsent by Pate, hastened to the field. He was turned out\\nof the Territory by the mild remonstrances of the United\\nStates military, but sent his men to destroy and plunder\\nOsawatomie before he departed.\\nLane had been sent East by the leaders of the Free-State\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009412", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "178\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nmen. lie was in Washington for some time in the interest\\nof the Topeka Constitution. That instrument was pre-\\nsented to the United States Senate by Mr. Cass, on the\\n24th of March. Lane traveled extensively over the East-\\nern States, speaking to the people and describing the true\\nconditions in Kansas. In this work he arrived in Chicago\\non the 31st of May, 185G his speech here was one of the\\ngreatest ever delivered in behalf of Kansas, and was fol-\\nlowed by a remarkable demonstration in favor of the pa-\\ntriots who were struggling for freedom. In all his ad-\\ndresses Lane urged people to go to Kansas, and largely to\\nhis efforts was due the remarkable immigration that poured\\ninto the Territory in the summer and fall of that year.\\nMany of these were known as Lane s Army of the\\nNorth, and in the succeeding years did valiant service\\nin the cause of liberty.\\nGovernor Robinson had been ordered East also, but\\nbeing delayed by affairs demanding his attention in the\\ninterest of the Free-State people, he could not leave the\\nTerritory before the closing of the Missouri river to the\\npeople opposed to slavery. He was arrested by ruffians\\nand returned to Kansas, and her people lost his valuable\\nservices for some four months while he was closely guarded\\nand held prisoner under a charge of high treason.\\nJohn Brown remained in the vicinity of Osawatomie.\\nHe was at Topeka when the Free-State Legislature was\\ndispersed, and no doubt he believed that the United States\\ntroops should be resisted when they interfered with mat-\\nters which did not concern their true functions. And it\\nis probable that he would have made such resistance at\\nTopeka if he had but been in command of a sufficient", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "179\\nJOHN BROWN xt0\\nforce. He returned to the Pottawatomie and raised a com-\\npany of Free-State men for the defense of the settlers and\\nfor striking a blow at slavery if occasion favored. The\\n-Articles of Enlistment and By-Laws of this company\\nare preserved, and reveal to us the spirit in which all\\nof John Brown s warfare against slavery was made:\\nKansas Territory, A. D. 1856.\\n1. The Covenant.\\nWe whose names are found on these and the next\\nfollowing pages do hereby enlist ourselves to serve m the\\nTree-State cause under John Brown as Commander;\\nduring the full period of time affixed to our names re-\\nspectively, and we severally pledge our word and sacred\\nLonor to said Commander; and to each other, that during\\nthe time for which we have enlisted we will faithfully\\nand punctually perform our duty (in such capacity or\\nplace as may be assigned to us by a majority of all the\\nvotes of those associated with us: or of the companies to\\nwhich we may belong as the case may be) as a regular\\nvolunteer force for the maintenance of the rights liber-\\nties of the Tree-State citizens of Kansas: and we further\\nagree; that as individuals we will conform to the by Laws\\nof this Organization that we will insist on their regular\\npunctual enforcement as a first last, duty: and in\\nshort that we will observe maintain a strict thorough\\nMilitary discipline at all times until our term of service\\nexpires.\\nTo this Covenant are subscribed the names of thirty-\\nfive men with the dates of their enlistment; these dates\\nextend from August 22 to September 16. Among these\\nmen were many that were leading citizens of the State\\nfor a quarter of a century after its admission. Many of\\nthe by-laws are quaint and odd, but they show that moral-\\nity was considered a part of thorough Military disci-", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "180\\nTWENTIETH CENT UK Y CLASSICS\\npline. And the company was a democracy; its internal\\naffairs were regulated and determined by vote, and offend-\\ners were to have trial by a jury of Twelve. Article\\nXIV provided that, All uncivil, ungentlemanly, profane,\\nvulgar talk or conversation shall be discountenanced.\\nIt is followed by another declaring that, All acts of petty\\ntheft needless waste of property of the members or of\\nCitizens is hereby declared disorderly: together with all\\nuncivil, or unkind treatment of Citizens or of prisoners.\\nHumane treatment of prisoners was made obligatory:\\nNo person after having first surrendered himself a pris-\\noner shall be put to death: or subjected to corporeal pun-\\nishment, without first having had the benefit of an impar-\\ntial trial. The use of liquor was prohibited The ordi-\\nnary use or introduction into camp of any intoxicating\\nliquor, as a beverage: is hereby declared disorderly.\\nThe organization of this company was after his return\\nfrom Nebraska with Lane s Army of the North. Soon\\nafter the Legislature was dispersed, Brown took his son-\\nin-law, Thompson, who was wounded at Black Jack, to\\nIowa to remain with friends there until he recovered. All\\nKansas waited for the coming of Lane s Army the people\\nsaw their hope of deliverance in the patriotic army moving\\nslowly through Iowa to pass into Kansas to fight for free-\\ndom. Brown was anxious to welcome this host of liberty-\\nloving people. We shall get a view of him as he passed\\nalong.\\nAmong the good men in Kansas in those days was\\nSamuel J. Reader. He lived then near Indianola, in\\nShawnee county, a town which disappeared long since.\\nMr. Reader still resides near the old townsite, and is one of", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN l** 1\\nthe most respected citizens of the State, a man of great\\nintelligence, and proficient in stenography and drawing.\\nHe kept a journal through all the Territorial period, and\\nthis record is one of the most valuable within my knowl-\\nedge. I have been accorded the privilege of examining\\nit, and I make a few extracts from it:\\nTuesday Morning, July 29th. I had been sleeping\\nin the stable loft, with a double-barreled shotgun at my\\nside, guarding our team from- predatory lovers of horse-\\nflesh. When I returned to the house in the morning, I\\nwas told that Kickapoo Stephens had been there a few\\nminutes before, to notify us that a party of Free-State\\nmen were at the house of Mr. Fouts, in Kansopolis\u00e2\u0080\u0094 about\\ntwo miles east, or northeast, of where we lived. The ob-\\nject of the party was to march north to the Nebraska line,\\nwith the expectation of meeting and escorting into K*sas\\na Free-State emigrant train, and guard it from possible\\nmolestation by the Kickapoo Hangers a most lawless\\nand bloodthirsty band of border ruffians. It was also\\nreported that Jim Lane was coming with the train; and\\nthat he had expressed the wish to have some of the genuine\\nKansas boys with him when he crossed the line, into our\\nTerritory. There was but a single baggage\\nwagon. A very tall young man seemed to have charge\\nof it. Some of the boys were calling him Handsome\\nHunter. But Hunter seemed to take it all in good part,\\nand talked back to them, in a drawling, good-natured\\ntone of voice. Captain Whipple was a name I heard\\nmore frequently than any other. I was not long in finding\\nout who was the owner of that cognomen. He was a\\nlarge, burly man about six feet tall, good-sized head and\\nface, short neck, deep-chested; arms and shoulders full\\nand muscular; and would certainly pull down the scale\\nat 200 pounds. His countenance was pleasant, but firm.\\nHe had a way of compressing his lips while speaking,", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "182 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthat seemed a little peculiar. He wore no beard. Com-\\nplexion clear and fresh; eyes dark gray, and not large;\\ndark-brown hair large, straight nose, and correspondingly\\nlarge jaw and chin. At first I thought him a trifle too fat;\\nbut when I afterwards saw him walk, I discovered thai\\nwhat I had taken for adipose tissue was simply braw?i. He\\nwore a gray cloth cap on his head, while a summer vest\\npartly concealed his cotton shirt. About his waist was\\nbuckled a dress sword; and on his shoulder he carried\\nnot a Sharps rifle but a double-barreled shotgun. This\\nwas Captain Whipple as I first saw him.\\nThere was a small party of mounted men. One was\\nour guide Dr. Root. He was a large, fleshy man jolly,\\nand affable. Another was Captain Sam Walker, of Law-\\nrence. He seemed to have command of the mounted men.\\nHis face was stolid and determined the very opposite of\\nDr. Root s. Capt. Mitchell rode with his party, although\\nhe commanded none of the infantry companies.\\nCamp on Pony Creek, K. T., Sunday, August 3d,\\n1856. When I stepped up the opposite bank, I came face\\nto face with two men. They had a covered wagon, drawn\\nby a single yoke of oxen. One was a young man, some-\\nwhat above the ordinary height the other, quite old. Both\\nwere walking, and both were dusty, and travel-stained. The\\nteam was stopped, and the old man inquired of me Do\\nyou belong to a Free-State party, in camp near by V I re-\\nplied that I did. Where is your camp V I pointed in its\\ndirection, and told him how he could find it. I was about\\nto continue on my way, when he detained me, by remark-\\ning: Your coming has caused a good deal of excitement\\namong the Pro-Slavery men living on the road. I said\\nnothing, and he continued: They didn t mind talking\\nwith us about it, as we are surveyors. He motioned with\\nhis hand toward the wagon. I looked, and noticed for the\\nfirst time a surveyor s chain hanging partly over the front\\nend-board of the wagon. Just behind was a compass and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 183\\ntripod, standing up, under the wagon cover. It struck me\\nthat he might possibly be Pro-Slavery himself, but for-\\ntunately I gave no outward expression to the thought. He\\nwas talkative almost garrulous. I answered his direct\\nquestions, but ventured to make no remarks myself. I had\\nbeen cautioned, only a day or two before, to be very care-\\nful what I said to men living along our line of march.\\nThe ox team naturally led me to suppose that these men\\nwere settlers in the immediate neighborhood. Where do\\nyen live V he asked. Indianola. Oyes! I know. It is\\na hard place, and has got a very bad reputation. I have\\nheard of it. I ventured no reply. Have you ever been\\nin a fight? he next inquired. No. Well, he continued,\\nyou may possibly see some fighting, soon. I was silent,\\nbut all attention. If you ever do get in a battle, always\\nremember to aim low. You will be apt to over-shoot at\\nfirst. I told him I would remember, and perhaps I\\nsmiled a little, for he added: Maybe you think me a\\nlittle free in offering advice; but I am somewhat older\\nthan you, and that ought to be taken in account. He said\\nthis gravely and pleasantly. The younger man, behind\\nhim, was looking at me, with a broad grin on his face.\\nI was a little puzzled. The old man continued in pretty\\nmuch the same strain, for some time longer; but I find\\nit impossible to recollect it with any degree of accuracy.\\nThe young man had not a word to say, but seemed vastly\\namused at something. We separated. They forded the\\ncreek, and went in the direction of camp, while I con-\\ntinued my hunt. I shot nothing, and soon returned. I\\nmet one of our boys, and told him I had seen an old man\\ninquiring the way to camp. Yes,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and do you know who\\nit was V I told him that I did not. Well, he continued,\\nthat was old John Brown; we are to break camp, and\\nmove farther on. My delight and astonishment were\\nabout equal. Even at that early date, John Brown was a\\nvery noted man, and was trusted and esteemed by all who\\nheld anti-slavery views. I felt it an honor and a pleasure", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "184 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nto have seen and conversed with so prominent a leader.\\nOne thing, however, has always puzzled me: why should\\nthe old man have spent any of his time talking to a youth,\\nand a perfect stranger It is possible, my being a resident\\nof Indianola excited his interest, as he might have con-\\nsidered an armed Free-State man from such a noted Pro-\\nSlavery hole an anomaly and a curiosity. But whatever\\nhis motive, I shall always remember this little episode\\nwith pride and pleasure.\\nBetween three and four o clock we formed in march-\\ning column, and started forward at a swinging pace. We\\nwere all well rested, and a little tired of staying in camp.\\nWe had been on the road perhaps an hour or more, when\\nsome one in front shouted, There he is Sure enough,\\nit was Brown. Just ahead of us we saw the dingy old\\nwagon-cover, and the two men, and the oxen, plodding\\nslowly onward. Our step was increased to quick time\\nand as we passed the old man, on either side of the road,\\nwe rent the air with cheers. If John Brown ever de-\\nlighted in the praises of men, his pleasure must have been\\ngratified, as he walked along, enveloped in our shouting\\ncolumn. But I fear he looked upon such things as vain-\\nglorious, for if he responded by word or act, I failed to\\nsee or hear it. In passing I looked at him closely. He\\nwas rather tall, and lean, with a tanned, weather-beaten\\naspect in general. He looked like a rough, hard-working\\nold farmer; and I had known several such, who pretty\\nclosely resembled Brown in many respects. He appeared\\nto be unarmed but very likely had shooting-irons inside\\nthe wagon. His face was shaven, and he wore a cotton\\nshirt, partly covered by a vest. His hat was well worn,\\nand his general appearance, dilapidated, dusty, and soiled.\\nHe turned from his ox team and glanced at our party from\\ntime to time as we were passing him. ISTo doubt it was a\\npleasing sight to him to see men in armed opposition to\\nthe Slave-Power. None of us were probably aware that\\nJohn Brown s most ardent wish was for a sectional war", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 1^5\\nbetween the North and the South that slavery might\\ndie. We supposed his only aim like our own was to\\nmake Kansas a free State. We proposed to lop one limb\\nonly from the deadly Upas tree he would lay the ax\\nat the root.\\nWe made no pause in our march, and rapidly left\\nJohn Brown and his outfit in our rear. At the top of\\nthe next ridge I glanced backward, and looked again at\\nthat homely, humble figure, following in our wake at a\\nsnail s pace. What man among us could then have pre-\\ndicted that in a little more than three years he would\\nshake this American republic from center to circumfer-\\nence\\nNemaha Falls, N. T., Monday, August 4th, 1856.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nI was loitering about camp, when I heard some one cry out,\\nHere comes Brown I ran to the road with the rest of\\nthe men, and saw a horseman coming from the south. It\\nwas he. Where he got his horse, I never learned. Very\\nlikely he had borrowed the animal from some Free-State\\nsettler in the neighborhood. Several of our men stepped\\nout into the road, and hailed the old man. He stopped\\nimmediately, and seemed very willing to talk. I think\\nour principal spokesman was Wilmarth. Do you find a\\ngreat deal of surveying to do? he inquired of Brown.\\nYes, now and then I pick up a job, replied the old man,\\nwith a perfectly grave face. We scanned him closely.\\nHis appearance was anything but military. He looked\\nround-shouldered and awkward as he sat on his horse and\\nhis resemblance to an old farmer, that one can see almost\\nany day, was more striking than ever. Do you survey\\nfor Government? was the next question. No. I am not\\nexactly in that line. My surveying is strictly for private\\nparties. I watched him closely as he said this. There\\nwas not the vestige of a smile, and the tone of his voice\\nseemed to indicate the words of truth and soberness.\\nHe could hardly have failed seeing our scarcely concealed\\nmerriment; but his own face was long as the moral law.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "186 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nOur spokesman was equally grave, and plied Brown with\\nmany and various questions, but utterly failed in getting\\nthe old man to admit his object in coining, or even his\\nown identity. Judging from this conversation, my im-\\npression is that when he visited our camp the day before\\nhe had not openly announced himself as Old Osawatomie\\nBrown, but had been recognized by some of our men who\\nhad seen him before. Brown waited patiently until the\\nquestioner was through, and then continued his journey\\nnorth. Of course he knew that we were not ignorant of\\nwho he was but from policy or force of habit, chose to\\nassume the appearance of a stranger. At the time, I\\nsupposed be was indulging in a bit. of dry humor. But\\nafter-events have proved that even at this time his gray\\nhead was teeming with revolutionary schemes, that would\\nhave fairly taken our breath away had he divulged them\\nto ns. The pear was not ripe.\\nNemaha, Nebraska Territory, Thursday, August\\n7th, 1856. It was a nice, warm morning, and we were\\nastir at an early hour. We answered to roll-call, and\\nwere about ready to start, when Col. Dickey came over to\\nus and read a paper of instructions from his superiors.\\nThere it was in black and white, that armed men should\\nnot escort the train when it crossed the line into Kansas.\\nSome heated discussion followed. Dickey urged us to put\\nour arms in the wagons, and as soon as we were across\\nthe line we could take them back again. Other men\\njoined the Colonel, and expostulated with our obdurate\\ncommander. But it availed nothing. Captain Whipple\\nwas standing a few feet in front of our line, and not\\nthree paces from where I stood. A horseman rode up in\\nfront of him. I looked up. It was Old Osawatomie\\nBrown. He addressed himself earnestly to Whipple.\\nDo as they wish. This train is to enter Kansas\\nas a peaceable emigrant train. It will never do to have\\nit escorted by armed men. As soon as we are across the\\nline, there will be no objection to your retaking your", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 187\\narms. Let us all stay together. Your services may be\\nneeded.\\nHe said considerably more to the same effect. Capt.\\nWhipple said but little in reply. He was striking the\\nground at his feet with the point of his sword, during\\nmost of the conversation. He looked obstinate, and sul-\\nlen something like a big school-boy when taken to task\\nby his teacher.\\nPerhaps, added Brown, you don t know me you\\ndon t know who I am V\\nYes, I do, exclaimed Whipple I know who you\\nare, well enough but all the same, we are not going to\\npart with our arms. We came armed, and we re going\\nback armed.\\nI was somewhat surprised to learn by this conversation\\nthat Brown and Whipple were strangers to each other.\\nAlmost within reach of my arm, stood and spoke to one\\nanother for the first time these two self-sacrificing martyrs,\\nwhose futures were so tragically blended together,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 John\\nBrown, and Aaron Dwight Stevens. Both to battle\\nbravely and hopelessly; both to be stricken down with\\nseemingly mortal wounds, and both to perish on the Slave-\\nholder s scaffold. Brown saw that further entreaty would\\nbe useless. He turned, and rode away. It was the last\\ntime I ever saw Old John Brown of Osawatomie.\\nLane and Brown left the Army of the North and came\\nin advance to make arrangements for the beginning of an\\naggressive campaign for the recovery of the ground lost\\nin the campaign against Kansas Free-State men relent-\\nlessly prosecuted by the Law and Order party in the\\nTerritory and Missouri since the early spring. Lane had\\nnot seen Kansas since March. He had made a brilliant\\ncampaign in the Northern and Eastern States in the in-\\nterest of Kansas. He had largely contributed in this way", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "188 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nto the assembling of the army which was marching into\\nKansas to seek for homes, and who were determined that\\nthese homes should be in a free State. The coming of\\nLane s army carried dismay to the Missourians. On the\\n16th of August their leaders issued a call to arms which\\nshowed their anxiety and apprehension:\\nTo the Public It has been our duty to keep cor-\\nrectly and fully advised of the movements of the Aboli-\\ntionists. We know that since Lane commenced his march\\nthe Abolitionists in the Territory have been engaged in\\nstealing horses to mount his men, and in organizing and\\npreparing immediately on their arrival to carry out their\\navowed purpose of expelling or exterminating every pro-\\nslavery settler. We have seen them daily become more\\ndaring as Lane s party advanced. We have endeavored to\\nprepare our friends to the end, which was foreseen, and\\nwhich we now have to announce Lane s men have ar-\\nrived Civil war has begun\\nAfter the sacking of Osawatomie the Georgians near\\nthat town became bold, and their thieving and plundering\\nbecame unbearable. A small force of Free-State men\\nassembled and attacked them. Although in a fortified\\ncamp, and out-numbering their assailants, they were\\nrouted and fled to Fort Saunders, several miles south-\\nwest of Lawrence. Here Buford s Colonel Treadwell was\\nin command, and it was one of the most dangerous and\\ntroublesome posts held by the ruffians. Major D. S. Hoyt,\\nof Lawrence, desired to obtain information which would\\nenable the Free-State men to make a successful attack\\nupon this point. It was a dangerous undertaking, and he\\nwas urged to relinquish his design; but he was a brave\\nman, and believed he could safely accomplish it. Some", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 180\\naccounts say he carried a flag of truce. John Armstrong,\\nEsq., of Topeka, whose account of this affair I have fol-\\nlowed, assures me that he stopped at the fort, pretending\\nthat he was going to attend to some business in the little\\ntown of Marion, four miles beyond. He believed that no\\none would recognize him, and went into the fort and asked\\nfor a drink of water. After looking the fort over thor-\\noughly he departed. There was a man there who had\\nworked on the ferry at Lawrence; he recognized Hoyt at\\nonce, and when he was gone he gave it as his opinion that\\nhe was a spy and should be shot. Two men were detailed\\nto do this. They followed Hoyt, and came up with him\\nabout a mile and a half on his way to Marion. They shot\\nhim, and after burning his face with some corrosive sub-\\nstance, buried him near the road. According to all rules\\nof war, Hoyt had forfeited his life the moment he entered\\nthe fort in the capacity of a spy, but his death justly en-\\nraged the Free-State men, and they determined to attack\\nthe Buford camp at Franklin. The attack was made on\\nthe evening of the 12th of August, and was directed by\\nLane; it was successful, and so panic-stricken became the\\nruffians that they abandoned a portion of their whisky\\nin their flight. In the annals of Kansas the abandonment\\nof whisky always denotes extreme and desperate demor-\\nalization in the ruffian ranks. A cannon was secured.\\nLane established a camp three miles from Fort Saun-\\nders. As soon as the Chicago party arrived at Topeka,\\nwhich was on the 13th of August, he ordered them to\\nthis camp, where they arrived at 2 o clock on the morning\\nof the 14th. In the forenoon of this day the body of\\nMajor Hoyt was found, and preparations were made to", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "190\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nadvance upon the fort. The Free-State men arrived there\\nat 2 o clock in the afternoon, but the enemy had fled;\\nthey left much plunder and some muskets and ammuni-\\ntion; the Free-Stale men burned the fort. On the 16th\\nFort Titus, near Lecompton, was attacked by the Free-\\nState men, and the garrison captured. The gun captured\\nat Franklin had been supplied with ammunition by gather-\\ning up the type of the Herald of Freedom scattered about\\nthe streets at the sacking of Lawrence, and casting it into\\nballs. It was used with great effect upon Fort Titus, and\\nits reverberations so terrorized Governor Shannon that\\nhe fled from Lecompton, and was found embarking upon\\na mud-scow to cross the Kaw and escape in the jungles\\nof the north bottoms.\\nOn the following day Governor Shannon came to Law-\\nrence to conclude a peace in the interest of his ruffian\\nfriends. The whole summer s harrying of the Free-State\\nsettlers had not, appealed to him, but after a tew defeats\\nadministered by these same settlers to his cut-throats he\\ncame to plead their cause, and try to retrieve by treaty\\nwhat they had lost in battle. The treaty was eoncluded,\\nand prisoners exchanged. But this was not satisfactory\\nto the Missourians who had appealed to the people along\\nthe border to gather for an invasion of the Territory.\\nShannon saw that it would be impossible for him to make\\nany excuse to these when they arrived that would be satis-\\nfaetory. The Kansas question had entered the campaign\\nfor the Presidency. It was plainly seen by Pierce and Bu-\\nchanan that if the Territory were not speedily quieted\\nPennsylvania would vote against the Democratic candidate.\\nShannon was ordered to accomplish this, and the storm of", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWN 1\\ncivil war which he saw ahead of him rendered him impo-\\ntent he resigned his office, and fled from the Territory to\\nescape assassination at the hands of his hopeful constit-\\nuency of Law and Order party people. The executive\\nauthority now fell into the hands of Secretary Woodson.\\nHe was the. willing tool of the ruffians they could not\\nmake any request too brutal for him to refuse. It was\\n(I iermined to make clean work of the Free-State settlors\\nin Kansas before the new Governor could arrive and un-\\ndertake the pacification of the Territory. Atchison,\\nStringfellow and other Missourians gathered men for an\\ninvasion which was to be governed in its object by the\\nmotto, Let the watchword be extermination, total and\\ncomplete. About a. thousand men were gathered at\\nLittle Santa Fe, in Missouri, and from this point moved\\ninto the Territory in the direction of Osawatomie. They\\nsent a detachment of some three hundred and fifty men\\nagainst this town; it arrived on the morning of August\\n30th.\\nThe battle here was lost by the Free-State men, who\\nwere commanded by John Brown, but the defense of the\\ntown was so heroic that from that day he was known as\\nOsawatomie Brown. The best account of the battle is\\nhis own report:\\nEarly in the morning of the 30th of August the\\nenemy s scouts approached to within one mile and a half\\nof the Avestern boundary of the town of Osawatomie. At\\nthis place my son Frederick (who was not attached to my\\nforce) had lodged, with some four other young men from\\nLawrence, and a young man named Garrison, from Middle\\ncreek. The scouts, led by a Pro-Slavery preacher named\\nWhite, shot my son dead in the road, while he as I have", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "192\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CEASSICS\\nsince ascertained supposed them to be friendly. At the\\nsame time they butchered Mr. Garrison, and badly man-\\ngled one of the young men from Lawrence, who came with\\nmy son, leaving him for dead. This was not far from sun-\\nrise. I had stopped during the night about two and one-\\nhalf miles from them, and nearly one mile from Osawato-\\nmie. I had no organized force, but only some twelve or\\nfifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their prep-\\narations for breakfast and follow me into the town, as soon\\nas this news was brought me.\\nAs I had no means of learning correctly the force of\\nthe enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log house,\\nhoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gath-\\nered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with\\nguns and we started in the direction of the enemy. After\\ngoing a few rods we could see them approaching the town\\nin line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west\\nof the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than\\nto annoy [them], from the timber near the town, into\\nwhich we were all retreated, and which was filled with a\\nthick growth of underbrush but I had no time to recall the\\ntwelve men in the log house, and so we lost their assistance\\nin the fight. At the point above named I met with Captain\\nCline, a very active young man, who had with him some\\ntwelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to\\ngo with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the\\nOsage, or Marais des Cygnes, a little to the northwest\\nfrom the village. Here the men, numbering not more\\nthan thirty in all, wore directed to scatter and secrete\\nthemselves as well as they could, and await the approach\\nof the enemy. This was done in full view of them (who\\nmust have seen the whole movement), and had to be done\\nin the utmost haste. I believe Captain Cline and some of\\nhis men were not even dismounted in the fight, but cannot\\nassert positively. When the left wing of the enemy had\\napproached to within common rifle-shot, we commenced", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": ".mux BROWN\\n193\\ntiring, aud very soon threw the northern branch of the\\nenemy s line into disorder. This continued some fifteen\\nor twenty minutes, which gave us an uncommon oppor-\\ntunity to annoy them. Captain Cline and his men soon\\ngot out of ammunition, and retired across the river.\\nAfter the enemy rallied we kept up our fire, until,\\nby the leaving of one and another, we had but six or\\nseven left. We then retired across the river. We had\\none man killed a Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline s com-\\npany in the fight. One of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was\\nshot in crossing the river. Two or three of the party who\\ntook part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or\\ntaken prisoners. Two were wounded namely, Dr. Upde-\\ngraff and a Mr. Collis. I cannot speak in too high terms\\nof them, and of many others I have not now time to\\nmention.\\nOne of my best men, together with myself, was struck\\nby a partially spent ball from the enemy, in the commence-\\nment of the fight, but we were only bruised. The loss I\\nrefer to is one of my missing men. The loss of the enemy,\\nas we learn by the different statements of our own as\\nwell as their people, was some thirty-one or two killed,\\nand from forty to fifty wounded. After burning the town\\nto ashes and killing a Mr. Williams they had taken, whom\\nneither party claimed, they took a hasty leave, carrying\\ntheir dead and wounded with them. They did not attempt\\nto cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since\\nreturned to look over their work.\\nThe Missourians returned to their encampment. Lane\\nsent a force of about one hundred and fifty men against\\nthis camp. After exchanging a few shots with their assail-\\nants the forces under Atchison and others returned in\\ngreat haste to Missouri. But they did not remain there\\nlong. Woodson issued a proclamation declaring the Ter-\\n-13", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "194 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nritory in a state of insurrection, and calling out all the\\nTerritorial militia, which was in fact an invitation to the\\nruffians to invade Kansas and complete the extermina-\\ntion of settlers opposed to slavery. Governor Geary was\\nhurrying to the Territory, and found companies on their\\nway in obedience to these calls; one company embarked\\non the Governor s boat, at Glasgow, Mo., and carried a\\nbrass cannon. On his way from Leavenworth to Lecomp-\\nton he detected a member of the bogus Legislature in the\\nact of plundering Free-State men, and this hopeful legis-\\nlator advanced upon the Governor s party with the in-\\ntention of robbing it, and was only deterred by the ap-\\npearance of a wagon in the distance.\\nThe invasion of Kansas progressed as favorably as the\\nPro-Slavery leaders could expect. By the 15th of Sep-\\ntember there were twenty-seven hundred men surround-\\ning Lawrence, under the command of Atchison, String-\\nfellow, Keid, and others. The number of volunteers the\\nFree-State men were able to assemble to oppose this army\\nof invasion did not exceed three hundred. Brown was\\noffered the command of these, but declined. He preferred\\nto fight in the ranks. But he was looked upon as the\\nmost capable military man present, and the people relied\\nupon him for their safety should they be attacked. Brown\\nassembled them one afternoon and addressed them as fol-\\nlows\\nGentlemen It is said there are twenty-five hundred\\nMissourians down at Franklin, and that they will be here\\nin two hours. You can see for yourselves the smoke they\\nare making by setting fire to the houses in that town. Now\\nis probably the last opportunity you will have of seeing", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n195\\na fight, so vou bad better do your best. If they should\\ncome up and attack us, don t yell and make a great noise,\\nbut remain perfectly silent and still. Wait till they get\\nwithin twenty-live yards of you; get a good object; be\\nsure you see the hind sight of your gun, then fire. A\\ngreat deal of powder and lead and very precious time is\\nwasted by shooting too high. You had bettor aim at\\ntheir legs than at their heads. In either case be sure\\nof the hind sights of your guns. It is from the neglect\\nof this that I myself have so many limes escaped; for if\\nall the bullets that have been aimed at me had hit, I\\nshould have been as full of holes as a riddle.\\nSounder and more patriotic advice was never given\\na little band gathered to battle for their homes. But\\nGovernor Geary succeeded in turning back these barba-\\nrous invaders before they could attack Lawrence. He\\ncalled to his assistance the United States troops and\\nmarched to the camp of the Missourians, where he met\\ntheir leaders. After much grumbling, swearing, threat-\\nening, and disorderly wrangling, they held a meeting to\\ndevise some excuse to present to their sodden followers\\nfor turning back. After resolving that they had come\\nto drive out Lane and his hireling army, they reached\\nthe core of the controversy in the following preamble\\nWhereas, we have here met and conferred with Gov-\\nernor Geary, who has arrived in the Territory since we\\nwere here called, and who has given us satisfactory evidence\\nof his intention and power to execute the laws of the Terri-\\ntory. They returned to Missouri, but their routes were\\nmarked with burning homes, plundered farms, and mur-\\ndered citizens.\\nSo ended the campaign of the Pro-Slavery party of", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "196\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nKansas and Missouri in 1856 for the enforcement of the\\nbogus laws. Had not political conditions in the East\\ndemanded its suppression, the Administration would have\\nassisted it to a successful termination. When the horde-\\nrolled back across the border their opportunity to crush\\nKansas was forever gone; it was never again in their\\npower to stihV liberty. While many an outrage was yel\\nto be perpetrated upon the Free-State men, freedom was\\nassured when the congregated barbarians turned from\\nthe walls of the noble town of Lawrence, whose people\\nwere so patriotic and liberty-loving that nothing could sub-\\ndue or overcome them.\\nHad not John Brown and his faithful followers lurked\\nin thicket and swamp, like the great guerrilla, Marion, of\\nSouth Carolina, ready to defend a home or settlement\\nhere, and attack a band of murderers there, it is uncertain\\nwhether the result could have been attained in this time.\\nThe people of Kansas honor the memory of the old hero\\nwho without money and without price, at the peril of his\\nlife and the sacrifice of his son, alone of the leaders of\\nthe people, ranged the land and entreated the harried and\\ndiscouraged settlers to continue the fight for freedom till\\nhelp should come, and who exhorted them to charge\\nOnce more unto the breach, dear friends, once more.\\nHis fame was great. Pottawatomie and Osawatomie were\\ntalked of in every ruffian camp, and the terror of the name\\nof Old John Brown increased all along the border. He\\nbelieved himself raised up of God to break the jaws of\\nthe wicked. He cared no more for political policy than\\nfor personal abuse or the laudations of men. He gave no", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "197\\nJOHN BROWN lvi\\naccount to man of his actions. He sought no counsel in\\nthe assemblies of men he cared nothing for their praises\\nor condemnations. He held himself accountable to God\\nalone, and as he understood His will he tried to execute\\nif. He eared nothing for law when it stood in the way of\\nright and humanity. He was a revolutionist as were the\\nfathers of 1776. He was the oracle of the doctrine enun-\\nciated in the Declaration of Independence. He believed\\nit agreed perfectly with the Sermon on the Mount, and\\nhe believed that it were better that his generation perish\\nthan that a syllable of either should fail. Only such men\\nare truly great.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nFAREWELL TO KANSAS.\\nEleven slaves are now set free,\\nA kindly stroke for those who fell.\\nA just and righteous parallel,\\nTheir freedom won; and strange to tell,\\nKansas has gained her liberty.\\nNot on far Afric s burning sand,\\nWhen age on age has come and gone.\\nAnd people searching in the throng\\nWhich passing centuries prolong,\\nAsk for some hero proud and grand,\\nThe theme for master sculptor s hand,\\nWhose ancient glory and renown\\nThe waiting multitude shall crown,\\nWill there remote appear John Brown;\\nBut will be found in every land\\nHis glory heralded by seers,\\nIn marble cut; by poets sung;\\nAnd his rude image shall be hung\\nRound the charmed neck, and every tongue\\nShall praise him as a saint of years.\\nJoel Moody s The Song of Kansas.\\nJohn Brown did not intend to remain permanently in\\nKansas, so far as we now know it is believed that he did\\nnot come with that purpose. It seems that he only turned\\naside for a time from his life-work to take up the sword\\n(198)", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "joiix nitnffx\\n199\\nfor Kansas. But it is by no means certain that he did nut\\nfinally come to see the possibility of his remaining in the\\nState he helped to redeem and rescue. There is little\\ndoubt that he at one time contemplated striking his final\\nblow at slavery from Kansas that he studied long and\\nseriously the establishment of the stations in the Indian\\nTerritory and Texas that he eventually concluded to un-\\ndertake in the Appalachians. At least three purposes\\nmoved him to come to Kansas. The first was, to assist his\\nchildren in the battle to make Kansas free and in the de-\\nfense of their lives and property. The second was, to seek\\nevery opportunity to attack the institution of slavery. The\\nthird was, to gain practical experience in guerrilla war-\\nfare. The latter was essential to the success of the great\\ndesign so long and so devoutly intended by him.\\nWhen the hordes from Missouri had rolled back from\\nthe walls of Lawrence, Governor Geary devoted himself\\nin good faith to dispersing all armed bands in the Terri-\\ntory. There were indictments against John Brown for\\nresistance to the bogus laws, or treason, and any strict\\nconstruction of his duty would compel the Governor to\\nbring him to trial but he did not want the hero of Osa-\\nwatomie captured, for he did not know what to do with\\nhim. To have dealt harshly with him would have aroused\\nthe Free-State men to resistance. He intimated to\\nBrown s partisans that he should consider it a favor if\\nthey would in some way prevent his officers from meeting\\nhim. It is by no means certain that he did not request\\nhis friends to induce Brown to quit the Territory for a\\nseason, in order that there might remain no possibility\\nof his arrest. By Governor Geary s efforts the cam-\\nl.ofC.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "200 TWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\npaign waged so persistently and relentlessly against the\\nFree-State men of Kansas for the preceding six months\\nwas rendered ineffectual. There was some hope that the\\nsettlers would be protected in their homes. Brown con-\\nsented to go East in September; but he did not relinquish\\nany purpose he had formed in relation to slavery, or even\\nKansas; on the contrary, he labored diligently in these\\ncauses during his absence from the Territory. Tie left\\nKansas in September, probably about the 15th. He had\\nhis old wagon and ox team, and in this clumsy conveyance\\nhe rode much of the time, for he was sick. His progress\\nwas slow and he was pursued for a time by the United\\nStates troops, but had no trouble in evading them. He\\nfollowed the trail over which Lane s Army of the North\\nhad marched in.\\nBrown remained a fortnight at Tabor, Iowa, and when\\nhis health improved he continued his journey, arriving\\nin Chicago about the 25th of October. Here the National\\nKansas Committee purchased him a suit of clothes. He\\nvisited the various committees formed in the Eastern\\nStates to assist in the settlement of Kansas he hoped to\\nprocure the means to arm a considerable number of men.\\nHe had in mind the great work of his life, and never for\\na moment neglected it; and on this trip he secured the\\ncustody of two hundred Sharps rifles then at Tabor, Iowa,\\nand these he finally carried with him to Harper s Ferry.\\nThe committees were able to do but little for him and\\nfinding this condition of affairs, he determined to make\\nappeals directly to the people. He spoke in many New\\nEngland towns. In Massachusetts there was a movement\\nto have the Legislature appropriate twenty-five thousand", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 201\\ndollars in the aid of Kansas work. The committee having\\nthis matter in charge requested him to appear before them\\nand deliver an address. This he did. He arraigned the\\nAdministration, and described the conditions existing in\\nKansas and the trials Free-State people were compelled\\nto bear in that Territory. He said\\nI saw, while in Missouri, in the fall of 1855, large\\nnumbers of men going to Kansas to vote, and also return-\\ning after they had so done as they said.\\nLater in the year, I, with four of my sons, was called\\nout, and traveled, mostly on foot and during the night, to\\nhelp defend Lawrence, a distance of thirty-five miles;\\nwhere we were detained, with some five hundred others,\\nor thereabouts, from live to ten days say an average of\\nten days at a cost of not less than a dollar and a half\\nper day, as wages; to say nothing of the actual loss ami\\nsuffering occasioned to many of them, by leaving their\\nfamilies sick, their crops not secured, their houses unpre-\\npared for winter, and many without houses at all. This\\nwas the case with myself and sons, who could not get\\nhouses built after returning. Wages alone would amount\\nto seven thousand five hundred dollars; loss and suffering\\ncannot be estimated.\\nI saw, at that time, the body of the murdered Barber,\\nand was present to witness his wife and other friends\\nbrought in to see him with his clothes on, just as he\\nwas when killed.\\nI, with six sons and a son-in-law, was called out, and\\ntraveled, most of the way on foot, to try and save Law-\\nrence, May 20 and 21, and much of the way in the night.\\nFrom that date, neither I nor my sons, nor my son-in-law,\\ncould do any work about our homes, but lost our whole\\ntime until we left, in October except one of my sons, who\\nhad a few weeks to devote to the care of his own and his\\nbrother s family, who were then without a home.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "202\\nTWEXTIKTIL CENTURY CLASSICS\\nFrom about the 20th of May, hundreds of men, like\\nourselves, lost their whole time, and entirely failed of\\nsecuring any kind of a crop whatever. I believe it safe\\nto say that five hundred Free-State men lost each one\\nhundred and twenty days, which, at one dollar and a half\\nper day, would be to say nothing of attendant losses\\nninety thousand dollars.\\nOn or about the 30th of May, two of my sons, with\\nseveral others, were imprisoned without other crime than\\nopposition to bogus legislation, and most barbarously\\ntreated for a time, one being held about a month, and the\\nother about four months. Both had their families on the\\nground. After this both of them had their houses burned,\\nand all their goods consumed by the Missourians. In\\nthis burning all the eight suffered. One had his oxen\\nstolen, in addition.\\nThe Captain, laying aside his paper, here said that\\nhe had now at his hotel, and would exhibit to the commit-\\ntee, if they so desired, the chains which one of his sons\\nhad worn, when he was driven, beneath a burning sun, by\\nFederal troops, to a distant prison, on a charge of treason.\\nThe cruelties he there endured, added to the anxieties and\\nsufferings incident to his position, had rendered him, the\\nold man said, as his eye flashed and his voice grew sterner,\\nu a maniac yes, a maniac.\\nHe paused a few seconds, wiped a tear from his eye,\\nand continued his narration:\\nAt Black Jack, the invading Missourians wounded\\nthree Free-State men, one of them my son-in-law and\\na few days afterward one of my sons was so wounded that\\nhe will be a cripple for life.\\nIn June, I was present and saw the mangled and dis-\\nfigured body of the murdered Hoyt, of Deerfield, Mass.,\\nbrought into our camp. I knew him well.\\nI saw the ruins of many Free-State men s houses, in\\ndifferent parts of the Territory, together with grain in", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "203\\nJOHN BROWN\\nthe stack, burning, and wasted in other ways, to the\\namount, at least, of fifty thousand dollars\\nI saw several other Free-State men, besides those 1\\nhave named, during the summer, who were badly wounded\\nby the invaders of the Territory.\\nI know that for much of the time during the summer,\\nthe travel over portions of the Territory was entirely cut\\noff, and that none but bodies of armed men dared to\\nmove at all.\\nI know that for a considerable time the mails on\\ndifferent routes were entirely stopped; and notwithstand-\\ning there were abundant troops in the Territory to escort\\nthe mails, I know that such escorts were not furnished,\\nas they ought to have been.\\nI saw while it was standing, and afterwards saw the\\nruin, of, a most valuable house, the property of a highly\\ncivilized, intelligent, and exemplary Christian Indian,\\nwhich was burned to the ground by the Kuffians, because\\nits owner was suspected of favoring Free-State men. He\\nwas known as Ottawa Jones, or John T- Jones\\nIn September last, I visited a beautiful little 1 lee-\\nState town called Stanton, on the north side of the Osage\\n(or Marais des Cygnes, as it is sometimes called), from\\nwhich every inhabitant had lied for fear of their lives,\\neven after having built a strong log house, or wooden\\nfort, at a heavy expense, for their protection Many oi\\nthem had left their effects, liable to be destroyed or carried\\noff not being able to remove them. This was to me a\\nmost gloomy scene, and like a visit to a sepulcher.\\nDeserted houses and cornfields were to be found m\\nalmost every direction south of the Kansas river.\\nI have not yet told all I saw in Kansas\\nI once saw three mangled bodies, two of which were\\ndead, and one alive, but with twenty bullet and buckshot\\nholes in him, after the two murdered men had am on the\\nground, to be worked at by flies, for some eighteen hours.\\nOne of these young men was my own son.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "204 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nThe stern old man faltered. He struggled long to sup-\\npress all exhibition of his feelings, and soon, but with a\\nsubdued, and in a faltering, tone continued\\nI saw Mr. Parker, whom I well knew, all bruised\\nabout the head, and with his throat partly cut, after he\\nhad been dragged, sick, from the house of Ottawa done.-,\\nand thrown over the bank of the Ottawa creek for dead.\\nAbout the first of September, I, and five sick and\\nwounded sons, and a son-in-law, were obliged to lie on\\nthe ground, without shelter, for a considerable time, and\\nat times almost in a state of starvation, and dependent\\non the charity of the Christian Indian I have before\\nnamed, and his wife.\\nI saw Dr. Graham, of Prairie City, who was a pris-\\noner with the Ruffians on the 2d of June, and was present\\nwhen they wounded him, in an attempt to kill him, as he\\nwas trying to save himself from being murdered by them\\nduring the fight at Black Jack.\\nI know that numerous other persons, whose names\\ncannot now remember, suffered like hardships and ex-\\nposures to those I have mentioned.\\nI know well that on or about the 14th of September,\\n1856, a large force of Missourians and other Ruffians,\\nsaid by Governor Geary to be twenty-seven hundred in\\nnumber, invaded the Territory, burned Franklin, and,\\nwhile the smoke of that place was going up behind them,\\nthey, on the same day, made their appearance in full view\\nof, and within about a mile of, Lawrence; and I know of\\nno reason why they did not attack that place, except that\\nabout one hundred Free-State men volunteered to go out\\nand did go out, on the open plain before the town, and give\\nthem offer of a fight, which, after getting scattering sln t\\nfrom our men, they declined, and retreated back towards\\nFranklin. I saw the whole thing. The Government troops,\\nat this time, were at Lecompton, a distanee of twelve\\nmiles only from Lawrence, with Governor Geary; and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 205\\nyet, notwithstanding runners had been dispatched to ad-\\nvise him, in good time, of the approach and setting out\\nof the enemy, (who had to march some forty miles to\\nreach Lawrence,) he did not, on that memorable occasion,\\nget a single soldier on the ground until after the enemy\\nhad retreated to Franklin, and been gone for more than\\nfive hours. This is the way he saved Lawrence. And it\\nis just the kind of protection the Free-State men have re-\\nceived from the Administration from the first.\\nBrown visited his family at North Elba, X. Y., but did\\nnot remain long at home; he returned to New England\\nearly in March, and continued his work on the platform.\\nHe met with some encouragement; eighty dollars was\\ngiven him in three nights by two towns in Connecticut.\\nOne of these towns was Canton, where his father and\\nmother were brought up. The old granite monument of\\nhis grandfather, John Brown, of Revolutionary fame,\\nstood in the burial-ground there, though the old patriot\\nhad been buried on the banks of the Hudson. The people\\nagreed to send the venerable monument to North Elba, to\\nbe there set up and inscribed with the name of his son\\nFrederick, and other names as occasion arose. The monu-\\nment was sent, and was an object of great interest to the\\nmany who visited the grave of the martyr in after-years.\\nAt Hartford and Canton Brown read from his manuscript\\nan appeal for assistance; this appeal explains his objects,\\nand shows that he was then contemplating greater things\\nI am trying to raise from twenty to twenty-five thou-\\nsand dollars in the free States, to enable me to continue\\nmy efforts in the cause of freedom. Will the people of\\nConnecticut, my native State, afford me some aid in this\\nundertaking Will the gentlemen and ladies of Hartford,", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "^06 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nwhere I make my first appeal in this State, set the example\\nof an earnest effort? Will some gentleman or lady take\\nhold and try what can be done by small contributions from\\ncomities, cities, towns, societies, or churches, or in some\\nother way? I think the little beggar-children in the\\nstreets arc sufficiently interested to warrant their contrib-\\nuting, it there was any need of it, to secure the object,\\ni was told thai newspapers in a certain city were dressed\\nin mourning on hearing that I was killed and scalped in\\nKansas, but F did not know of it until I reached the place.\\nMuch good it did me In the same place I met a more cool\\nreception than in any other place where I have stopped.\\nIf my friends will hold up my hands while I live, I will\\nfreely absolve them from any expense over me when I am\\ndead. I do not ask for pay, but shall be most grateful for\\nall the assistance I can get.\\nIt was while in Connecticut at this time that Brown\\ncontracted for the construction of a thousand pikes, which\\nhe afterwards carried with him to Harper s Ferry. lie\\nvisited many of the principal cities on this second visit\\nto l\\\\~ew England, and addressed large audiences. He also\\nmade the personal acquaintance of the men most promi-\\nnent in the work of aiding Kansas; and he met the abo-\\nlitionists then laboring in their way to free the slaves.\\nEli Thayer was much impressed with his services to\\nthe cause of freedom, and did not ascertain until he was\\nan independent candidate for Congress, in 1860, when\\nhe was in opposition to his party, which was then engag-\\ning in the mighty conflict for the preservation of the\\nUnion, that Brown was a detriment to the cause of liberty\\nin Kansas. He offered Brown a home in a boom town*\\nenterprise in what is now West Virginia, at the mouth of", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n207\\nthe Big Sandy river, called Ceredo, and which was a\\nfailure.\\nBrown received most encouragement from the Massa-\\nchusetts State Committee. It proposed to obtain an\\nappropriation of one hundred thousand dollars to be used\\nfor relief in Kansas; to organize a force, well armed\\nand under control of the famous John Brown, to repel\\nBorder-Buffi an outrage and defend Free-State men. In\\nthe explanation of its objects it was recited that many of\\nthe Free State leaders, being engaged in speculations, arc\\nwilling to accept peace on any terms. Brown and his\\nfriends will hold to the original principle of making Kan-\\nsas free, without regard to private interests. This is jusi\\nwhat Brown had been doing in Kansas, and what opposi-\\ntion there was in the Free-State ranks in the Territory\\nto Brown came from his strict adherence to these original\\nprinciples. But with all his efforts, the results in Xew\\nEngland was disappointing to him. His chagrin found\\nexpression in the following quaint document:\\nOLD JOHN BROWN S FAREWELL\\nTO THE PLYMOUTH ROCKS, BUXKER HILL MONUMENTS. CHARTER\\nOAKS, AND UNCLE TOM S CAEINS.\\nHe has left for Kansas; has been trying since he\\ncame out of the Territory to secure an outfit, or, in other\\nwords, the means of arming and thoroughly equipping\\nhis regular minute-men, who are mixed up with the people\\nof Kansas. And he leaves the State with a feeling of\\ndeepest sadness, that after exhausting his own small\\nmeans, and with his family and his brave men suffering\\nhunger, cold, nakedness, and some of them sickness,\\nwounds, imprisonment, and others death that, lying on\\nthe ground for months in the most sickly, unwholesome,\\nand uncomfortable places, some of the time with sick and", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "208 TWENTIETH CENTUBT CLASSICS\\nwounded, destitute of any shelter, hunted like wolves, and\\nsustained in part by Indians that after all this, in order\\nto sustain a cause which every citizen of this glorious\\nRepublic is under equal moral obligation to do, and for\\nthe neglect of which he will be held accountable by God,\\na cause in which every man, woman, and child of the\\nentire human family has a deep and awful interest,\\nthat when no wages were asked nor expected, he cannot\\nsecure, amid all the wealth, luxury, and extravagance of\\nthis heaven-exalted people, even the necessary supplies\\nof the common soldier. How are the mighty fallen\\nI am destitute of horses, baggage-wagons, tents, har-\\nness, saddles, bridles, holsters, spurs, and belts; camp\\nequipage, such as cooking and eating utensils, blankets,\\nknapsacks, intrenching-tools, axes, shovels, spades, mat-\\ntocks, crowbars; have not a supply of ammunition;\\nhave not money sufficient to pay freight and traveling\\nexpenses; and left my family poorly supplied with com-\\nmon necessaries.\\nBoston, April, 1857.\\nJohn Brown was working with method to accomplish\\nan end perfecting arrangements to accomplish the de-\\nsign he had cherished for more than twenty years. He\\nhad not yet disclosed this plan to anyone perhaps in its\\nmore definite outlines so far as they were fixed, not even\\nto his wife. He made the acquaintance, in April, 1857,\\nof Hugh Forbes, who was an Englishman late from Italy,\\nwhere he had been a silk merchant and a follower of\\nGaribaldi. In one of the downward turns of the cause\\nof his leader he found it necessary to flee, and, leaving\\nhis wife and daughter in Paris, he sought the hospitable\\nshores of America. He was a fencing-master, and claimed\\nan extensive knowledge of military tactics and guerrilla", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "JOHN BBOWN\\n2\\nwarfare. He proposed to Brown to translate a French\\nwork on street-fighting and other varieties of desultory\\ntactics, and print it for the use of his army. To this\\nBrown was favorable, and he furnished the means to bring\\nout the work, believing that it would prove of great service\\nto his men. Forbes was also employed, or taken on some\\nterms not now well understood, to instruct the army to be\\nraised and equipped by Brown to carry out his intentions.\\nHe was to come to Tabor, Iowa, in May, 1S57, but did\\nnot arrive until the 9th of August. Being dissatisfied,\\nhe left there early in November, and went East, where he\\ndivulged such of Brown s plans as had been made known\\nto him. These revelations were made to prominent public\\nmen, and to persons who had assisted Brown and were in\\nsympathy with his designs.\\nFrom Tabor, Iowa, Brown came to Kansas, arriving\\nat the farm of E. B. Whitman, a little south of Lawrence,\\non the 5th of November. He intended to remain but a\\nshort time, and his object was to enlist men skilled in tht\\nrough guerrilla warfare of the Kansas border in his army\\nof invasion of Virginia. His presence was made known\\nto few, for it was feared that he might be arrested on the\\nold indictments for treason or conspiracy. From Law-\\nrence he went to the farm of Daniel Sheridan, south of\\nTopeka. There he was joined by John E. Cook, Kichard\\nRealf, and Luke F. Parsons. He and J. H. Kagi visited\\nManhattan. With the persons named, and Colonel\\nWhipple, or Aaron D. Stevens, Charles W. Moffett, and\\nRichard Richardson, a colored man of intelligence. Brown\\nleft Kansas for Iowa late in Xovember. They arrived\\nwithout incident, and soon afterward the whole company\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009414", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "210\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nwere moved to the Quaker community at Springdale, Iowa,\\nand were given a heartfelt welcome by the good people of\\nthat place. The gratitude and approval of humanity are\\ndue the Quakers of every part .of America for their serv-\\nices in effecting the abolition of slavery. They were the\\nfirst body to oppose the institution in both Europe and\\nAmerica, and were ever in advance in this righteous cause\\nas the work for its consummation dragged slowly along.\\nNo black man or woman or child fleeing from a crushing\\nand degrading bondage with bloody-fanged dogs crying\\non the trail at the instance of the minions of the laws of\\nthe nation, ever knocked in vain at a Quaker door. The\\nunderground railroad ran from one Quaker settlement\\ni another, and was always safest where the Friends were\\nmost numerous, and to them the distress-cry of the fugitive\\nblack man was a call from God that was never unheeded.\\nThe company of .John Brown gathered at Springdale\\nconsisted of eleven men, John Brown, Owen Brown,\\nAaron D. Stevens, John Henri Kagi, John Edwin Cook,\\nRichard Realf, Charles P. Tidd, William Leeman, Luke\\nF. Parsons, Charles W. Moffett, and Richard Richardson.\\nDuring the winter George B. Gill, Steward Taylor, Ed-\\nwin Coppoc and Barclay Coppoc joined the little army.\\nJohn Brown installed Aaron D. Stevens in the position\\nof military instructor, left vacant by the desertion of\\nForbes. As soon as provision for his men for the winter\\nwas completed, Brown returned East this was in Jan-\\nuary, 1858. He stopped in Ohio to see his son John,\\nand from there he went to the home of Frederick Douglass,\\nin Rochester, X. Y. He made his home with Douglass\\nfor a time, and while there, drew up his constitution for", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n211\\na provisional government. He began also to disclose to\\nhis friends his plans for the future very cautiously at\\nfirst, and by vague hints and suggestions rather than by\\ndirect avowal. He inquired of Theodore Parker by letter:\\nDo you think any of my Garrisonian friends, either at\\nBoston, Worcester, or any other place, can be induced to\\nsupply a little straw, if I will absolutely make bricks V\\nHe desired something less than a thousand dollars. He\\nwishes to avoid publicity, and will not see his family.\\nMeantime he is staying with Fred Douglass under the\\nnom de guerre of X. Hawkins. He expects to overthrow\\nslavery in a large part of the country, wrote Edward\\nMorton to F. B. Sanborn. He wrote Sanborn: My\\nreasons for keeping quiet are such that when I left Kan-\\nsas I kept it from every friend there; and I suppose it\\nis still understood that I am hiding somewhere in the\\nTerritory. These were his reasons for not going to Bos-\\nton, or even passing through Albany. He was at the\\nhome of Gerrit Smith, near Peterboro, X. Y., February\\n20th, 1858. Here he was met by Mr. Sanborn, who says\\nthat on the evening of Washington s birthday the whole\\noutline of Brown s campaign in Virginia was laid before\\nour little council, to the astonishment and almost the dis-\\nmay of those present. The discussion continued till past\\nmidnight, but nothing could shake the purpose of the\\nold Puritan. Every difficulty had been foreseen and pro-\\nvided against in some manner; the grand difficulty of\\nall the manifest hopelessness of undertaking anything\\nso vast with such slender means was met with the text\\nof Scripture: If God be for us, who can be against us?\\nHe had made nearly all his arrangements: he had so", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "212 TWENTIETH OEJMTUEY CLASSICS\\nmany men enlisted, so many hundred weapons, all be\\nnow wanted was the small sum of money. With that he\\nwould open his campaign in the spring, and he had no\\ndoubt that the enterprise would pay/ as he said.\\nOn the following day the question was again taken up.\\nBrown carried his point. You see how it is, said\\nGerrit Smith to Mr. Sanborn our dear old friend has\\nmade up his mind to this course, and cannot be turned\\nfrom it. We cannot give him up to die alone we must\\nsupport him. He went by the way of Brooklyn to Bos-\\nton at the instance of Mr. Sanborn, arriving there on the\\n4th of March. His visit to Boston was made secretly.\\nHe saw Theodore Parker, who encouraged him but was\\nhot sanguine of the success of his effort. The amount of\\nmoney required was given him, and he considered his\\njourney successful at every point. He was in communica-\\ntion with Forbes, and seems to have anticipated no seri-\\nous trouble from his course. When the success of his\\nplans seemed so nearly complete when, climbing up from\\nthe devious defiles of the valley of disappointments and\\nvexations, he saw from the height of his mountain-top the\\nbroad plains of peace and freedom unfold in a panorama\\nat his feet, he wrote to his wife and children in the rude\\nhome in the frozen forests of the Adirondacks The\\nanxiety I feel to see my wife and children once more, I\\nam unable to describe. I want exceedingly to see my big\\nbaby and Ruth s baby, and to see how that little company\\nof sheep look about this time. The cries of my poor\\nsorrow-stricken, despairing children, whose tears on their\\ncheeks are ever in my eyes, and whose sighs are ever n\\nmy ears, may however prevent my enjoying the happiness", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": ".TOHX BKOWN 213\\nI so much desire. But, courage, courage, courage! the\\ngreat work of my life (the unseen Hand that guided me,\\nand who has indeed holden my right hand, may hold it\\nstill/ though I have not known Him at all as I ought)\\nI may jet see accomplished (God helping), and be per-\\nmitted to return, and rest at evening.\\nJohn Brown and his son, John Brown, jr., were in Phil-\\nadelphia, where a conference was held with a number of\\ncolored men. They went from thence to Connecticut, and\\nfrom there, by the way of New York, to North Elba.\\nThey remained but a few days, and returned to Peterboro,\\narriving at Gerrit Smith s April 2d. Mr. Smith fully\\napproved the arrangements made for the invasion of Vir-\\nginia, and was buoyant and hopeful about it, and showed\\ngreat animation and interest. From Peterboro they went\\nto Kochester, where they separated. John Brown went to\\nSt. Catherine s, Canada, early in April, writing from that\\nplace to his son John, from whom he had parted at Roch-\\nester, April 8th. There were many fugitive slaves in St.\\nCatherine s, and he was probably looking among them\\nfor additions to his little army. A certain Harriet Tub-\\nman, a colored woman of much influence, was there at the\\ntime, and she seems to have aided him in this work.\\nBut he did not remain long in Canada. He went to\\nIowa, and from Springdale wrote his wife on the 27th of\\nApril. He had come to transfer his army to Chatham,\\nCanada West, which he accomplished quickly, for he wrote\\nfrom that town to his wife, May 12th. The Provisional\\nConstitution had been adopted here before the letter to his\\nwife was written. It began with the following preamble:\\nWhereas, Slavery throughout its entire existence in the", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "214\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nUnited State?, is none other than a most barbarous, un-\\nprovoked, and unjustifiable war of one portion of its\\ncitizens upon another portion the only conditions of\\nwhich are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude\\nor absolute extermination in utter disregard and viola-\\ntion of those eternal and self evi dent truths set forth in\\nour Declaration of Independence.\\nBut at this moment, when it seemed that all things\\nwere turning to favor the rapid consummation of John\\nBrown s life-purpose, unexpected developments forced a\\npostponement of the expedition for many months. Forbes\\ncontinued to talk of Brown s plans. He gave information\\nto Senators in Washington and influential persons in New\\nEngland. The result was that Mr. Smith, Theodore Par-\\nker, Mr. Sanborn and those knowing his full plans wrote\\nhim that the expedition must be deferred for a year.\\nBrown met Mr. Stearns in New York about the 20th of\\nMay. He went to Boston, where he was assured that he\\nwould be furnished two or three thousand dollars for the\\nexecution of the plan in the following winter. In the\\nmeantime it was believed best for him to return to Kansas,\\nfor, as Forbes did not know that Virginia was the objective\\npoint of Brown s expedition, his return to the Territory\\nand the resumption of the old warfare there would\\nserve to contradict Forbes s revelations. He left Bos-\\nton June 3d, with five hundred dollars in gold, and\\nliberty to retain all the arms, visited North Elba, passed\\nthrough Ohio and Iowa into Nebraska, and reached Law-\\nrence on the 25th of June, 1858. He was warmly wel-\\ncomed by his friends and the people of Kansas generally\\namong these were the correspondents of the Eastern news-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n215\\npapers. Redpath records al Length a conversation which\\nlasted nearly the whole afternoon. He was accompanied\\nby Kagi, and they returned to Kansas, as Kagi gave out,\\nbecause of the betrayal of their plans by Forbes. On Mon-\\nday, the 26th, Brown and Kagi left Lawrence for south-\\nern Kansas to visit Mr. Adair and other friends near Osa-\\nwatomie, and also to consult with Captain James Mont-\\ngomery.\\nThe Marais des Cygnes massacre had occurred on May\\n19th. Trouble had existed in Linn and Bourbon coun-\\nties for a long time. When the Free-State people settled\\nin the Kansas Valley and northern Kansas in such num-\\nbers that the danger from invasions from Missouri ceased\\nand civil order appeared, the worst characters among the\\nruffians betook themselves to these counties, and made their\\nheadquarters at Fort Scott. Among them were Clark and\\nthe Lieutenant Brockett who was captured with Captain\\nPate. In 1858 the Free-State men had increased in Linn\\ncounty to the point that they could take the initiative.\\nPro-Slavery men occupying the claims from which Free-\\nState men had been driven were made to leave. The feel-\\nings of each party toward the other were very bitter.\\nThe leader of the Pro-Slavery people was Charles A. Ham-\\nilton. He made up a list of some sixty Free-State men\\nwhom he intended to kill. He had lived on a claim near\\nthe Missouri line and near the little town of Trading\\nPost, but was at this time living in Missouri. He was\\nthe commander of a company of ruffians known as the\\nBloody Reds. On the 19th of May he rode over the\\nline, gathered up eleven of his neighbors, all unarmed,\\nand many of them inoffensive and peaceable, formed them", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "216 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nin line in a gloomy gulch and shot them. Four were in-\\nstantly killed, and all the survivors but one desperately\\nwounded. The ruffians mounted their horses and fled, and\\nHamilton was never again heard of by anyone familiar\\nwith this bloody crime. A blacksmith named Snyder\\nhad saved himself from the same fate by resisting witli\\nhis shotgun. Brown went to the point where these mur-\\nders were committed. It was believed for some time\\nthat he had purchased the claim upon which Snyder s\\nshop was located, and that he had built a strong fort upon\\nit, called Fort Snyder but this he never did. He enlisted\\na few men, among them many of the foremost in the Ter-\\nritory. He assumed the name of Shubel Morgan, and his\\nvolunteers were known as Shubel Morgan s Company.\\nThe nine rules for the government of the company arc\\ncharacteristic of the stern and Puritanical character of\\nBrown, and they are yet preserved in the library of the\\nHistorical Society. Augustus Wattles and James Mont-\\ngomery were privates in this company commanded by\\nShubel Morgan.\\nThe company saw. considerable service during the sum-\\nmer. Governor Denver posted some soldiers in the vicin-\\nity of the camp, which was near Trading Post. On the\\n23d of July Brown wrote that some of the soldiers of this\\ncompany had offered him their services, and that he had\\ndeclined them. Afterwards there was an attempt to cap-\\nture Brown, and this duty was intrusted to the United\\nStates troops. There was a sharp engagement between\\nBrown s company and these troops at Fox s Ford, on Big\\nSugar creek, in which a number were wounded on each\\nside. The troops were commanded by a Captain Farns-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n217\\nworth. Brown and his men are said to have disguised\\nthemselves as stone-masons, and worked for some time\\non a stone house being built by Augustus Wattles. Farns-\\nworth and his command stopped at the house of Mr.\\nWattles one day for dinner or water or under some other\\npretext, but really because they suspected that these stone-\\ncutters were Brown and his men. Brown was then con-\\ncealed in the loft of Mr. Wattles s cabin. While Mr. Wat-\\ntles and Captain Farnsworth discussed the desperate cour-\\nage of Old John Brown he was lying with his eye at a\\nrent in the wall not ten feet away, listening to the young\\nofficer, who boasted that he would make him prisoner yet.\\nHe remained for more than an hour, and it afforded Mr.\\nWattles much amusement to keep the officer always on the\\nsubject, as he knew that Brown was listening to all he\\nsaid.\\nDuring the summer he was for a time sick with an\\nague this so weakened him that he was unable to remain\\nin camp. He went to the home of his brother-in-law, the\\nRev. Mr. Adair, where he was very ill from an attack of\\ntyphoid fever. It was the 10th of September when he\\ncould again write to his friends. He returned to camp as\\nsoon as he was again well enough to bear the hardships\\nof the camp life, but he wrote that he was anxious to\\nreengage in preparation for the invasion of Virginia.\\nOn Sunday, December 19, 1858, a negro man came\\nfrom Missouri to Brown s camp and begged that his wife\\nand family be rescued from slavery before they were sold\\nto be carried South. The following Monday night Brown,\\nwith a number of men from his company, made a foray\\ninto Missouri, and secured these slaves, eleven in number,", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "218\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nand carried them into Kansas. They were carried to the\\nPottawatomie and kept in a cabin on the open prairie\\nfor more than a month, while every ravine and thicket\\nswarmed with people searching for them. No one thought\\nof their being concealed in the deserted old cabin in plain\\nview of a number of houses, and they escaped without\\ndetection. This raid was the occasion which caused the\\nwriting of the famous communication known, as Old\\nBrown s Parallels, which is as follows\\nOLD BROWN S PARALLELS.\\nTrading Post, Kansas, Jany, 1859.\\nGents You will greatly oblige a humble friend by\\nallowing me the use of your columns while I briefly state\\nTwo paralells in my poor way. Not One year ago Eleven\\nquiet citizens of this neighborhood (Viz) Wm Robertson,\\nWm Colpetzer, Amos Hall, Austin Hall, John Campbell\\nAsa Snyder, Thos Stilwell, Wm Hairgrove, Asa Hairgrove,\\nPatrick Ross, and B. L. Reed, were gathered up from their\\nwork, their homes by an armed force (under One Hamil-\\nton) without trial or opportunity to speak in their own\\ndefense were formed into a line all but one shot Five\\nkilled, Five wounded. One fell unharmed pretending\\nto be dead. All were left for dead. Now I inquire what\\naction has ever since (the occasion in May last) been\\ntaken by either the President of the United States; the\\nGovernor of Missouri the Governor of Kansas or any of\\ntheir tools: or by any proslavery or administration man?\\nNow for the other parallel. On Sunday the 19th of\\nDecember a Negro man called Jim came over to the Osage\\nsettlement from Missouri stated that he together with\\nhis Wife, Two Children, another Negro man were to\\nbe sold within a day or Two beged for help to get\\naway. On Monday night of the following day Two small\\ncompanies were made up to go to Missouri forcibly lib-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n219\\nerate the Five slaves together with other slaves. One of\\nthose companies I assumed to direct. We proceeded to\\nthe place surrounded the buildings liberated the slaves\\nalso took certain other property supposed to belong to the\\nEstate. We however learned before leaving that a portion\\nof the articles we had taken belonged to a man living on\\nthe plantation as a tenant who was supposed to have\\nno interest in the Estate. We promptly restored to him\\nall we had taken so far I believe. We then went to another\\nwhere we freed Five more slaves, took some property\\nTwo white men. We moved all slowly away into the\\nterritory for some distance then sent the White men back\\ntelling them to follow us as soon as they chose to do so.\\nThe other company freed One female slave took some\\nproperty as I am informed killed One White man (the\\nmaster) who fought against the liberation.\\nNow for a comparison. Eleven persons are forcibly\\nrestored to their natural; cC* until/enable rights Avith but\\none man killed; all Hell is stirred from beneath.\\nIt is currently reported that the Governor of J\\\\l i^-\\nsouri has made a requisition upon the Governor of Kan-\\nsas for the delivery of all such as were concerned in\\nthe last named dreadful outrage the Marshall of Kan-\\nsas is said to be collecting a posse of Missouri (not Kansas\\nmen) at West Point in Missouri a little town about Ten\\nMiles distant to enforce the laws, and all proslavery\\nconservative Free State dough faced men administration\\ntools are filled with holy horror.\\nRespectfully Yours,\\nJohn Brown.\\nThe Governor of Missouri offered a reward for the\\ncapture and delivery of John Brown, and this was supple-\\nmented by a reward offered by James Buchanan, President\\nof the United States, of two hundred and fifty dollars.\\nBrown immediately had printed a small handbill in which", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "220 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nhe publicly proclaimed that he thereby offered a reward\\nfor Buchanan, declaring that if any lover of his country\\nwould deliver that august personage to him, well tied, at\\nTrading Post, he would willingly pay such patriot the\\nsum of two dollars and fifty cents. It is said that reflec-\\ntion upon the matter afterwards convinced him that this\\nsum was more than the President was actually worth for\\nany purpose.\\nBrown now prepared to leave Kansas. He was anxious\\nto be on his way to Virginia. He had taken an old wagon\\nfrom the master in Missouri when he rescued the slaves.\\nThis was concealed in a rocky gorge some distance from\\nthe old cabin on the prairie where the slaves were kept.\\nIt was of a peculiar pattern, and almost covered with\\nchains chains here, and chains there, chains everywhere\\nand they made a deafening rattle and clangor when the\\nold wagon was in motion. About January 20, 1859,\\nBrown put his negroes into this wagon, hitched to it\\nthe two yoke of oxen taken from the slave-owner, and\\nset out for Canada. He was accompanied for a short\\ndistance by some friends from the Pottawatomie; but\\nthey soon turned back to their homes. The slaves had\\nlittle idea of the distance to Canada. Perhaps they ex-\\npected to arrive there in a day or two.\\nJim, who was driving an ox team, supposed to belong\\nto the estate, asked one of the liberators, How far is\\nit to Canada?\\nTwenty-five hundred miles.\\nTwenty-five hundred! Laws-a-massa Twenty-five\\nhundred miles! !No git dar fore spring! cried Jim, as,\\nraising his heavy whip and bringing it down on the ox s", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 221\\nback, he shouted impatiently, k Whoa-haw, Buck; git\\nup dar\u00e2\u0080\u0094 g lang, Bill\\nThe audacity and daring of the man is shown in the\\ncommencement of this journey. He was almost alone.\\nA price was on his head. His conveyance was such as\\nto attract attention anywhere, and the slowest known to\\ntraffic or travel. His route ran near the capital of the\\nTerritory, w r here he was wanted on many a charge. He\\nhad little or no food, and was clad in thin cotton garments\\nworn by him during the summer. But his stout heart\\nknew no fear. He pushed forward, the chains of the old\\nwagon rattling as it rolled over the prairie or plunged into\\nravines and draws. But he cared not for chains so long-\\nas they bound no slave. And he knew where to find his\\nfriends. At the house of Major James B. Abhott he\\ntarried for a short time. He avoided Lawrence, and\\ncame to Topeka by the way of Auburn, on the Wakarusa.\\nHere he remained a day or two, at the house of Daniel\\nSheridan, and some supplies of food and clothing were\\ngiven him. He crossed the Kansas river in the night, and\\nwas entertained by Gyrus Packard, Esq., a Free-State\\nman from Maine. He left the house of his friend before\\ndaylight, and followed on his way to Canada the old trail\\nmade by Lane s Army of the North. Beyond Holton he\\nwas threatened by a posse, commanded by Dr. J. ]ST. O. P.\\nWood, of Lecompton, and numbering some forty men.\\nThese were reinforced by some Atchison parties. He sent\\na messenger to Topeka for help, and some thirty-five men\\nresponded, but before they arrived the posse was routed.\\nThe last battle fought by the old Puritan on Kansas soil\\nresulted in the ignominious defeat of his enemies. After", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "222 TWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nhaving been reinforced by the party from Atchison, they\\nsupposed it impossible for Brown to escape them. There\\nwere forty-two of them, and they advanced to capture\\nBrown s camp. At this moment Brown and seven men\\ncame out of a wood and opened fire. Never wore men\\nmore surprised. They turned and fled in great disorder\\nsome were unhorsed. These were so terror-stricken that\\nthey seized the tails of the horses ridden by their fright-\\nened comrades, and disappeared over the prairie just\\nhitting the high places. Four of the party were cap-\\ntured by Brown. They wore retained some days and\\nreleased on the Nebraska side of the State line. They\\nrequested that their horses be returned to them, but Brown\\nassured them that they could well afford to walk back to\\nKansas. This last battle of the slave-owners with Brown\\nin Kansas was called derisively, the Battle of the Spurs,\\nby Richard J. Hintnn, then a Kansas correspondent for\\nEastern newspapers, and an ardent Free-State man and\\nchampion of freedom. The battle has always been called\\nby the name given it by Colonel Hinton.\\nBrown passed through the State of Iowa during the\\nmonth of February. At Tabor he was not well received.\\nAt Springdale, on the 25th, he was furnished food and\\nclothing for his fugitives and charged nothing for their\\nentertainment. He addressed full houses for two nights\\nin succession, and a small sum of money was realized by\\nthe collections. His notes for these addresses yet exist,\\nand are characteristic of the man. At Iowa City he was\\nassailed by the postmaster, with the following result:\\nIn the midst of a crowd on the street-corner a quiet\\nold countryman was seen listening to a champion of slav-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWN JU\\nery, who was denouncing Brown as a reckless, bloody\\noutlaw,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a man who never dared to fight fair, but skulked\\nand robbed, and murdered in the dark, adding, If I could\\nget sight of him I would shoot him on the spot; 1^ would\\nnever give him a chance to steal any more slaves. My\\nfriend, said the countryman in his modest way, you talk\\nvery brave and as you will never have a better opportunity\\nto shoot Old Brown than right here and now, you can\\nhave a chance. Then, drawing two revolvers from his\\npockets he offered one to the braggart, requesting him to\\ntake it and shoot as quick as he pleased. The mob orator\\nslunk away, and Brown returned his pistols to his\\npocket.\\nBrown carried his fugitives through Chicago to De-\\ntroit, where he crossed with them into Canada. From\\nCanada he went to Cleveland, Ohio, where he sold the\\nhorses taken from the enemy in the Battle of the Spurs.\\nHe explained that the title might be defective, but this\\ndid not affect the price secured. When his business in\\nCleveland was transacted, he went on to his home in\\nNorth Elba. He remained there but a short time, and\\nwent on to New England. He went by the way of Peter-\\nboro, N. Y., where he stopped to consult Gerrit Smith.\\nHe spent his birthday, the last that came to him in this\\nworld, with Mr. Sanborn, at Concord, Massachusetts.\\nThen he went to Boston to begin his preparations to go\\nupon his expedition to attack slavery in Virginia.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEK XL\\nTHE KENNEDY FARM.\\nAre your hands lifted towards the sun,\\nWhat time our onsets wax and wane?\\nDo you see troops of angels run\\nIn shining armor o er the plain?\\nI know not; but I know, full sooth,\\nNo wrath of hell, nor rage of man,\\nNor recreant servant of the Truth,\\nCan balk us of our Canaan.\\nRichard Realf.\\nJohn Brown succeeded in obtaining from his friends\\nin New England and New York a sum of money consid-\\nered by him sufficient to warrant his moving forward\\nin the enterprise he believed himself called of God to\\nundertake for humanity. He bore the burdens of the poor\\nand oppressed as they groaned in bitter bondage, cried\\nunder the merciless lash, and shrieked in the bloody jaws\\nof the fierce hounds which pulled them doAvn in their\\nflight towards a land of refuge and freedom.\\nThe summer of 1859 was spent in moving the arms\\nfrom Ohio and other points to the vicinity of Harper s\\nFerry, providing a temporary base of operations, enlist-\\ning men for his little army, and in becoming familiar\\nwith the topography of the country in which he intended\\nto carry on his warfare against the sum of all villainies.\\nChambereburg, Pennsylvania, was made the first point\\n(224)", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n225\\nof concentration. This town is some fifty miles north of\\nHarper s Ferry; and at that time there was no railroad\\nconnecting the two towns. When the rifles arrived there\\nfrom Ohio and the pikes from Connecticut, it was neces-\\nsary to transport them to the rendezvous on the Potomac\\nin wagons. Brown himself drove the teams on many of\\nthese trips to remove the arms.\\nOn June 23d Brown wrote his family from Akron,\\nOhio, and between that date and the 30th of the same\\nmonth he made his way to Chambersburg for at that\\ntime he wrote to Kagi, We leave here to-day for Harper s\\nFerry, via Hagerstown. There were with him at this\\ntime his sons Owen and Oliver, and Jerry Anderson.\\nJohn E. Cook was already living in Harper s Ferry,\\nwhere Brown and his companions appeared July 3d. He\\nbegan the search for a suitable location for his rendezvous,\\nand on the 4th was directed by a Marylander to the farm\\nbelonging to the heirs of Dr. Booth Kennedy, some five\\nmiles from Harper s Ferry, and on the Maryland side of\\nthe Potomac. There were two houses on this farm, both\\nstanding back from the highway, which was then little\\nused one of these houses was almost concealed by thickets\\nwhich grew between it and the road. The place was\\nadmirably adapted to Brown s purposes. He represented\\nthat he was a farmer, from New York; that the frosts\\nhad ruined his crops, and that he desired to come to a\\nccuntry more favorable in climate to his business. He\\nwished to rent a farm until he could become sufficiently\\nacquainted with the country to not be at a disadvantage\\nin buying. He rented the farm until the following March,\\npaying therefor the sum of thirty-five dollars, and agreeing\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009415", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "226\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nto care for some live-stock still on the farm, belonging to\\nthe heirs. He gave as his name, Isaac Smith, and the\\ntransaction was made in the name of I. Smith Sons.\\nWhen the constitution was adopted in Chatham, Can-\\nada, a provisional government was formed and its officers\\nelected: Captain John Brown was made Commander-in-\\nchief; John Henri Kagi was elected Secretary of War;,\\nRichard Realf, Secretary of State; and Owen Brown,\\nTreasurer. This government was not to become fully op-\\nerative until after the invasion of Virginia and a consid-\\nerable number of slaves had been liberated, when it was\\nto be proclaimed in the fastnesses of the Appalachians\\nin the inaccessible, abrupt and wooded hills of the Blue\\nRidge ranges. It was never intended to be the govern-\\nment of any body of people in Canada, but was to be\\nthe fundamental law of Brown s men and the accessions\\nto their body in Virginia and other Southern States. His\\nplans contemplated an advance from Harper s Ferry,\\nsouth, through the rugged hills, ultimately into the very\\nheart of the slave territory. A guerrilla warfare was to\\nbe waged against slave-owners slaves were to be liberated,\\narmed, and turned against their masters, who were to\\nbe kidnapped and only restored to freedom upon their\\nmanumission and release of a stipulated number of slaves.\\nForts were to be established at points difficult of access\\nand favorable for defense; these were to be in charge of\\narmed men, and as near one another as circumstances de-\\nmanded, at first some five miles intervening. The de-\\nscent upon the plantations was to be made from these\\nfortified camps their location was to be made known to\\nsuch slaves as could be safely intrusted with the infonna-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n227\\ntion, and were to serve as asylums or posts of refuge for\\nthe slaves who from any cause fled from any master.\\nSlavery was declared by Brown to be a state of war be-\\ntween master and slave, consequently any armed force in\\nthe interest of the slave was entitled by the rules of war\\nto support from the enemy if it could be seized. On\\nthis theory and this alone did he forcibly take horses, im-\\nplements, arms and food from the slave-owners and their\\nallies in Kansas and Missouri. In this battle against\\nslavery in the Appalachians he expected to prey upon\\nthe masters for food and all other supplies necessary\\nfor the maintenance of this warfare and for the welfare\\nof those he liberated.\\nJohn Brown believed that the little garrisons of these\\nmountain forts could resist largely superior forces, and if\\ndefeated that they could make their way through the path-\\nless woods to another station. He expected that blood-\\nhounds would be placed on his trail in these forays upon\\nthe plantations, but he believed they could be killed,\\nand that the pursuit would not be pressed by the planters.\\nHe believed he might persuade the planters, or some of\\nthem, to assist him and cooperate with him when he had\\nmade slaveholding unprofitable because of the uncertainty\\nof value and insecurity of property in slaves. It was his\\nhope to eventually extend his provisional government over\\nall the hill-country of the South, from Harper s Ferry\\nto Alabama, maintain his position, and carry this guerrilla\\nwarfare successfully forward until the abolition of slavery\\nshould be accomplished.\\nThe original plans of Brown did not contemplate such\\nattacks as he afterwards made upon Harper s Ferry.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "22S\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nWhile the movement was to be inaugurated at that point,\\nthe attack upon the town and capture of the Federal prop-\\nerty there were perhaps not included in the original de-\\nsign. The forts were to be established in the peaks and\\ncrags and the warfare commenced by silent and swift\\nmovements and sudden retreats similar to his forays into\\nMissouri. The mystery surrounding his movements, the\\nuncertainty of the extent of the conspiracy, the sudden\\nand unexpected development and appearance of it, and\\nthe number engaged in it, would have been mighty factors\\nin its favor. While it is certain that he never could have\\nsucceeded as he hoped, he might have accomplished much.\\nThe value of the Appalachians for such purposes was\\nrecognized by General Washington, who declared that if\\nhe was defeated on the Atlantic seaboard he would retire\\nto these mountains and continue the war. Brown s deter-\\nmination to attack Harper s Ferry was an error, but this\\naction led ultimately to the accomplishment of all he had\\nhoped for, although in a very different way from what he\\nexpected. It was the inauguration of a new and different\\nmanner of fighting slavery. It so widened the breach\\nthat compromise was impossible really the first great\\npractical step in the battle for emancipation. It is prob-\\nable that an examination of the highlands in the imme-\\ndiate vicinity revealed no sites for forts to his liking.\\nIt was September before he spoke to his men of any\\nmodification of his plans, and first to his son Owen. But\\nFrederick Douglass visited him at Chambersburg in Au-\\ngust, at his request. Brown made known to him his\\nchange of purpose and his intention to attack the town\\nof Harper s Ferry as the opening or initial blow of his", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "joim Btjowisr\\n229\\ncampaign against slavery in its own country. Douglass\\ntried to dissuade him, but in vain. Brown urged Douglass\\nto join him in the campaign, but Douglass declined to\\ntake any part in it. All of Browm s men opposed the new\\norder, and so much was urged against it that John Brown\\nresigned as Commander-in-chief, though he was immedi-\\nately reelected. From that time, opposition to the attack\\nupon the town and the seizure of the Federal property\\nceased, and the new plan was acquiesced in.\\nThe Government received warning of the intended in-\\nvasion of Virginia for the purpose of creating insurrec-\\ntion among the slaves about the 25th of August, but it\\nseems that little attention was given this communication\\nconveying the information, as it was anonymous. And\\nthe country had some intimation of what might shortly\\ntake place, but neither the Government nor the public\\ncomprehended these warnings nor heeded them in the\\nleast. And when the blow descended, the country was\\nas much surprised as if nothing had been publicly said\\nof an insurrection.\\nThe little band at the Kennedy farm grew slowly. Ad-\\nditions arrived singly, or by twos and threes. Oliver\\nBrown s wife and Anne, the daughter of John Brown,\\nwere brought from North Elba to prevent suspicion, which\\nmight (and did) arise at sight of so many strange men on\\nthe farm. The women were to keep watch, and warn of\\ndanger. The men remained in the upper story of the large\\nhouse during the day, where they drilled and studied the\\nscience of war. Sometimes they read, but time went\\nheavily with them by day at night they descended from\\ntheir loft to walk about the fields and over the hills.", "height": "2714", "width": "1738", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "230 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nSometimes the girls gathered autumn wild-flowers and\\nmade nosegays, which they sent aloft to cheer the weary\\nhours of the grim and waiting warriors. When at the\\nfarm John Brown went to church, and held converse with\\nhis neighbors when he saw them, lie spent much time\\non the road to and from Chamhersburg. He was often at\\nHarper s Ferry, and soon gained a perfect knowledge of\\nthe surrounding country. He even visited the armory\\nand gun-factory.\\nThe men composing John Brown s army of invasion\\nwere from various places. A brief sketch of them must\\nhere suffice.\\n1. John Brown, Commander-in-chief.\\n2. Watson Brown, Captain. Son of John Brown.\\n3. Oliver Brown, Captain. Son of John Brown.\\n4. Owen Brown, Captain and Treasurer. Son of\\nJohn Brown.\\n5. William Thompson. Son of Boswell Thompson;\\nborn in New Hampshire, in August, 1833. Married in\\nthe fall of 1858 to Mary Brown, who was not related to\\nthe family of John Brown. His sister Isabel was mar-\\nried to Watson Brown; and Henry Thompson, his elder\\nbrother, was married to Ruth, the daughter of John\\nBrown.\\nG. Dauphin Thompson. Brother of William Thomp-\\nson. Lieutenant. Was born April 17, 1838. He was\\nvery quiet, with fair, thoughtful face, curly blonde hair,\\nand baby-blue eyes. Slain at Harper s Ferry.\\n7. John Henry Kagi. Born March 15, 1835, in Bris-\\ntol, Trumbull county, Ohio. His father had come from\\nthe Shenandoah Valley, in Virginia, to Ohio. He was", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n231\\ncold in manner, rather coarse of fiber and rough in ap-\\npearance, an agnostic, and mentally the ablest man in\\nJohn Brown s army. Was very brave and determined.\\nWas a lawyer. When he was young his father went to\\nCalifornia, but returned and settled on Camp creek in\\nOtoe county, Nebraska. Came to Kansas in 1856, arriv-\\ning at Topeka July 4th, where he witnessed the dispersal\\nof the Legislature by Colonel Sumner. Immediately\\nidentified himself with the Free-State forces, and became\\none of John Brown s most devoted followers. Bore the\\ntitle of Secretary of War in the provisional government;\\nnext in command to John Brown; was adjutant. Slain\\nat Harper s Ferry.\\n8. Aaron Dwight Stevens. Born in Lisbon, New\\nLondon county, Connecticut, March 15, 1831. His great-\\ngrandfather, Moses Stevens, was an officer in the war of\\nthe Revolution, and his grandfather was a soldier in\\nthe War of 1812. Served through the Mexican War,\\nand was honorably discharged. In 1851 he enlisted\\nin the regular army, joining the regiment of dragoons\\ncommanded by Colonel Sumner, and served in the capa-\\ncity of bugler; in this service he was in Wyoming, Colo-\\nrado, Kansas, Nebraska, and New Mexico. Struck an\\nofficer for brutally punishing a comrade; was court-\\nmartialed and ordered to be shot, but his sentence was\\ncommuted to three years imprisonment at hard labor.\\nEscaped, and concealed himself in the Delaware Reserve,\\nfrom whence he came to Topeka early in 1856. He gave\\nhis name as Charles Whipple, and served in the Free-\\nState forces as Captain, where he was known as Captain\\nWhipple. Met John Brown August 7, 1856, at the Ne-", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "232 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nbraska line, when Lane s Army of the North marched into\\nKansas. Became one of Brown s bravest and most devoted\\nfollowers. He was an ideal soldier, six feet and three\\ninches high, finely formed, of impressive appearance, very\\nintelligent, and brave as a lion. Unmarried. Captured,\\nand executed in the following March.\\n9. John E. Cook. Born in Haddam, Connecticut, in\\n1830. Of an old Puritan family which was quite wealthy.\\nFive feet and seven inches in height, handsome, quick in\\nmovement, an incessant talker, blue-eyed, and had curly\\nblonde hair. A devoted follower of Brown, though con-\\nsidered indiscreet. Was the one man who believed that\\nit was best to attack the town of Harper s Ferry. Was\\nsent to that town in advance of others, and lived in the\\ncity. Passed much of his time in gathering information\\nabout slaves, and perhaps in communication with them,\\nalthough this is denied by the family of Brown. It is\\nreasonable to believe that he had found that the slaves\\nwould not rise at the first appearance of Brown, though\\nhe believed they would flock to the standard when the blow\\nhad been struck. Was married, and had wife and one\\nchild in Harper s Ferry up to within a month of the\\nattack. One of his sisters married a Mr. Willard, who\\nwas, in 1859, Governor of Indiana. Cook escaped from\\nHarper s Ferry, but was captured at Chambersburg, re-\\nturned to Virginia, tried and convicted, made a confession,\\nand was hanged.\\n10. Charles Plummee Tidd. Captain. Born in Pa-\\nlermo, Waldo county, Maine, in 1832. Five feet nine\\ninches high, strong and broad-shouldered. Dark eyes and\\nbeard, and black hair. Was sharp in retort, and over-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 233\\nbearing. Came to Kansas in 1856. Was turned aside\\nby the blockade of the Missouri river, and came into the\\nTerritory through Iowa and Nebraska. Met John Brown\\nand his sons, Owen and Oliver, at Tabor, Iowa. Was ever\\nafter a faithful follower of Brown, and was fully trusted\\nby him. He and Cook were particularly warm friends.\\nOpposed the attack on Harper s Ferry. Escaped, and en-\\nlisted in a Massachusetts regiment, in the Civil War,\\nand died in service.\\n11. William H. Leeman. Lieutenant. Was born in\\nMaine March 20, 1839. In 1856 he determined to go to\\nKansas, and left Massachusetts in June of that year, in\\nthe party led by Dr. Cutter. Was turned back by the\\nMissouri blockade, and found his way to Kansas through\\nIowa. Joined John Brown s Kegulars, September 9,\\n1856, and was thereafter one of his trusted followers.\\nWas in the Springdale (Iowa) school of instruction.\\nSlain at Harper s Ferry.\\n12. Barclay Coppoc. Born in Salem, Ohio, January\\n4, 1839, of Quaker parents, who moved to Springdale,\\nIowa. Young Coppoc was in Kansas a short time in 1856.\\nDrilled in the Springdale school. Although young, he\\nseems to have been trusted by John Brown. Escaped\\nfrom Harper s Ferry, and was killed in a wreck on the\\nHannibal St. Joseph Bailroad caused by rebels, who\\nsawed the bridge timbers partly off.\\n13. Edwin Coppoc. Lieutenant. Born near Salem,\\nColumbiana county, Ohio, June 30, 1835. Elder brother\\nof Barclay Coppoc. Hung in Virginia December 16,\\n1859. Was brave and generous, honorable, loyal, and\\ntrue.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "234 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\n14. Albert Hazlett. Lieutenant. Born in Indiana\\ncounty, Pennsylvania, September 21, 1837. Came to\\nKansas in 1857, perhaps as early as May. Located in\\nLinn county, and was an ardent Free-State man. Was a\\nfollower of Montgomery. When John Brown appeared\\nthere he attached himself to the old hero s little band, and\\nwas one of the men who went into Missouri to liberate\\nthe eleven slaves. Escaped from Harper s Ferry, but\\nwas captured near Chambersburg, and returned to Vir-\\nginia as William Harrison; tried there, and executed on\\nthe 16th of March, 1860.\\n15. Jeremiah G. Anderson. Lieutenant. Born in\\nPutnam county, Indiana, April 17, 1833. His ancestors\\nwere officers in the War of the Revolution, and were Vir-\\nginians and slaveholders they removed to Kentucky, and\\nfrom there to Wisconsin, and finally to Indiana. Ander-\\nson came to Kansas in the fall of 1857, and purchased a\\nclaim on the Little Osage. He was a strong Free-State\\nman, and bore his part in the troubles in southeastern\\nKansas. Killed at Harper s Ferry by a bayonet-thrust\\nof one of the marines. One of the prisoners described\\nAnderson as turning completely over against the wall [to\\nwhich he was pinned by the bayonet] in his dying agony.\\nHe lived a short time, stretched on the brick walk without,\\nwhere he was subjected to savage brutalities, being kicked\\nin body and face, while one brute of an armed farmer spat\\na huge quid of tobacco from his vile jaws into the mouth\\nof the dying man, which he first forced open.\\n16. Francis Jackson Merriam. Born November 17,\\n1837, in Framingham, Massachusetts. His family had\\nbeen for a previous generation opposed to slavery. Mer-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n235\\nriam came to Kansas, but seems to have borne little part\\nin the struggle here, as he did not arrive before 1858.\\nWas ardent in his desire to tight slavery, and solicited\\nservice under John Brown. Was educated; had some\\nmoney. Escaped from Harper s Ferry after the attack;\\nafterwards settled in Illinois, and enlisted in the Union\\narmy. Died November 28, 1865.\\n17. Steward Taylor. Born in Uxbridge, in the prov-\\nince of Ontario, Canada, October 29, 1836. Left his home\\nto go to Kansas, in his youth, but was seriously ill for\\nsome time in Missouri. After he recovered he visited Ar-\\nkansas, and finally went to Iowa. Here he worked in a\\nwagon factory, and became acquainted with George B.\\nGill, Esq., who introduced him to John Brown. Erom\\nIowa he went to Chatham, Canada, where he attended\\nthe convention which adopted the provisional constitution.\\nAfter this he was one of John Brown s most ardent fol-\\nlowers. Killed at Harper s Ferry.\\n18. Shields Green. Fugitive slave from Charleston,\\nS. C. Joined Brown at Chambersburg, having come there\\nwith Frederick Douglass, August 19th was known as the\\nEmperor, but how he obtained this name is not now\\nknown. Was very brave. Captured with John Brown,\\nand executed December 16, 1859.\\n19. Dangekeield JSTewby. Free negro, married to a\\nslave woman living some thirty miles from Harper s\\nFerry. Became acquainted with Brown in Canada. Was\\nkilled at Harper s Ferry. His wife was immediately\\nsold to a dealer in Louisiana, and was living there some\\nyears since.\\n20. John A. Copeland. Free nearo: lived at Ober-", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "236 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nlin, Ohio. Seems to have been induced by friends there\\nto join Brown, and was given money to pay his expenses\\nto Chambersburg. Was captured, and executed on the\\n16th of December, 1859.\\n21. Lewis Sherrard Leary. Free negro; married,\\nand lived in Oberlin, Ohio. Said to have been the first\\nOberlin recruit to Brown s army. Was furnished money\\nto go from Oberlin to Chambersburg, and accompanied\\nJohn A. Copeland to that town. Was killed at Harper s\\nFerry.\\n22. John Anderson. A free negro from Boston.\\nKilled at Harper s Ferry. Nothing definite is known of\\nthis man. There is a question as to who he was, where\\nhe came from, even that there was such a man in\\nBrown s company.\\n23. Osborn P. Anderson. Negro; born free, in Penn-\\nsylvania. Was a printer, and was working in Chatham,\\nCanada, at his trade, when he met John Brown. Became\\none of his most devoted followers. Was a man of some\\nability, and of undoubted courage. Fought bravely at\\nHarper s Ferry, and escaped. Afterwards he wrote an\\ninteresting account of the foray into Virginia, entitled\\nA Voice from Harper s Ferry. It is one of the most\\nreliable and valuable accounts prepared of that invasion.\\nAnderson enlisted in the Union army, and fought through\\nthe Civil War; he died in Washington City in 1871.\\nOthers had been expected; they did not arrive in time\\nto take part in the attack. Some of the men afterwards\\nsaid the assault was made some days before the time first\\nfixed for it, and this prevented the assembling of the\\nfull force. John Brown, jr., wrote on the 8th of Septem-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN oi\\nber: From what I even bad understood, I had sup-\\nposed you would not tHnh it best to commence opening the\\ncoal-banks before spring, unless circumstances should make\\nit imperative. It is very probable that the attack was\\nhastened by some information which made Brown believe\\nthat to delay was to be fatal to his enterprise. Francis\\nJackson Merriam was the last accession to Browns army\\nto arrive at the Kennedy farm.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nTHE SEIZURE OF HARPER S FERRY.\\nOur hearts are as nothing our gashes and scars\\nAre worn without boastings and shammings:\\nWhat have men who have climbed to the steeps of the stars\\nTo do with Earth s vauntings and claimings?\\nBut the Altars of Righteousness reared on the mounds\\nWhere our canonized heroes lie sleeping\\nNot a stone must be touched while the sun swings his rounds,\\nAnd our sabers are still in our keeping!\\nRichard Realf.\\nThe lGth of October, 1859, was Sunday. The day Avas\\ncloudy and lowering, and the night brought darkness, cold,\\nand finally rain. John Brown had returned from Phila-\\ndelphia during the previous Friday night. On Sunday\\nmorning he arose earlier than usual, and called his men\\nto worship. The day was a busy one. The men were\\nassembled in council at ten o clock, and for some time\\ntheir enterprise was discussed. The constitution was\\nread by Stevens, and those who had not done so before\\nwere sworn by Brown to support it and the new govern-\\nment they were about to undertake battle to establish.\\nCommissions were given those officers who had not before\\nreceived them. During the afternoon Brown formulated\\nand published eleven orders for the present government of\\nthe men in their coming attack. It was a serious, solemn\\nday, and each man realized that grave work lay ready to\\n(238;", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 239\\nhis hand, the result of which would be fraught with mo-\\nmentous consequences to himself and others. John Brown\\nhad looked for this day and prayed for its coining for a\\nquarter of a century. What it had for him he did not\\nknow; he was conscious of his own rectitude; and he held\\nhigh and noble purposes, for the result he was willing\\nto trust God.\\nAt eight o clock the men were ordered to arm them-\\nselves, and were told that they were to proceed to the\\nFerry. Only twenty of the twenty-three went, for by the\\nfirst of the eleven orders Owen Brown, F. J. Merriam and\\nBarclay Coppoc were left at the farm to guard the arms\\nuntil they could be removed to the school-house within\\ntwo miles of the Ferry and on the Maryland side of the\\nPotomac. The wagon was driven to the door, and some\\npikes, a sledge-hammer and a crowbar were placed in it.\\nThen Brown put on his old Kansas cap, and climbed\\ninto the wagon after which he said to the men, who were\\nranked in marching order, Come, boys. He led the\\nway to the main road, driving down the rugged path, the\\nold wagon rattling over the road-worn stones, making a\\nnoise which sounded loud and harsh to the men, now\\nwrought to high nerve-tension. The men marched in\\ncouples, each couple a given distance in the rear of that\\nin advance, John E. Cook and Charles P. Tidd leading\\nthe column. It was the order that anyone met in the\\nhighway should be held until the column had passed on\\nor the men had concealed themselves until the wayfarer\\ncould be conducted away from the line of march. If they\\nwere overtaken by a traveler the orders were the same.\\nThe lonely road, shut out from the dull light of the over-", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "240 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\ncast sky by the somber branches of beech and oak draped\\nin autumn mists, proved to be solitary and unfrequented\\nby nocturnal wanderers. The men were unmolested and\\nundiscovered, and they marched in melancholy silence\\ndown to the bridge over the Potomac at Harper s Ferry.\\nHarper s Ferry is built in the fork of the Potomac and\\nShenandoah rivers. The manufacturing portion of the\\ntown is along the river-banks. Here are two streets, one\\nleading up each river. Back of these river streets the\\nland rises abruptly to a considerable height, and forms a\\nsort of uneven plateau, upon a part of which the residence\\nportion of the town is situated. This plateau increases\\nin height as it recedes from the junction of the rivers.\\nAt some points its sides are perpendicular, or even over-\\nhanging, and a short distance up the rivers it rises to many\\ntimes the height of the tallest buildings along the water s\\nedge. The whole country bears the aspect of bold rugged-\\nnesSj and the swift waters of the troubled rivers tumbling\\nover stony and broken beds swirl together fiercely and\\nlend a sense of savageness to the general visage of nature\\nthere. The bridge runs from the point between the rivers,\\nwith a down-stream diagonal course to the Maryland side.\\nThere was a bridge across the Shenandoah, from the\\ntown to the bluffs on the opposite side. The armory was\\nnear the Virginia terminal of this bridge, with the rail-\\nroad between it and the Potomac river. The arsenal was\\na short distance up the Potomac, immediately on its bank,\\nand between the railroad and the river. The rifle-works\\nwere on an island in the Shenandoah river, something\\nlike a half-mile from its junction with the Potomac, and\\nthat distance from the other Federal buildings. The", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n241\\nengine-house was a part of the arsenal and armory, al-\\nthough a little distance up the Potomac. The arsenal yard\\nextended to the Shenandoah. There seems to have been\\na musket-factory something more than a quarter of a mile\\nup the Potomac.\\nIt was the duty of John E. Cook and Charles P. Tidd\\nto tear down or cut the telegraph wires on the Maryland\\nside of the Potomac during the night, and to do the same\\non the Virginia side when the town was captured. When\\nfor this purpose they left the ranks of the advancing army,\\nKagi and Stevens remained in advance. These secured\\nthe watchman at the bridge, and when the little band en-\\ntered this thoroughfare, covered and inclosed like a house,\\nthey strapped their cartridge-boxes outside their coats and\\nunmasked their Sharps rifles, which until now they had\\nconcealed. Watson Brown and Steward Taylor were di-\\nrected to guard the bridge and hold it until morning, and\\nuntil they were relieved. Brown then drove his wagon to\\nthe gate of the armory; he was accompanied by his four-\\nteen remaining men, and they arrived at the armory gate\\nabout half-past ten o clock. They forced the armory gate\\nwith a crowbar, ran into the building, and secured one of\\nthe watchmen there. Brown sent Kagi and Copeland to\\ncapture the rifle-works. They were successful, and cap-\\ntured the watchmen at that place; they sent these to\\nBrown, at the armory. The captured watchmen and\\nbridge-guard were guarded by Jeremiah G. Anderson and\\n1 Lie younger Thompson. Brown himself mounted guard\\nat the armory gate, assisted by two men. Hazlett took\\npossession of that part of the armory known as the arsenal.\\nBy one o clock of Monday morning, the 17th, Brown had\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009416", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "242 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ncomplete possession of Harper s Ferry and all the arms\\nof the Federal Government then at that place; this was\\naccomplished without firing a gun or shedding blood.\\nHe then sent Stevens, Cook, and four others up the turn-\\npike towards Charlestown, to bring in Colonel Lewis W.\\nWashington and his slaves. As they started upon this\\nerrand the night mail train on the Baltimore Ohio Rail-\\nroad came down the Potomac on its way from Wheeling\\nto Baltimore. This train was stopped at the bridge by\\nWatson Brown and Steward Taylor. This was the cause\\nof the first bloodshed. The train porter, a free negro\\nnamed Hayward, who lived at Harper s Ferry, went out\\nto ascertain the cause of the arrest of the train and to\\nsearch for the bridge-guard. When he appeared on the\\nbridge he was halted by Brown s men, and instead of com-\\nplying with this order he turned and fled. He was fired\\nupon by Brown and Taylor, one shot striking him in the\\nback; from the effect of this wound he died in a few\\nhours. The train was detained until morning dawned.\\nThis was the first mistaken move of Brown at Harper s\\nFerry no wires should have been cut until this train was\\nwell out of the town toward Baltimore, and it should have\\nbeen allowed to pass without any knowledge of Brown s\\npresence at Harper s Ferry.\\nIn the gray light of the dull morning, which broke chill\\nand damp, the expedition sent up the Potomac arrived\\nwith Colonel Washington and other slave-owners, and witii\\nthe Colonel s large four-horse wagon. The Cavalier was\\nmet and welcomed by the stern old Puritan who had sent\\nfor him. You will find a fire in here, sir; it is rather\\ncool this morning, was his greeting. The slaves brought", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 243\\nin were armed with pikes, but seem to have done little to\\naid Brown. Some of them may have remained with him\\nfor a short time, but they evidently escaped as soon as\\npossible. This was the first real disappointment of Brown.\\nThe slave-owners were added to the prisoners already held\\nand the wagon in which they arrived was immediately\\ndispatched to the Kennedy farm to remove the arms re-\\nmaining there to the school-house, two miles from the\\ntown, to be from there distributed to the slaves, who it\\nwas hoped would come in numbers to the aid of Brown as\\nsoon as they heard of the presence of the invaders.\\nAs the morning advanced the people began to move\\nabout the streets in pursuit of their daily vocations. As\\nthey appeared they were captured and taken to the ar-\\nmory by ten o clock these prisoners numbered some sixty.\\nMany of them were workmen who came down to their\\ndaily toil in the armory and rifle-works. One was a bar-\\ntender in a near-by hotel. Brown exchanged this man for\\nbreakfast for his men and prisoners.\\nThe train carried the news of an insurrection at Har-\\nper s Ferry, and the startling intelligence that the town\\nwas in the hands of the rebels. From a military point\\nof view Brown blundered constantly after he gained pos-\\nsession of the armory and town. The first mistake was\\nthe capture of the train; the second was to allow it to\\nproceed. Brown said he did this to relieve the anxiety\\nof passengers on the train and their relatives, as well as\\nthose of the men in charge of the train. To have made\\nany sort of success Brown should have destroyed the Fed-\\neral buildings and arms, as well as the railroad and other\\nbridges, and then have fled to the mountains. If he had", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "244 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ndone this, his blow would have been surrounded with such\\nmystery and followed by such destruction that, for a time,\\nrumor, magnifying a thousand-fold his forces, pursuit\\nwould have been paralyzed. He could have escaped, and\\nfrom his view the expedition would have been something\\nof a success. His plans contemplated a quick abandon-\\nment of the town, and he was urged by Kagi, Stevens and\\nothers to comply with this understanding and agreement.\\nWhy he delayed to do so he did not himself know. He\\ngave as his reason that he wanted to allay the fears of\\nthose who believed we came here to burn and kill. For\\nthis reason, he said, I allowed the train to cross the\\nbridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on. I did it\\nonly to spare the feelings of those passengers and their\\nfamilies, and to allay the apprehensions that you had got\\nhere in your vicinity a band of men who had no regard\\nfor life and property, nor any feelings of humanity.\\nThe real cause of his delay was the failure of the slaves to\\nflock to his standard. He strained his eyes in vain for\\nthe sight of crowds of them flocking over the hills and\\nalong the valleys to take up arms for themselves. He de-\\nlayed in waiting for them until it was too late to escape.\\nPerhaps he expected no general uprising in fact, he says\\nhe did not expect or desire that; but he certainly expected\\na very considerable accession of negroes to his ranks at\\nHarper s Ferry. But his expectation was not reasonable.\\nThe slaves were unacquainted with him; they had not\\nheard of him. The negro is suspicious, and the slaves had\\nbeen ground down for centuries there was no widespread\\ndetermination to fight for freedom, perhaps no thought of\\n*uch determination. The war proved that the negro was", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWN\\n245\\nnot ripe for rising the white man forced the issue which\\ngave to the black man his freedom.\\nAt noon, on Monday, it was barely possible for Brown\\nto have escaped; after that his fate was fixed. Troops\\nbeo-an to arrive. By one o clock it was impossible for\\nhim to assemble his men, and it was necessary that each\\nman fight from the position he then occupied; he could\\nsecure no other. Those in the arsenal just across the\\nstreet from the engine-house could not join their leader;\\nthose on the Maryland side of the Potomac could not come\\nto his assistance. By three o clock Kagi and his compan-\\nions were forced to abandon the rifle-factory, and were all\\nkilled or captured. Militia and citizens were firing from\\nevery point of vantage. Colonel Kobert E. Lee arrived\\nfrom Washington at the close of the day, but only the\\nengine-house remained in possession of the invaders at\\nthat time this was defended by Brown and six men, two\\nof whom were wounded. Hazlett and Osborn P. Ander-\\nson yet remained in the arsenal, but could do nothing, and\\nthey finally escaped. Upon the arrival of Colonel Lee a\\nflag of truce was sent to Brown, and his surrender de-\\nmanded. He replied that he knew what that meant a\\nrope for his men and himself; adding, I prefer to die\\njust here. This flag was carried in by Captain J. E.\\nB. Stuart, who had met Brown and detained him a short\\ntime in Kansas. Stuart recognized him, and from this\\nmeeting his identity became known. Stuart returned at\\ndaylight the following morning, but Brown had not\\nchanged his mind, and still answered, No I prefer to\\ndie here. Lee began his attack at once. The door failed\\nto yield to the force of hammers, and a long ladder was", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "246\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ngrasped by its rungs by a file of men on each side of it;\\nthey battered down the door and pushed back the barri-\\ncade against it. During this assault upon the door, Brown,\\nseeing the hopelessness of further resistance, cried out that\\nhe surrendered. His assailants did not hear him, and per-\\nhaps their course would not have been changed if they had.\\nA Lieutenant Green was the first to enter the engine-\\nhouse, and was greeted with a shower of balls. Colonel\\nWashington pointed out Brown he sprang about twelve\\nfeet at him, giving an under-thrust of his sword, striking\\nBrown about midway the body, and raising him com-\\npletely from the ground. Brown fell forward with his\\nhead between his knees, while Green struck him several\\ntimes over the head, and, as I then supposed, split his\\nskull at every stroke. Brown was pinned to the ground\\nwith bayonets, one of which passed through his left kidney,\\nand he was supposed to be dead.\\nThe fight was over the work was done. John Brown\\nwas a prisoner, surrounded by politicians, soldiers, re-\\nporters, and vengeful spectators. His son, Owen, with\\nhis followers, Cook, Tidd, Barclay Coppoc, and F. J.\\nMerriam, as also Albert Hazlett and O. P. Anderson, on\\ntheir own account, were fugitives. Of these, Cook and\\nHazlett were captured, tried, and executed. Stevens,\\nEdwin Coppoc, Copeland and Shields Green were hung;\\nwhile Oliver and Watson Brown, William and Dauphin\\nThompson, John H. Kagi, William Leeman, Steward\\nTaylor, Lewis S. Leary, Jeremiah G. Anderson, and Dan-\\ngerfield Newby were killed in combat or as prisoners.\\nJohn Brown had failed because he departed from his\\nwell-matured plans. He erred when he determined to", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\nabandon the plan of twenty years and make the attack.\\nWhen the attack was made, some success might have en-\\nsued had he kept to his design to abandon the town sooft\\nafter daylight. By a few minutes past noon all possibility\\nof even escape was gone. All that could then be done was\\nto fight to the end, and desperately and grimly did he\\ndo this. Colonel Washington bore witness to his bravery.\\nGovernor Wise said, And Colonel Washington said that\\nhe\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Brown was the coolest man he ever saw in defying\\ndeath and danger. With one son dead by his side, and\\nanother shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son\\nwith one hand and held the rifle with the other, and\\ncommanded his men with the utmost composure, encourag-\\ning them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dearly as\\npossible. When John Brown was carried out and placed\\nin the yard with the dead and dying, it seemed that\\nhe had failed. For a day or two he may have feared so\\nhimself but this did not long continue.\\nGod moves in a mysterious way,\\nHis wonders to perform\\nHe plants his footsteps in the sea,\\nAnd rides upon the storm.\\nHe was enabled to see God s hand. All our actions,\\neven all the follies that led to this disaster, were decreed\\nto happen, ages before the world was made, he said.\\nWhen the scaffold was erected before his eyes he saw\\nit erected in God s mercy and in the execution of His\\nplans. He saw that the journey of his life had been di-\\nrected to it by One that was mightier than he. That\\nunto him it was now to be given to die a martyr for\\nhumanity, for his brother, for the poor, the despised, the", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "2-18 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nbondman, the oppressed. Such an exceeding weight of\\nglory is apportioned to few men in this world. He saw\\nthe scaffold baptized in the blood of brave men fighting\\nby his side, and as it arose it was consecrated by the\\ngroans and tears of children and mothers and fathers\\nwailing in a bitter thralldom. He had faithfully labored\\nin the vineyard of his Master, and now his reward was\\ncome, and a greater reward than has fallen to many other\\nmen.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII.\\nTRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN.\\nPortia. Why, this bond is forfeit;\\nAnd lawfully by this the Jew may claim\\nA pound of flesh, to be by him cut off\\nNearest the merchant s heart.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Be merciful:\\nTake thrice thy money; bid me tear the bond.\\nShylock. When it is paid according to the tenour.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIt doth appear you are a worthy judge;\\nYou know the law; your exposition\\nHath been most sound: I charge you by the law,\\nWhereof you are a well-deserving pillar,\\nProceed to judgment. By my soul I swear,\\nThere is no power in the tongue of man\\nTo alter me. I stay here on my bond.\\nAntonio. Most heartily do I beseech the court\\nTo give the judgment.\\nPortia. Why then, thus it is:\\nYou must prepare your bosom for his knife.\\nShylock. noble judge! O excellent young man!\\nPortia. For the intent and purpose of the law\\nHath full relation to the penalty\\nWhich here appeareth due upon the bond.\\nShylock. lis very true. O wise and upright judge!\\nHow much more elder art thou than thy looks!\\nPortia. Therefore lay bare your bosom.\\nShylock. A M3 breast 5\\nSo says the bond\u00e2\u0080\u0094 doth it not, noble judge?\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nNearest his heart; those are the very words.\\nPortia. You, merchant, have you anything to say?\\nAntonio. But little; I am arm d and well prepar d\\nShakespeare s Merchant of Venice.\\n(249)", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "250\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nJohn Brown was immediately closely questioned. No\\nmistake can be charged to him after his capture. His\\nmind cleared at once; his duty to humanity and himself\\nstood out distinct and clearly denned. Doubts and hesi-\\ntation fled. His statements and avowals were frank, very\\nfull, and very ingenious. Iso man ever said more pre-\\ncisely what he intended to say than did John Brown to\\nhis inquisitors in Virginia. Interrogators were numerous\\nand of all ranks, and they came at all times, both by night\\nand by day. Governor Wise, shortsighted, and with no\\nunderstanding at all of what this foray meant, stood in\\nthe presence of one of the heroes of the ages with mind\\nnow cleared by the revelation of God s purpose, and re-\\nceived plain and simple statements which it took four\\nyears of war to make him understand. Vallandigham,\\nthe pusillanimous, slimy, cringing demagogue and malig-\\nnant blatherskite, the Ohio doughface, hurried to Har-\\nper s Ferry, broke in abruptly upon the wounded man,\\ninterrupted the Southern inquisitors, bullied the old hero\\nfor a short time, and retired in discomfiture but with the\\nhope that his zeal for the slave-owners had been noted,\\nand that he should be rewarded by them when they\\nshould come to distribute the offices. Having no fixed\\nprinciples, nor the remotest concej)tion of right, honor\\nand truth, he could have no comprehension of an action\\ngrowing out of a deep conviction of justice and a desire\\nto sacrifice even one s life for the benefit of humanity.\\nHe evidently expected guarded and reluctant replies from\\nBrown, or perhaps a refusal to talk. Then he could have\\nsaid to the Virginians, Here is a great mystery. The\\npeople of the North, and especially of Ohio, are implicated", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN ox\\nwithout exception other than the Democratic party. I\\njoin hands with you in meting out political punishment.\\nBut nothing was concealed. Brown was anxious to talk\\nanxious to have his intentions fully known. Strange\\nman! incomprehensible! The more he explained his\\nintentions the more did he befog the mediocres and the\\ndoughface.\\nIn the long interview he was literally weltering in his\\nblood. His wounds had not been dressed, and he believed\\nhimself near death by reason of them. But he was cour-\\nteous, aifable, kind, explicit, sublime.\\nA bystander. Do you consider this a religious move-\\nment\\nBrown. It is, in my opinion, the greatest service man\\ncan render to God.\\nBystander. Do you consider yourself an instrument in\\nthe hands of Providence\\nBrown. I do.\\nBystander. Upon what principle do you justify your\\nacts.\\nBrown. Upon the Golden Rule. I pity the poor in\\nbondage that have none to help them that is why I am\\nhere; not to gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or\\nvindictive spirit. It is my sympathy with the oppressed\\nand the wronged, that are as good as you, and as precious\\nin the sight of God. I want you to understand\\nthat I respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of the\\ncolored people, oppressed by the slave system, just as much\\nas I do the most wealthy and powerful. That is the idea\\nthat has moved me, and that alone. We expected no reward\\nexcept the satisfaction of endeavoring to do for those in\\ndistress the greatly oppressed as we would be done by.\\nThe cry of distress, of the oppressed, is my reason, and the\\nonly thing that prompted me to come here.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "252\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nNever before, in the United States, did a recorded con-\\nversation produce so sudden and universal a change of\\nopinion. Before its publication, some, who subsequently\\neulogized John Brown with fervor and surpassing elo-\\nquence, as well as the great body of the press and people\\nwho knew not the man, lamented that he should have gone\\ninsane, never doubting that he was a maniac; while,\\nafter it, from every corner of the land came words of won-\\nder, of praise rising to worship, and of gratitude mingled\\nwith sincerest prayers for the noble old hero. Enemies\\nand friends were equally amazed at the carriage and say-\\nings of the wounded warrior. During his conversation,\\nwrote a Southern pro-slavery reporter to a Southern pro-\\nslavery paper, no signs of weakness were exhibited. In\\nthe midst of enemies whose home he had invaded wound-\\ned and a prisoner surrounded by a small army of officials\\nand a more desperate army of angry men with the gallows\\nstaring him full in the face, Brown lay on the floor, and,\\nin reply to every question, gave answers that betokened the\\nspirit that animated him. The language of Governor Wise\\nwell expresses his boldness when he said He is the gam-\\nest man I ever saw. I believe the worthy Executive had\\nhardly expected to see a man so act in such a trying mo-\\nment.\\nSuch a word as insane? said an eloquent speaker, un-\\nconsciously uttering the opinion of the people of the North,\\nis a mere trope with those who persist in using it; and I\\nhave no doubt that many of them, in silence, have already\\nretracted their words. Read his admirable answers to\\nMason and others. How they are dwarfed and defeated by\\nthe contrast! On the one side, half -brutish, half -timid\\nquestioning on the other, -Truth, clear as lightning, crash-\\ning into their obscure temples. They are made to stand as\\nPilate or Gessler and the Inquisition. Probably all the\\nspeeches of all the men whom Massachusetts has sent to", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n253\\nCongress for the last few years do not match, for manly di-\\nrectness and force, and for simple truth, the few casual re-\\nmarks of John Brown on the floor of the Harper s Ferry\\nengine-house, that man whom you are about to send to\\nthe other world though not to represent you there. He\\nis too fair a specimen of a man to represent the like of us.\\nWho, then, were his constituents Read his words under-\\nstandingly, and you will find out. In his case there is no\\nidle eloquence. Truth is the inspirer and earnestness the\\npolisher of his sentences. He could afford the loss of his\\nSharps rifle while he retained the faculty of speech a\\nrifle of far straighter sight and longer range.\\nSome people profess to believe that John Brown was\\ninsane. There is no evidence anywhere that he was insane\\nor mentally deranged. Replying to this imputation, he\\nhimself said I may be very insane and I am so, if insane\\nat all. But if that be so, insanity is like a very pleasant\\ndream to me. I am not in the least degree conscious of my\\nravings, of my fears, or of any terrible visions whatever;\\nbut fancy myself entirely composed, and that my sleep, in\\nparticular, is as sweet as that of a healthy, joyous little\\ninfant. One of the most eloquent men ever in Kansas\\npublic life says All men who rise to the height of purest\\npatriotism and absolute unselfishness, who are ready to die\\nfor their principles, have been charged in their day and\\nage as impractical, and mentally unbalanced. This is said\\nof Luther, Melanchthon, and Columbus, and inventors like\\nFulton, Morse, Howe, and even of our own Edison. It is\\nthe explanation mediocrity offers for greatness.\\nJohn Brown and his men were captured on the property\\nof the United States, by the United States marines, but", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "254\\nTWENTIETH. CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthey were left to be dealt with by the State of Virginia.\\nOn the 19th of October, Brown, Stevens, Coppoc and\\nShields Green were conveyed to Charlestown, the county\\nseat of Jefferson county, Virginia, (now in West Virginia.\\nThe formal committal occurred on the 20th. upon charges\\nsworn to by Governor Wise and two other witnesses, ac-\\ncusing them of feloniously conspiring with each other;\\nand ether persons unknown, to make an abolition insurrec-\\ntion and open war against the Jommonwealth of Virginia.\\nA writ was issued to the sheriff, commanding him to sum-\\nmon and convene a preliminary court of examination on\\nthe 25th. At half-past ten o clock on that day the court\\nmbled. It consisted of eight persons, justices of the\\npeace, and was presided over by a Colonel Davenport.\\nThe prisoners were brought in, presenting a pitiable sight.\\nBrown and Stevens being unable to stand without assist-\\nance. Brown s eyes wore almost closed from the inflam-\\nmation caused by his wounds his hearing was so impaired\\nthat he could hear but indistinctly, and was unable to\\ngather the words or even the import of his judges or his\\ncounsel. The only man with a comprehension of what was\\ntaking place in that Virginia court was John Brown, lie\\nwas not deceived with promises of a fair trial. He said\\nVirginians: I did not ask for quarter at the time I was\\ntaken. I did not ask to have my life spared. The Governor\\nof the State of Virginia tendered me his assurance that\\nT should have a fair trial but tinder no circumstances\\nwhatever will I be able to attend to my trial. If von seek\\nmy blood, you can have it at any moment without this\\nmockery of a trial. If we are to be forced with a mere\\nform, a trial for execution, you might spare yourselves", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "JOHN BKOWX\\n255\\nthat trouble. I am ready for my fate. I do not ask a trial.\\nI beg for no mockery of a trial no insult nothing but\\nthat which conscience gives or cowardice would drive you to\\npractice. I ask again to be excused from the mockery of a\\ntrial. I do not know what the special design of this ex-\\namination is. I do not know what is to be the benefit of it\\nto the Commonwealth. I have now little further to ask,\\nother than that I may be not foolishly insulted, only as\\ncowardly barbarians insult those who fall into their\\npower. He did not ask that his fate be different from\\nwhat he knew it must. His only concern was that his\\nobj cts and intentions should be clearly and truthfully\\nshown.\\nThe court presented an indictment against Brown, con-\\ntaining three counts, as follows:\\nConspiracy with slaves for the purpose of insurrection\\nTreason against the Commonwealth of Virginia and\\nMurder in the first degree.\\nThe trial was set for the following day, October 26th.\\nThe attorney for the Commonwealth charged that he was\\nfeigning sickness, to obtain delay and gain time. On the\\nreport of the jail surgeon that he could endure the ordeal,\\nthe trial was ordered to proceed. The court assigned him\\ncounsel, two resident members of the bar. The Xorth sent\\ncounsel for Brown, but no expectation of fairness was\\nentertained by him, and his attorneys had no hope of\\naccomplishing anything in his favor. He took little inter-\\nest in the matter, but lay on his pallet with his eyes closed\\nmost of the time. When his attorneys thought to benefit\\nhis case by filing a plea of insanity in his behalf, he\\nraised himself up in bed and repelled it with scorn and", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "256 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nindignation. John Brown was one of the sanest men that\\never lived. He said I will add, if the court will allow\\nme, that I look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext\\nof those who ought to take a different course in regard to\\nme, if they took any at all, and I view it with contempt\\nmore than otherwise. i\\\\s I remarked to Mr. Green, insane\\nprisoners, so far as my experience goes, have but little\\nability to judge of their own sanity; and if insane, of\\ncourse I should think I knew more than all the rest of the\\nworld. But I do not think so. I am perfectly unconscious\\nof insanity, and I reject, so far as I am capable, any at-\\ntempts to interfere in my behalf on that score.\\nWhen the Commonwealth had closed, Brown asked a\\nshort delay, and this was refused. Thereupon his Virginia*\\ncounsel deserted him. Attorneys from the North arrived,\\nand assumed control of the defense. But no one expected\\nthat anything would come of efforts to get him justice.\\nThe cause was given to the jury late in the afternoon of\\nMonday, October 31st, and after an hour s deliberation\\na verdict was returned of guilty as charged in the indict-\\nment.\\nJohn Brown said not a word.\\nOn the second day of November he was brought into\\ncourt to hear his sentence. He still walked with difficulty,\\nevery step being attended with evident pain. His features\\nwere firm and composed, but within the dimly lighted court\\nroom, showed wan and pallid. He seated himself near\\nhis counsel, and resting his head upon his hand, remained\\nmotionless, apparently the most unheeding man in the\\nroom. He sat upright with lips compressed, looking direct\\ninto the chilled stern face of the judge as he overruled the", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "JOITX BROWN\\n257\\nexceptions of counsel. When directed by the clerk to\\nsay why sentence should not be passed upon him, John\\nBrown rose slowly to his feet, placing his hands on the table\\nin front of him, and leaning slightly forward, in a voice\\nsingularly quiet and self-controlled, with tones of marked\\ngentleness and a manner slow and slightly hesitating, made\\nthis memorable speech.\\nI have, may it please the court, a few words to say In\\nthe first place, I deny everything but what. I have all along\\nadmitted, the design on my part to free the slaves. I\\nintended certainly to have made a clean thing of that mat-\\nter, as I did last winter, when I went into .Missouri and\\ntook slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side,\\nmoved them through the country, and finally left them in\\n!anada. I designed to have done the same thing again,\\non a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did\\nintend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property,\\nor to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insur-\\nrection.\\nI have another objection and that is, it is unjust that\\nI should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the\\nmanner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly\\nproved (for I admire the truthfulness and candor of the\\ngreater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this\\ncase), had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the power-\\nful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any\\nof their friends, either father, mother, brother, sister,*\\nwife, or children, or any of that class, and suffered and\\nsacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have\\nbeen all right; and every man in this court would have\\ndeemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punish-\\nment.\\nThis court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of\\nthe law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose Is\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009417", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "258 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthe Bible, or at least the New Testament. That teaches me\\nthat all things whatsoever I would that men should do\\nto me, I should do even so to them. It teaches me further,\\nto remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them.\\nI endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say, I am yet\\ntoo young to understand that God is any respecter of per-\\nsons. I believe that to have interfered as I have done as 1\\nhave always freely admitted I have done in behalf of His\\ndespised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, if it is\\ndeemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the fur-\\ntherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood fur-\\nther with the blood of my children and with the blood of\\nmillions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded\\nby wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments, I submit; so\\nlet it be done.\\na Let me say one word further.\\nI feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have re-\\nceived on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it\\nhas been more generous than I expected. But I feel no\\nconsciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what\\nwas my intention, and what was not. I never had any de-\\nsign against the life of any person, nor any disposition to\\ncommit treason, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any\\ngeneral insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do\\nso, but always discouraged any idea of the kind.\\nLet me say, also, a word in regard to the statements\\nmade by some of those connected with me. I hear it has\\nbeen stated by some of them that I have induced them to\\njoin me. But the contrary is true. I do not say this to\\ninjure them, but as regarding their weakness. There is not\\none of them but joined me of his own accord, and tin-\\ngreater part of them at their own expense. A number of\\nthem I never saw, and never had a word of conversation\\nwith, till the day they came to me and that was for the\\npurpose I have stated.\\nNow I have done", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEE XIV.\\nCOURT TO SCAFFOLD.\\nI cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the com-\\ning day. nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return\\nof warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do re-\\nmember that this is not your rest, that in this world you have no\\nabiding-place or continuing city.\\nJohn Brown, to his Wife and Children.\\nSo far as can now be determined, it is believed that\\nJohn Brown was well pleased to have his trial ended. He\\nexpected no different result. There was no disappointment\\nin the verdict for John Brown. He knew from the first\\nthat surrender or capture meant a rope for his men and\\nhimself, and for that reason he preferred to die with gun\\nin hand. It was impossible for Virginia to have done\\ndifferently with John Brown. The old hero knew this.\\nWhile he seems to have made no distinction between the\\nforays into Missouri and Virginia, they wore, in nature,\\nentirely different. It was his purpose to have remained in\\nVirginia or other Southern States. He attacked, captured,\\nand tried to hold the town of Harper s Ferry, or portions\\nof it. He was guilty of conspiracy. He invaded Virginia.\\nHe slew Virginians. He sent flags of truce and demeaned\\nhimself as a soldier, and he complained when he was not\\naccorded the rights of an enemy in civilized warfare. Xo\\nState can suffer the invasion of its soil by a hostile armed\\n(259)", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "260 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nforce. Such a violation must be punished; such invasion\\nsuppressed. Otherwise the dignity of the State passes\\naway and authority disappears. It has always been held\\nthat such offenses against States should be sternly and re-\\nlentlessly dealt with. In this instance it was imperative\\nthat Virginia do promptly one of two tilings\u00e2\u0080\u0094 execute\\nJohn Brown and his companions, or free her slaves.\\nThere could be no evasion, no hesitation; there was no\\nescape. And while the trial of Brown was unfair, it was\\nas fair as he expected, and as fair as he had reason to\\nexcept. Perhaps, after all, there was very little violence\\ndone the precedents of judicature in the disposition of\\npolitical prisoners, or of persons who have assailed polit-\\nical institutions; such trials have never been in exact\\naccord with law. It was not reasonable for John Brown\\nto expect to escape punishment by Virginia. When he\\nsaid surrender meant a rope for himself and men, he\\ncertainly expected to pay with his life the full penalty\\nwhich he knew Virginia would exact. Brown complained\\nthat his execution was to be judicial murder. This con-\\nclusion must have been reached after the deep contempla-\\ntion of the injustice done him by the non-observance and\\nnon-accord of all the legal rights he felt himself entitled\\nto in his trial. But this conclusion can scarcely be con-\\ncurred in. Virginia s action was legally right and mor-\\nally wrong. The motto of sovereignty has always been\\nYou must not think\\nThat we are made of stuff so flat and dull\\nThat we can let our beard be shook with danger,\\nAnd think it pastime.\\nIn the state of public opinion prevailing in Virginia", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n261\\nand the entire South, Virginia could not adopt abolition\\nfor her slaves. For a quarter of a century the popularity\\nof the institution had been increasing in that portion of\\nthe United States where it existed, and the aggressions of\\nthe slave-power upon the free territory of the country\\nremaining unpeopled was one of the causes of Brown s\\npresence at Harper s Ferry. And while the execution of\\nJohn Brown was thus not left to the discretion of Vir-\\nginia, the saving of the institution of slavery for the\\ntime being by this act only postponed the day when the\\nfetters would fall from all the slaves. And this day was\\nmade more and more inevitable by the very act upon which\\nthe lease of life of the institution temporarily hung. Vir-\\nginia was compelled to hang John Brown to preserve\\nslavery, but his death did more to forward universal eman-\\ncipation than his life could ever have accomplished had he\\nhad all the successes he hoped for. And while Slavery\\nlegally executed John Brown, it could not escape the con-\\nsequences of that act. It acted by virtue of accredited\\nauthority and recognized enactments, which, though ever\\nso wrong in spirit, must be the rule of action for state\\nand municipality until repealed. John Brown struck at\\nthe root of the wrong. He acted upon the eternal prin-\\nciples of justice; he brought these principles into con-\\nflict active and aggressive conflict with an accredited\\nwrong and an etfil and injustice which existed by author-\\nity. Such has been the burden borne by every reformer\\nin all the ages. The task has been this only this\\nnothing more. And it has almost invariably required the\\nblood of the reformer to cause his reformation to take\\nroot. Without the shedding of blood there is no re-", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "262\\nTWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nmission/ Las been the law of human progress. If there\\nwas any one great truth, universal in its application,\\nknown to Brown, it was the principle contained in this\\ntext. So, when the scaffold rose before his eves, he saw-\\nin the temporary victory of Slavery over the powers he\\nhad succeeded in setting against it its ultimate defeat and\\nannihilation. He spent the remaining days allowed him\\nin laying broad and deep the lines of this conflict, which\\nhe saw- was inevitable, and which it was given him to\\nsee would end in a triumph for justice and the principles\\nhe had devoted his life to forwarding, and for which he\\ngladly and joyously went to the scaffold.\\nChrist saw fit to take from me the sword of steel\\nalter I had carried it for a time, but He has put another\\nin my hand, the sword of the Spirit; and I pray God\\nto make me a faithful soldier wherever He may send\\nme nut less on the scaffold than when surrounded by\\nmy warmest sympathizers, he wrote to his old teacher.\\nWith the new weapon given him he continued to tight to\\nthe end. The forces of his new warfare ranged themselves\\nunder his command, and from the time of his arraign-\\nment until his execution he suffered no defeat, but enjoyed\\nvictory every hour. He had anticipated all the cost, what-\\never occurred. In the letter above referred to he say-:\\nAnd before I began my work at Harper s Ferry, I felt\\nassured that in the worst event it would certainly pay/\\nThus was he enabled to go back to his dungeon in the\\nspirit of a conqueror; he had looked at the gallows before\\nhe began his work, and the scaffold had no terrors for him.\\nIdie ancient precept of the Brown family, An old man\\nshould have more care to end life well than to live", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n263\\nlong, was exemplified in him. His work, he was in\\nfaith, would bear much fruit in the realm of slavery I\\nhave many opportunities for faithful plain-dealing with\\nthe more powerful, influential, and intelligent classes in\\nthis region, which. I trust are not entirely misimproved,\\nlie wrote. The spirit in which he entered the new field is\\nwell exemplified in the reply to a Quaker lady who wrote\\nhim expressing her sympathy for his condition: And\\nmay the Lord reward you a thousand fold for the kind\\nfeeling you express toward me; but more especially for\\nyour fidelity to the poor that cry, and those that have no\\nhelp. For this I am a prisoner in bonds. It is solely\\nmy own fault, in a military point of view, that we met\\nwith our disaster. I mean that I mingled with our pris-\\noners and so far sympathized with them and their families\\nthat I neglected my duty in other respects. But God s\\nwill, not mine, be done. You know that Christ once\\narmed Peter. So also in my case I think He put a sword\\ninto my hand, and there continued it so long as He saw\\nbest, and then kindly took it from me. I mean when I\\nfirst went to Kansas. I wish you could know with what\\ncheerfulness I am now wielding the sword of the Spirit\\non the right hand and on the left. I bless God that it\\nproves mighty to the pulling down of strongholds.\\nAnd to his brother he wrote I am quite cheerful in\\nview of my approaching end, being fully persuaded that\\nI am worth inconceivably more to hang than for any\\nother purpose.\\nHe was loaded w r ith fetters chained to the floor of\\nhis prison. Armed guards walked before his dungeon-\\ndoor day and night, and they had orders to shoot him", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "264\\nTWENTIETH CENTUKY CLASSICS\\nat once upon any attempt at rescue. He was wounded and\\nsick his time to live was limited to a month. He had no\\nexpectation that it would be extended a minute the effort\\nfor a new trial he regarded as a mere froth of attorney-\\nlogic. He was without education; of rhetoric he knew\\nnothing. But the world waited for his every sentence, and\\nthe words most sought for and hung upon came from the\\nj)rison at Charlestown, and not from the temple of justice\\nthere, nor from the Governor s mansion in Richmond. His\\nwords stirred the North. He was known before he went\\nto Harper s Ferry; after his imprisonment there, and\\nhis condemnation, his name was upon every tongue. Be-\\nfore, they knew him as a brave soldier fighting ruffianism\\nin Kansas now, they saw him stand as a martyr for the\\npoor. I feel just as content to die for God s Eternal\\nTruth, and for suffering humanity s, on the scaffold as\\nin any other way and I do not say this from any disposi-\\ntion to brave it out. No; I would readily own my\\nwrong, were I in the least convinced of it. In this spirit\\nhe spent his last days: Under all these terrible calami-\\nties, I feel quite cheerful in the assurance that God reigns\\nand will overrule all for His glory and the best possible\\ngood. I feel no consciousness of guilt in the matter, nor\\neven mortification on account of my imprisonment and\\nirons. He encourages his family in this same letter:\\nNever forget the poor, nor think anything you bestow\\non them to be lost to you. Remember them that\\nare in bonds as bound with them. These light\\nafflictions, which are but for a moment, shall work out\\nfor us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.\\nAnd he adds in the postscript: Yesterday, November 2,", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n265\\nI was sentenced to be hanged on December 2, next. Do\\nnot grieve on my account. I am still quite cheerful.\\nHis wife desired very much to visit him. This he at\\nfirst opposed, on account of the feeling against him in\\nCharlestown and the fear that she would be insulted and\\ninsolently treated. But on the 16th of November he\\nwrote If you feel sure that you can endure the trials\\nand the shock which will be unavoidable (if you come),\\nI should be most glad to see you once more. If\\nyou do come, defer your journey till about the 27th or\\n28th of this month.\\nJohn Brown rejoiced that he was counted worthy to\\nsuffer in God s cause. He wrote to T. B. Musgrove:\\nMen cannot imprison, or chain, or hang the soul. I go\\njoyfully in behalf of millions that have no rights that\\nthis great and glorious, this Christian Kepublic is bound\\nto respect. Strange change in morals, political as well as\\nChristian, since 1776 I look forward to other changes to\\ntake place in God s good time, fully believing that the\\nfashion of this world passeth away. This was his con-\\nstant theme. He wrote his cousin, the Kev. Luther Hum-\\nphrey I suppose I am the first since the landing of\\nPeter Brown from the Mayflower that has either been\\nsentenced to imprisonment or to the gallows. But, my\\ndear old friend, let not that fact alone grieve you. You\\ncannot have forgotten how and where our grandfather\\nfell in 1776, and that he, too, might have perished on the\\nscaffold had circumstances been but a very little different.\\nThe fact that a man dies under the hand of an executioner\\n(or otherwise) has but little to do with his true character,\\nas I suppose. John Rogers perished at the stake, a great", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "VQG TWENTIETH CEXTUEY CLASSICS\\nand good man, as I suppose but bis doing so does not\\nprove tbat any other man who has died in the same way\\nwas good or otherwise. No part of my life has\\nbeen more happily spent than that I have spent here; and\\nI humbly trust that no part has been spent to better pur-\\npose. I would not say this boastingly, but thanks be unto\\nGod, who giveth us the victory through grace.\\nI should be sixty years old were I to live to May 9,\\nIS 60. I have enjoyed much of life as it is, and have been\\nremarkably prosperous, having early learned to regard the\\nwelfare and prosperity of others as my own. I have never,\\nsince I can remember, required a great amount of sleep;\\nso that I conclude that I have already enjoyed full an\\naverage number of working-hours with those who reach\\ntheir threescore years and ten. I have not yet been driven\\nto the use of glasses, but can see to read and write quite\\ncomfortably. But more than that, I have generally en-\\njoyed remarkably good health. I might go on to recount\\nunnumbered and unmerited blessings, among which would\\nbe some very severe afflictions, and those the most needed\\nblessings of all. And now, when I think how easily I\\nmight be left to spoil all I have done or suffered in the\\ncause of freedom, I hardly dare to wish another voyage,\\neven if I had the opportunity.\\nThere were matters of concern to him now (about the\\n20th of November) taking place in and about Charles-\\ntown. Incendiary fires destroyed buildings almost every\\nnight. And Governor Wise was in daily receipt of threat-\\nening letters. John Brown had no friends in the vicinity\\nof Charlestown, but he felt sure that it would be charged", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "207\\nJOHN BROWN\\nthat his friends caused the fires. They were doubtless\\nkindled by persons who desired to keep the people m a\\nfrenzy against the invaders, that a rescue or a pardon\\nwould be impossible. Some foolish and mistaken friend\\nin the North may have written letters of ominous import\\nto Governor Wise, but no one regretted it so much as did\\nJohn Brown.\\nHe retained his interest, in the affairs of the little farm\\nin the gloomy woods of the North, and complains that\\nthey do not write him whether any of their crops had ma-\\ntured or not. His thoughts were never of himself: I have\\nno sorrow either as to the result, only for my poor wife and\\nchildren, he wrote a minister, November 23d. And to\\nthis minister he also wrote, You may wonder, Are there\\nno ministers of the gospel here? I answer, No. There\\nare no ministers of Christ here. These ministers who\\nprofess to be Christian, and hold slaves or advocate slav-\\nery, I cannot abide them. My knees will not bend in\\nprayer with them while their hands are stained with the\\nblood of souls. He said to the others that the prayers of\\nsuch ministers were an abomination to his God.\\nIt was made known to John Brown before he died\\nthat friends would aid in the education of his children.\\nWhen consulted about this matter he always made prac-\\ntical replies, and was never once tempted to suggest for\\nthem anything more than the useful. The industrious\\nhousewife is the foundation upon which rests the Kepub-\\nlic, not upon the women of fashion, wealth, ease and\\nleisure. These care for nothing but vanity. They are the\\nbutterflies of our country, and are entirely useless. But\\nthe wife who bears and brings up children, who cooks", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "268 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\ntheir food, designs their clothing, weeps with them, prays\\nwith them, rejoices with them, carries them and their\\ntroubles in her own life day by day, she is the founda-\\ntion-stone of American liberty. On this subject he wrote:\\nI feel disposed to leave the education of my dear children\\nto their mother, and to those dear friends who bear the\\nburden of it; only expressing my earnest hope that they\\nmay all become strong, intelligent, expert, industrious,\\nChristian housekeepers. I would wish that, together with\\nother studies, they may thoroughly study Dr. Franklin s\\nPoor Richard. I want them to become matter-of-fact\\nwomen.\\nJohn Brown s wife visited him; she was permitted to\\neat dinner with him in his cell. His body was delivered\\nto her after his execution.\\nThere is little more to be said. John Brown died as\\nhe had lived brave, and free from fear of any kind.\\nOn the morning of his execution he took a tender but\\ncheerful farewell of his companions in bonds and in\\narms. He gave them each a small coin, except Hazlett.\\nHe visited Stevens last: Good-by, Captain, he said;\\nI know you are going to a better land. I know I am,\\nreplied Brown.\\nJohn Brown was put into a furniture wagon, in which\\nwas his own black-walnut coffin the jailer, Mr. Avis,\\nwho had been very kind to Brown, and the driver, a man\\nnamed Hawks, being the other occupants. The wagon\\nwas surrounded by cavalry, which escorted it to the field\\nwhere the gallows was standing, something like half a mile\\naway. Here there were a large number of soldiers going\\nthrough military maneuvers, and assembled to prevent", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "JOHN BBOWN 269\\nthe rescue of Brown. He was calm, perfectly self-pos-\\nsessed. He was asked if lie thought he could endure the\\nordeal, and replied, I can endure almost anything but\\nparting from friends; that is very hard. In speaking\\nof fear, on. the road to the scaffold, he said: It has\\nbeen a characteristic of me, from infancy, not to suffer\\nfrom physical fear. I have suffered a thousand times\\nmore from bashfulness than from fear. You are a\\ngame man, Captain Brown, said an attendant. He re-\\nplied, Yes, I was so trained up; it was one of the lessons\\nof my mother; but it is hard to part from friends, though\\nnewly made. You are more cheerful than I am, Cap-\\ntain Brown, said his friend. The stern old hero replied,\\nYes, I ought to be.\\nThe wagon halted at the scaffold, and the troops opened\\nfile. Brown descended from the wagon, saluted the Mayor\\nand Mr. Hunter, and ascended the scaffold stairs. I shall\\nlet an eye-witness describe the execution.\\nHis demeanor was intrepid, without being braggart.\\nJohn Brown s manner gave no evidence of tim-\\nidity. He stood upon the scaffold but a short time, giving\\nbrief adieus to those about him, when he was properly\\npinioned, the white cap drawn over his face, the noose\\nadjusted and attached to the hook above, and he was\\nmoved, blindfolded, a few steps forward. It was curious\\nto note how the instincts of nature operated to make him\\ncareful in putting out his feet, as if afraid he would walk\\noff the scaffold. The man who stood unblenched on the\\nbrink of eternity, was afraid of falling a few feet to the\\nground\\nEverything was now in readiness. The sheriff asked", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "2 70\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nthe prisoner if he should give him a private signal before\\nthe fatal moment. lie replied, in a voice that sounded to\\nme unnaturally natural, so composed was its tone, and\\nso distinct its articulation, that it did not matter to him,\\nif only they would not keep him too long waiting. He\\nwas kept waiting, however; the troops that had formed\\nhis escort, had to be put into their proper position, and\\nwhile this was going on he stood for some ten or fifteen\\nminutes blindfolded, the rope about, his neck, and his feet\\non the treacherous platform, expecting instantly the fatal\\nact,; but he stood for this comparatively long time upright\\nas a soldier in position, and motionless. I was close to\\nhim, and watched him narrowly, to see if I could detect\\nany signs of shrinking or trembling in his person, but\\nthere was none. Once I thought I saw his knees tremble,\\nhut it was only the wind blowing his loose trousers. His\\nlirnmess Avas subjected to still further trial by hearing\\nColonel Smith announce to the sheriff, l We are all ready,\\nMr. Campbell. The sheriff did not hear or did not com-\\nprehend, and in a louder tone the same announcement was\\nmade. But the culprit still stood steady until the sheriff,\\ndescending the flight of steps, with a well-directed blow\\nof a sharp hatchet severed the rope that held up the trap-\\ndoor, which instantly sank sheer beneath him. He fell\\nabout three feet; and the man of strong and bloody hand,\\nof fierce passions, of iron will, of wonderful vicissitudes,\\nthe terrible partisan of Kansas, the capturer of the United\\nStates Arsenal at Harper s Ferry, the would-be Catiline\\nof the South, the demi-god of the abolitionists, the man\\nexecrated and lauded, damned and prayed for, the man\\nwho, in his motives, his means, his plans, and his sue-", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": ".KMIN IIEOWN\\n271\\ncesses, must ever be a wonder, a puzzle and a mystery,\\nJohn Brown, was hanging between heaven and earth.\\nThis was written by J. T. L. Preston, of the Military\\nCollege of Lexington, Virginia, a few hours after the exe-\\ncution. He adds: lit all that array there was not, I\\nsuppose, one throb of sympathy for the offender. Yet the\\nmystery was awful to see the human form thus treated\\nby men to see life suddenly stopped in its current, and\\nto ask one s self the question without answer, And what\\nthen.?\\nJohn Brown s body was taken to North Elba. As it\\nwas lowered into the grave the preacher repeated the\\nw \u00c2\u00bbrds of Paul\\nI have fought, the good right; I have finished my\\ncourse; I have kept the faith: henceforth there is laid up\\nfor me a crown of righteousness, wdiich the Lord, the\\nrighteous Judge, shall give me; and not to me only, but\\nunto all that love His appearing.\\nThe South always maintained that the at lack on Har-\\nper s Ferry was the beginning of the Civil War. On\\nMarch 30th, 1860, Victor Hugo wrote:\\nSlavery in all its forms will disappear. What the\\nSouth slew last December was not John Brown, but Slav-\\nery. Henceforth, no matter what President Buchanan\\nmay say in his shameful message, the American Union\\nmust be considered dissolved. Between the North and the\\nSouth stands the gallows of Brown. Union is no longer\\npossible such a crime cannot be shared.\\nJohn A. Andrew was the war Governor of Massachu-\\nsetts. When John Brown was executed he said of him:", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "272 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nWhatever may be thought of John Brown s acts, John\\nBrown himself was right.\\nThe world acquiesces in the verdict thus rendered, and\\naccepts it as true.\\nMURAT HALSTEAD S DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION\\nOF JOHN BROWN.\\n[This sketch was written by the eminent journalist, Murat\\nHalstead, for the New York Independent. It was published in the\\nTopeka Mail and Breeze, December 9, 1898.]\\nThe execution of John Brown was on the second of\\nDecember, 1859 the scene, in a field a furlong south of\\nOharlestown, seven miles from Harper s Ferry. The sen-\\nsation caused by the John Brown raid was something won-\\nderful. The excitement of the wdiole country was out of\\nall proportion to the material incidents. The shock was\\nbecause the feeling of the people that the slavery question\\nhad reached an acute stage and demanded uncompromising\\nattention, was general, and there was apprehension that\\nthere were conditions upon the country of unmerciful\\ndisaster a public sensibility that an immense catas-\\ntrophe was impending.\\nAs a correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial, to\\nwrite the story of the hanging of old John Brown, I car-\\nried letters from Dr. Dandridge, cousin of Colonel Wash-\\nington, to that gentleman, and from the Hon. George H.\\nPendleton, to the superintendent of the Harper s Ferry\\nrifle-works of the United States. On the journey I fell\\nin with the Baltimore police scouts, who by command of\\nthe Governor of Virginia had explored the abolition\\ncounties of Ohio in search of military organizations,", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 273\\nmade up in violation of the peace and dignity of the\\nUnited States, for another raid on Virginia.\\nWhen we reached Harper s Ferry the station was in the\\nhands of the military, and I was driven about at the point\\nof the bayonet for some time before finding a place to\\nstand and wait a few minutes. There was a hole ragged\\nwith splinters at the corner of the station-house, con-\\nstructed of plank, but put together with tongue-and-groove,\\nsaid to mark the course of the ball from a yager with\\nwhich old Brown killed a man. Inside Brown s fort\\nwas a plain red stain on the whitewashed brick wall, the\\nblood of Brown when, overpowered, he was wounded with\\na cutlass and thrust down with a strong hand. There was\\na curved red streak and a few long hairs where the gashed\\nhead of the old man had been rubbed against the whit-\\nened bricks. The superintendent of the rifle-works was\\na cautious official. He took a member of the Legislature\\nof Pennsylvania and myself in his carriage, and putting\\non a belt with two revolvers we were driven along a good\\nturnpike through a pleasant country to the county seat,\\nwhere Brown was tried and was the next day to be exe-\\ncuted. By the roadside there were marks of fire, the\\nburning of stacks, and the explanation, The niggers have\\nburned the stacks of one of the jurors who found Brown\\nguilty. There was no reference to the fact that the su-\\nperintendent took his pistols with him for a daylight drive\\nover seven miles of turnpike through a highly cultivated\\ncountry. That was taken as a matter of course. There\\nwas greater alarm among the people of Virginia than could\\nbe accounted for by comparison with the experience of\\ncommunities into which the slave element did not enter.\\n18", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "274\\nTWENTIETH CEXTUKY CLASSICS\\nIt was doubtless that deep sense of insecurity that widened\\ninto awful alarms at the suggestion of slave insurrections\\nthe fact that society was permeated with stories of West-\\nIndian wars of races, especially the traditions, more terri-\\nble than history, of the San Domingo horrors. The town,\\nthen and always to be distinguished as the place of the\\ntrial of John Brown, and his death, was crowded with the\\ntroops of Virginia, and there was a marked absence of the\\npeople of the surrounding country. The uniforms of the\\nmilitia of Virginia were as various as the companies were\\nnumerous. There was no uniformity of dress or weapons.\\nThere were a troop of cavalry, a battery of field guns, and\\nabout two thousand infantry, the whole under the com-\\nmand of General Taliaferro, whose headquarters were at\\nthe Washington House. There was the palpable excite-\\nment of conscious history-making, and trifling incidents\\nmagnified by common consent.\\nThe fact about myself best known was that I had a\\nletter from Dr. Dandridge to Colonel Lewis Washington,\\nand one from George H. Pendleton to the Harper s Ferry\\nsuperintendent. My connection with an abolition news-\\npaper was quite subordinated, but there were many in-\\nquiries as to my views of the John Brown raid, and I\\ndid not insist upon attempting to vindicate the old farmer,\\nso suddenly and strangely a world s hero. Indeed, the\\nclose contact with the events of the raid made it difficult\\nto resist the impression that Brown was an unbalanced\\nman, one whose exaltation was akin to insanity. The\\nphilosophy, the philanthropy, the martyrdom, the religion\\nof humanity, the spiritual sanctification, and immense\\nromantic and tragic interpretations placed upon the raid", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "JOIIX BEOWN\\n275\\nof The Man of Osawatomie by Victor Hugo and Ralph\\nWaldo Emerson, the latter declaring that the gallows was\\nmade glorious like the cross, had in the immediate pres-\\nence of the miserable skirmishing and the shedding of the\\nblood of men who were, by all the customary tests, kindly\\ndisposed to be orderly, neighborly, humane, become ob-\\nscure, belonging to the sentimental, the imaginative, and\\nthe impossible.\\nLate in the evening Mrs. Brown arrived in a dingy\\nhack, escorted by the horsemen who became known in the\\nwar that was on two years later as the Black Horse Cav-\\nalry. As the carriage approached the jail the artillery,\\nwhich had been arranged on either side of the door, was\\ntrundled across the street and turned about, the muzzles\\nopen-mouthed upon the prison. There was much parade\\nand shuffling of military figures in the execution of this\\nmaneuver, and then Mrs. Brown was taken to her hus-\\nband s cell, when he was reported to have repeated to her\\noften the admonition, My dear, you must keep your\\nsperrets up sperrets pronounced as here spelled; but\\na very strict and close guard was kept upon the pair.\\nAs the evening wore on, General Taliaferro was seated\\nsurrounded by his staff, in the public room of the hotel.\\nA young man, tall and lithe, and wearing a military dress,\\nrushed up to him and said hurriedly in my hearing:\\nGeneral, I am told, sir, and believe, that Henry Ward\\nBeecher is coming here to-morrow to pray on the scaffold\\nwith old Brown, and I pledge you my word if he does he\\nshall be hanged along with Brown. The General stared\\ncoldly and said with deliberation and severe dignity:\\nIf Mr. Beecher comes, as yon say, I pledge my word of", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "276\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nhonor, sir, that while I live not a hair of his head shall be\\nharmed, sir not one hair of his head shall be harmed.\\nOn the morning of the execution the troops were early\\nstirring. The murmur of camps filled the air. There\\nwere no visitors trailing along the roads, to be witnesses of\\nthe solemn function. It was forbidden. The people far\\nand near were ordered to be alert at home. Therefore,\\nwhen the hollow square of the military companies w;is\\nformed about the scaffold there was not even a fringe of\\ncivil spectators. There were reporters, surgeons, three or\\nfour politicians of distinction, and one woman on the root\\nof a house nearly a quarter of a mile distant. The Hon.\\nJames M. Ashley was in the town with Col. Henderson of\\nKansas, and introduced him as the worst of the border\\nruffians, an announcement usually received with appro-\\nbation of the humor in it and of the fact also. Ashley had\\njust dropped in from the West, and was held to be of those\\ninterested in the care of Mrs. Brown and her Quaker es-\\ncort, from Philadelphia. A story has been largely circu-\\nlated that as Brown left the jail he kissed a colored child,\\nand there are paintings and poetry to that effect. When\\nhe stepped out of the prison there was not a group other\\nthan military in sight. I was not on the spot at the mo-\\nment, but saw the street before the jail filled with guns\\nand soldiers and horses, staff officers and officials, and no\\none else during the morning. I had walked, before Brown\\ncame out, to the vicinity of the scaffold where the militia\\ncompanies were marching into the positions assigned them.\\nThe most striking horseman on the field, Turner Ashley,\\ngalloped around bearing orders and giving directions,\\nmounted on a spotted stallion with a wonderful mane and", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "JOHN BBOWN\\n277\\ntail, flowing like white silk from neck and rump, almost\\nsweeping the ground. The Colonel and his horse and the\\nhorsemanship of the Colonel was worthy his steed were a\\ngallant show. Ashley was killed in battle, defending for\\nhis State the Valley of the Shenandoah. There seemed to\\nbe no attainable end of the evolution of the troops in prep-\\naration for the ceremony. I distinctly remember in the\\nmovement the gaunt, severe figure of an officer whose com-\\nmancl was a company of bright boys. It was the contrast\\nbetween the stern man and the gay youths that formed a\\npicture for me, and I heard the word as they passed\\nLexington Cadets. The man was Prof. Jackson, later\\nthe Confederate hero, Stonewall.\\nThe day was extremely beautiful and mild. The highly\\ncultivated farms, the village, the broad landscape, browned\\nby the frosts of November, framed in the ranges of the\\nBlue Kidge blue indeed, a daintily defined wall, of a\\nblue shade more delicate than the sky. Though it was\\nthe day of Austerlitz as the days of the season are\\nmarked, the clover in the stubble was green, and the\\nground so warm and dry the reporters reclined upon it\\nwith comfort and exchanged observations in the spirit of\\nlevity with which the representatives of the press relieve,\\nwhen witnesses of true tragedies, the strains upon their\\nvitality.\\nThe procession from the jail to the scaffold was bril-\\nliant. The General commanding had a staff more re-\\nsplendent than that of Field Marshal Moltke and King\\nWilliam, when they rode together over their battlefields\\nin France. Old John Brown was seated on his coffin in\\nthe bed of a wagon, of the fashion farmers call a wood", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "278\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nwagon, an open body and no cover. He wore a battered\\nblack slouch hat, the rim turned squarely up in front,\\ngiving it the aspect of a cocked hat. This was that his\\nvision might not be impeded, and ho looked with evident\\nenjoyment upon the country, saying it was the first time\\nhe had the pleasure of seeing it. J I is words were repeated\\nat the time. The man I saw as he was in the wagon and\\nas he was helped upon the scaffold he had about a\\ndozen steps to ascend his arms pinioned by ropes at the\\nelbows, tied firmly, so that his hands were free while the\\nupper arms were bound at his w y aist. He wore a baggy\\nbrown coat and trousers, and red carpet slippers over bine\\nyarn socks, and stood firmly but in an easy attitude on the\\ntrap-door, that was sustained by a rope. Then a stout\\nwhite cord of cotton, provided by some cotton planters who\\nthought there was propriety in it something symbolical\\nin it was placed over the iron-gray, sturdy head, the\\nnoose dropped easily around his neck and tightened so that\\nit would not slip, but so as not to give physical discomfort.\\nThe face of the old man was toward the east, the morning\\nlight on it, and the figure perfectly in dress and pose, and\\nall appointments, that of a typical Western farmer a\\nserions person upheld by an idea of duty the expression\\nof his features that of a queer mingling of the grim, and,\\nto use a rural word, the peart. The white cap was pulled\\ndown, and still the troops were moving, falling into a\\nhollow square a formation that had not been rehearsed.\\nThis became tedious. Brown asked that there should be\\nno delay. The suspense was distressing, and from the\\nascent of the scaffold to the fall of the trap and the sharp\\njerk upon the white cord, the time was nearly eighteen", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN\\n279\\nminutes. This was not, though often stated, with the pur-\\npose of torture, but the delay of the military to get into\\nassigned places. Brown s hands gave the only sign of\\nemotion that possessed him. He was rubbing his thumbs\\nhard but slowly on the inside of his forefingers, between\\nthe first and second joints, as one braces himself with a\\nnervous grasp upon the arms of a dentist s chair when a\\ntooth is to be drawn. It is no wonder Brown asked the\\nsheriff about the waiting. There was deep stillness as\\nthe form of the victim plunged six feet and the rope\\ntwanged as its burden lengthened a little and shivered.\\nThen the body began to whirl as the cord slackened and\\ntwisted, and the rapid movement caused the short skirts of\\nthe coat to flutter as in a wind. About a quarter of an\\nhour was spent by the surgeons climbing the stairs and\\nholding the suspended body to their ears, listening to see\\nif the heart continued to act. One of the reporters was\\nmoved to say, as if he had prepared a deliverance and\\nwas getting it off contrary to a better judgment, Gentle-\\nmen, the honor of old Virginia has been vindicated.\\nThere was no response to the sentiment.\\nThe road to Harper s Ferry was soon filled with car-\\nriages at high speed. There was dust flying. In the yard\\nof a farm-house were a half-dozen lads playing soldier,\\none beating a small drum. This was the highway along\\nwhich more than any other surged to and fro the armies of\\nthe Nation and the Confederacy. Colonel Washington,\\nwhile on General Lee s staff, was killed in western Vir-\\nginia by an Indiana sharpshooter, and I remember well\\nhis stately presence, not unworthy to represent the name\\nhe bore, and his courtesy and kindness to one who repre-", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "280 TWENTIETH CENTUEY CLASSICS\\nsented a newspaper and held there was no cause more\\nsacred in the world than that of the freedom of the Terri-\\ntories and the extinction of slavery; and the death of\\nAshley, Pate and Wise seemed a grievous sacrifice of man-\\nhood.\\nSomething more than ten years later, August, 1870, in\\neastern France, I was with the German invaders of the\\nfair land of Lorraine, and one day as I looked upon a\\ndivision of the GrancT Army of the Red Prince, a mon-\\nstrous mass of men with the spikes of their helmets and\\ntheir hayonets glittering over them under a vast tawny\\ncloud of dust, I heard with amazement a deep-throated\\nburst of song in English, and it was\\nJohn Brown s body is moldering in the ground,\\nBut his soul is marching on.\\nGlory, Hallelujah!\\nThe German invaders often sang magnificently while\\nmarching. German soldiers in our army in the war\\nof the States returning to the Fatherland to fight the\\nFrench taught their comrades the splendid marching-song\\nwhich the legions of the North sang along the historic\\nhighways of Virginia, that Father Abraham s boys were\\ncoming and the soul of John Brown was marching on.\\nThere is a bust of gold of Brown, presented his widow by\\nVictor Hugo, in the State Museum at Topeka, Kansas,\\nshown by the venerable superintendent, with an apology,\\nfor it is a bad portraiture of the Hero of Osawatomie\\nand martyr of Harper s Ferry. It is the only likeness\\nof him giving the chief characteristic of his countenance\\non the morning of his last day that I have seen, except in\\nthe sketches taken for Harper s Weekly on the spot, by", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "JOHN BROWN 281\\nPorte Crayon. The French makers of the golden bust\\nmust have caught the keen lines of this artist s pencil,\\nshowing the weirdness that had crept into Brown s strong-\\nface when his eyes beheld unearthly scenes, his mind wan-\\ndering in the regions on the boundary of two worlds\u00e2\u0080\u0094 he\\nmust have seen cloud-capped domes not rounded by human\\nhands invisible by mortal eyes unless introspectively.\\nOne wonders whether the old farmer, as he waited on the\\nscaffold, could have beheld as in a dream\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as one sees\\nat night in stormy darkness, when there is a flame of\\nlightning, a misty mountain-top a vision incredible, but\\nnot unsubstantial, of his own apotheosis and immortality.\\nSENATOR INGALLS ON JOHN BROWN.\\nThe following quotation is from the article prepared\\nby Senator John James Ingalls for the North American\\nReview. After reviewing the sublime sayings of John\\nBrown, Senator Ingalls says:\\nWhat immortal and dauntless courage breathes in this\\nprocession of stately sentences what fortitude what pa-\\ntience; what faith; what radiant and eternal hope! No\\npagan philosopher, no Hebrew prophet, no Christian\\nmartyr, ever spoke in loftier and more heroic strains than\\nthis coward and murderer, who declared, from near\\nthe brink of an ignominious grave, that there was no\\nacquisition so splendid as moral purity; no inheritance\\nso desirable as personal liberty; nothing on this earth\\nnor in the world to come so valuable as the soul, whatever\\nthe hue of its habitation; no impulse so noble as an un-\\n*This article wa- witten in reply to one published by David N. Utter, In which\\nMr. Utter had called John Brown a coward and murderer. i", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "282 TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nconquerable purpose to love truth, and an invincible deter-\\nmination to obey God.\\nCarlyle says that when any great change in human\\nsociety is to be wrought, God raises up men to whom that\\nchange is made to appear as the one thing needful and\\nabsolutely indispensable. Scholars, orators, poets, phi-\\nlanthropists, play their parts, but the crisis comes at last\\nthrough some one who is stigmatized as a fanatic by his\\ncontemporaries, and whom the supporters of the systems\\nhe assails crucify between thieves or gibbet as a felon.\\nThe man who is not afraid to die for an idea is the most\\npotential and convincing advocate.\\nAlready the great intellectual leaders of the move-\\nment for the abolition of slavery are dead. The student\\nof the future will exhume their orations, arguments, and\\nstate papers, as a part of the subterranean history of the\\nepoch. The antiquarian will dig up their remains from\\nthe alluvial drift of the period, and construe their relations\\nto the great events in which they were actors. But the\\nthree men of this era who will loom forever against the\\nremotest horizon of time, as the pyramids above the voice-\\nless desert, or mountain-peaks over the subordinate plains,\\nare Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, and Old John\\nBrown of Osawatomie.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "My task is done my song hath ceased my theme\\nHas died into an echo; it is fit\\nThe spell should break of this protracted dream.\\nThe torch shall be extinguished which hath lit\\nMy midnight lamp and what is writ is writ.\\nFarewell! a word that must bo, and hath been\\nA sound which makes us linger; yet farewell!\\nYe! who have traced the pilgrim to the scene\\nWhich is his last, if in your memories dwell\\nA thought which once was his, if on ye swell\\nA single recollection, not in vain\\nHe wore his sandal-shoon and scallop-shell;\\nFarewell! with him alone may rest the pain\\nIf such there were with you, the moral of his strain!\\n(283)", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "THE STORY OF\\nHUMAN PROGRESS\\nBY...\\nFRANK W. BLACKMAR, Ph. D.\\nProfessor of History and Sociology in the\\nKansas University.\\nA brief history of Civilization. An Elementary Treatise\\non the Progress of the Human Race, designed\\nfor a brief survey of the whole field.\\n375 Pages. Full Cloth. Price, $1.00.\\nThe work is arranged in the following logical steps\\n1. The Nature of Civilization.\\n2. The First Steps of Progress.\\n3. The Dawn of Civilization.\\n4. Western Civilization.\\n5. Modern Progress.\\nA book of thorough treatment of the highest excellence of\\nthe latest and most advanced attainments in its field. It has been\\naccorded a flattering reception by educators, and it grows in popu-\\nlar favor.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "The Civil War\\nBY CAMPAIGNS.\\n....BY....\\nELI G. FOSTER.\\nA New and Valuable Book in a field where one is much needed.\\nIntended to cover this interesting- period in the history of our\\ncountry on the entirely new and novel plan of Campaigns, -with\\nCampaign Maps. For teachers and all those desirous of arriving\\nat correct conclusions from the study of the Great Conflict in a\\nsystematic way.\\nOne Volume, 300 Pages. Full Cloth. $1.00, prepaid.\\nThe chief difficulty in teaching this subject in the chronological\\norder is, that the teacher finds much difficulty in ascertaining and com-\\nprehending the true relations of campaigns to each other, and to the\\ngeneral conduct of the war. The mind becomes overburdened with\\nfacts, dates and names bearing but little relation to each other. Before\\nthe thread of a campaign is again found in the old manner of study, its\\nimportance has escaped the grasp of the pupil, and it is necessary to go\\nback and review before the recitation can proceed. To remedy this evil\\nis one of the objects of this book.\\nThe work contains a full set of colored campaign maps. Among\\nother things it includes\\n1. Causes and events leading to the war.\\n2. A history of the Navy, and naval battles of the war.\\n3. Financial measures to provide revenues for the war.\\n4. The opening of the Mississippi Kiver.\\n5. Grant s campaign in the West.\\n6. Bragg s Invasion of Kentucky.\\n7. The Army of the Potomac.\\n8. Sherman s March to the Sea.\\n9. All raids and campaigns of any consequence.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Outlines of\\nSchool Management\\nBy WALTER GIDINGHAGEN, B. L.,\\nProfessor of Pedagogy in Campbell University, Holton, Kansas.\\nA work embodying the latest accepted and approved methods,\\ntheories and practices in School Management. A work for\\nteachers and those qualifying for teachers.\\n90 Pages. Cloth 40 cents, Paper 25 cents; prepaid.\\nThis volume aims to state briefly and clearly the principles of school management,\\nand leaves the elaboration of the work to the teacher as he progresses in his work. It\\nis a compilation of the methods used by the best educators and the best educational\\ninstitutions in the country. To otherwise avail himself of the information contained\\nin this book would require that the teacher have a very extensive library, the essen-\\ntials of which are here condensed into a small and inexpensive volume.\\nThe mission of the book is to aid in quickening an interest in the study of the\\nprinciples of education. It is, too, prepared with special reference to the needs of\\nteachers and those qualifying for teachers.\\nThe duties of principals and superintendents are succinctly stated, and some of the\\nbest educators of our country have contributed to this department of the work. These\\nofficials will find here many suggestions, the following of which is considered indispen-\\nsable by the most advanced systems of education. This may be said of all other\\ndepartments of the work. Boards of Education can find in this work many suggestions\\nconcerning school buildings and their construction and arrangement, which, if fol-\\nlowed, would save much of the money expended in altering and changing unsuitable\\nbuildings.\\nThe price puts it within easy reach of all. Every teacher and every one expecting\\nto be a teacher should study this little work.\\nCrane Company, Topeka.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "OCT 1 WW\\nPUBLISHERS NOTICE.\\nThe two numbers of the Classic, Joim LVowu, will be bound in bunk form, with\\nvery copious notes and some additional text. The notes are full, and it Is believed\\nthey are indispensable to a right understanding of the Territorial history of Kansas.\\nMatters are discussed in them not mentioned in the Classics this is especially true of\\nthe criticism of authorities. The notes give the text its full meaning something it\\ncannot always convey in their absence. A complete index will be added to the bound\\nvolume, making it a work of 350 to 400 pages.\\nThis will be the latest and most complete and valuable Life of John Brown pub-\\nlished. Everything the research of the last fifteen years has brought to light will be\\nfound in this work. It places the old hero and martyr in his right place in the history\\nof Kansas and the country. It shows the presumptuous and unfounded claims of Ell\\nThayer to the honor of settling and saving Kansas to be pure arrogance and effrontery.\\nIt proves that he did only a very small part of the work that he was scarcely a factor.\\nHe was as often an obstacle as a help. It is conclusively shown that the attacks of\\nThayer and others, more bent on making money by the settlement of Kansas than any-\\nthing else, were inspired by jealousy, hate, personal spites and grudges. They hoped\\nto add to their own lean laurels by defaming, abusing and misrepresenting John Brown.\\nThey were non-combatants; no one ever heard of one of them going to the assistance\\nof a neighbor beset by ruffians. Not one of them ever carried a gun while the country\\nwas overrun by murderous villains bent upon the extermination of Free-State men.\\nOne of these chief defamers, Q. W. Brown, was assigned a gun, but admits that he lost it.\\nEvery Kansan should have this great work. We have made the price very low. Fill\\nout the following coupon and return it to us with $1.00. We will send you the work\\npostpaid.\\nCrane Company, Publishers,\\nTopeka, Kansas.\\n1900.\\nCRANE COMPANY,\\nTopeka, Kansas.\\nGentlemen: I hereby inclose $1 for JOHN BROWN, by Will-\\niam E. Connelley, to be delivered, prepaid.\\nIf more than one\\ncopy is desired, Name,\\nplease indicate\\nthe number\\nwanted. Postoffice,\\nNo Street.\\nCounty, State,\\nI R n 06", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "I\\nweiuietb Century\\nClassics\\nNo. 10.\\nJune, 1900.\\nJOHN\\nBrown\\nVol. I.\\nIssued Monthly.\\nPrice, $1 per year.\\nill\\nI\\nI\\nl\\\\\\nRANE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS,\\n110-112 EAST EIGHTH AVENUE, TOPEKA, KAN.\\nENTERED AT THE TOPEKA POSTOfFICE AS SECOND-CLASS MATTER.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "THE\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY\\nCLASSICS.\\nIssued monthly, under the editorial supervision of W. M. Davidson,\\nSuperintendent of Schools of the city of Topeka.\\nThe object is to furnish special reading of a high order for the use of\\nhigh schools, teachers, and for select reading.\\nThe first year s work will be divided into three groups, and be given\\nentirely to the following local series\\nHistory i. John Brown of Kansas.\\n2. Jim Lane of Kansas.\\n3. Eli Thayer and the Emigrant Aid Society.\\n4. Territorial Governors of Kansas.\\nLiterature. 1. Kansas in Poetry and Song.\\n2. Selections from Ironquill.\\n3. Kansas in Literature.\\n4. Kansas in History.\\nNature 1. Plants and Flowers of Kansas.\\nStudy 2. Birds of Kansas.\\nGroup. 3. Geography of Kansas.\\n4. Minerals of Kansas.\\nSubscription price will be $1.00 per year in advance, postage paid. Sin-\\ngle numbers, 10 cents. Clubs of six will be entitled to one subscription\\nfree.\\nWe invite subscriptions. No expense will be spared by the editorial\\nmanagement or by the publishers to make this series of the highest\\nstandard.\\nCRANE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS,\\nTOPEKA.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "SOME DESIRABLE BOOKS.\\nioneer from Kentucky. Col. Henry Inman. Full cloth $o 75\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2rican and British Authors, (a Text-book on Literature.) Frank V. Irish.\\npages. Cloth 35\\nrimer of Memory Gems. George Washington Hoss, A. M., LL. D. Full cloth 25\\nalo Jones s Forty Years of Adventure. Compiled by Colonel Henry Inman. Full\\n.th a\\ndamentals of the English Language, or Orthography and Orthoepy.\\nank V. Irish. Cloth 5\u00c2\u00b0\\n\u00c2\u00bbt Salt Lake Trail. Col. Henry Inman 2 5\u00c2\u00b0\\nnshel s Language Lessons and Elementary Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A. M. 30\\nnshel s Advanced Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A.M 60\\nnshel s Complete English Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A.M 5\u00c2\u00b0\\nand Manual to Hoenshel s Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A.M 5\u00c2\u00b0\\ntory of the Birds of Kansas. Col. N. S. Goss. Large octavo, 692 pages, 100 full-\\ngo illustrations. Full cloth, $5. Full Morocco 6 00\\ntory of Kansas. Clara H. Hazelrigg. 298 pages. Full cloth i 00\\nsas Methodist Pulpit. J. W. D. Anderson. 1 vol., 297 pages. Full cloth 100\\nure Study a Reader. Mrs. Lucy Langdon Wilson, Ph. D 35\\nure Study in Elementary Schools a Manual for Teachers. Mrs. Lucy Lang-\\nn Wilson, Ph. D 9\u00c2\u00b0\\nmal Institute Reader. Wasson and Ramsey. Paper, 25c. Cloth 40\\nSanta Fe Trail. Col. Henry Inman 2 50\\nlines of Logic. Jacob Westlund. Cloth 5\u00c2\u00b0\\n.roads Their Construction, Cost, Operation, and Control. Jesse Hardesty.\\nper 5\u00c2\u00b0\\narence Manual and Outlines of United States History. Ell G. Foster. Paper,\\nc. Full cloth 4\u00c2\u00b0\\nfines of Ironquill. Eugene F. Ware. 324 pages. Full cloth 1 00\\nool Supervision and Maintenance. H. C. Fellow. Full cloth 100\\npping Stone to Singing. Containing E. M. Foote s novel method of Writing,\\nnalyzing and Reading Music. E. M. Foote and J. S. Slie 4\u00c2\u00b0\\ndent s Standard Dictionary 250\\ndent s Standard Dictionary, with Dennison s Index 3\\nplemental Methods. Belle Varvel Houston. Full cloth 75\\nes of the Trail. Col. Henry Inman. 1 vol., 288 pages. Full cloth I 00\\nichers and Students Manual of Arithmetic. J. A. Ferrell, B. S., C. E. Cloth 50\\ns Civil War by Campaigns. Eli G. Foster 1 00\\nDeclaration of Independence, Constitution of the United States, and Con-\\n.itution of the State of Kansas 25\\nDelahoydes, or Boy-Life on the Old Santa Fe Trail. Full cloth 1 00\\nStory of Human Progress a Brief History of Civilization. Frank W.\\nlackmar, Ph. D. 375 pages. Full cloth 1 00\\nasured Thoughts Gleaned from the Fields of Literature. Frank V. Irish.\\nioth 50\\n5 Wooster Primer. Lizzie E. Wooster 25\\n3eka Pen and Camera Sketches. Mary E. Jackson. 1 vol., 200 pages. Full cloth, 100\\nical Outline of Civil Government. W. D. Kuhn. Paper, 25c. Cloth 4\u00c2\u00b0\\ninning Orations. A collection of the Winning Orations of the Inter-state Oratorical\\nontests, and the biographies of contestants. 0. E. Prather. 242 pages. Full cloth 1 25\\nCRANE COMPANY, TOPEKA, KANSAS.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "wcntieib Century\\n0a$$ic$\\nNo. 11.\\nJuly, 1900.\\nJohn\\nBrown\\nVol. II.\\nIssued Monthly.\\nPrice, $1 per year.\\ni\\nM\\nt\\ni\\nA\\n_\\n;RANE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS,\\n110-112 EAST EIGHTH AVENUE, TOPEKA, KAN.", "height": "2709", "width": "1857", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "THE\\nTWENTIETH CENTURY\\nCLASSICS.\\nIssued monthly, under the editorial supervision of W. M. Davidson,\\nSuperintendent of Schools of the city of Topeka.\\nThe object is to furnish special reading of a high order for the use of\\nhigh schools, teachers, and for select reading.\\nThe first year s work will be divided into three groups, and be given\\nentirely to the following local series\\nHistory i. John Brown of Kansas.\\n2. Jim Lane of Kansas.\\n3. Eli Thayer and the Emigrant Aid Society.\\n4. Territorial Governors of Kansas.\\nLiterature. 1. Kansas in Poetry and Song.\\n2. Selections from Ironquill.\\n3. Kansas in Literature.\\n4. Kansas in History.\\nNature 1. Plants and Flowers of Kansas.\\nStudy 2. Birds of Kansas.\\nGroup. 3. Geography of Kansas.\\n4. Minerals of Kansas.\\nSubscription price will be $1.00 per year in advance, postage paid. Sin-\\ngle numbers, 10 cents. Clubs of six will be entitled to one subscription\\nfree.\\nWe invite subscriptions. No expense will be spared by the editorial\\nmanagement or by the publishers to make this series of the highest\\nstandard.\\nCRANE COMPANY, PUBLISHERS,\\nTOPEKA.", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "SOME DESIRABLE BOOKS.\\nioneer from Kentucky. Col. Henry Inman. Full cloth So 75\\ntrican and British Authors, (a Text-book on Literature.) Frank V. Irish.\\npages. Cloth 35\\nrimer of Memory Gems. George Washington Hoss, A. M., LL. D. Full cloth 25\\nalo Jones s Forty Years of Adventure. Compiled by Colonel Henry Inman. Full\\nth 2 00\\ndamentals of the English Language, or Orthography and Orthoepy.\\nink V. Irish. Cloth 50\\nit Salt Lake Trail. Col. Henry Inman 2 50\\nnshel s Language Lessons and Elementary Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A. M. 30\\nnshel s Advanced Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A.M 60\\nnshel s Complete English Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A.M 50\\naad Manual to Hoenshel s Grammar. E. J. Hoenshel, A.M 50\\nory of the Birds of Kansas. Col. N. S. Goss. Large octavo, 692 pages, 100 full-\\n\u00c2\u00bbe Illustrations. Full cloth, $5. Full Morocco 6 00\\nory of Kansas. Clara H. Eazelrigg. 298 pages. Full cloth 1 00\\nMB Methodist Pulpit. J. W. D. Anderson. 1 vol., 297 pages. Full cloth 100\\nire Study a Reader. Mrs. Lucy Langdon Wilson, Ph. D 35\\nire Study in Elementary Schools a Manual for Teachers. Mrs. Lucy Lang-\\n1 Wilson, Ph. D 90\\nnal Institute Reader. Wasson and Ramsey. Paper, 25c. Cloth 40\\nSanta Fe Trail. Col. Henry Inman 2 5\u00c2\u00b0\\nines of Logic. Jacob Westlund. Cloth 5\u00c2\u00b0\\nroads Their Construction, Cost, Operation, and Control. Jesse Hardesty.\\nper 50\\nrence Manual and Outlines of United States History. Ell G. Foster. Paper,\\nFull cloth 40\\nmes of Ironqulll. Eugene F. Ware. 324 pages. Full cloth 100\\nol Supervision and Maintenance. H. C. Fellow. Full cloth 1 00\\nping Stone to Singing. Containing E. M. Foote s novel method of Writing,\\nalyzlng and Reading Music. E. M. Foote and J. S. Slle 4\u00c2\u00b0\\nent s Standard Dictionary 250\\nent s Standard Dictionary, with Dennison s Index 3 \u00c2\u00b0o\\nlemental Methods. Belle Varvel Houston. Full cloth 75\\ns of the Trail. Col. Henry Inman. 1 vol., 288 pages. Full cloth I 00\\nhers and Students Manual of Arithmetic. J. A. Ferrell, B. S., 0. E. Cloth 50\\nCivil War by Campaigns. Eli G. Foster 1 00\\nDeclaration of Independence, Constitution of the United States, and Con-\\ntution of the State of Kansas 25\\nDelahoydes, or Boy-Life on the Old Santa Fe Trail. Full cloth I 00\\nStory of Human Progress a Brief History of Civilization. Frank W.\\nckmar, Ph. D. 875 pages. Full cloth 1 00\\nsured Thoughts Gleaned from the Fields of Literature. Frank V. Irish.\\nth 50\\nWooster Primer. Lizzie E. Wooster 25\\nka Pen and Camera Sketches. Mary E. Jackson. 1 vol., 200 pages. Full cloth, X 00\\neal Outline of Civil Government. W. D. Kuhn. Paper, 25c. Cloth 40\\naing Orations. A collection of the Winning Orations of the Inter-state Oratorical\\nitests, and the biographies of contestants. C. E. Prather. 242 pages. Full cloth.. I 25\\nCRANE COMPANY, TOPEKA, KANSAS.", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2672", "width": "1684", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "COFF EY\\nv MAP\\n1 1 r\u00c2\u00abvv nyj t he Ate a of t he X a cj nj K H s a s W\\nD\\nV Vj 1 li Am G o i\\\\ tie lie i-o f T lve Life o( To)i u 33 c w a,", "height": "2682", "width": "1772", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "THE TWENTIETH CENTURY CLASSICS\\nAND SCHOOL READINGS\\nUNDER THE EDITORIAL SUPERVISION OP\\nW. M. DAVIDSON\\nSUPERINTENDENT OP THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OP TOPEKA, KANSAS\\nJohn Brown", "height": "2714", "width": "1769", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n012 028 339 A\\nw$\\n\\\\i]A*\\\\t\\nI", "height": "2832", "width": "1870", "jp2-path": "johnbrown00conn_0316.jp2"}}