{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3747", "width": "2366", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Book..^2_2.__\\n1)9\\nCOPYRIGHT DEPOSIT", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "Heroes of the Nations.\\nPER VOLUME, CLOTH, $1.50. HALF MOROCCO, Si. 75.\\nI. Nelson. By W. Clark Russell.\\nII. Gustavus Adolphus. By C. R. L. Fletcher, M.A.\\nIII. Pericles. By Evelyn Abbott, M.A.\\nIV. Theodoric the Goth. By Thomas Hodgkin.\\nv.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sir Philip Sidney. By H. R. Fox-Bourne.\\nVI. Julius Caesar. By W. Warde Fowler, M.A.\\nVII. Wyclif. By Lewis Sergeant.\\nVIII. Napoleon. By William O Connor Morris.\\nIX.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Henry of Navarre. By P. F. Willert.\\nX. Cicero. By J. L. Strachan-Davidson, M.A.\\nXI.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Abraham Lincoln. By Noah Brooks.\\nXII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Prince Henry. By C. R. Beazley.\\nXIII.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Julian the Philosopher. By Alice Gardner.\\nXIV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Louis XIV. By Arthur Hassall, M.A.\\nXV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Charles XH. By R. Nisbet Bain.\\nXVI. Lorenzo de Medici. By Edward Armstrong.\\nXVII. Jeanne d Arc. By Mrs. Oliphant.\\nXVIII. Christopher Columbus. By Washington Irving.\\nXIX. Robert the Bruce. By Sir Herbert Maxwell, M.R\\nXX. Hannibal. By William O Connor Morris.\\nXXL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 U. S. Grant. By W. Conant Church.\\nXXII. \u00e2\u0080\u0094Robert E. Lee. By Henry A. White.\\nXXIII\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Cid Campeador. By H. Butler Clarke.\\nXXIV Saladin. By Stanley Lane- Poole.\\nXXV.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Bismarck. By J. W. Headlam, M.A.\\nXXV L\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Alexander the Great.- By Benjamin I. Wheeler.\\nXXVIL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Charlemagne. By H. W. C. Davis.\\nXXVIIL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Oliver Cromwell. By Charles Firth.\\nXXIX \u00e2\u0080\u0094Richelieu. By James B. Perkins.\\nXXX.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Daniel O Connell. By Robert Dunlop.\\nXXXI. -Saint Louis. By Frederick Perry,\\nXXXIL\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lord Chatham. Bv Walford Davis Green.\\nG. P. PUTNAM S SONS, New York and London", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Iberoee of tbe IRattons\\nEDITED BY\\nEvelyn Bbbott, /ID.B.\\nFELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD\\nFACTA 0UCI8 VIVENT OP6R08AQUE\\nGLORIA RERUM. OVID, IN LIVIAM 266.\\nTHE HERO S DEEDS AND HARD-WON\\nFAME SHALL LIVE.\\nDANIEL O CONNELL", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "DANIEL O CONNELL.\\nFROM THE PAINTING BY DAVID WILKIE.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "DANIEL O CONNELL\\nAND THE REVIVAL OF NATIONAL LIFE\\nIN IRELAND\\nROBERT DUNLOP, M.A.\\nAUTHOR OF a LIFE OF HENRY GRATTAN, ETC.\\nG. P. PUTNAM S SONS\\nNEW YORK LONDON\\n27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND\\ng^e fmickerbotker |P\u00c2\u00abss\\n1900", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "64449\\nLit n\u00c2\u00abjr/ of Con^\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2OCT 22 1900\\nCopyright entry\\nK .XT^V-^^^Va\\nSECOND COPY.\\nmom DIVISION,\\nO CT 25 1900\\nCopyright, igoo\\nBY\\nG. P. PUTNAM S SONS\\ntCbe ftnfcfterboclter Pvees, t\\\\6vo l^orfi", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nTHIS little volume is not offered to the public as\\na mere verbal expansion of the article which I\\ncontributed a few years ago to the Dictionary\\nof National Bio grapJiy, The conditions of its pro-\\nduction have allowed of freer treatment than was\\npossible or even desirable in the former instance.\\nAt the same time I have endeavoured to maintain\\nthe attitude of impartiality which. I trust, marked\\nthe earlier essay. My view throughout has re-\\nmained unchanged. The ashes of the controversy\\nthat raged about O Connell during his lifetime are\\nstill hot in the path of his biographer. Perhaps\\neven yet the time has hardly come when it is pos-\\nsible to judge him in his true proportions. Years of\\nstudy devoted to Irish history and a warm attach-\\nment to the land of my literary adoption will, I\\nhope, plead for me with those who regard it as a\\npresumption for anyone save an Irishman to ofTer\\nan opinion on a subject peculiarly Irish. Fortunate\\nin possessing dear friends in both camps, and know-\\ning that however divided they are in politics they\\nare united in a common love of their common\\ncountry, I shall account myself doubly fortunate if\\nthe sketch I have here attempted of perhaps the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "IV\\nPreface.\\nmost illustrious of their countrymen tends in any\\neven the slightest degree to lessen the grounds\\nof difference and to strengthen the bonds of union\\nbetween them. Having no other cause to serve but\\nthat of truth, I have concealed nothing and set\\nnothing down in malice. ForO Connell my admira-\\ntion has increased the more attentively I have\\nstudied his life and though I am well aware that\\nthe result has fallen far short of the modest ideal I\\nset before me, I have tried to console myself with\\nthe reflection of a generous critic, who was wont to\\nremark that, nullum esse librum tam malum ut non\\naliqua parte prodesset.\\nR. D.\\nOctober 28, 1899.\\n^^^a.^\\nO CONNELL COAT-OF-ARMS.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nPAGE\\nEARLY LIFE AND MARRIAGE (1775-1802) I\\nIntroduction Birthplace A gentle lover of Nature\\nParentage and birth Early Impressions School-days at\\nCove, St. Omer, and Douay French Revolution Enters\\nLincoln s Inn His studies Returns to Ireland Historical\\nretrospect Is called to the Bar Rebellion of 98 Illness\\nJoins the Munster circuit Anecdote Professional Suc-\\ncess Irish judges Attitude towards the Bench Coun-\\nsellor O Connell Opposition to the Union First political\\nspeech Marriage Domestic felicity.\\nCHAPTER II.\\nIRELAND AFTER THE UNION (1803-1812) 23\\nThe Union Emmet s rebellion O Connell s mission\\nCatholic Agitation revived Catholic petition rejected\\nJohn Keogh and the policy of dignified silence O Con-\\nnell ousts Keogh from the leadership of the Catholics Grat-\\ntan s mistake Origin of the veto controversy Agitation in\\nDublin against the Union Causes of the same O Connell\\nadvocates the repeal of the Union Collapse of the Agitation\\nCatholic Committee and the Convention Act O Connell s\\nproposals for evading the Act Government interferes\\nThe Committee scores a victory O Connell s activity\\nCatholic Committee reconstituted Trial and acquittal of\\nDr. Sheridan Catholic Committee dispersed Catholic\\nBoard established.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "vi Contents,\\nCHAPTER III.\\nPAGE\\nPARLIAMENT AND THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS (l8l2-\\ni3i3) 42\\nAssassination of Perceval Catholic hopes disappointed\\nWitchery resolutions House of Commons pledges itself\\nto revise the penal laws O Connell preaches perseverance\\nA nation of slaves General election Catholic indif-\\nference Apprehensions of the Protestants House of Com-\\nmons reaffirms its resolution Catholic Bill introduced\\nThe Canning clauses Denounced by O Connell and\\nthe Catholic bishops Bill withdrawn Schism in the\\nBoard Indignation against O Connell His remarkable\\nspeech.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nIN DEFENCE OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS (1813) 59\\nThe Irish Catholic Press A libel action Prosecution of\\nJohn Magee The Attorney-General, William Saurin\\nO Connell defends Magee His speech Extraordinary\\nsensation produced by it A verdict of guilty A scene in\\nCourt Magee disowns O Connell Judgment O Connell s\\ndistress Public testimonial to him.\\nCHAPTER V.\\nDUELS AND DISAPPOINTMENTS (1814-1820)\\nQuarantotti s rescript O Connell denies the temporal au-\\nthority of the Pope The Securities Refusal of Grattan\\nto advocate unqualified emancipation Catholic Board sup-\\npressed D Esterre challenges O Connell D Esterre s\\ndeath O Connell s remorse His vow Affair of honour\\nwith Peel O Connell apologises General despondency\\nA Catholic Association started Humble remonstrance\\nto the Pope Famine and pestilence Question of parlia-\\nmentary reform Grattan advocates the Catholic claims for\\nthe last time His death.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "Contents. vii\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nPAGE\\nTHE king s visit (182I-1822) 107\\nDifficulty of finding a successor to Grattan A lost session\\nO Connell on parliamentary reform Controversy with\\nShell House of Commons agrees to consider the Catholic\\nclaims Plunket s bills Denounced by O Connell Re-\\njected by the Lords George IV. visits Ireland Universal\\njoy Magnificent reception Disappointment Viceroyalty\\nof the Marquis of Wellesley A sandwich system Saurin\\nremoved Question of Domestic nomination Recrudes-\\ncence of agrarian crime O Connell s letters to the Marquis\\nof Wellesley The Viceroy insulted Bottle and Battle\\nO Connell preaches toleration A society for the protec-\\ntion of Catholic life and property.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nFOUNDATION OF THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION 1823-\\n1824) 130\\nMeeting in O Dempsey s tavern The necessity of an asso-\\nciation for the protection of Catholic life and property\\nCatholic Association founded Its small beginnings\\nDanger of a collapse Proposals for extending its influence\\nMoney wanted O Connell s penny-a-month plan for\\nliberating Ireland The heart of the nation touched\\nCatholic Association organised Effect on the country.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nTHE ATTACK ON THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION (1824-\\n1825) 144\\nRapid progress of the Association Government becomes\\nalarmed O Connell and Sir Harcourt Lees prosecuted for\\nseditious language Failure of the prosecution O Connell\\ndisclaims physical force Government resolves to suppress\\nthe Association A deputation to Parliament Association\\nsuppressed House of Commons resolves to consider the\\nCatholic claims Parliamentary committees to inquire into", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "vIII Contents.\\nPAGE\\nthe state of Ireland O Connell examined Feasted and\\nflattered Assists in drafting a Catholic Relief Bill The\\nWings Honest Jack Lawless Bill rejected by the\\nLords O Connell returns to Ireland Catholic Association\\nreorganised.\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nTHE AWAKENING OF THE NATION (1825-1828) 164\\nO Connell s popularity He inherits Darrynane Re-\\nnounces the Wings policy Controversy with Dr. Doyle\\nGeneral Election Contest in County Waterford\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Revolt of\\nthe forty-shilling freeholders Defeat of the Beresfords\\nRetaliatory measures\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Order of Liberators established\\nEffect on the Catholic peasantry House of Commons re-\\njects the Catholic claims O Connell broaches the Repeal\\nof the Union Canning becomes Prime Minister O Connell\\ndemands a change of system Death of Canning Ad-\\nministration of the Duke of Wellington A million and a\\nhalf of petitioners Extension of the Catholic Association\\nBrunswick clubs started.\\nCHAPTER X.\\nEMANCIPATION (1828-1829) 197\\nA by-election in County Clare\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The Association determines\\nto contest the constituency Difficulty of finding a candi-\\ndate O Connell persuaded to stand\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Publishes his address\\nto the electors Intense excitement Scenes at Ennis\\nO Connell s victory Attempt to extend the Catholic propa-\\nganda into Ulster Failure of the experiment Critical\\nstate of affairs Anglesey advises concession Ministerial\\ndifficulties Anglesey recalled Catholic Association dis-\\nsolved Parliament concedes Catholic Emancipation Situ-\\nation reviewed National testimonial to O Connell He\\ndeclines to take the oath\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A new writ issued\u00e2\u0080\u0094 O Connell\\nre-elected M.P. for County Clare Emancipation deprived\\nof its natural effect\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Doneraile conspiracy and trial\\nO Connell appeals for Protestant co-operation.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "Contents. ix\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nPAGE\\nPARLIAMENTARY REFORM AND TITHES (1830-1832) 238\\nO Connell takes his seat in the House of Commons Starts\\na Society for promoting the repeal of the Union Society\\nsuppressed Advises a run on the Bank of Ireland Cen-\\nsured in Parliament Death of George IV. General elec-\\ntion O Connell returned for County Waterford Letters\\nto the Irish People Repeal movement spreads O Con-\\nnell s activity Repeal breakfasts Marquis of Anglesey\\ndetermines to suppress the agitation O Connell arrested\\nManifestations of a dangerous feeling in the metropolis\\nCollapse of the prosecution Reform an indispensable step\\ntoward Repeal The tithe question Dr. Doyle advocates\\na poor-law for Ireland Massacre at Newtownbarry\\nDr. Doyle on the situation Attempt to quieten O Con-\\nnell Promise of a change of system Ireland sinking\\ninto decrepitude O Connell abandons poor-law relief as a\\npanacea for Irish grievances.\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nWHIGS AND COERCION (1832-1835) 266\\nAbolition of tithes demanded General election Repeal\\nvictories O Connell returned for Dublin Agrarian out-\\nrages O Connell advises exceptional measures for their\\nrepression Meeting of the first reformed Parliament A\\nbrutal and bloody speech Coercion O Connell pleads\\nfor a full inquiry His indifference to personal attacks\\nOffers to submit to banishment Coercion Act passed A\\npolicy of kicks and kindness Situation improves\\nWhigs to be maintained in office O Connell s policy disap-\\nproved of in Ireland His hand forced by Feargus O Con-\\nnor Despondency Moves the repeal of the Union Good\\nresults of the debate Agitation suspended O Connell\\ndeceived Reconstruction of administration under Lord\\nMelbourne General election.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "X Contents.\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nPAGE\\nIRELAND UNDER THOMAS DRUMMOND (1835-1840) 296\\nAlliance with the Whigs Lichfield House Compact\\nO Connell declines office Thomas Drummond Conspiracy\\nto drive O Connell out of public life A costly election pe-\\ntition Challenged by Alvanley and Disraeli The Raphael\\ncalumny Attacked by the Times Expulsion from Brooks s\\ndemanded Death of Mrs. O Connell Whig legislation\\nAccession of Queen Victoria The Spottisvvoode con-\\nspiracy O Connell reprimanded by the Speaker Refuses\\nto retract Loss of popularity Declines the Mastership of\\nthe Rolls Retires to Mount Melleray Failure of the\\nPrecursor experiment Mental depression No hope for\\nIreland but Repeal.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nREPEAL AGITATION (1840-1843) 320\\nRepeal Association founded Slow progress Circle of\\nagitation widens O Connell hopeful Repeal meetings\\nGeneral apathy The Association at work Keep mov-\\ning O Connell s insult to the North Is elected Lord\\nMayor of Dublin His conduct as Mayor Preparations\\nfor getting up steam Repeal Inspectors appointed\\nRepeal debate in the Dublin Corporation Extraordinary\\neffect Rapid development of the agitation Father\\nMathew and the Temperance movement The Young\\nIreland party Monster meetings O Connell s perse-\\nverance rewarded Government meditates an attack Meet-\\ning at Tara Its lesson.\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nCOLLAPSE OF THE REPEAL AGITATION (1843-1847) 35 I\\nMeeting at Clontarf proclaimed O Connell s moral courage\\nHe and his associates arrested Trial and conviction\\nO Connell commands obedience to the law Judgment", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "Contents. xi\\nIn jail for Ireland Judgment reversed by the Lords\\nFederalism versus Repeal O Connell s views on the sub-\\nject Denounced by the Young Ireland party The Devon\\nCommission Attacked by the Times The Great Famine\\nCoercion no remedy Fresh alliance with the Whigs\\nRupture between O Connell and the Young Ireland party\\nA last plea for Ireland Death Concluding remarks.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS.\\nDANIEL O CONNELL\\nPAGE\\nFrontispiece\\n[From the painting by David Wilkie.J\\nO CONNELL ARMS iv\\nCARHEN, CAHIRCIVEEN 2\\nCOURT HOUSE, TRALEE 14\\nBANK OF IRELAND, DUBLIN. (oLD PARLIAMENT\\nhouse) 24\\nHENRY GRATTAN 28\\n[From an engraving by Godley in the British\\nMuseum.]\\nDANIEL O CONNELL, M.P. 2)^\\n[From a painting by Bernard Mulrenin, R.H.A.,\\nin the National Portrait Gallery.]\\nSIR ROBERT PEEL 54\\n[From a painting by John Linnell, in the National\\nPortrait Gallery.]\\nFOUR COURTS, DUBI-IN 64\\nKILMAINHAM JAIL 78\\nLISMORE CASTLE, COUNTY WATERFORD 90\\nRICHARD LALOR SHEIL 96\\nLORD PLUNKET I08", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "xiv Ilhistrations.\\nPAGE\\nGEORGE IV .112\\n[From a painting by Sir Thomas Lawrence,\\nP.R.A., in the National Portrait Gallery.]\\nking s bridge, DUBLIN Il6\\nSACKVILLE street, DUBLIN 13O\\n[From Bartlett s Ireland.^^\\nBISHOP DOYLE 142\\n[From a print in the British Museum.]\\nOLD HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT, WESTMINSTER I54\\n[From a collection of London engravings in the\\nLibrary of British Museum.]\\nMEDAL STRUCK FOR O CONNELL BY MONOP 163\\nDARRYNANE HOUSE, COUNTY KERRY 166\\nO CONNELL, FITZPATRICK, AND CONWAY IN THE\\nOFFICE OF THE Evening Post 200\\n[From the painting by Haverty in the National\\nPortrait Gallery, Dublin.]\\nTREATY STONE, LIMERICK 2o6\\nSTATUE OF o CONNELL, CITY HALL, DUBLIN 224\\nEXTRAORDINARY ANIMAL 268\\n[From a print in the British Museum.]\\nTHOMAS DRUMMOND 300\\n[From a print in the British Museum,]\\nDARRYNANE ABBEY, COUNTY KERRY 308\\nUPPER LAKE, KILLARNEY 324\\nMANSION HOUSE, DUBLIN 334\\nFATHER MATHEW 340\\nTHOMAS DAVIS 342\\n[From Dufify s Li/e of Thomas Davis.\\nTARA HILL 35\u00c2\u00a9\\n[From Petrie s Antiquities of Tar a Iliil.^", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "Illusti ations.\\nXV\\nTWO GREAT CHIEFTAINS\\n[From a print in the British Museum.]\\nTHE NAUGHTY BOY\\n[From a print in the British Museum.]\\nDANIEL O CONNELL\\n[From the painting by T. Carrick.]\\no CONNELL MONUMENT, GLASNEVIN\\nPAGE\\n366\\n376", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "DANIEL O CONNELL\\nCHAPTER I.\\nEARLY LIFE AND MARRIAGE.\\n1775-1802.\\nREVOLUTION has succeeded revolution in\\nIreland and one set of proprietors another.\\nBut despite the frequent changes through\\nwhich the country has passed the plantations, trans-\\nplantations and worst of all the confiscations under\\nthe penal code the O Connells have never entirely\\nlost foothold in that wild and mountainous strip of\\nland that stretches out storm-lashed into the Atlantic\\nbetween Dingle Bay and the river of Kenmare, of\\nwhich they were at one time the lords and masters.\\nWe have peace in these glens, said old Maurice\\nO Connell to Charles Smith, the antiquarian, when\\nhe was soHciting information for his history of Kerry,\\nand amid this seclusion enjoy a respite from persecu-\\ntion, where we can still profess the beloved faith of our", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "2 Daniel O ConnelL Li 775-\\nfathers. But if you make mention of me and mine,\\nthese seaside solitudes will no longer yield us an asylum.\\nThe Sassanagh will scale the mountains of Darrynane\\nand we too shall be driven out upon the world without\\na home.\\nBut the O Connells were a shrewd race withal, know-\\ning when to bend to the inevitable, when also to\\nturn their opportunities to best advantage and per-\\nhaps they owed their inamunity from invasion as\\nmuch to their political insignificance and the prudent\\nalliances they contracted with their English neigh-\\nbours as to the solitariness of their glens.\\nCarhen House, the birthplace of the Liberator,\\nhas long ago disappeared, and the little village of\\nCahirciveen, which now the railway renders easily\\naccessible, has since acquired a new importance\\nfrom its proximity to the cable-station on Valentia\\nIsland. But the sea with all its changing moods of\\ncalm and storm, of ebb and flow, and the mountains\\non which the mists gather or which wind-cleared\\nreflect in purple radiance the glory of the western\\nsun abide the same. In all essential features the\\nplace remains unchanged from the day when as a\\nboy O Connell paddled on the silvery sands of Darry-\\nnane Bay, or as a busy barrister snatching a briei\\nholiday from his professional duties hunted the hare\\non foot and made the hills resound with shout and\\nlaughter, or as a wearied politician, seeking rest and\\nhealth amid his native vales, watched with saddened\\neyes the waves as they curled and broke on that\\nrock-bound coast. The wild beauty of the place\\nearly impressed itself on O Connell s sensitive nature,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage. 3\\nand recollections of his mountain home added an\\nintensity to his love of his native land, which neither\\ntime nor the excitement of a public life ever dulled.\\nQuoting Landor s lines from Gebir on the sea-shell\\nShake one, and it awakens then apply\\nIts polisht lips to your attentive ear,\\nAnd it remembers its august abodes.\\nAnd murmurs as the ocean murmurs there.\\nhe wrote to the poet in 1838\\nWould that I had you here, to show you their august\\nabode in its most awful beauty. I could show you at\\nnoontide when the stern south-western had blown long\\nand rudely the mountain waves coming in from the\\nillimitable ocean in majestic succession, expanding their\\ngigantic force, and throwing up stupendous masses of\\nfoam, against the more gigantic and more stupendous\\nmountain cliffs that fence not only this my native spot,\\nbut form that eternal barrier which prevents the wild\\nAtlantic from submerging the cultivated plains and high\\nsteepled villages of proud Britain herself. Or, were you\\nwith me amidst the Alpine scenery that surrounds my\\nhumble abode, listening to the eternal roar of the mount-\\nain torrent, as it bounds through the rocky defiles of\\nmy native glens, I would venture to tell you how I was\\nborn within the sound of the everlasting wave, and how\\nmy dreamy boyhood dwelt upon imaginary intercourse\\nwith those who are dead of yore, and fed its fond fancies\\nupon the ancient and long-faded glories of that land\\nwhich preserved literature and Christianity when the\\nrest of now civilised Europe was shrouded in the dark-\\nness of godless ignorance. Yes my expanding spirit,\\ndelighted in these day dreams, till catching from them", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "4 Daniel O Connell [1775-\\nan enthusiasm which no disappointment can embitter,\\nnor accumulating years diminish, I formed the high\\nresolve to leave my native land better after my death\\nthan I found her at my birth, and, if possible, to make\\nher what she ought to be\\nGreat, glorious and free,\\nFirst flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea.\\nPerhaps, if I could show you the calm and exquisite\\nbeauty of these capacious bays and mountain promon-\\ntories softened in the pale moonlight which shines this\\nlovely evening, till all which during the day was grand\\nand terrific has become calm and serene in the silent\\ntranquillity of the clear night perhaps you would readily\\nadmit that the man who has been so often called a\\nferocious demagogue, is, in truth, a gentle lover of\\nNature, an enthusiast of all her beauties\\nFond of each gentle and each dreary scene,\\nand catching from the loveliness as well as the dreariness\\nof the ocean, and Alpine scenes with which he is sur-\\nrounded, a greater ardour to promote the good of man,\\nin his overwhelming admiration of the mighty works\\nof God.\\nThe eldest son of Morgan O Connell and Cather-\\nine, daughter of John O Mullane of Whitechurch,\\ncounty Cork, Daniel O Connell was born at Carhen\\nHouse on 6th August, 1775 being, with the excep-\\ntion of his uncle, Count Daniel O Connell. the first\\nof his house destined to make a name for himself in\\nhistory and to extend the reputation of a hitherto\\nundistinguished and insignificant Irish clan into the\\nfarthest corners of the earth. His birth coincided\\nalmost with the declaration of American independ-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage. 5\\nence and with the first relaxation of those penal\\nlaws, through the operation of which, extended\\nover three-quarters of a century, the Irish Roman\\nCatholics, and in them the bulk of the nation, had\\nbeen reduced to a state of physical, political, and\\nmoral serfdom almost without parallel in Europe.\\nThis first act of justice towards their own country-\\nmen had been followed by a determined effort on\\nthe part of the Irish Protestants the descendants\\nof successive generations of English settlers to reas-\\nsert the legislative independence of their own parlia-\\nment and rebut the claim of the British legislature to\\nenact laws binding on Ireland. O Connell was too\\nyoung to remember the great volunteer movement\\nand the intense wave of patriotism that passed over\\nthe country, reaching even to the Catholics, whose\\nsympathy, if obliged to restrict itself to their purses,\\nwas on that account none the less sincere or efficient.\\nWhen Grattan won his memorable but fruitless\\nvictory O Connell was barely seven years old, and it\\nis small wonder if in recalling his earliest impress-\\nions the statesman s figure should have loomed less\\nlargely in his imagination than that of the redoubt-\\nable buccaneer, Paul Jones, whose appearance off\\nthe coast of Kerry struck terror into the peasants of\\nthe district.\\nLike many great men O Connell loved to attribute\\nhis success in life to the influence of his mother, and\\nit was indeed to her a pious, sensible, and affection-\\nate woman as she seems to have been and to David\\nMahony, an old hedge-schoolmaster one of those\\ncurious products of the penal code, whose avocation", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "6 Daniel 0 ConnelL [1775-\\nit was, seated behind some dyke or hedge out of the\\nway of informers, to teach his pupils feloniously to\\nlearn that he owed the first rudiments of his\\neducation. At an early age, however, he had the\\n|ood fortune to be adopted by his uncle, Maurice of\\nDarrynane, the head of the family, a childless and\\nsomewhat eccentric, but withal prudent old gentle-\\nman, familiarly known in the neighbourhood as\\nOld Hunting Cap and it was at Darrynane that\\nthe happiest days of his childhood were passed. Of\\nbooks he had small store. His favourite was Captain\\nCook s Voyages the first big book I ever read and I\\nread it with intense avidity but it was in ballads\\nthat he chiefly delighted, and no time could ever\\nefface the impression or even entirely the words of a\\nballad he once heard sung by a man and woman in\\nthe streets of Tralee when he was only twelve years\\nold\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nI leaned my back against an oak,\\nI thought it was a trusty tree.\\nBut first it bent and then it broke\\nTvvas thus my love deserted me\\nDiffidence was never, perhaps, one of O Connell s\\nweak points, but it may be suspected that the preco-\\ncious announcement of his intention to rival Flood\\nand Grattan in making a stir in the world also, dur-\\ning a discussion at his uncle s table on the relative\\nmerits of those two orators, owes its point to the par-\\ndonable exaggeration of a friendly afterthought.\\nAnyhow his career at Father Harrington s school at\\nCove, now Queenstown (said to have been the first\\nschool opened in Ireland by a Catholic priest, subse-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage, 7\\nquent to the relaxation of the penal laws), whither he\\nwas sent at the age of thirteen, hardly leads us to sup=\\npose that the natural exuberance of his boyhood was\\ngreatly damped by the thought of any such high re-\\nsolve, and for himself he seems to have been quite\\nsatisfied with having achieved the unique distinction\\nof being the only boy in the school who had never\\nbeen flogged. This, he used to say, I owed\\nto my attention.\\nAs a Roman Catholic, Trinity College was, of\\ncourse, closed to him, but thanks to the liberality\\nof his uncle, Old Hunting Cap, after spending\\nthree years at Harrington s school, he and his\\nyounger brother, Maurice, were, as had long been\\nthe custom among the wealthier Catholics, sent to\\ncomplete their education abroad. Proving, how-\\never, too old for admission into the school of Liege\\ntheir original destination they entered the Eng-\\nlish College of St. Omer in January, 1791. Here\\nthey remained for some eighteen months, and in an\\nold writing desk, which still occupies its original\\nniche at Darrynane, may yet be found a number of\\nletters from the two boys to their uncle not very\\nclever nor very amusing those of Daniel, at any\\nrate, relating for the most part to his studies, and\\npractical details of expenses incurred but full of\\ngratitude, and inquisitive of news from home. From\\nthe Principal of the College, however. Dr. Gregory\\nStapleton, old Maurice had the satisfaction of learn-\\ning that his nephews were doing well and if the\\nyounger was hardly as industrious as he might have\\nbeen, Daniel at any rate was destined to make a", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "8 Daniel O Connell.\\n[1775-\\nremarkable figure in society. In August, 1792, the\\nbrothers were transferred to the college at Douay,\\nwhere for a pension of twenty-five guineas a year\\nwe get very small portions at dinner most of the\\nlads getting what they call seconds, that is, a second\\nportion every day, and for them they pay or\\na year extraordinary. We would be much obliged\\nto you for leave to get them, but this as you please.\\nNotwithstanding this and other drawbacks, such as\\nhaving to pay for their own washing, Douay was\\nin every respect, Daniel thought, better than St.\\nOmer. But the lessons in philosophy, from which\\nhe had expected to derive so much profit, were\\nshortly interrupted by the progress of the French\\nRevolution, and in obedience to his uncle s orders\\nhe and Maurice quitted Douay in January of the\\nfollowing year. Forced for safety s sake to wear\\nthe tricolour cockade, but loathing himself for so\\ndoing, Daniel no sooner found himself on board the\\nDover packet than he tore it from his hat and flung\\nit into the sea. How intense, then, must have been\\nhis disgust to hear one of his fellow-passengers, a\\ncountryman of his own to boot, one John Sheares\\nby name, destined himself a few years later to a\\ntraitor s death for his share in the Rebellion of 98,\\ngloating over the details of the execution, which he\\nhad witnessed, of the unfortunate Louis XVI For\\nsuch brutalities O Connell had no taste. His per-\\nsonal experience of the conduct of the revolution-\\nists, especially towards the religious orders, always\\ncoloured his estimate of the French Revolution, and\\nit is small wonder that, on returning to England, he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage. 9\\nshould have declared himself to be at heart almost\\na Tory. Referring to the subject in maturer years\\nhe said The French Revolution produced some\\ngood, but it was not without alloy it was mingled\\nwith much impiety. Liberty and religion were first\\nseparated. The experiment was a bad one. It had\\nmuch of French levity in it, and a deal of what was\\nmuch worse.\\nIn the hurry of the flight from Douay O Connell\\nhad left nearly all his wearing apparel behind him,\\nand his first business on reaching London was to\\nreplenish his wardrobe. This done he went to board\\nfor a time with a Mr. Fagan, a relative apparently\\nof the family, who earned a scanty livelihood by\\nkeeping a small private school in or near London.\\nFrom him he acquired the elements of logic but the\\nexpenses of his establishment proving too great for\\nMr. Fagan s straitened resources, owing to the war and\\nconsequent rise in prices, O Connell was before long\\ncompelled to shift his quarters. After keeping one\\nterm at Gray s Inn he was on 30th January, 1794, ad-\\nmitted a student of Lincoln s, and took lodgings\\nwith a Mr. Tracy in a court off Coventry Street.\\nMany years afterwards, happening to be pointing\\nout the place to his friend, O Neil Daunt, his atten-\\ntion was attracted to a fishmonger s shop. That\\nshop, said he, is in precisely the same state in\\nwhich I remember it when I was at Gray s Inn,\\nnearly fifty years ago the same sized windows, the\\nsame frontage, and I believe the same fish Sub-\\nsequently for the sake of greater quietness and the\\nfacilities it afforded him for boating he removed out", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "lo Daniel 0 Co?mell. [1775-\\nto Chiswick, where he made the acquaintance, which\\nripened into a life-long friendship, of a young Irish-\\nman of good family connections and fortune, Richard\\nNewton Bennett, who afterwards became a colonial\\nchief-justice.\\nIn the summer of 1795 he paid a visit to Ireland.\\nI remember, he said, contrasting the rapid modes\\nof travelling in his later years with the slow and in-\\nconvenient methods of his youth,\\nI remember when I left Darrynanefor London in 1795,\\nmy first day s journey was to Carhen, my second to Kil-\\nlorglin, my third to Tralee, my fourth to Limerick, two\\ndays thence to Dublin. I sailed from Dublin in the\\nevening my passage to Holyhead was performed in\\ntwenty-four hours from Holyhead to Chester took six\\nand thirty hours from Chester to London three days.\\nMeantime he studied diligently, his reading, outside\\nthe usual law-books Espinasse s Nisi Prius, Black-\\nstone s Commentaries and Coke On Littleton being\\nconfined chiefly to the Bible and Gibbon s Decline\\nand Fall, For the rest, as he wrote to his uncle, he\\nhad\\nTwo objects to pursue the one, the attainment of\\nknowledge the other, the acquisition of all those quali-\\nties which constitute the polite gentleman. And\\nas for the motives of ambition which you suggest, I as-\\nsure you that no man can possess more of it than I do.\\nI have, indeed, a glowing and if I may use the express-\\nion an enthusiastic ambition, which converts every\\ntoil into a pleasure, and every study into an amusement.\\nThough nature may have given me subordinate talents,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "1802] EaiHy Life and Ma7 riage. 1 1\\nI never will be satisfied with a subordinate situation in\\nmy profession. No man is able, I am aware, to supply\\nthe total deficiency of abilities, but everybody is capable\\nof improving and enlarging a stock, however small, and\\nin its beginning contemptible. It is this reflection af-\\nfords me most consolation. If I do not rise at the Bar,\\nI will not have to meet the reproaches of my own\\nconscience.\\nIn November, 1796, having completed his terms, he\\nreturned to Ireland, and pending his call some eigh-\\nteen months later to the Bar, went into lodgings at\\n14 Trinity Place, Dublin.\\nIt was a critical moment in the history of his\\ncountry for the recognition of the legislative inde-\\npendence of the Irish parliament, which the threat\\nof armed resistance had extorted from England\\nin 1782, had proved a delusive victory, and what the\\neloquence of Grattan, backed by the swords of the\\nvolunteers, had achieved the influence of bribery\\nand corruption had undone. The one chance of\\nsafety that had offered itself, in the opportunity\\ngiven to parliament in 1784 to consent to its own\\nreform and thus to render itself independent of ad-\\nministration, had been neglected, and after fourteen\\nyears experiment the country found itself more at\\nthe mercy of the English minister than it had been\\nin the days that preceded the agitation for independ-\\nence. The desperate attempt of Earl Fitzwilliam\\nin 1795 to give effect to the demands of the patriotic\\nparty, and at the eleventh hour, as it were, to rescue\\nthe constitution from the parliament that was be-\\ntraying it, had ended in failure, and with the arrival", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "12 Daniel O Co7melL\\n[1775-\\nof Earl Camden the country drifted rapidly in the\\ndirection of rebellion.\\nO Connell s return to Ireland was almost coinci-\\ndent Avith the arrival of Lord Camden and the de-\\nparture of Theobald Wolfe Tone from America on\\nhis mission to France. But in political questions he\\nhad at this time only the faintest interest. It is\\ntrue he was induced by his friend Bennett to enroll\\nhimself as a United Irishman but the insight he\\nthus obtained into the workings of the conspiracy\\nserved only to teach him to have no secrets in\\npolitics. Of the leaders of the movement he al-\\nways spoke contemptuously and perhaps a little un-\\njustly. In the diary which he kept at this time is\\nthe following significant note under date, 29 Decem-\\nber, 1796\\nThe French Fleet is arrived in Bantry Bay.\\nThe Irish are not yet sufficiently enlightened to bear the\\nsun of Freedom. Freedom would soon dwindle into\\nlicentiousness they would rob, they would murder.\\nThe liberty which I look for is that which would\\nincrease the happiness of mankind.\\nFor his own part, having at the time no other ob-\\nject than haply to become a great and successful\\nlawyer, he occupied himself chiefly in preparing for his\\ncall to the Bar, which took place on 19th May, 1798,\\nthree days only before that on which the Rebellion\\nbroke out. He had recently joined the Lawyers\\nYeomanry Corps but thinking, after the rising took\\nplace, that it would be prudent, owing to his connec-\\ntion, albeit of the slightest, with the revolutionary", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage. 13\\nmovement, to retire from Dublin till the storm had\\nblown over, he took his passage in a potato-boat\\nbound for Courtmacsherry, and after a capital trip\\nof thirty-six hours found himself safely ashore at\\nCork. In Kerry only the faintest reverberations\\nwere heard of the storm that was devastating Wick-\\nlow and Wexford and spreading consternation to\\nthe very heart of Dublin, and for O Connell the\\nsummer would have passed away pleasantly enough\\nhad he not, in his enthusiasm for hare-hunting, heed-\\nlessly exposed himself for several hours to a heavy,\\ndrenching rain, in consequence of which he con-\\ntracted a violent fever, which brought him almost\\nto death s door.\\nOn his recovery, he joined the Munster circuit in\\nthe following year, being one of the first to profit by\\nthe Relief Act of 1793 and the removal of the dis-\\nabilities placed by the penal laws on Catholics prac-\\ntising at the Bar. Recalling the circumstances for\\nDaunt s benefit, he said\\nIt was at four o clock on a fine sunny morning that\\nI left Carhen, on horseback. My brother John came\\npart of the way with me and oh, how I did envy him\\nwhen he turned off the road to hunt among the mount-\\nains, whilst /had to enter on the drudgery of my pro-\\nfession. But we parted. I looked after him, from time\\nto time, until he was out of sight, and then I cheered up\\nmy spirits as well as I could. I had left home at such an\\nearly hour that I was in Tralee at half-past twelve. I\\ngot my horse fed, and thinking it was as well to push on,\\nI remounted him, and took the road to Tarbert by Lis-\\ntowell. A few miles further on, a shower of rain drove", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "14 Daniel O ConnelL [1775-\\nme under a bridge for shelter. While I stayed there, the\\nrain sent Robert Hickson also under the bridge. He\\nsaluted me, and asked me where I was going. I an-\\nswered, To Tarbert. Why so late said Hickson.\\nI am not late, said I I have been up since four\\no clock this morning. Why, where do you come\\nfrom? From Carhen. Hickson looked astonished,\\nfor the distance was nearly fifty Irish miles. But he\\nexpressed his warm approval of my activity. You 11\\ndo, young gentleman, said he I see you 11 do. I\\nthen rode on, and got to Tarbert about five in the after-\\nnoon fully sixty miles, Irish, from Carhen. There\\nwas n t one book to be had at the inn I had no ac-\\nquaintance in the town and I felt my spirits low\\nenough at the prospect of a long, stupid evening. But\\nI was relieved by the sudden appearance of Ralph Mar-\\nshall, an old friend of mine, who came to the inn to\\ndress for a ball that took place in Tarbert that night.\\nHe asked me to accompany him to the ball. Why,\\nsaid I, I have ridden sixty miles. Oh, you don t seem\\nin the least tired, said he, so come along. Accord-\\ningly I went, and sat up until two o clock in the morn-\\ning, dancing, I arose next day at half-past eight, and\\nrode to the Limerick assizes. At the Tralee assizes of\\nthe same circuit James Connor gave me a brief. There\\nwas one of the witnesses of the other party whose cross-\\nexamination was thrown upon me by the opposite coun-\\nsel, I did not do as I have seen fifty young counsels\\ndo namely, hand the cross-examination over to my\\nsenior. I thought it due to myself to attempt it, hit or\\nmiss and I cross-examined him right well. I remember\\nhe stated that he had his share of a pint of whiskey\\nwhereupon I asked him whether his share was not all\\nexcept the pewter He confessed that it was and the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Ma^^riage. 15\\noddity of my putting the question was very successful, and\\ncreated a general and hearty laugh. Jerry Keller re-\\npeated the encouragement Robert Hickson had already\\nbestowed upon my activity, in the very same words\\nYou 11 do, young gentleman, you 11 do.\\nThough the Relief Act of 1793 had opened the\\nlegal profession to the Roman Catholics, the inner\\nBar, with its emoluments and high ofifices, still and\\nfor some time even after emancipation had been won\\ncontinued to be jealously preserved by the Protest-\\nant ascendancy for itself. But of O Connell s suc-\\ncess even in the limited sphere permitted him there\\nwas from the first no question. His fee-book, still\\nextant, shows an income of \u00c2\u00a360 for the first year,\\nrising to ^^420.1 7.6 in the second, to ^1077.4.3 in\\n1806, and to ^^3,808.7.0 in 1814. In 1828 his emol-\\numents exceeded ^8000, and that too though he\\nlost one term.\\nNevertheless it is hardly to be wondered at if, in\\nthe consciousness of possessing abilities which would\\nhave raised him to the highest position in his pro-\\nfession, he should sometimes have allowed himself\\nto treat the occupants of the judicial bench with a\\ndegree of contempt bordering at times on insolence.\\nAnd regrettable though these outbursts of temper\\nmay seem to us, it is absurd to apologise for them\\nas inexcusable. For, with a Norbury, w^ho com-\\nbined the ferocity of a hangman with the jocular-\\nity of a buffoon, representing the majesty and\\nimpartiality of the law with a Saurin, whose atti-\\ntude towards the Catholics seemed constantly to be\\ncoloured by a vindictive recollection of the revocation", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "1 6 Daniel O Conneil. [1775-\\nof the edict of Nantes, as attorney-general and\\nwith a Bench adorned by a Day, of whom Curran\\nremarked that his efforts to understand a point of\\nlaw resembled an attempt to open an oyster with a\\nrolling-pin by a Boyd, whose excessive fondness\\nfor brandy led to his invention of a curiously-shaped\\nink-pot out of which, with the help of a hollow quill,\\nhe contrived to slake his thirst in court without\\ngreatly compromising his dignity and by a Lefroy,\\nwhose misfortune it was to have mistaken the bench\\nfor a Calvinistic pulpit with such examples before\\nhim worse lapses than ever he was guilty of might\\nsurely have been deemed pardonable.\\nBesides, it must not be forgotten that O Connell,\\nlawyer though he was, had small respect for the\\nmummeries of the law, and laughed heartily at the\\nlegal virtues of horse-hair wigs. Doubtless the laugh\\nwas full of bitterness. For he could not forget that\\nhe was an Irishman, and that the honours open to\\nthe descendant of a French Huguenot were inacces-\\nsible to him a Catholic and a native. But at least\\nhis countrymen should be taught by his example to\\nthrow off their old habits of servility, and taking\\ncourage from him learn to stand erect like men.\\nNor was the lesson wholly in vain, deeply though\\nthe iron of oppression had entered into their souls,\\nand even after the triumphs of the courts had yielded\\nto those greater ones of the House of Commons, the\\ntitle of Counsellor ever remained his favourite appel-\\nlation with the Irish peasantry. How indeed should\\nit have been otherwise? Emancipation and Repeal\\nthese were things which touched his imagination,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage. 17\\nbut hardly interested the Irish peasant in a prac-\\ntical way. It was different when, standing in the\\ndock, feeling the meshes of the law tightening\\naround him, and hope itself expiring in his breast,\\nto see the Counsellor enter the court and almost\\nwith a word restore him to liberty. This not only\\ntouched his imagination but won his gratitude, and\\nwhatever the Irish peasant is, he is neither dull nor\\nungrateful.\\nThat no one whose legal acquirements were not of\\nthe highest order could ever have ventured to ad-\\ndress the bench as O Connell sometimes did may be\\ntaken for granted. Cleverness and self-conceit are\\nas useful qualities in a lawyer as in another; but\\nmere cleverness and self-conceit would never have\\nraised O Connell to the position he held at the Bar\\nor have enabled him to hold his own with a Norbury\\nand a Johnson. And it is all the more necessary to\\ninsist on this point as the idea is not yet extinct that\\nO Connell was more demagogue than lawyer, and\\nthat he owed his success more to his assurance and\\nrough wit than to any solid knowledge of law he\\npossessed. It is true that in the serener atmosphere\\nof modern times no judge would tolerate the lan-\\nguage in which O Connell occasionally addressed the\\ncourt. But the Ireland of to-day is not the Ireland\\nof the beginning of the century, and in nothing is\\nthe change more perceptible than in the administra-\\ntion of justice. The spirit of intolerance is perhaps\\nnot yet quite extinct but at least there is greater\\ndecorum, and such an anomaly as a Norbury or a\\nSaurin is happily no longer possible.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "1 8 Daniel O Connell. [1775-\\nHis first circuit over, O Connell returned to Dublin\\nto find the whole town in a state of intense excite-\\nment in regard to the projected legislative union be-\\ntween Great Britain and Ireland. Like his brethren\\nof the Bar generally, who saw in the measure the\\nprobable decadence of Dublin and the consequent\\ndiminution of their own importance and fees, he\\nwas naturally strongly opposed to it on professional\\ngrounds. But as the agitation grew, his opposition\\nassumed a political complexion. On 13th January,\\n1800, he attended a meeting in the Royal Exchange,\\nconvened by a number of influential Roman Catho-\\nlics for the purpose of protesting against the insinua-\\ntion that the Union was favourably regarded by\\nthem. Being induced to speak, he opened his mind\\nfreely on the subject. It was the first time he had\\naddressed a public gathering but the difBdence\\nwith which he began soon wore off before the ap-\\nproving cheers of his audience. Were the alterna-\\ntive offered him, he exclaimed, of union or the\\nre-enactment of the penal code in all its rigour, he\\nwould without hesitation prefer the latter as the\\nlesser and more sufferable evil, trusting to the justice\\nof his brethren, the Protestants of Ireland, who had\\nalready liberated him rather than lay his country at\\nthe feet of foreigners. To this opinion he continued\\nfaithful through life. It is the key-note of his whole\\npolitical creed union amongst Irishmen of every\\nreligious and political persuasion for national objects\\nan Irishman first and then only a Roman Catholic.\\nIt is a curious thing enough, he afterwards re-\\nmarked to O Neil Daunt, that all the principles of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life and Marriage. 19\\nmy subsequent political life are contained in my\\nvery first speech.\\nHis interference in politics, however, offended his\\nuncle, who, with the timidity natural to one who had\\nbeen brought up under the demoralising influence of\\nthe penal laws, was apprehensive lest active opposi-\\ntion to government might damage his professional\\nprospects. Nor indeed was he far wrong. At any\\ntime, from the very beginning almost of his career,\\nO Connell could, had he been so minded, have pur-\\nchased advancement and office by the surrender of\\nhis political principles. That he did not do so, may\\nbe set in the balance against the taunts afterwards\\nlevelled at him of living on the bounty of his coun-\\ntrymen. Never indeed was sarcasm more pointless,\\nand those who sneered at the big beggarman\\nforgot that the national tribute reflected as much\\nhonour on the recipient as it did on the givers of it.\\nApart, however, from the question of the Union\\nthere is no reason to suppose that at this time\\nO Connell took any particular interest in politics.\\nBut the Union exercised a profound effect upon him.\\nIt was the Union, he always declared, that first stirred\\nhim up to come forward in politics. I was, he said,\\nmaddened when I heard the bells of St. Patrick s\\nringing out a joyful peal for Ireland s degradation, as\\nif it was a glorious national festival. My blood boiled,\\nand I vowed, on that morning, that the foul dishonour\\nshould not last, if I could ever put an end to it.\\nBetween his first and second appearance on a pub-\\nlic platform five years elapsed five years of honour-\\nable progress in his profession, of mental growth", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "20 Daniel O Co7inell. [1775-\\nand domestic felicity. At what time he fell in love\\nwith his cousin, Mary O Connell, we do not know\\nbut if his practice was regulated by the advice he\\nonce gave to a friend of his never to offer marriage\\nat an early stage in his courtship, the affair, we may\\nconjecture, was probably of some years standing.\\nMary O Connell was the daughter of Dr. O Connell\\nof Tralee, a gentleman much esteemed for his pro-\\nfessional ability, but of pecuniary resources too\\nlimited to provide his daughter with a dower. The\\nmatch displeased O Connell s family, particularly his\\nuncle Maurice, who, in fact, had already singled out\\na suitable partner for him in the person of Miss\\nMary Ann Healy, a mature spinster of short stature,\\nbut remarkably long purse and nose. Indeed, so\\nseriously did her personal appearance threaten to\\ndamage her matrimonial prospects, that in making\\nhis will, her father thought it only right to increase\\nher portion expressly on account of her nose.\\nBut neither Miss Healy s attractions, nor the fear of\\nbeing disinherited by his uncle, was sufficient to\\nmove O Connell from his purpose.\\nI never, he said, proposed marriage to any woman\\nbut one my Mary. I said to her, Are you engaged,\\nMiss O Connell she answered I am not then,\\nsaid I, will you engage yourself to me I will, was\\nher reply. And I said I would devote my life to make\\nher happy. She deserved that I should she gave me\\nthirty-four years of the purest happiness that man ever\\nenjoyed.\\nThe marriage was privately celebrated at the lodg-\\nings of the bride s brother-in-law, James Connor, in", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "1802] Early Life mid Marriage. 21\\nDame Street, Dublin, on 23rd June, 1802, and shortly\\nafterwards O Connell took a house in Westland\\nRow. It was in every respect a happy marriage.\\nHis wife proved a true helpmate and companion to\\nhim, shading in all his joys and sorrows, stimulating\\nhis ambition and keeping always one place quiet for\\nhim, where, when worn out by professional cares or\\ndiscouraged by the apparent hopelessness of the\\npolitical struggle on which he had entered, he was\\nalways sure of finding peace and sympathy and en-\\ncouragement. It is not given to every man, espe-\\ncially to such as pass their lives in the fierce blaze of\\npublic opinion, so to regulate their conduct as always\\nto avoid the arrows of scandal. But in O Connell s\\ncase they fell harmlessly by his side, and if it was\\nindeed true, as calumny asserted, that on one occa-\\nsion he allowed his attentions to a married lady to\\npass the strict bounds of propriety, this, in the case\\nof one of the best-abused men that ever lived, was\\nsurely but as the dust in the balance, underlying the\\npure gold of affection that shines through every\\nwritten v/ord of his correspondence.\\nCertainly, the woman who, after fifteen years of\\nwedded life, could write the following letter to her\\nhusband can hardly be called unhappy\\nMy own darling Dan, I assure you, my darling, you\\nare our continual subject. When a kind husband or\\nfather is spoken of, Ellen and Kate will exclaim,\\nMamma, sure he is not so good a husband or father as\\nour father You may guess, darling, what my reply is.\\nYou know what you deserve, and you are aware that in\\nexistence I don t think there is such a husband and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "2 2 Daniel 0 Cofi7telL [1775-I802]\\nfather as you are, and always have been. Indeed, I\\nthink it quite impossible there could, and if the truest\\nand tenderest affection can repay you, believe me that I\\nfeel and bear it for you. In truth, my own Dan, I am\\nalways at a loss for words to convey to you how I love\\nand doat on you. Many and many a time I exclaim to\\nmyself, What a happy creature am I how grateful\\nshould I be to Providence for bestowing on me such a\\nhusband And so, indeed, I am. We will, Love,\\nshortly be fifteen years married, and I can answer that I\\nnever have had cause to repent it. I have, darling, ex-\\nperienced all the happiness of the married state without\\nfeeling any of its cares, thanks to a fond and indulgent\\nhusband.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nIRELAND AFTER THE UNION.\\n1803-1812.\\nTHE great experiment had been made. Ireland,\\nwhich, since the days of Henry II. had led a\\nmore or less independent existence bound\\nonly to her sister-island by the bond of allegiance\\nwhich both Englishmen and Irishmen owed to the\\nsame crown, had now, for legislative purposes, by\\nthe Act of Union, become absorbed in the latter.\\nHer parliament at once her pride and her shame\\nhad ceased its separate existence. Her ancient no-\\nbility, with privileges curtailed and hereditary lustre\\ndimmed, sat silent and despised under the con-\\ntemptuous stare of the independent barons of Eng-\\nland. Her representatives, diminished in numbers\\nto the requirements of a mere province, without the\\npower, or even the will, to influence by one hair s\\nbreadth the fate of their country, sank into igno-\\nminious silence, or sought for compensation in the\\nwider interests of the Empire. Over the whole\\nisland there hung a silence like unto the silence of\\ndeath. Was it really death Were the energies of\\n23", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "24 Daniel O Connell. [1803-\\nthe nation actually paralysed Or, was it not rather\\nthe tranquillity that follows a storm the harbinger\\nof peaceful days to come Had the great experi-\\nment succeeded? Had Pitt at last solved the great\\nproblem that had defied the wisdom of all the illus-\\ntrious statesman of the past Or had he commit-\\nted the greatest blunder of which any statesman was\\ncapable? Who should say? History would inter-\\npret it by the events of the future.\\nSuddenly out of the silence there fell upon the\\nstartled ears of the metropolis the sound of a call to\\narms. On that quiet summer evening, the 23rd\\nJuly, 1803, a fresh insurrection had broken out. For\\na moment Thomas Street was filled by a rushing,\\nthronging crowd. For a moment there was a real\\ndanger lest Dublin Castle should fall into their\\nhands. Half an hour later their leader, the ill-fated\\nbut high-souled Robert Emmet, was a fugitive\\namong the Wicklow hills, and of the insurrection\\nnothing remained but the corpse of one grey-headed\\nold man, a judge of the land. Lord Kilwarden, than\\nwhom Ireland never had a warmer or a truer friend,\\ndone to death in a mistake. Yes the whole thing\\nwas a mistake.\\nI ask you, said O Connell, whether a madder\\nscheme was ever devised by a Bedlamite Here was\\nMr. Emmet, having got together about ^1200 in money,\\nand seventy-four men whereupon he makes war upon\\nKing George IH., with 150,000 of the best troops in\\nEurope, and the wealth of three kingdoms at his com-\\nmand Why, my good sir, poor Emmet s scheme was\\nas wild as anything in romance.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "o 2", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "1812] Ireland After the Union. 25\\nBut mad and visionary as the scheme was, it is out\\nof such stuff that the history of Ireland is chiefly\\nmade up. Time after time had the Irish measured\\ntheir strength against the might of England, each\\ntime to reap only defeat and irretrievable disaster.\\nWhen would they learn the folly of these heroic\\nexperiments\\nThere, keeping watch and ward in the street for\\nsix nights together, so long as the panic lasted,\\ndressed in the uniform of the Lawyers Yeomanry\\nCorps, learning among other things that to entrust\\ncivilians with a bayonet was not perhaps the best\\nway to restore order, stood one whose life s business\\nit was to instruct his fellow-countrymen in the effi-\\ncacy of constitutional agitation to turn them aside\\nfrom midnight conspiracy and frantic rebellion to\\nconvince them that the pen of the gownsman and\\nthe voice of the orator are more effective weapons\\nthan the sword of the soldier and the knife of the\\nassassin but above all to teach them that only\\nthrough national unity, through singleness of aim\\nand purpose, and the laying aside of party feuds and\\nparty jealousies could they ever expect to attain to\\nnational independence. A difficult nay, an almost\\nimpossible undertaking it might well have seemed\\nin the case of a country so torn to pieces, as Ireland\\nwas, by religious, political, social, and agrarian dissen-\\nsions. The one point from which a man might have\\nworked had been destroyed when Pitt destroyed the\\nIrish parliament. For, ignorant and bigoted as were\\nmany of those who sat in it accessible as were many\\nof them to the influence of bribes and offices yet they", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "26 Daniel O Connell. [1803-\\nvvere not wholly inaccessible to the claims of justice\\nand humanity, nor to the influence of popular opin-\\nion. The victory of 82 and the concessions to the\\nRoman Catholics proved this. True, its delibera-\\ntions had sometimes resembled the wrangling of a\\nbear-garden true, indeed, that the Imperial Parlia-\\nment would probably deliberate more calmly if, in-\\ndeed, it condescended to deliberate at all. This was\\nthe danger. For how could three-fourths of the\\npopulation insist on having their wants and wishes\\nattended to if, excluded from representation, they\\nwere likewise deprived of the influence of public\\nopinion Let the reader compare the division lists\\nduring the first quarter of this century with those of\\nmore modern times, and he will be able to appreci-\\nate in something like its formidable dimensions the\\ntask which O Connell undertook, and if only par-\\ntially, yet not wholly unsuccessfully, accomplished.\\nO Connell s first appearance in public, as we have\\nremarked, was at a meeting of a few spirited Roman\\nCatholic citizens of Dublin to protest against the\\nUnion. But as a body the Catholics regarded the\\nmeasure with languid interest. Their leaders, if not\\nconvinced, had at least been induced to hope that\\nthe surrender of their national independence would\\nbe followed by their complete religious emancipa-\\ntion. The hope had proved delusive, and Pitt, un-\\nable wholly to exonerate himself from blame, had\\nrepudiated his responsibility by resigning of^ce. It\\nwas a case of moral bankruptcy for the Union\\nremained, though the price stipulated for it had\\nnot been paid. The result greatly damaged the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "1812] Ireland After the Union. 27\\nreputation of the chiefs of the CathoHc party but the\\nsuspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, during the\\nyears immediately following the Union, effectually,\\nif not entirely, silenced all remonstrance. Never-\\ntheless as time went on symptoms began to manifest\\nthemselves that the younger Catholics were grow-\\ning impatient of the timid policy of their nominal\\nleaders. Already at a semi-informal meeting in\\nFebruary, 1805 the first that had been held since\\nthe Rebellion O Connell, now beginning to take\\nan active interest in politics, had protested against\\nfurther delay in agitating their claims, and so far\\nsuccessfully that the meeting very cautiously and\\nafter much hesitation resolved to petition parlia-\\nment. The petition, the first of a long series to\\nthe Imperial Parliament, was presented on 25th\\nMarch by Lord Grenville in the Upper and by Fox\\nin the Lower House. Among the signatures ap-\\npended to it that of O Connell appears as seven-\\nteenth in the list.\\nIt was of course rejected but its rejection, far from\\nseeming a reason for relaxing their efforts and falling\\nback into hopeless apathy, was in O Connell s opinion\\nonly an argument in favour of redoubled exertions\\nand sessional petitions. In this, however, he had\\nreluctantly to yield to the will of the majority, which\\nin their desire not to hamper Fox, who had in the\\nmeantime succeeded to office, thought it wiser to\\nrefrain from agitating the question, leaving it to that\\nstatesman s generosity and well-known sympathy\\nwith them to advocate their claims at whatever\\nopportunity should seem to him most propitious.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "28 Daniel O Connell.\\n[1803-\\nThe opportunity never arrived but after Fox s\\ndeath, a few months later, bolder counsels began to\\nprevail. At a Catholic aggregate on 17th February,\\n1807, O Connell, aided perhaps by the accidental\\nabsence of John Keogh of Mount Jerome a Goliath\\namong the Catholics of an older generation and still,\\nthough tottering on the edge of the grave, not with-\\nout influence among them succeeded in carrying\\nthe meeting with him. What, he asked, was the\\nmeaning of the objection that to petition parliament\\nfor admission into the constitution was to injure the\\nEmpire Was it an injury to offer the allegiance\\nof five millions of subjects? He would tell those\\nwho spoke thus that emancipation would long ago\\nhave been conceded by their Protestant countrymen\\nin their domestic legislature had not the Union,\\nwith rude violence and amid the wreck of the\\ncountry, swept away every opportunity of kindness\\nand liberality on the one hand and every occasion\\nof gratitude and affection on the other. By a small\\nmajority the meeting resolved to again petition\\nparliament. But the petition was never presented.\\nThe courage with which O Connell s words had\\ninspired it soon evaporated, and Keogh, indignant at\\nthe presumption to instruct him in the management\\nof the Catholic business, procured its withdrawal at\\na subsequent meeting on i8th April, nominally out\\nof deference to the wishes of the veteran advocate\\nof their claims, Henry Grattan.\\nNevertheless the dignified silence, or wait-a-\\nwhile policy of Keogh and his aristocratic friends\\nhad received a blow from which it never recovered.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "HENRY GRATTAN.\\nFROM AN ENGRAVING BY GODLEY, IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "1812] h^ eland After the Union. 29\\n**Keogh, said O Connell, was undoubtedly useful\\nin his day. But he was one who would rather that\\nthe cause should fail than that anybody but himself\\nshould have the honour of carrying it. The judg-\\nment, thouorh severe, was not unmerited for the\\nCatholics, in the unbiassed opinion of Wolfe Tone,\\nowed Keogh little thanks for the way in which he\\nhad bungled their affairs in 1793. The growing in-\\nfluence of O Connell was apparent at the next aggre-\\ngate, on 19th January, 1808. Again the voice of the\\ndignified silence party made itself heard in favour\\nof delay. The time was not propitious their\\navowed enemies were in power, and the like. But\\nall these objections objections that could only man-\\nifest a spirit of division, a feeling of party, and a\\nmiserable ambition of leadership O Connell swept\\naside, and under the inspiration of his eloquence the\\nmeeting unanimously resolved to petition. From\\nthat day he and not Keogh was the leader of the\\nCatholics.\\nThe first step had been taken. Whither would it\\nlead Not as yet to emancipation but to dissen-\\nsions, heart-burnings, petty jealousies, despondency,\\n-and apathy among the Catholics themselves. Only\\nthrough much tribulation and long-suffering were\\nthe Catholics to work out their freedom. And the\\ncause of all this misfortune was, in the first place,\\nthe man who, though himself a Protestant, had un-\\nselfishly devoted the evening of a long and useful life\\nto the advancement of their cause\\nOn 23d May, 1808, Grattan presented the Catho-\\nlic petition to the House of Commons, and two days", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "30 Daniel O^ Co7inelL [I803-\\nlater in referring it to committee he announced that\\nhe was able to infuse a Httle novelty into the debate\\nin consequence of his having been authorised by the\\nCatholics to consent to a veto by the crown on all\\nepiscopal nominations, or in other words that no\\nCatholic bishop should be nominated without the ex-\\npress approbation of the sovereign. The statement\\nmade a favourable impression on the House and dis-\\narmed many of the opponents of emancipation.\\nBut in Ireland the announcement was received with\\nvery mingled feelings. No one could of course be-\\nlieve that Grattan had made the statement without\\nhaving some good grounds for it but it was equally\\ncertain that no such concession had been made by the\\nCatholics publicly as a body. It is unnecessary to\\ndiscuss the details of the intrigue that had led to the\\nunfortunate misunderstanding. Sufifice it to say that\\nwhile the Catholic aristocracy, and all those who\\nhoped to profit in the distribution of the loaves and\\nfishes of office, regarded the concession with favour\\nas a short-cut to the realisation of their wishes, the\\nbulk of their co-religionists repudiated it with indig-\\nnation. Neither side would give way, and so,\\ndivided into vetoists and anti-vetoists, wasting their\\nstrength in mutual recrimination and mutual abuse,\\nthe Catholics ceased, for a time, to excite anything\\nbut the contempt and derision of their opponents-\\nOnly O Connell never despaired of their ultimate\\nsuccess, insisting continually, in season and out of\\nseason, on the necessity of constant agitation but\\npreaching for the most part to dull and hostile ears.\\nBut the baneful effects of the Union had, by this", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "1812] Ireland After the Uition. 31\\ntime, begun to be felt in other quarters than among\\nthe Catholics, and nowhere with greater intensity\\nthan among the merchants of the metropolis. This\\nwas to be expected. For the conditions which had\\nled to the extraordinary development of Dublin\\nduring the latter half of the eighteenth century\\nthe confluence thither of the aristocracy and gentry\\nduring the meeting of parliament, stirring into\\nactivity all those trades and professions that follow\\nin the wake of wealth now that they had ceased to\\nexist, their disappearance had produced a correspond-\\ning state of depression. It was as if the centre of a\\ngreat industry had suddenly been annihilated and\\nas Rome suffered when Constantine removed the\\ncapital of the empire to the shores of the Bosphorus,\\nso Dublin suffered when Pitt transferred the Irish\\nlegislature to London. What Dublin lost London\\ngained but the gain to the larger and richer town\\ndid not compensate for the loss to the smaller and\\npoorer. The mansions of the nobility and gentry,\\nformerly replete with elegance and luxury, standing\\ntenantless and deserted, or, if inhabited at all, so\\nsubdivided and sub-let that each apartment was the\\nabode of over-crowded poverty and squalor the un-\\nfrequented streets, the steadily-rising list of failures\\nand bankruptcies all these were the sure signs of\\ndecadence. In proportion as the city declined com-\\nmercially so did it decline intellectually. What visi-\\ntor to Dublin in the early decades of this century\\ncould ever think of comparing it with the Dublin\\nof Charlemont s time Elsewhere the signs of de-\\npression were not so visible, and if indeed Limerick,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "32 Daniel O Connell. [I803-\\nCork, Galway, and Waterford remained stationary,\\nBelfast was actually growing and beginning to rival\\nDublin itself in wealth and importance. But Bel-\\nfast had never known what it was to be the capital\\nof the kingdom, and the causes which were leading to\\nits increasing prosperity were natural and wholly\\ndevoid of political significance. Throughout the\\ncountry generally the yearly growing number of\\nabsentee proprietors, bringing with it the dissolution\\nof those personal ties which had hitherto existed\\nbetween landlord and tenant and helped to mollify\\nthe asperities of a state of affairs having its origin\\nin conquest and confiscation, pointed inevitably in\\nthe direction of Encumbered Estates Acts and the\\ntransference of the soil from gentlemen into the\\nhands of money lenders. The facts were too patent\\nto admit of dispute, and men, who had hitherto\\nfiercely opposed each other in politics and religion,\\nfound themselves drawn together on a common plat-\\nform by a perception of their common misfortune.\\nIn the darkness that had fallen on the Catholic\\ncause the prospect of finding in the repeal of the\\nUnion a fresh rallying-point for agitation, in which\\nIrishmen of every religious persuasion, Protestant,\\nCatholic, and Presbyterian, could take part, seemed\\nto O Connell an unexpected blessing. It was with\\nextreme satisfaction, therefore, that he accepted an\\ninvitation from the high sheriff of Dublin, Sir James\\nRiddall, to attend an aggregate meeting of the citi-\\nzens, freemen and freeholders of Dublin, at the Royal\\nExchange, on 1 8th September, 18 10, to consider\\nthe propriety of petitioning parliament for a repeal", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "1812] Ireland After the U7izon, 33\\nof the Union. Speaking in support of a resolution\\nto appoint a committee to prepare the petition, he\\nsaid that the Union, so far from heaHng the wounds\\nof their country, had only added another element of\\ndiscord. No Irishman could look back on the ten\\nyears that had elapsed since the Union ten years\\nof torpor and silence without a sense of shame and\\nindignation. It was a melancholy period a period\\nin which Ireland saw her artificers starved, her\\ntradesmen begging, her merchants become bank-\\nrupts, her gentry banished, her nobility degraded.\\nWithin that period domestic turbulence had broken\\nout from day to day into open violence and murder\\nreligious dissensions aggravated and embittered\\ncredit and commerce annihilated taxation aug-\\nmented in amount and vexation. But as the Union\\nhad only been possible through their own folly and\\nreligious dissensions, so its repeal was only possible\\nthrough mutual tolerance and national unity. The\\nProtestant alone could not expect to liberate his\\ncountry the Roman Catholic alone could not do it\\nneither could the Presbyterian but amalgamate the\\nthree into the Irishman, and the Union stood re-\\npealed. Let them, he begged them, learn discretion\\nfrom their enemies. They had crushed Ireland by\\nfomenting religious discord let them serve her by\\nabandoning it for ever. Let each man give up his\\nshare of the mischief let each man forsake every\\nfeeling of rancour. He said not this to barter with\\nthem. He required no equivalent. Whatever course\\nthey took, his mind was fixed. He would trample\\nunder foot the Catholic claims could they interfere", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "34 Da7iiel O Connell. [1803-\\nwith Repeal. Nay, were Mr. Perceval to-morrow to\\noffer him the repeal of the Union upon the terms of\\nre-enacting the entire penal code, he declared it from\\nhis heart and in the presence of his God, that he\\nwould most cheerfully embrace his offer.\\nBut the poison of religious discord had entered\\ntoo deeply into the life-blood of the nation to yield\\nthus easily to the medicine of remonstrance, how-\\never wisely or eloquently administered. An old\\ntale, and soon told in the case of Ireland, to relate\\nhow enthusiasm was followed by apathy and in\\nshort how the whole movement burnt itself out in\\nineffectual speeches and cheers ineffectual to attract\\nattention as the rattling of the prisoner s chains turn-\\ning restlessly in his sleep is to disturb the security of\\nhis gaoler. Nothing, it was clear to O Connell,\\ncould be expected so long as the Catholics were\\ndivided amongst themselves. How to compose their\\ndifferences, and to give greater emphasis to their de-\\nmands than was afforded by the spasmodic opera-\\ntion of aggregate assemblies, and the listless action\\nof an irresponsible committee, was the problem that\\nawaited solution.\\nIn the early days of Catholic agitation their meet-\\nings had partaken of the character of a representative\\nassembly, and were indeed like those of the volun-\\nteers, a sort of hnperium in imperio. That such as-\\nsemblies as that which gained for itself the nick-name\\nof the Back-Lane Parliament constituted a real\\nmenace to the independence of Parliament could not\\nbe denied, and immediately after the concessions of\\n1793 an act was passed, called the Convention Act,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "1812] Ireland After the Union. 35\\nwhich, it may be remarked, was not formally repealed\\ntill 1879 rendering such representative meetings\\nfor any purposes whatever illegal in the future.\\nFrom that time forward the affairs of the Catholics\\nhad rested with a Committee, elected by a general\\nmeeting, whose business had restricted itself to the\\npreparation of petitions to Parliament. The question\\nwas how to give to such Committee the character\\nand authority of a representative body without in-\\nfringing the provisions of the Convention Act. The\\nfirst step was to increase the size of the Committee.\\nThis was done at an aggregate meeting on 19th July,\\n1 8 10, when the preparation of a petition was en-\\ntrusted to forty-two persons their appointment be-\\ning safeguarded by a resolution to the effect that\\nthey were not to be regarded as the representatives\\nof the Catholic body or any portion thereof. The\\nnext step was taken by the Committee itself at a sub-\\nsequent meeting on 29th December, when a resolution\\nbased on a previous one of 30th July, suggesting\\nthe formation of local committees holding communi-\\ncation with the general Committee in Dublin as\\nlikely to prove highly useful to the Catholic cause\\nwas passed, requiring their secretary to address an\\ninvitation to the Catholics of Ireland generally to\\nappoint managers of the Catholic petition in each\\ncounty. The invitation was accepted here and there,\\nand when the Committee met on 2d February, 181 1,\\nto frame a petition for presentation to parliament,\\nthe presence of a number of country gentlemen, as\\nmanagers for their respective counties, led to a fierce\\ndispute, the opposition being led by Keogh s son,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "36 Daniel O Connell. [1803-\\nCornelius, supported by Lord Ffrench, who insisted\\nthat the Committee had no right, without infringing\\nthe Convention Act, to add to its numbers beyond\\nthat fixed by the aggregate meeting from which it\\nhad derived its authority. The objection was met\\nby O Connell, who argued that as the Committee it-\\nself was not a representative assembly, the presence\\nof the managers could not be regarded as a breach\\nof the Convention Act, inasmuch as, according to a\\ntrite and quaint maxim, which no one disputed, a\\ndeputy could not constitute a deputy. It was his\\nfirst attempt at driving a coach and six through an\\nact of Parliament an art at which he afterwards\\nbecame adept.\\nBut it soon appeared that government was not\\ngoing to allow the action of the Committee to pass\\nunchallenged. On 12th February the Chief Secre-\\ntary, Wellesley Pole, issued a circular letter to all\\nsheriffs, chief magistrates, etc., throughout the coun-\\ntry, authorising them to arrest and summarilj^ im-\\nprison all such Catholics as, in contravention of the\\nAct 33, George III., chap. 29, were engaged in ap-\\npointing representatives, delegates, or managers, to\\nact on their behalf, as members of an unlawful as-\\nsembly sitting in Dublin, and calling itself the\\nCatholic Committee. The letter, a mere britttun\\nfulmen intended to deter the Catholics from the\\ncourse upon which they were entering, gave rise to\\na debate in the House of Commons on 22d Feb-\\nruary, when it was sharply criticised as unconstitu-\\ntionally trenching on the sacred right of petitioning.\\nBut before any information regarding the debate", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "DANIEL O CONNELL, M.P.\\nFROM A PAINTING BY BERNARD MULRENIN, R. H.A. IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "1812] Ireland After the Union. 2 7\\ncould reach Ireland, matters there had entered on a\\nnew phase. For the Catholic Committee, reassem-\\nbling on 23d February to resume its consideration\\nof the petition, an order was conveyed from the\\nCastle requiring its instant dispersal. This the\\nCatholics refused to do but after an angry wrangle\\nwith two police magistrates, sent to enforce the or-\\nder of government, they adjourned for three days in\\norder to allow of a conference between their leaders\\nand the Chief Secretary. The conference never\\ntook place. On 26th February the Catholics reas-\\nsembled, according to the adjournment, and tran-\\nsacted their business without further interruption.\\nThe Committee had scored its first victory. It\\nhad risked a collision with the government, and the\\ngovernment had declined the challenge. Elated\\nwith the success, the Catholics started a vigorous\\ncampaign against administration. At an aggregate\\nmeeting on 8th March, O Connell, in a very temper-\\nate and constitutional speech, moved to address the\\nPrince Regent on the subject of Pole s letter, and to\\npetition for his removal and that of the Lord-Lieu-\\ntenant, the Duke of Richmond. The motion was\\ncarried, and other meetings for a similar purpose\\nwere held elsewhere. At all these meetings O Con-\\nnell was the chief speaker. He was, indeed, the\\nheart and soul of the agitation. His energy was\\namazing, and only equalled by his enthusiasm. He\\nhad recently moved into a new house, No. 30 (now\\n58) Merrion Square, South but not a detail in the\\nfurnishing of it that could add to the comfort of his\\nwife escaped his personal supervision. Busy all day", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "38 Daniel O Comiell. [1803-\\nlong, either on circuit, or in the law-courts, he could\\nstill find time to arrange meetings, draw up resolu-\\ntions, make speeches and in short direct the whole\\nbusiness of the Catholics, struggling ceaselessly to\\narouse his countrymen from their torpor.\\nThe principle of appointing managers, though at-\\ntacked, had prevailed. Was it possible to extend\\nthe principle still further without running foul of\\nthe Convention Act At any rate it was worth try-\\ning. Anything, in O Connell s opinion, was better\\nthan stagnation even prosecution. Accordingly at\\na general meeting held in Fishamble Street theatre,\\non 9th July, for the purpose of appointing a Com-\\nmittee to prepare the Catholic petition, it was re-\\nsolved that the said Committee do consist of the\\nCatholic peers and their eldest sons, the Catholic\\nbaronets, the prelates of the Catholic Church in Ire-\\nland, ten persons to be appointed by the Catholics\\nin each county in Ireland, and also of five persons to\\nbe appointed by the Catholic inhabitants of each\\nparish in Dublin. O Connell, who was suffering\\nfrom a slight indisposition, and spoke with difficulty,\\nconfined himself to a few remarks. In the propriety\\nof the step they were about to take, he expressed\\nhis entire concurrence, especially in so far as it went\\nto give the people the free, unbiassed, and constitu-\\ntional right of selecting a Committee. He consid-\\nered it a justifiable experiment, and cheerfully\\noffered himself as the first victim of a legal prosecu-\\ntion. If any one parish in the city of Dublin would\\ndo him the honour of electing him to represent\\nthem in the common council, he was ready to give", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "1812] h^ eland After the Union. 39\\nbail and let the legal question, arising on the con-\\nstruction of the statute, be thus settled.\\nGovernment accepted the challenge. On 2d Au-\\ngust a proclamation was issued pronouncing such\\nelections to be illegal, and ten days later a number of\\ngentlemen who had taken part in them were arrested\\non the warrant of Chief-Justice Downes. The trial\\nwas appointed for November. On 19th October\\nthe Catholic Committee, as reconstituted, assem-\\nbled in Fishamble Street theatre. The business of\\nthe meeting had been concluded, and the members\\nwere already dispersing when two police magistrates\\nappeared on the scene. Their object was unmistak-\\nable but this time they had arrived too late. On\\n2 1st November began the trial of Dr. Edward Sheri-\\ndan, one of the gentlemen concerned in the illegal elec-\\ntions. Though not leading counsel in the case, the\\nplan of the defence had been arranged by O Con-\\nnell. The case for the prosecution turned upon the\\nconstruction to be placed on the words in the Con-\\nvention Act undtr pretence of petitioning, which it\\nwas agreed meant purpose. The defence admitted\\nthat the meeting was for the bona fide purpose of\\npetitioning, that there was no pretence about it, and\\ntherefore did not fall within the ban of the Act.\\nIn charging the jury Chief-Justice Downes let it\\nclearly be seen that, whatever construction the words\\nwere capable of, in his opinion the Committee, in its\\nnew shape, was an illegal assembly within the mean-\\ning of the Act but the jury took the opposite view\\nand acquitted Dr. Sheridan.\\nThe victory of the Catholics was, however, short-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "40 Daniel O^ Connell. [1803-\\nlived. A counter-prosecution against Chief-Justice\\nDownes for illegal arrest failed and on reassem-\\nbling in Fishamble Street theatre on 23d December\\nthe Committee found the room in possession of a\\npolice magistrate. A scene of intense excitement\\nfollowed. Requesting to be informed if the meet-\\ning was that of the Catholic Committee, but obtain-\\ning no direct answer to his question, the magistrate\\ntook it upon himself to decide that it was, and\\nordered it instantly to disperse. Failing, however,\\nto induce the chairman, Lord Fingal, to leave the\\nchair, he forcibly removed him by gently pushing\\nhim from it. The meeting, thereupon, voted the\\nHon. Thomas Barnwall into his place but, yielding\\nto the advice of Sir Edward Bellew, immediately\\nafterwards quietly separated. Some of the members\\nthen proceeded to the Crown and Anchor tavern,\\nwhither the indefatigable police magistrate followed\\nthem, but retired without further molesting them\\non learning that they had met in their individual\\ncapacity. It was clear that the Duke of Richmond\\nand Mr. Wellesley Pole were in earnest this time.\\nThey had failed to convict Dr. Sheridan but they\\nhad defeated the attack on Chief-Justice Downes,\\nthey had dispersed the Committee, and in January of\\nthe following year, 18 12, they managed to secure the\\nconviction of Mr. Thomas Kirwan on a similar charge\\nto that preferred against Sheridan. But the resources\\nof the Catholics were by no means exhausted. For\\nassembling in aggregate meeting on 26th December\\nthey entrusted the management of their affairs to\\na Catholic Board, which was, however, merely the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "1812]\\nIreland After the Union.\\n41\\nCatholic Committee under a new name. Their\\ntactics did not deceive government but as the\\nBoard had been expressly appointed for the purpose\\nof petitioning, it did not feel justified in suppressing\\nit, though determined to keep a close watch on its\\nproceedings.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nPARLIAMENT AND THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS.\\n1812-1813.\\nON I ith May, 1812, a bullet fired by a madman,\\nnamed Bellingham, cut short the life of the\\nPrime Minister of England, Mr. Perceval.\\nThe deed sent a thrill of horror through the country\\nbut it was not without a certain feeling of relief that\\nmen saw an end put to one of the most bigoted and\\nreactionary administrations of modern times.\\nFor my part, said O Connell, I feel unaffected\\nhorror at his fate, and all trace of resentment for his\\ncrimes is obliterated but I do not forget that he was a\\nnarrow-minded bigot, a paltry statesman, and a bad min-\\nister that every species of public corruption and profli-\\ngacy had in him a flippant and pert advocate that every\\nadvance towards reform or economy had in him a de-\\ncided enemy and that the liberties of the people were\\nthe object of his derision.\\nSurely now, however, thought the Catholics, now\\nthat his baneful influence was removed, the Regent\\n42", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "[1812-13] Parliament and Catholic Claims. 43\\nwould have the courage, as he was long supposed to\\nhave the will, to free himself from his father s ser-\\nvants and, mindful of his old promises, promises often\\nrepeated, call round him more liberal-minded men.\\nThe fond delusion was soon dispelled. His re-\\nfusal to admit a deputation of Catholics to a personal\\ninterview, and the reconstruction of an administra-\\ntion on lines avowedly hostile to their claims, was\\nevidence sufificient to convince the blindest that no\\nconsiderations of honour would induce the Prince to\\nrun the slightest risk on their behalf. The indigna-\\ntion of the Catholics found vent in the famous\\nwitchery resolutions, a thinly veiled attack on\\nthe Regent s liaison with Lady Hertford at an\\naggregate meeting on i8th June.\\nWe learn, said the Cathohcs, with deep disap-\\npointment and anguish, how cruelly the promised boon\\nof Catholic freedom has been intercepted by the fatal\\nwitchery of an unworthy secret influence, hostile to our\\nfairest hopes, spurning alike the sanctions of public and\\nprivate virtue, the demands of personal gratitude, and\\nthe sacred obligations of plighted honour. To this im-\\npure source we trace, but too distinctly, our afflicted\\nhopes and protracted servitude, the arrogant invasion of\\nthe undoubted right of petitioning, the acrimony of\\nillegal state prosecutions, the surrender of Ireland to\\nprolonged oppression, and the insult and the many ex-\\nperiments, equally pitiful and perilous, recently practised\\nupon the habitual passiveness of an ill-treated but high-\\nspirited people.\\nWhat the resolutions lacked in direct application\\nwas supplied by O Connell, whose indictment of the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "44 Daniel O^ Connell. [|812-\\nRegent created an extraordinary sensation. But\\nwhat would have been the violence of O Connell s\\nlanguage had it been known, as it now is, that the\\nDuke of Richmond and Wellesley Pole in dispersing\\nthe Committee had been merely acting on the secret\\ninstructions of the Regent himself?\\nIt was a petulant and even foolish explosion of\\nwrath, natural enough perhaps under the circum-\\nstances, but calculated to do harm by creating fresh\\nobstacles in the way of emancipation. But the set-\\ntlement of the Catholic question had now become a\\nmatter of political expediency. It was a disturbing\\nelement in English politics. It, and it alone, had\\nprevented Canning and Wellesley accepting office in\\nthe new administration at a time when the strain\\nplaced upon England by the war with France called\\nfor unanimity and vigorous action at home. The\\nquestion must therefore be settled without further\\ndelay. Public opinion in Ireland was divided as to\\nthe terms of the settlement. It should therefore be\\nsettled without reference to Irish opinion, and solely\\non the grounds of Imperial policy. Accordingly on\\n22d June the House of Commons, on the motion of\\nCanning, pledged itself by 235 to 106 to take into its\\nconsideration in the following session the laws affect-\\ning the Roman Catholics.\\nThe announcement was hailed with lively satis-\\nfaction in Ireland. The Catholics, said O Connell,\\nspeaking at an aggregate meeting on 2d July, had\\nreached a momentous period in their history. Thrice\\nbefore had emancipation seemed within their grasp\\nthrice had it eluded them in 1793, when they failed", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "V\\n1813] Parliament and the Catholic Claims. 45\\nfrom timidity in 1800, when they rejected it as the\\nprice of their nationahty in 1806, when they al-\\nlowed themselves to be deluded by the good inten-\\ntions of the Whigs. From these errors of the past\\ntheir conduct now should be free. Their course\\nwas plain and simple. It consisted, not in relaxing,\\nbut in redoubling their efforts in pressing forward\\nas a people should do who deserved liberty. Under\\nthe banner of Simple Repeal Ireland had once\\nbefore triumphed gloriously. It was a motto of\\ngood omen. Let Simple Repeal be re-echoed\\nfrom north to south, from east to west, and should\\nthey again fail they would at least have the consola-\\ntion of knowing that they had deserved success. At\\nLimerick, on 24th July, during the assizes, his lan-\\nguage was even more direct. Nothing, he declared,\\nwould satisfy the Catholics but their absolute and un-\\nqualified emancipation. The talk about securities as\\nthe price of their freedom was a base and dastardly\\ninsult upon their understanding, and they would\\nhave none of it.\\nWherever he spoke at Dublin, at Limerick, at\\nCork his words were cheered to the echo. But\\ncheers alone, he reminded his audience, would never\\nlead to victory. He knew well the nature of his\\ncountrymen how soon they were moved to en-\\nthusiasm, how quickly their enthusiasm evaporated\\nbefore the stern realities of every-day life. It was\\neasy, he used to say, to tell a Catholic in the streets\\nby his subdued demeanour and crouching walk. So\\ndeeply had the iron of oppression entered their souls\\nthat, in order to curry favour with their Protestant", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "46 Daniel O Connell. [I812-\\nneighbours, they would surrender their most sacred\\nrights, allow themselves to be driven like ani-\\nmals to the polling booths to vote for their bitterest\\nenemy, nay, even to consent to prostitute the virtue\\nof their wives and daughters to the pleasure of their\\nhereditary masters. A pitiful picture, truly, but one\\nwhich only faintly outlines the depth of the de-\\ngradation to which the bulk of his countrymen had\\nsunk. And yet out of such unpromising material,\\nout of a nation of slaves, would O Connell create a\\nnation of freemen.\\nHereditary bondsmen know ye not,\\nWho would be free, themselves must strike the blow\\nThis was the constant refrain of all his speeches\\nfor the reader of them now repeated ad nauseam.\\nBut O Connell had no hesitation in repeating him-\\nself. It is not, he said,\\nby advancing a political truth once, or twice, or even\\nten times, that the public will take it up and firmly adopt\\nit. Incessant repetition is required to impress political\\ntruths upon the public mind. Men, by always hearing\\nthe same things, insensibly associate them with received\\ntruisms. They find the facts at last quietly reposing in a\\ncorner of their minds, and no more think of doubting\\nthem than if they formed part of their religious belief.\\nIn truth, O Connell had only one lesson to teach\\nbut, once learned, what a change, what a revolution\\nwould it effect in the lives and thoughts of Irish-\\nmen Would they ever learn themselves to strike\\nthe blow? Would they ever have the courage to\\ncast off the shackles of a degrading servitude that", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "1813] Parliament and the Catholic Claims. 47\\nlowered them to the level of beasts, and learn to\\nstand erect like men The time was coming. As\\nyet the agitation had only touched the wealthier\\nmiddle class the bulk of the nation lay steeped in\\napathy and despair.\\nParliament was dissolved on 29th September. The\\nresults of the elections in Ireland during the autumn\\nconfirmed O Connell s apprehensions. At Cork,\\nwhere he had recently spoken amid wild applause,\\nthe apathy of the Catholics had lost one of their\\nstaunchest supporters, Christopher Hely Hutchinson,\\nhis seat at Newry private and personal interests had\\nprevailed with the Catholics to return an Orangeman,\\nand elsewhere the recreancy and cowardice of wealthy\\nmembers of their body had told with damaging ef-\\nfect against their cause. The indignation of the\\nBoard was intense, and despite the warning voice of\\nO Connell that they were investing themselves with\\nthe powers of an irresponsible inquisition, and scat-\\ntering the seeds of discord widespread, a motion was\\npassed on 28th November, declaring that such persons\\nas had deserted the tried friends of the Catholics at\\nthe late general election were no longer deserving of\\ntheir confidence. The resolution, as O Connell pre-\\ndicted, only served to aggravate the situation by\\ncausing a split in the Board itself. One would im-\\nagine, said he, that we really were at a loss for\\nenemies, so sedulous do we appear to be to excite\\nthem among ourselves. One would suppose that\\nIreland was not sufficiently divided and distracted\\nalready, but that division and dissension in the\\nCathoHc Board could be afforded in addition and as a", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "48 Daniel O Comiell. [1812-\\npastime. After working infinite mischief, the reso-\\nlution was, at his earnest entreaty, subsequently\\nrescinded.\\nMeanwhile the friends of the Catholics in Parlia-\\nment were employing their time in preparing a bill\\nwhich, if it did not extend to a final adjustment of\\nthe question, was thought to embody all those\\nclaims which the Protestants were at all likely under\\nexisting circumstances to concede. What those cir-\\ncumstances were, the reader will easily recall for him-\\nself. In 18 1 2 Napoleon was at the height of his power,\\nand the head of the Roman Church a prisoner in\\nhis hands. What might happen if Pius VII., or his\\nsuccessor, should lend himself to promote the ambi-\\ntious designs of the Emperor of the French The\\ndanger was perhaps more imaginary than real but\\nat least it was intelligible. The world had yet to\\nlearn that if in spiritual matters the Pope could com-\\nmand the implicit and unquestioning obedience of\\nevery Irish Roman Catholic, in temporal matters,\\nin affairs touching his political rights, he was an ab-\\nsolute cipher. In admitting the Catholics, and es-\\npecially the Irish Catholics, within the pale of the\\nconstitution the majority of Englishmen and Scotch-\\nmen believed, and conscientiously believed, that they\\nwere putting into the hands of their deadliest enemy\\na weapon to destroy the constitution itself. They\\nremembered the days of Queen Mary, the massacre\\nof St. Bartholomew, the Spanish Armada, the Irish\\nmassacres of 1641, the attempt of James II. to sub-\\nvert the constitution, the persecutions of Tyrconnell,\\nthe rebellion of 1798 they forgot the anti-papal", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "1813] Parliament and the Catholic Claims. 49\\nlegislation of pre-Reformation times, the loyalty of\\nthe Catholics at the most critical periods of their\\nhistory, the wars of extermination against the Irish\\nthat had led to the rising in 41, the ecclesiastical\\ntyranny of the Puritans, the transplantations and\\ntransportations of the Commonwealth, the deporta-\\ntions and sequestrations under the penal code, the\\nfiendish outrages of the Orangemen, the picketings,\\nthe half-hangings that had driven the most abject\\npeasantry in the world to take up arms in their own\\ndefence. They saw only the result they overlooked\\nthe causes that had given birth to it. Visions of a\\npopish rising still occupied their imagination. They\\nbelieved that the concession of the Catholic claims\\nwould only lead to the establishment of a Catholic\\ntyranny, and that themselves, from being the oppres-\\nsors, would become the oppressed. They did not be-\\nlieve that national independence was as dear to the\\nCatholic as it was to the Protestant. It is unwise to\\nsneer at their fears. Toleration is a plant of slow\\ngrowth. Perhaps in an Irish parliament these fears\\nwould have carried less weight, and emancipation have\\nalready been conceded but the question had been\\nreferred to an assembly of which the great majority\\nknew practically nothing of the country for which\\nthey were called upon to legislate.\\nThat an assembly so constituted should have con-\\nsented to pledge itself to a revision of the laws\\naffecting the Catholics with a view to their ameliora-\\ntion, and on Grattan s motion to have reaffirmed its\\ndetermination on March ist, 1813, was a great step\\nforward. In its essential features the Bill to which\\n4", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "50 Daniel O Connell. [1812-\\nParliament was asked to give its consent was practi-\\ncally the same as that which passed into law sixteen\\nyears later //?/j an elaborate oath of allegiance to be\\ntaken by all Catholics, whether clergymen or lay-\\nmen. By this oath the Catholic deposed that he\\nwould support the Protestant succession and the\\nexisting state of Protestant property, would discover\\nall plots and treasons which came within his know-\\nledge, would not make use of any power he obtained\\nin the state either to its injury or the overthrow of\\nthe Protestant Church, and would assent to the\\nnomination of no Catholic bishop or apostolic vicar\\nof whose loyalty and tranquil disposition he was not\\nconvinced. The Bill was read a first time on 30th\\nApril, and the serious consideration of it deferred for\\na fortnight. In the interval it underwent a serious\\nalteration. For the security offered by the above\\noath, seeming to Canning hardly stringent enough to\\nconciliate the more timorous Protestants, he per-\\nsuaded Grattan to consent to the addition of certain\\nclauses establishing a board of commissioners having\\npower to inspect all correspondence with Rome re-\\nferring to episcopal nominations, and to veto the ap-\\npointment of any bishop whose loyalty might be\\nsuspected.\\nIn Ireland the initial stages of the Bill were being\\nwatched with intense interest. The day following\\nits introduction, the Catholic Board met. Reporters\\nwere excluded but a summary of its proceedings\\ncommunicated by O Connell appeared in the Evening\\nPost on 4th May. The summary expressed his view\\nof the situation. Leaving the ecclesiastical provisions", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "1813J Parliament and the Catholic Claims. 51\\nwhere they might be safely confided in the hands\\nof the Catholic hierarchy and confining himself\\nto its civil enactments, he pronounced the Bill to\\nbe restricted in principle (omitting the Protestant\\ndissenters entirely from its consideration), doubtful\\nin its wording, and inadequate to that full relief\\nwhich had been expected. His conduct in trans-\\nmitting the report to the newspapers was regarded\\nby many as indiscreet, especially by such as, in their\\neagerness to clutch at the benefits conferred by the\\nBill, hoped by their silence to give an appearance of\\nacquiescence in its provisions, and at a subsequent\\nmeeting of the Board an attempt was made to cen-\\nsure him by submitting a resolution to the effect\\nthat on the date in question no motion was enter-\\ntained by the Board, relative to the Catholic Bill,\\nnor any resolution adopted. This O Connell op-\\nposed on the ground that it was manifestly untrue\\nbut for the sake of harmony he offered, if anyone\\nwould move that the Board has not hitherto come\\nto any resolution declaratory of its sentiments on\\nthe Catholic Bill, to second it himself. His pro-\\nposal was adopted by a small majority. But the\\ndispute was symptomatic of graver dissensions in\\nthe near future.\\nThe fact was, O Connell knew that the Board was\\ndivided on the question of the securities, and had\\ndeliberately furnished the report to the Evening Post\\nwith the express object of forcing the hand of the\\nvetoists. No formally worded motion in condemna-\\ntion of the Bill had indeed been passed by the\\nBoard, but the weight of opinion had been decidedly", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "52 Daniel O Connell. [I812-\\nagainst it, and it was well that the public should\\nknow it. Silence at such a time was sure to be mis-\\ninterpreted as approbation. But it was not so much\\nthe civil enactments as (after the addition of the\\nCanning clauses) the ecclesiastical provisions that\\ntroubled him. The acceptance or rejection of them\\nhad, as he expressed it, been left to the clergy them-\\nselves, but not without a word of warning, that if\\nthey decided in favour of them he would still re-\\nserve to himself the right of protesting against any\\nmeasure that might tarnish the last relic of national\\nindependence the last fragment of the ancient\\npride and greatness of Imperial Ireland the inde-\\npendence of her Church.\\nThe warning was not neglected. On 27th May, the\\nIrish prelates decided that the ecclesiastical clauses\\nwere utterly incompatible with the discipline of the\\nRoman Catholic Church and could not be acceded to\\nwithout incurring the guilt of schism. O Connell\\ndid not try to conceal his satisfaction at the result.\\nIn one quarter, at least, unanimity prevailed. When\\nthe Board next met, on 29th May, he rose to propose\\na special vote of thanks to the bishops for their\\npatriotic conduct.\\nThe Catholic prelates of Ireland, said he, and his\\nvoice rang triumphantly through the room, de-\\nserve your eternal gratitude. They have stood forward\\nmanfully and without disguise to assist you in getting\\nrid of a Bill which purported to be for your relief, but\\nwhich, in reality, would have perpetuated your degra-\\ndation and slavery. Had they consulted their worldly\\ninterest they would have supported the Bill but the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "1813] Parliament and the Catholic Claims, 53\\nsacred calls of duty made them reject such considera-\\ntions with contempt. And they were right, most mani-\\nfestly right, in rejecting it. Nothing but mischief and\\ndegradation could have resulted from the commission\\nproposed in the Bill. For let them consider the proba-\\nble constitution of the proposed board of ecclesiastical\\ncommissioners in the hands of the Duke of Richmond\\nof that man whose administration had been signalised\\nby a sullen and sulky opposition to the Catholics of\\nIreland, and whose most distinguishing characteristic\\nas a chief governor was that he continued to hate the\\nPapists, he knew not why nor wherefore. For president\\nthey might safely reckon on that ludicrous enemy of\\ntheirs, who had got, in jest, the name he deserved in\\ngood earnest of Orange Peel a raw youth squeezed\\nout of the workings of I know not what factory in Eng-\\nland, and sent over to Ireland before he had got rid of\\nthe foppery of perfumed handkerchiefs and thin shoes,\\nupon the simple ground that, having vindicated the mur-\\nderous Walcheren expedition, he was thought to be a\\nlad ready to vindicate anything and everything. After\\nhim would come my Lord Manners, a gentleman cer-\\ntainly, but quite as ignorant of the wants, wishes, feel-\\nings, and dispositions of the Irish people, as he was the\\nday before he arrived in the country. Too decent to\\ninspire any disgust, too polite to give personal offence,\\ntoo weak to discriminate between the artful misrepre-\\nsentations of bigotry and the plain language of truth,\\nwith the natural propensity of a small mind to the\\npractical details of intolerance, he was in fact such a\\nman as bigotry would select as her choicest instrument.\\nWith him was sure to be associated his Grace the Duke\\nof Richmond s special adviser in ecclesiastical affairs,\\nthe Right Hon. Dr. Duigenan, appointed for no other", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "54 Daniel O Connell. [1812-\\nreason than being, like the tanner s dog, chained up by\\nday and let loose by night, he was particularly fitted for\\nthe task of worrying popish bishops. Nor was William\\nSaurin, the Attorney-General, likely to be wanting, and\\nwhat a day would that be for Ireland when the grand-\\nson of a French Huguenot should sit in judgment on\\nthe Catholic hierarchy of the land From this disgrace\\nthe bishops had saved them, and theirs, without any\\nregard to the event, should be the praise and\\nglory.\\nAs a matter of fact, the action of the Catholic\\nepiscopacy had nothing whatever to do with the\\ndefeat of the Bill, which had been dropped in con-\\nsequence of the rejection in committee of the first\\nclause in it, admitting the Catholics to sit in Parlia-\\nment, two days before the bishops had pronounced\\nagainst it. But in his strictures on the probable\\nconstitution and action of the commission O Connell\\nhit the nail directly on the head. I perceive,\\nwrote Peel to the Duke of Richmond on 2ist May,\\nthat the Chief Secretary is made President of\\nthe Catholic Cabinet which his Majesty is in future\\nto have, and in his absence the senior Privy Council-\\nlor so that it is possible Dr. Duigenan may pre-\\nside. Better evidence as to the insidious character\\nof the Bill O Connell could not have desired. But\\nthe Board was hard to convince. The loaves and\\nfishes of office were a bait too tempting to be re-\\nsisted by many. Despite O Connell s exhortations\\nto unanimity, they insisted on dividing, and it was\\nonly after a fierce struggle that the vote of thanks\\nto the bishops was carried by 6i to 20.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "SIR ROBERT PEEL\\nFROM A PAINTING BY JOHN LINNELL, IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "1813] Parliament and the Catholic Claims. 55\\nThe die was cast. Henceforth there could be no\\nquestion of a compromise. The battle of the securi-\\nties must be fought out till one side or the other\\ngave way. From that day forward the party that\\nfavoured the veto ceased to attend the meetings of\\nthe Board, and wM*th their withdrawal the prospect of\\nimmediate emancipation receded into the distance.\\nIt was a bitter draught to drink, and no man felt the\\nbitterness of it more than did O Connell. On his\\ndevoted head fell all the abuse and contumely of\\ndisappointed ambition. But not for one moment\\ndid he quail before the storm of angry passion that\\nraged around him. What recked he of the animosity\\nof men who for their own private advantage would\\nhave compromised the independence of their Church\\nof men who discounted their consciences and\\nobtained money by their pretensions of piety\\nThe Bill was gone\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for that he thanked God\\nbut the star of hope still shone, and emancipation,\\nif deferred for a time, would come, when it came,\\nwithout any such disgraceful conditions. That come\\nit must, he never for a moment doubted. Yes,\\nhe assured the great assembly of his countrymen\\nthat, at his invitation, met together in Fishamble\\nStreet theatre on 15th June, to render thanks for\\ntheir deliverance, and to renew their petition for the\\ntotal and unqualified repeal of the penal laws,\\nYes, the hour of your emancipation is at hand you\\nwill, you must be, emancipated, not by the operation of\\nany force or violence, which is unnecessary, and would be\\nillegal on your part but by the repetition of your con-\\nstitutional demands by petition, and still more by the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "56 Daniel O Cojiiiell. [I812-\\npressure of circumstances and the great progress of\\nevents.\\nMeanwhile, let their rulers delay emancipation but\\nyet a little while, let them allow their discussions to\\ncontinue, let them suffer their agitators to proceed,\\nlet the love of country and even the desire of\\nnotoriety be permitted to excite fresh agitators, and\\nabove all, let the popular mind become accustomed\\nto the consideration of public subjects and to the\\nvehemence of political contest, and they knew little\\nof human nature who imagined that with a breath\\nthey could still the tempest they should thus have\\nexcited, or be able to quiet a people whom they\\nshould thus have roused to a sense of their wrongs\\nand to a knowledge of their own strength and im-\\nportance. Their ultimate triumph rested with them-\\nselves. Nothing but their own folly or crime could\\nwithhold it from them. But alas for Ireland\\nHer liberties depended upon the prudence of a\\npeople of the most inflammable passions, goaded\\nalmost to madness by Orange insults and oppressions,\\nand exposed at the same time to the secret seduc-\\ntions of the agents and emissaries of those very\\nOrange oppressors. Let them yield to these seduc-\\ntions, let them commit a single crime, a single illegal\\nact, and the Habeas Corpus Act would again be\\nsuspended, the reign of torture and of terror would\\nagain be renewed, and the cause of Ireland would be\\nlost, and lost for ever. For himself, he would tell\\nthem that, should ever that fatal day arrive, they\\nwould find him arrayed against them. There would\\nnot be so heavy a heart but there would not be", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "1813] Parliament and the Catholic Claims. 57\\na more ready hand to sustain the constitution\\nagainst every enemy.\\nIt was a memorable an epoch-making speech in\\nthe history of Ireland. Often enough before had\\nIrishmen heard their wrongs dilated upon with the\\nobject of urging them into deeds of violence and of\\nseeking vengeance with their own hands. Often\\nhad the example of revolutionary France been held\\nup before them as worthy of imitation. It was\\nsomething new to be told that however grievous\\ntheir wrongs, however intolerable their grievances,\\nyet, for the sake of the constitution they must learn\\nto bear them like men, seeking for redress only by\\nsuch means and through such channels as were\\nafforded by the constitution itself. Burke and Grat-\\ntan, it is true, had preached the same doctrine, but\\ntheir words had reached the few and educated only.\\nO Connell had another audience before him. He\\nwas speaking to the Irish nation, to a nation sorely\\ntried by oppression, yet struggling under grievous\\ndisadvantages towards unity and freedom. To him,\\nit was no mere question of theoretical politics, but a\\nmatter of hfe and death. None knew better than he\\ndid how prone his countrymen were to deeds of vio-\\nlence but he knew the power of England as well, and\\nthe benefits of the connection with her. Not separa-\\ntion the charge that he wished for separation was\\nfalse as hell but admission into the constitution\\nand the restoration of national independence were\\nwhat he wanted. Let his countrymen cease from\\nvainly appealing to the sword, from midnight con-\\nspiracies, from brutal murders and houghing of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "58\\nDaniel O Connell.\\n[1812-1813]\\nharmless animals let them learn to reverence the\\nconstitution, to respect the law, and as surely as the\\nsun would rise to-morrow so, in the course of events,\\nwould their freedom be realised and not their\\nfreedom only, but their national independence as\\nwell. It was a strange speech to issue from the lips\\nof a professional agitator, and all the stranger\\nwhen one recalls the circumstances under which it\\nwas delivered.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nIN DEFENCE OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.\\n1813.\\nOF all the weapons in the arsenal of constitu-\\ntional agitation, the most powerful is un-\\ndoubtedly that of the journalistic press. A\\nfree press is at once the sign and guarantee of free\\ngovernment. It is the very conscience of a nation.\\nTo bridle it or to corrupt it is an act of despotism so\\natrocious as to deserve the execration of civilisation.\\nFortunately, it is also an act of which despotism\\nalone is capable for where the forms, at least, of\\nconstitutional government are respected, however\\nmuch the spirit of it may be violated, it is impossible\\naltogether to destroy the independence of the press.\\nThat in Ireland, where government has more often\\nthan not found itself in direct antagonism to the\\nwishes of the bulk of the population, the corruption\\nof the press should have formed a principal means of\\ncontrolling public opinion is unfortunately only too\\ntrue. Equally true is it that government has seldom\\nbeen at a loss to find instruments like the notorious\\nSham Squire, the associate of spies and informers,\\n59", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "6o Daniel Co7inell.\\n[1813\\nready, for this or that consideration, to prostitute\\ntheir abihties in its service. On the other hand\\nthere have not been wanting journaHsts, who have\\nnever worshipped in the house of Rimmon, who\\nhave never forfeited their title to self-respect, who\\nthrough good and ill report, through fine and im-\\nprisonment, have never faltered in the path of duty.\\nOf such was John Magee, the elder, the founder,\\nproprietor, and editor of the Dublin Evening Post^\\na newspaper which, with perhaps the largest cir-\\nculation of any in Ireland, had advocated with\\nunprecedented fearlessness the cause of national\\nindependence in the days preceding the Union, and\\nwhich, now in the hands of his son, had become the\\nchief organ of Roman Catholic opinion.\\nOn 3d June, the Eventing Post announced to its\\nreaders that its proprietor had been committed to\\nKilmainham gaol on a charge of publishing a libel\\nagainst the Duke of Richmond. This, the paper\\nreminded its readers, was the third Dublin printer\\nthat had been imprisoned under his Grace s con-\\nciliatory government. The announcement created\\nan extraordinary sensation. Everyone guessed that\\nthe alleged libel was a mere pretext for a determined\\neffort on the part of the government to silence the\\nchief organ of the Catholic party; and the guess, as\\nnow appears from Peel s secret correspondence with\\nthe Speaker of the House of Commons, hit the\\nmark. The article for which Magee was to be\\nprosecuted was the work of a prominent member of\\nthe Catholic Board, Dennis Scully, the author of an\\nimportant work on the penal laws, and of whom it", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 6i\\nwas said that he was so much of a lawyer that he\\ncould not take his tea without a stratagem. It con-\\nsisted of nine columns in three successive numbers\\nof the Evening Post J and purported to be a review of\\nthe Duke of Richmond s administration, with the\\nobject of warning his successor from pursuing the\\nerrors of his Grace s conduct. The device was an\\nold one for airing the nation s grievances, and one\\nwhich Grattan himself, as every reader of Bara-\\ntariana knows, had in early days practised against\\nthe Marquis of Harcourt in language far more\\nscathing than anything that ever issued from Dennis\\nScully s pen. For the prosecution, William Saurin,\\nthe Attorney-General, and for upwards of a quarter\\nof a century the virtual ruler of Ireland, was re-\\nsponsible.\\nSaurin, the descendant of a Huguenot refugee,\\nwas a sound lawyer. Without possessing superior\\nabilities of any sort, he had raised himself by studi-\\nous application to the top of his profession. He\\nhad waited long for promotion. His early career\\nhad been one of hardship and disappointment. In\\nhis opposition to the Union he had proceeded to\\nsuch lengths as to incur the censure of the Marquis\\nCornwallis, and narrowly to escape the loss of his\\nsilk gown. But after the Union his conduct had\\nbeen most exemplary, and his reward had been pro-\\nportionate to his loyalty. Men wondered at the\\ncompleteness of his conversion but there was really\\nlittle cause for wonder. The man who had threat-\\nened to raise a rebellion rather than submit to the\\nextinction of the national legislature was the same", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "62 Daniel O Connell. li813\\nwho was now prosecuting John Magee, and seeking\\nby every means within his power to suppress the\\nCatholic agitation. His opinions had not changed\\none iota. He was just as good a patriot in 1813\\nas he had been in 1799 for his patriotism had never\\ngone so far as to include the Roman Catholics. He\\nwas an ascendancy man pure and simple, and had\\nbeen so all his life. To say that he hated the Catho-\\nlics individually is perhaps doing him injustice;\\nhe rather pitied and despised them. But he hated\\nRoman Catholicism with a fierce and bitter hatred,\\nbecause he feared it. Protestantism, in his opinion,\\nwas synonymous with liberty, Catholicism with\\nslavery. To tolerate Catholicism was to palter with\\nhis conscience and to betray the cause of truth and\\nrighteousness. Beliefs such as these naturally ren-\\ndered him a formidable antagonist to the Catholics,\\nwhile the high and indeed irreproachable character\\nhe bore in private life added a dignity to the narrow-\\nness of his creed, and gave to his opinions an\\noverwhelming influence with his colleagues in the\\nadministration.\\nSuch was the man who had urged the prosecu-\\ntion of the editor of the Evening Post, and it was\\nwith a certain grim pleasure that he now undertook\\nthe task incumbent upon him, as Attorney-General,\\nof crushing his victim. Of the result he had no\\ndoubt, and indeed, so far as it was possible, without\\nabsolutely overriding the law itself, he had taken\\nevery precaution before the trial commenced to se-\\ncure a conviction. In fact, with Judge Downes on\\nthe bench, and a well-packed jury of Orangemen,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 63\\nthere could hardly be any reasonable doubt as to\\nwhat the result would be. But this was not to\\nprove an ordinary trial. On both sides there was a\\nformidable array of counsel, but the defence rested\\npractically with O Connell, as the prosecution with\\nthe Attorney-General. Both Magee and O Connell\\nknew that unless a miracle was worked a conviction\\nwas absolutely certain. To conciliate the jury was\\nmerely wasted energy, but the opportunity of at-\\ntacking the Attorney-General, and through him the\\ngovernment, whose mouthpiece he was, and of vin-\\ndicating the Catholic claims, was one not to be lost.\\nThe trial began on 26th July, and lasted two days.\\nEach day, long before the hour when Chief-Justice\\nDownes took his seat, the Court of King s Bench\\nwas crowded to suffocation. It was shortly after\\neleven o clock on the second day that O Connell\\nrose to address the jury.\\nHe had, he said, consented to the adjournment\\nthe previous day out of a natural impulse to post-\\npone a painful duty. Still he did not regret the de-\\nlay. The farrago of helpless absurdity with which\\nthe Attorney-General had regaled them, and which\\nyesterday had roused his resentment and disgust,\\nnow only moved him to contempt. In that dis-\\ncourse a confused and disjointed tissue of bigotry\\namalgamated with congenial vulgarity the At-\\ntorney-General accused his client of using Billings-\\ngate, and he accused him of it in language suited\\nexclusively for that meridian. It was, indeed, as-\\ntonishing how he could have preserved that dia-\\nlect in all its native purity, seeing that for thirty", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "64 Daniel O Connell. [i8i3\\nyears he had had the honour to belong to the Irish\\nBar to that Bar at which he must have listened to\\na Burston, a Ponsonby, and a Curran which still\\ncontained a Plunket, a Ball, and, despite of poHtics,\\nhe would add a Bushe. But, dismissing the style,\\nhe would ask their attention to the matter of the\\nAttorney-General s discourse. The matter he would\\ndivide into two parts: the first, and by far the\\nlarger portion, relating to topics wholly irrelevant\\nto the prosecution, the second, and infinitely smaller,\\nrelating to the subject matter of the indictment\\nthey were called upon to try.\\nThe extraneous part of his discourse, in which he\\nhad touched upon, and disfigured, a variety of topics,\\nwas distinguished by two leading features a dull\\nand reproving sermon on the way in which the de-\\nfence was being conducted, and a political diatribe\\nagainst the Catholics. For the first, he would tell\\nthe Attorney-General that he and his colleagues could\\ncheerfully afford to pardon the vain presumption\\nthat made him offer them his counsel. For the rest,\\nhe had made it the rigid rule of his professional con-\\nduct never to mingle his politics with his forensic\\nduties, and if in the present instance he appeared to\\nbe departing from this rule, he would remind the\\njury that he was compelled to follow the Attorney-\\nGeneral into grounds which, had he been wise, he\\nwould carefully have avoided. It was possible he\\nmight have misunderstood the Attorney-General, for\\nthere was, he knew, no relying on his words for what\\nhe meant. But, as he gathered from his words, he\\nhad talked of the Cathohcs having imbibed principles", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "y. Mk i", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 65\\nof a seditious, treasonable, and revolutionary na-\\nture. It was impossible to refute such charges in\\nthe language of dignity and temper but he was a\\nprofligate liar who so asserted, knowing, as he must\\ndo, that the whole tenor of their conduct confuted\\nthe assertion. For what was it they sought\\nPray, Mr. O Connell, interrupted the Chief Just-\\nice at this point, pray, what can this have to do\\nwith the question the jury are to try?\\nMy lord, replied O Connell, you heard the At-\\ntorney-General traduce and calumniate us. You\\nheard him with patience and with temper. Listen\\nnow to our vindication.\\nWhat was it, he asked, that they, the Catholics,\\nsought What was it that they incessantly and even\\nclamorously petitioned for Why, to be allowed\\nto partake of the advantages of the constitution. It\\nwas said they wished to destroy it. Would they, if\\nthey wished to overturn it, exert themselves, through\\ncalumny and in peril, to obtain a portion of its bless-\\nings? Strange, inconsistent voice of calumny The\\nAttorney-General that wisest and best of men,\\nas his colleague the Solicitor-General called him in\\nhis presence the Attorney-General boasted of his\\ntriumph over Pope and popery. I have put down\\nthe Catholic Committee, said he I will put\\ndown, at my own good time, the Catholic Board.\\nThe boast was partly historical, partly prophetical.\\nHe was wrong in his history, and mistaken in his\\nprophecy. He did not put down the Catholic Com-\\nmittee. We ourselves gave up that name the moment\\nthat it was confessed that the Attorney-Generars", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "66 Daniel O ConnelL nsia\\npolemico-legal controversy had dwindled into a\\nmere dispute about words. He told us that in the\\nEnglish language pretence meant purpose. Had\\nit been French, we might have ventured to respect\\nhis judgment but in point of English we presumed\\nto differ with him. We told him purpose, good\\nMr. Attorney-General, is just the reverse of pre-\\ntence. The quarrel grew warm and animated. We\\nappealed to common-sense, to the grammar, and to\\nthe dictionary. Common-sense, grammar, and the\\ndictionary decided in our favour. He brought his\\nappeal to this court, and his lordship and your\\nbrethren, gentlemen of the jury, decided that in\\npoint of law pretence does mean purpose.\\nNext this wisest and best of men glorifies him-\\nself in the prospect of pulling down the Catholic\\nBoard. For the present, indeed, he tells you that,\\nmuch as he hates the Papists, it is unnecessary for\\nhim to crush our Board, because it serves only to\\ndamage their cause. He expresses the very idea of\\nthe Roman Domitian, who amused his days by tor-\\nturing men, his evenings by impaling flies. Fool,\\nsaid he, to a courtier that caught a fly for his amuse-\\nment fool, to give thyself so much trouble seest\\nthou not that it was about to burn itself to death in\\nthe candle? Oh! rare Attorney-General! Oh!\\nbest and wisest of men Illegal violence, it is true,\\nmay put down the Board force may effectuate it\\nbut your hopes and his will be defeated if he at-\\ntempts it by any course of law. His religious preju-\\ndices obscure his reason. I tell him he knows not\\nthe law if he thinks as he says and if he thinks so,\\nI", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 67\\nI tell him, to his beard, that he is not honest in not\\nhaving sooner prosecuted us, and I challenge him to\\nthat prosecution.\\nBut, to come to the subject of the indictment. The\\nlibel of which his client was charged was not a libel\\nagainst the Duke of Richmond in his private capac-\\nity it was not a seditious libel and it was not al-\\nleged to be false. He would trouble them with a\\nfew reflections on the law of libel. It was deeply to\\nbe lamented that the art of printing was unknown at\\nan earlier period of history. If at the time when the\\nbarons wrung the Magna Charta that simple but\\nsublime charter of liberty from a timid and perfid-\\nious sovereign the press had existed, it would surely\\nhave been the first care of those friends of freedom\\nto have established a principle of liberty for it to rest\\nupon which might resist every future assault. Their\\nsimple and unsophisticated understandings could\\nnever have been brought to comprehend the legal\\nsubtleties by which it was argued that falsehood is\\nuseful and innocent, and truth, the emanation and\\nthe type of heaven, a crime. Unfortunately, when\\nthe art of printing had been invented, its value to\\nevery sufferer, its terror to every oppressor, was soon\\nobvious, and means were speedily adopted to pre-\\nvent its salutary effects. The Star Chamber was\\neither created, or at least enlarged and brought into\\nactivity. It was particularly vigilant over the infant\\nstruggles of the press. A code of laws became neces-\\nsary to govern the new enemy to prejudice and op-\\npression. For this purpose it adopted the civil law,\\nthe law of Rome, not the law at the period of her", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "68 Daniel O^Connell. [1813\\nliberty and glory, but the law which was promul-\\ngated when she fell into slavery and disgrace, and\\nrecognised the principle that the will of the prince\\nwas the rule of law. From the Star Chamber the\\nprevention and punishment of libels descended to\\nthe courts of common law, and with the power they\\nseemed to have inherited much of the spirit of that\\ntribunal. Servility at the bar and profligacy on the\\nbench had not been wanting to aid every construc-\\ntion unfavourable to freedom, and at length it was\\ntaken as granted, and as clear law, that truth and false-\\nhood were quite immaterial circumstances, constitut-\\ning no part of either guilt or innocence. It was a\\nrevolting doctrine, and though his own opinion car-\\nried little weight, he would say that in the discussion\\nof public subjects and of the administration of pub-\\nlic men truth was a duty and not a crime.\\nSuch a discussion was the alleged libel against the\\nDuke of Richmond, which they were to consider sen-\\ntence by sentence. The Attorney-General had at-\\ntached much importance to the following paragraph\\nIf the administration of the Duke of Richmond had\\nbeen conducted with more than ordinary talent, its\\nerrors might in some degree have been atoned for by\\nits ability, and the people of Ireland, though they might\\nhave much to regret, yet would have something to ad-\\nmire but truly, after the gravest consideration, they\\nmust find themselves at a loss to discover any striking\\nfeature in his Grace s administration that makes it\\nsuperior to the worst of his predecessors.\\nHe had been told that the mischief lay in the art of\\nthe sentence. Why, all that it asserted was that it", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 69\\nwas difficult to discover the striking features that\\ndistinguished the Duke of Richmond s administra-\\ntion from former bad administrations. In the\\nwriter s opinion it was an untalented and silly ad-\\nministration. The view might be false and mis-\\ntaken, but it was no crime to say so. And if it was\\ntrue, if it had been a foolish administration, could it\\nbe an offence to say so? Was the liberty of the\\npress, about which the Attorney-General had dis-\\ncanted, to be confined to flattery?\\nThey, that is to say the Duke s predecessors,\\nnot the Duke himself, as the Attorney-General\\nludicrously asserted, they insulted, they oppressed,\\nthey murdered, and they deceived. Was not this a\\nmere statement of historical facts He would refer\\nthem to Leland and Hume. How had these histori-\\nans spoken of the conduct of the Earl of Essex\\ntowards Phelim O Neill, of Lord Grey towards the\\ngarrison at Smerwick, of Strafford in the matter of\\nthe defective titles? Had the publishers of Leland\\nand Hume been prosecuted for libel Was his client\\nto be convicted for saying of the Duke of Richmond\\nthat he had neither great crimes nor great virtues\\nthat he did not murder like Essex and Grey, but\\nalso did not render any splendid services like\\nthem?\\nThe profligate, unprincipled Westmoreland.\\nSome of the jury, he noticed, were Bible distributors\\nand suppressors of vice. He would address him-\\nself to them. What would they call profligacy\\nSuppose the peerage was exposed to sale, set up at\\nopen auction at a time when it was a judicial office;", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "JO Daniel O^ ComielL [i8i3\\nif pensions were multiplied beyond bounds and be-\\nyond exaniple if places were augmented until in-\\nvention was exhausted, and these were subdivided\\nand spHt into halves so that two might take the\\nemoluments of each and no person do the duty if\\nthese acts were resorted to in order to corrupt their\\nrepresentatives, would they, the gentle suppressors\\nof vice, call that profligacy? If the father of child-\\nren selected in the open day his guilty paramour\\nif the wedded mother of children displayed her\\ncrime unblushingly if the assent of the titled or un-\\ntitled wittol to his own shame was purchased with\\nthe people s money if these scenes were enacted in\\nthe open day, would sweet distributors of Bibles call\\nthat profligacy? If not, then let them convict John\\nMagee because he published that Westmoreland was\\nprofligate and unprincipled as a Lord-Lieutenant, and\\nthen return to their distribution of Bibles and their\\nattacks upon the recreations of the poor under the\\nname of vices.\\nThe cold-hearted and cruel Camden. Ah! he\\nknew he had their prejudices against him, for it was\\nunder Camden s administration that their faction had\\nbeen cherished and strengthened. Still, he would\\nsay the cold and cruel Camden. On one circuit dur-\\ning his administration there were one hundred individ-\\nuals tried before one judge: of these ninety-eight were\\ncapitally convicted and ninety-seven hanged. One\\nonly escaped but he was a soldier, who had murdered\\na peasant or done something equally trivial. Had\\nthey ever heard of Abercromby, the valiant and good,\\nof Moore, the soldier and scholar the soul of reason", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 71\\nand the heart of pity? Both were in Ireland under\\nCamden, both had recorded their opinion of his ad-\\nministration. Let them on their oaths dare to con-\\ntradict Abercromby and they would convict not his\\nclient but themselves of the foul crime of perjury.\\nThe artful and treacherous Cornwallis. Was it,\\nhe asked, necessary to prove that the Union was ef-\\nfectuated by artifice and treachery? He would re-\\nfer them to the Attorney-General, at that time plain\\nWilliam Saurin. In 1800 Mr. Saurin was charged\\nwith being a Jacobin on much the same lines, and\\nwith as much truth as he now applied it to his client.\\nHis reply would serve for that of Mr. Magee. Mr.\\nSaurin, said the Anti-Union of 22d March, 1800,\\nadmitted that debates might sometimes produce\\nagitations, but that was the price necessarily paid\\nfor liberty. Oh how he thanked the good Jew for\\nthat word. Yes, agitation was the price paid for\\nliberty. The Catholics had paid the price, and the\\nhonest man refused to give them the goods. In 1800\\nMr. Saurin had preached the holy doctrine of insur-\\nrection he had sounded the tocsin of resistance, and\\nsummoned the people of the land to battle against\\nthe Union as against usurpation in 18 13 he indicted\\na man and called him a rufilian for speaking of the\\nUnion, not as usurpers, but as artful and treacherous\\nmen He besought the jury to pity the situation in\\nwhich the Attorney-General had placed himself, and\\nnot to think of punishing Mr. Magee for his modera-\\ntion.\\nBut it was said that his client had libelled the\\nKing by imputing to him the selection of improper", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "72 Da^tiel O Connell. [I813\\nand criminal chief governors. What was this but\\nthe very acme of servile doctrine The constitution\\ndeclared that the King could do no wrong and that\\neven for his personal acts his servants were person-\\nally responsible. The Attorney-General had re-\\nversed the constitution, though as a matter of fact\\nthere was not one word in the alleged libel that\\nreferred to his Majesty.\\nBut to pass on. Mr. Magee had published that\\nthe Duke of Richmond\\ncame over ignorant he soon became prejudiced, and\\nthen he became intemperate. His original charac-\\nter for moderation he has forfeited. He has\\nbegun to act he has ceased to be a dispassionate chief\\ngovernor. He descends he mixes with the\\nthrong he becomes personally engaged, and having\\nlost his temper calls forth his private passions to support\\nhis public principles he is no longer an indifferent\\nViceroy, but a frightful partisan of an English ministry,\\nwhose base passions he indulges, whose unworthy resent-\\nments he gratifies, and on whose behalf he at present\\ncanvasses.\\nWell was it not perfectly true Had not his\\nGrace canvassed on behalf of the ministry Was\\nthere a titled or untitled servant of the Castle who\\nhad not been despatched to the south to vote against\\nthe popular and for the ministerial candidate Was\\nthere a single individual within his Grace s reach\\nthat did not vote against Prittie and Matthew in\\nTipperary and against Hutchinson in Cork? He\\nwould not read to them how Mr. Hutchinson had\\ntreated the partisanship of the Lord-Lieutenant,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 73\\nlest it might be supposed that he identified his\\ncHent with the violent but merited reprobation\\npoured out by him upon the scandalous interference\\nof government in these elections. Would the At-\\ntorney-General, or his colleague the Solicitor-General,\\nattempt to deny the Duke of Richmond s inter-\\nference in these elections It was as notorious as\\nthe sun at noon-day. For himself, he would say that\\nhe who used the influence of the executive to con-\\ntrol the choice of the representatives of the people\\nviolated the first principles of the constitution he\\nwas guilty of political sacrilege, and profaned the\\nvery sanctuary of the people s rights and liberties,\\nand if he should be called a partisan it was only\\nbecause some harsher and more appropriate term\\nought to be applied to his delinquency.\\nThe Attorney-General had boasted of his convic-\\ntion of Mr. Kirwan. He had gloried in having got\\ntogether a jury more subservient than in Dr. Sheri-\\ndan s case. Me, me, adsum qui feci, he had ex-\\nclaimed in rapture he forgot to. add inea fraus\\nomnisy Had he succeeded likewise in the present\\ncase? The jury had been shown the publication\\nfor which his client was being tried he would read\\nthem a paragraph in a newspaper, the publisher of\\nwhich the Attorney-General refused to prosecute\\nfor libel: Ballybay, 4th July, 1813. A meeting of\\nthe Orange lodges was agreed on, in consequence\\nof the manner in which the Catholics wished to have\\npersecuted the loyalists in this country last year,\\nwhen they even murdered some of them for no other\\nreason than their being yeomen and Protestants.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "74 Daniel O Conriell. [1813\\nThe paragraph made his blood boil. There had\\nbeen several murders committed in the county\\nMonaghan, in which Ballybay lay. The persons\\nkilled were Roman Catholics their murderers were\\nOrangemen. Several of the persons accused of these\\nmurders were to be tried at the ensuing assizes.\\nThe obvious intention of that and similar para-\\ngraphs was to create a prejudice favourable to the\\nmurderers. The Attorney-General was waited on\\nhe was respectfully requested to prosecute the pub-\\nlishers of the newspaper upon the terms of having\\nthe falsehood of these assertions first proved to him.\\nHe refused. The two proprietors of the newspaper,\\nthe Hibernian Journal, had each a pension of ;^400\\nper annum, for supporting government, as it was\\ncalled, in addition to proclamations and public\\nadvertisements\\nWould, exclaimed O Connell, turning round to\\nwhere Peel, the Chief Secretary, was sitting, would\\nthat I could see the man who pays the proclamation\\nmoney and these pensions I would ask him whether\\nthis was a paper that ought to receive the money of\\nthe Irish people. Whether this was the legitimate\\nuse of the public purse. Let them contrast the\\nposition of Mr. Magee with that of the proprietors\\nof the Hibernian Journal the one prosecuted with\\nall the weight and influence of the Crown, the other\\npensioned by the minister of the Crown the one\\ndragged to the bar for the sober discussion of politi-\\ncal topics, the other hired to disseminate the most\\nhorrid calumnies. Were they going to convict Mr.\\nMagee Was there amongst them one friend to", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 75\\nfreedom There were amongst them men of great\\nreHgious zeal, of much public piety. Were they\\nsincere Did they believe what they professed\\nWith all their zeal, with all their piety, was there a\\nconscience amongst them? If they were sincere;\\nif they had a conscience, Mr. Magee confidently ex-\\npected an acquittal. But if they were not, if they\\nwere slaves and hypocrites, he would await their\\nverdict and despise it.\\nSuch in meagre outlines was the speech, which it\\ntook O Connell four hours to deliver the greatest\\nperhaps of all his forensic efforts. Into those four\\nbrief hours he poured the agony and indignation of\\na lifetime. It was the first time that it had been\\ngiven him to get the enemies of his faith and of his\\ncountry before him, and force them against their will\\nto listen to his scathing criticism of the principles\\nthat had regulated and still continued to regulate\\nthe government of Ireland. He had told them the\\ntruth to their faces he had torn the hollow mask of\\npiety from them, and revealed them to the world as\\nhypocrites in religion, bankrupts in principle, cor-\\nruptors of public morality, violators of the constitu-\\ntion, political assassins to whom government meant\\nthe preservation of iniquitous privileges for the few\\nand the oppression of the many. And his words\\nhad gone home to the Judge, the Jury, the Attorney-\\nGeneral and the government as represented by the\\nChief Secretary. If Magee had been guilty of pub-\\nlishing a libel, O Connell, as Peel said, had uttered\\none even more atrocious. The price to be paid for\\nit would, no doubt, be a big one.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "76 Daniel O ComtelL [I813\\nThe jury returned a verdict of guilty against\\nMagee but judgment was postponed till November.\\nIn the interval O Connell s speech was published in\\npamphlet form, and so great was the interest created\\nby it that ten thousand copies were disposed of on\\nthe day of publication. It was translated into French\\nand Spanish, and a copy in the latter language pre-\\nsented, it is said, to every member of the Cortes.\\nThere was therefore little matter for wonder that\\nwhen Magee was called up for judgment, on 27th\\nNovember, the Attorney-General should have urged\\nthe publication of the speech and Magee s approval\\nof it as an aggravation of his original offence. He\\nwas still smarting under the recollection of O Con-\\nnell s remorseless sarcasm, and in stating his case he\\nalluded to the language in which he had been ad-\\ndressed as the grossest outrage to public decency\\nthat had occurred within the memory of man. For\\ncould it, he asked, be for a moment supposed that it\\nwas the right or privilege of a criminal brought to\\ntrial to waive his own defence, and to turn the indict-\\nment into an arraignment, an accusation, and an\\nattack upon the character of the prosecutor, and\\nthat prosecutor the public officer of the law, whose\\nduty it was to prosecute his crime For, supposing\\nthe criminal should be able to find in his counsel an\\naccomplice of his crime, surely it could not be con-\\ntended that the counsel of that criminal could derive\\nany privilege from his own criminality. It was an\\nunfortunate expression if he did not mean to refer\\nto O Connell as a participator in Magee s criminality.\\nAnyhow, O Connell at once construed it in that sense,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "1813]\\nThe Liberty of the Press. yy\\nand, rising to reply, he said the Attorney-General had\\ndone well to treasure up his resentment since July\\nin order to give utterance to it in a place which\\nprevented him administering the chastisement he\\ndeserved.\\nEh what is that you say interrupted Justice\\nDaly.\\nTake care what you say, sir! exclaimed Justice\\nOsborne. I warn you, I will not sit here and listen\\nto such a speech as that which I have seen reported.\\nChastising the Attorney-General added Justice\\nDaly. If a criminal information was applied for\\non that word, we should be bound to grant it.\\nMy lords, said O Connell, I meant that else-\\nwhere thus assailed I should be carried away by my\\nfeelings to do that which I should regret to go be-\\nyond the law to inflict corporal punishment for\\nthat offence, which I am here ready, out of considera-\\ntion for the court, to pardon.\\nI will take the opinion of the court, retorted\\nJustice Osborne, whether you shall not be com-\\nmitted.\\nNow, Mr. O Connell, interposed Justice Day,\\npouring oil on the troubled surface, do you not\\nperceive that, while you talk of suppressing those\\nfeelings, you are actually indulging them The\\nAttorney-General could not mean you offence in the\\nline of argument he pursued to enhance the punish-\\nment of your client. It is unnecessary to throw off\\nor to repel aspersions that are not made.\\nMy lord, replied O Connell, I thank you.\\nBut what did the Attorney-General mean when he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "J^ Daniel O Connell. [I813\\nimputed to the advocate participation in the crime\\nofthecHent?\\nWe did not, said Justice Osborne, understand\\nhim to refer to you.\\nI did not, my lords, the Attorney-General assured\\nthe court. I certainly did not mean the gentleman.\\nTo state that I did would be to misrepresent my\\nmeaning, which had nothing to do with him.\\nThe admission put an end to the controversy but\\nit did not prevent O Connell, under colour of a legal\\nargument to show why the matter stated for aggra-\\nvation ought not to be allowed to affect his client,\\nfrom giving full vent to his indignation at the At-\\ntorney-General s attempt to bridle the independent\\nopposition of the Bar. And, indeed, so far as the\\nprosecution rested on political grounds, there can\\nhardly be any question that his attitude was sound\\nin principle. But the violence of his language, the\\nopen sarcasms he levelled at the impartiahty of\\nthe Bench, were hardly calculated to improve the\\ncase of his client, and Magee, whose courage had\\nbeen damped by confinement in Kilmainham, with-\\nout consulting him instructed another of his counsel\\nto disavow his speech. The Attorney-General, how-\\never, refused to dissociate the client from his counsel,\\nand Magee was condemned to pay a fine of ^500, to\\ngo to prison for two years, and to find security for\\nhis subsequent good behaviour, himself in \u00c2\u00a3\\\\QOO\\nand two others, each in \u00c2\u00a3^QO.\\nMagee s conduct greatly distressed O Connell, not\\nmerely on personal grounds, though it was mortifica-\\ntion enough to have been disowned in public court,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "1813] The Liberty of the Press. 79\\nbut more because of its probable effects on the\\nCatholic cause, as likely to increase dissension\\namongst the few who remain devoted in intention\\nand design, at least, to the unfortunate land of our\\nbirth. That the Catholics had suffered a serious\\nreverse was certain, and the ill-feeling to which\\nO Connell s stubborn opposition to the veto had\\ngiven rise was intensified by what was openly spoken\\nof as his mismanagement of Magee s case. So\\nstrongly, indeed, did the current run against him,\\nthat his friends felt it necessary to rally round him,\\nand in order to show their unabated confidence in\\nhis leadership, to present him with a service of plate\\nof the value of a thousand guineas. In making the\\npresentation, John Finlay, a Protestant barrister, and\\nan ardent friend of the Catholics, referred in eulo-\\ngistic terms to O Connell s unselfish devotion to the\\ncause of his fellow-countrymen, his unwearying ac-\\ntivity in their service, his consummate ability, and\\nhis undaunted courage in repelling the attacks of\\ngovernment on the independence of the Bar and the\\nliberty of the press. Power had attempted to put\\nhim down it was their duty to support him. It had\\nbeen said, and said with great truth, that no man\\nhad ever yoked his fortunes to the fate of Ireland\\nwho had not been ruined by the connection. It was\\ntheir interest to uphold him a man spotless in the\\nrelations of private life, matchless in the duties of\\nprivate friendship, beloved by every man who knows\\nhim, and esteemed by all who have not a prejudice\\nor an interest in disliking him.\\nAdapting Scott s lines, he would say", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "8o\\nDaniel O Connell.\\nri3i3]\\nLet him but stand, in spite of power,\\nA watchman on the lonely tower\\nHis thrilling trump will rouse the land\\nWhen fraud or danger is at hand\\nBy him, as by a beacon light,\\nThe pilot must keep course aright.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nDUELS AND DISAPPOINTMENTS.\\n1814-1820.\\nMEANWHILE the battle of the Securities con-\\ntinued to drag on its weary length. Both\\nsides, vetoists and anti-vetoists, had appealed\\nto the Pope, and early in the following year, 18 14,\\ncame the papal answer in the shape of a rescript\\nsigned by the Vice-Prefect of the Propaganda, Mon-\\nsignor Quarantotti, sanctioning the very Securities\\nwhich the Irish episcopacy had pronounced to be\\nincompatible with the discipline of the Roman Catho-\\nlic Church. The vetoists were jubilant at the re-\\nsult the anti-vetoists depressed beyond measure.\\nIs it true, sir, asked his servant of an old parish\\npriest, that the Pope has turned Orangeman\\nWhat, indeed, could one think, now that the Pope\\nhimself seemed to have deserted them and gone\\nover to the enemy But the feeling of depression,\\nif acute, was short-lived. On examination, it was\\nfound that at the date afifixed to Quarantotti s re-\\nscript, i6th February, 1814, the Pope, Pius VII.,\\nwas still a prisoner in the hands of Napoleon at\\n6", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "82 Daniel O Connell.\\n[1814\\nFontainebleau. The discovery pointed a way out of\\nthe dilemma. What right, it was asked, had a mere\\nclerk of the Propaganda to settle a matter of such\\ngrave importance on his own account They had\\nappealed to the Pope, not to his secretary the\\nPope s signature was wanting, and in refusing to re-\\ngard the rescript as mandatory, the Irish Catholics\\ncould not be charged with disobedience but there\\nwas a strong feeling abroad that, even in the event\\nof the Pope assenting to the Securities, the Irish\\nwould be justified, on national grounds, in disobey-\\ning him.\\nIf the Pope himself, exclaimed Purcell O Gor-\\nman, at a meeting of Catholics on 19th May, with\\nall his cardinals in full council, issued a bull to the\\neffect of the rescript, I should not obey it. When\\nthe cheers that greeted his words had died away, he\\nadded, I suppose I should thereby cease to be a\\nCatholic? No, no! shouted Doctor Droom-\\ngoole, the Duigenan of the Catholic party. I\\nam glad, resumed O Gorman, I am glad that\\nI may resist the Pope and Council and still be a\\nmember of the Catholic Church. The English\\nCatholics might do as they liked but it was clear\\nthat in Ireland matters had reached a point when it\\nmight prove dangerous for the papacy to conspire\\nfurther with the English ministry in trying to curtail\\nthe independence of the Irish clergy. Nor were the\\nclergy themselves backward in asserting their na-\\ntional rights. After a two days conference at\\nMaynooth, the bishops, on 27th May, unanim-\\nously resolved that, having taken into their mature", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappoiiitinents. 83\\nconsideration the late rescript of the Vice-Prefect of\\nthe Propaganda, they were fully convinced that it\\nwas not mandatory.\\nAs for O Connell, there was no doubt as to his\\nopinion on the subject. He was, he prided him-\\nself, a Catholic from conviction but had he been a\\nProtestant or a Presbyterian his objection to papal\\ninterference in a matter of national importance\\ncould not have been more determined. I am,\\nsaid he, sincerely a Catholic but I am not a Pa-\\npist, and I deny the doctrine that the Pope has any\\ntemporal authority, directly or indirectly, in Ire-\\nland. He would not believe that any of their ven-\\nerated prelates could fail in their duty but should\\nthey descend from their high station to become the\\nvile slaves of the clerks of the Castle, he would warn\\nthem betimes to look to their masters for their sup-\\nport for the people would despise them, and would\\ncommunicate only with some holy priest who had\\nnever bowed to the Dagon of power. This was\\nplain speaking with a vengeance, and it did not fail\\nto produce a salutary effect on the counsels of the\\npapacy. At the same time, however, it exasperated\\nthose friends of Catholic emancipation in Parliament\\nwho regarded the Securities as a harmless and neces-\\nsary concession to Protestant feeling in England, and\\non presenting the Catholic petition, on 24th May,\\nGrattan announced that it was not his intention to\\ndiscuss its merits that session or to move any reso-\\nlution based upon it. For this decision he offered no\\nexplanation it was, as O Connell indignantly re-\\nmarked, a barefaced stet pro ratione voluntas^ Of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "84 Daniel O Connell. [I814-\\ncourse it was impossible to overlook his conduct,\\nand a meeting of the Catholic Board was hastily\\nsummoned to consider the unexpected event, and to\\ndecide on what steps it was necessary, under the\\ncircumstances, to take. The hour of meeting had\\narrived, and O Connell was about to open the busi-\\nness when a messenger from the Castle hastily en-\\ntered the room, holding in his hand a Government\\nproclamation ordering the immediate dissolution of\\nthe Board.\\nThe Attorney-General had done as he promised\\nhe would do, and crushed the Board at his own good\\ntime. He could not have found a more favourable\\nopportunity for his purpose. As O Connell and his\\nhandful of faithful adherents strolled up to his house\\nin Merrion Square to make arrangements for calling\\ntogether an aggregate meeting to discuss the situa-\\ntion, the prospect that confronted them was gloomy\\nin the extreme. Never, indeed, in the whole course\\nof the agitation had the situation seemed more\\nhopeless than it did at this moment. Distracted by\\ntheir own internal dissensions, disowned by their\\nProtestant supporters in Parliament, out-tricked at\\nRome itself, robbed of the advocacy of the press,\\nand now, by the suppression of the Board, deprived\\nof their last means of constitutional agitation, the\\nCatholics might well seem an object of derision to\\ntheir enemies, and O Connell s heart might well sink\\nwithin him as he read his own misery in the faces\\nof the few friends that still clung to him. Would\\nemancipation never be achieved Often and often\\ndid he ask himself the question, and the answer", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 85\\nwas not always satisfactory even to his sanguine\\nnature.\\nNevertheless, depressed and discouraged though\\nhe was, he showed no outward sign of hesitation, and\\nhis language in public was as hopeful as ever. His\\nvery presence inspired confidence. Never, not even\\nin the great hour of triumph that awaited him, was\\nhe more deserving of the admiration and love of his\\ncountrymen than in the dark years that elapsed be-\\ntween the suppression of the Board and the founda-\\ntion of the Association. And it was with a feeling\\nof justifiable pride that he afterwards recalled how,\\nat a period when his minutes counted by the guinea,\\nwhen his emoluments were limited only by the ex-\\ntent of his physical and waking powers, when his\\nmeals were shortened to the narrowest space, and\\nhis sleep restricted to the earliest hours before the\\ndawn at that period, and for more than twenty\\nyears there was no day that he did not devote\\none to two hours, often much more, to the working\\nout of the Catholic cause, and that without receiving\\nor allowing the offer of any remuneration even for\\nthe personal expenditure incurred in the agitation\\nof the cause itself; and how for four years he bore\\nthe entire expenses of the Catholic agitation without\\nreceiving the contribution of others to a greater\\namount than j^ in the whole.\\nGrattan s refusal to advocate the Catholic claims\\nhad the disastrous effect of stimulating the exertions\\nof their opponents, and among several petitions pre-\\nsented to Parliament hostile to their claims was one\\nemanating from the corporation of Dublin. The", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "86 Daniel O ConnelL [1814-\\nfact irritated O Connell, and at a meeting of Catholics\\nin January of the following year, 1815, he alluded to\\nthe loss they had sustained by not having the sub-\\nject discussed the previous session in Parliament,\\nadding that had it been otherwise they would not\\nthen have seen the beggarly corporation of Dub-\\nlin anticipating their efforts by a petition of an\\nopposite tendency. The expression, one would have\\nthought, was harmless enough, and it is hard to con-\\nceive why an individual member of the corporation\\nshould have regarded it as personally applying to\\nhimself. Yet this was precisely what one of them,\\na Mr. D Esterre, did. D Esterre was a wholesale\\nprovision dealer in Bachelor s Walk and a repre-\\nsentative of the guild of merchants. In early life he\\nhad served as a petty officer in the fleet, and by his\\ncourageous behaviour during the mutiny at the Nore\\nhad acquired for himself a considerable reputation\\nfor personal bravery. Moreover he was a man of\\nliberal sentiments, and had on more than one occa-\\nsion urged on his fellows of the corporation the\\nadoption of a more conciliatory attitude towards the\\nRoman Catholics, having even, it is said, opposed\\nthe very petition which now raised O Connell s ire.\\nUnfortunately he was in rather embarrassed circum-\\nstances, and either because he hoped to improve his\\nposition by attacking a man personally objectionable\\nto Government, or because in his sensitiveness to his\\nposition he fell an easy victim to the insinuations of\\nmore unscrupulous men, he thought proper to resent\\nO Connell s words as a direct attack on himself.\\nO Connell s surprise on opening D Esterre s letter", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. Z\\nrequiring a retractation or explanation of the offen-\\nsive expression may be more easily imagined than\\ndescribed. Retractation was of course out of the\\nquestion, and all that he felt it incumbent on him to\\nsay by way of explanation was that, while the cor-\\nporation doubtless contained many estimable indi-\\nviduals, the conduct of the corporation itself was so\\nnotoriously hostile to the Catholics that their private\\nopinions must necessarily be confounded in the acts\\nof the general body. This explanation did not\\nsatisfy D Esterre but instead of taking the course\\nusual in such cases he despatched another letter,\\nwhich, however, O Connell returned unread. This\\nwas on Friday, 27th January. Three days elapsed\\nwithout D Esterre s taking any further step but\\non Tuesday a rumour got abroad that he was go-\\ning to horsewhip O Connell. The whole town was\\nexcited over the affair, especially when it turned\\nout that D Esterre had actually appeared in the\\nFour Courts with a whip in his hand, but had failed\\nto find O Connell. As for the latter, he continued\\nto go about his business as usual, though attended\\nby a large concourse of well-wishers determined to\\nsee fair play on D Esterre s part. The comedy lasted\\nthe whole day but in the evening Justice Day in-\\nterfered in his magisterial capacity, and exacted a\\npromise from O Connell that he would on no ac-\\ncount be the aggressor. Early next morning, how-\\never, Sir Edward Stanley, acting as D Esterre s\\nfriend, called on O Connell, and was by him referred\\nto Major MacNamara, who promptly fixed the hour\\nof meeting for half-past three o clock that afternoon.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "88 Da7iiel O Connell. [1814-\\nThe snow was falling slightly as O Connell and\\nhis friends rolled out of Dublin on their way to the\\nappointed place of meeting at Bishop s Court, about\\ntwelve miles from the city. They reached the\\nground precisely at three an hour passed away be-\\nfore D Esterre and his friends arrived, and forty\\nminutes more elapsed before the combatants were\\nplaced in position. In the interval D Esterre took\\noccasion to say that his quarrel with O Connell was\\nnot of a religious nature, and that he had no animos-\\nity whatever against the Catholics or their leaders.\\nBoth he and O Connell appeared cool and collected.\\nEach was provided with a case of pistols to use at\\ndiscretion. D Esterre fired first, but the click of\\nO Connell s pistol followed almost instantly, and\\nD Esterre was seen to fall to the ground. Medical\\nattendance was at hand, and, honour having been\\nsatisfied, O Connell and his friends withdrew. Mean-\\nwhile, it had been rumoured in Dublin that O Con-\\nnell had been killed, and fears being entertained lest\\nthe mob might exact personal vengeance on D Es-\\nterre, a body of cavalry was hastily despatched\\nto the spot. When the truth became known, it\\ncaused a tremendous revulsion of feeling the\\njoy of the populace was unbounded, bonfires were\\nlighted in the streets and continued blazing till\\nmidnight.\\nD Esterre s wound was not at first expected to\\nprove fatal. But on returning home O Connell be-\\ntrayed great uneasiness as to his fate. I fear he is\\ndead, he remarked but I fired low, and the ball\\nmust have entered near the thigh. His apprehen-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 89\\nsions were verified. Next day D Esterre expired in\\ngreat agony. The sad issue of the duel greatly dis-\\ntressed O Connell, and anticipating legal proceedings\\nhe retained Richard, afterwards Baron, Pennefather,\\nto defend him but the courtesy of the dead man s\\nfriends relieved him from anxiety in that respect.\\nHe himself was equal in generosity, and knowing\\nthat the death of her husband had plunged Mrs.\\nD Esterre in poverty, he offered to settle a handsome\\nannuity on her, or rather, as he himself said, to\\nshare his income with her. The offer was declined,\\nbut he prevailed on a daughter of the deceased to\\naccept an annuity from him, which was regularly\\npaid till his death, and at a later period he had the\\nsatisfaction of rendering valuable legal service to the\\nwidow herself. But time strengthened rather than\\ndiminished the remorse he felt for D Esterre s fate,\\nand the recollection of it is said, by those who knew\\nhim best, to have cast a shadow over his whole sub-\\nsequent life. From that time forward people noticed\\nthat whenever he had occasion to pass D Esterre s\\nhouse in Bachelor s Walk he would raise his hat and\\nmove his lips in silent prayer. Subsequently he be-\\ncame so impressed with the wickedness as well as\\nthe folly of duelling as to register a vow never to\\nfight another. From this resolve no reflection on\\nhis personal courage could ever move him, and there\\ncan be little doubt that his example did much to\\ndiscourage the practice amongst public men.\\nAt the time, however, though greatly distressed\\nat what had happened, he had come to no such resol-\\nution, and he had hardly emerged from his affair of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "90 Dam el O Co?inelL [1814-\\nhonour with D Esterre than he became involved in\\nanother with Peel. Robert Peel was Chief Secretary\\nto the Lord Lieutenant. He was barely twenty-\\nseven years old, and still retained much of that ex-\\ntreme sensitiveness which, when a schoolboy, had\\ndriven him a mile out of his way rather than encounter\\nthe rude jests of the Burj/ lads. His appointment to\\nthe Irish secretaryship in 1812 he owed to Lord Liver-\\npool, who had been so favourably impressed by his\\nspeech in defence of the Walcheren expedition as to\\nmake him his private secretary. In recommending\\nhim to the then Lord Lieutenant, the Duke of Rich-\\nmond, Liverpool, after referring to the official expe-\\nrience he had acquired during the two years he had\\nserved under him in the Secretary of State s office,\\ndwelt on his academic attainments, his good temper,\\ngreat frankness, and openness of manners as likely to\\nrender his appointment both acceptable and advant-\\nageous to the Irish government. That one so young\\nshould, after having served so limited an apprentice-\\nship, and with no more knowledge of Ireland than he\\nderived from the fact that he happened by an accid-\\nent to represent the borough of Cashel, have been\\njudged capable of filling so responsible an office as\\nthat of Chief Secretary speaks volumes for the con-\\ntemptuous disregard with which Ireland was treated\\nby English statesmen during the early years of the\\nUnion. True, Pitt had become Prime Minister of\\nEngland at an equally early age but men had\\nlaughed derisively and not altogether without reason\\nat the appointment. How would they have laughed\\nhad Peel been made either Secretary of War or First", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 91\\nLord of the Treasury But Chief Secretary for Ire-\\nland that was a post for which the most mediocre\\ntalents only were required. In England mistakes\\nand incompetency counted for something. In Ireland\\nit was otherwise. Ireland had ever been the country\\nof experiments, and there a man might try his pren-\\ntice hand in the art of statesmanship without fear of\\ncensure or of risking his future career.\\nSo at least it seemed to O Connell, and in the bit-\\nterness of his resentment at the slight placed on his\\ncountry he seldom, as we have seen, lost an oppor-\\ntunity of venting his spleen on Peel. Nothing,\\nindeed, could excuse the intemperateness of his\\nlanguage except the fact that he saw in Peel opposi-\\ntion to the most elementary liberties of his country\\npersonified. His sneers and sarcasms no doubt went\\nhome but the haughty indifference with which the\\nChief Secretary met them galled him to madness. A\\nreport that Peel had spoken derogatorily of him in\\nthe House of Commons filled his cup of indignation\\nto overflowing, and at an aggregate meeting on 29th\\nAugust he retaliated by saying\\nI am told he has in my absence, and in a place where\\nhe was privileged from any account, grossly traduced me.\\nI said at the last meeting, and in the presence of the note-\\ntakers of the police, who are paid by him, that he was too\\nprudent to attack me in my presence. I see the same\\npolice informers here now, and I authorise them carefully\\nto report these my words that Mr. Peel would not dare,\\nin my presence and in any place where he was liable to\\npersonal account, to use a single expression derogatory\\nto my interest or my honour.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "92 Daniel O Connell. [1814-\\nThe attack was too direct to be overlooked by\\nPeel, and the following day Sir Charles Saxton, at his\\nrequest, waited on O Connell for an explanation.\\nBeing satisfied that no legal prosecution was intended,\\nO Connell admitted that he had been accurately re-\\nported, whereupon Saxton stated that he was author-\\nised to say that Peel had said nothing in his speeches\\nconcerning him which he did not unequivocally avow\\nand hold himself responsible for. In that case,\\nreplied O Connell, I consider it incumbent on me\\nto send a friend to Mr. Peel. But the friend chosen\\nby him, Mr. George Lidwill, a Protestant gentleman\\nand a noted duellist, did not happen to take the\\nsame view of the situation as his principal, and hav-\\ning in the course of an interview with Sir Charles\\nSaxton elicited the important fact that Peel had never\\nin his speeches in Parliament spoken disrespectfully\\nof O Connell, he gave it as his opinion that, as the\\ninsult had originated with the latter he could not\\nlikewise be the challenger. Saxton reminded him\\nthat this was not O Connell s opinion but Lidwill\\nwas not to be moved from his position, and declared\\nthat if O Connell insisted on sending a message to\\nPeel he must decline to act in the matter.\\nIt thus happened that, while both parties waited\\nfor a message, no message was sent by either, and\\nSaxton, supposing that O Connell was trying to slip\\nout of the business, sent an account of the affair to\\nSaturday evening s Correspondent. When O Connell,\\nin turning over the paper, came across this letter his\\nindignation passed all bounds, and sitting down he\\npenned a most abusive letter to Carrick s Post,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 93\\ndirectly charging Peel and Saxton with resorting to\\na paltry trick, and with having ultimately pre-\\nferred a paper war. His letter, of course, brought\\nmatters to a crisis, and an hour or two after its\\nappearance came a politely worded request from the\\nChief Secretary to appoint a friend to make arrange-\\nments with Colonel Brown for an early meeting.\\nLidwill having in the meanwhile become personally\\ninvolved with Saxton, O Connell turned to his old\\nfriend, Richard Newton Bennett. But the reports in\\nthe newspapers had by this time so alarmed Mrs.\\nO Connell that, fearing for her husband s life, she\\nsent privately, after he had retired to rest, to the\\nsheriff, who, returning with two police officers, gave\\nhim then and there into custody with instructions to\\nremain in his bedroom all night. Almost at the\\nsame time Lidwill was placed under arrest, and both\\nhe and O Connell bound over in heavy penalties to\\nkeep the peace.\\nO Connell s position was now an extremely dis-\\nagreeable one, especially as the papers had taken the\\nmatter up, and were keenly discussing the relative\\nmerits of him and Peel. A meeting in Ireland being\\nout of the question, it was arranged that they should\\nproceed by different routes to the continent and\\nsettle their difference abroad. Ostend was named as\\nthe place of rendezvous, and Peel, setting off at once,\\nhad already been there several days, practising, Irish\\nimagination had it, at an ace of hearts, when the news\\nreached him that O Connell had been arrested in\\nLondon. The arrest this time was at the instance\\nof James B-^^cket, Under-Secretary of State, a friend", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "94 Daniel O Connell. [1814-\\nof Peel s, and O Connell, bound over in heavy\\npenalties to keep the peace, returned to Ireland. It\\nwas a wholly unsatisfactory conclusion to a wholly\\nunsatisfactory affair. The original offender had\\nbeen O Connell himself, but the responsibiHty of\\npushing matters to extremities must rest entirely\\nwith Saxton. He and Lidwill met on the continent\\nand exchanged shots, the latter firing in the air, say-\\ning that he had no personal grievance against his\\nopponent.\\nTen years later, when emancipation seemed likely\\nto be conceded by Parliament, O Connell, in order to\\nconciliate Peel, tendered him an apology through\\nBennett. In acknowledging it. Peel said that time\\nand the consciousness that he had done all in his\\npower to procure honourable reparation had re-\\nmoved all feelings of personal hostility and resent-\\nment, to which a deep sense of injury might at first\\nhave given rise. Had any such feelings survived, the\\nintention of Mr. O Connell in making the communica-\\ntion which he had recently made could not have\\nfailed completely to have extinguished them. It\\nwas an honourable and manly step on O Connell s\\npart but when the fact leaked out, public opinion\\nin Ireland charged him with crouching to the\\nmost implacable and dangerous enemy of the Catholic\\ncause. To this charge O Connell replied\\nThere was, I know it well, personal humiliation in\\ntaking such a step. But is not this a subject upon which\\nI merit humiliation Yes, let me be sneered at and let\\nme be censured, even by the generous and respected I\\ndo not shrink from this humiliation. He who feels", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 95\\nconscious of having outraged the law of God ought to feel\\na pleasure in the avowal of his deep and lasting regret.\\nMeanwhile, to revert to public affairs, the aggre-\\ngate meeting, which had been called to consider the\\nsituation into which the affairs of the Catholics had\\nbeen thrown by the refusal of Grattan to advocate\\ntheir claims, and the dissolution of the Catholic\\nBoard, met on i ith June, 1814, and passed certain\\nformal resolutions. But the attendance was thin,\\nand the prevailing air was one of apathy and indif-\\nference. Indeed, so long as the Securities question\\nremained unsettled it was hopeless to look for any\\ndecided action. So far as Quarantotti s rescript was\\nconcerned, the remonstrance of the Irish episcopacy\\nhad been successful in inducing the Pope to recall\\nit; but what direction his Holiness s final decision\\nmight take it was impossible to predict. The ques-\\ntion of petitioning Parliament in the following ses-\\nsion did something, however, to stir the smouldering\\nashes into a feeble flame. At a meeting in Lord Fin-\\ngal s drawing room, on loth January, 181 5, Richard\\nLalor Shell, rising into fame as a dramatic writer\\nand the one eloquent mouthpiece of the vetoists,\\nsubmitted a well-written petition. The only objec-\\ntion to it was that it was too servile in tone, and held\\nout a hope of compromise on the Securities diffi-\\nculty. The influence of O Connell was sufficient to\\nsecure its rejection, and to obtain the appointment\\nof a committee, of which he was one, to frame a\\nsuitable petition. But the same difference of opin-\\nion manifested itself in the committee as had shown", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "96 Daniel O Connell. [1814-\\nitself in the meeting, and after a second futile effort\\nat unanimity it was resolved simply that a petition\\nshould be presented, leaving it open to discussion\\nwhat that petition should be and also as to whom it\\nshould be offered for presentation. After some hesita-\\ntion it was agreed to call upon their old friends, Lord\\nDonoughmore and Grattan. The former responded\\ncordially, but the latter would only consent to pro-\\nmote their claims on his own conditions, viz., of\\nqualified emancipation. His attitude was severely\\ncensured by O Connell at an adjourned meeting of\\nCatholics on 15th February. He did not, he de-\\nclared, dispute or question Grattan s integrity or his\\nhigh honour but, humble as he was in talents and\\nstation compared with him, he did dispute his judg-\\nment and was prepared to demonstrate how mistaken\\nhe was.\\nIn the meantime, in order to keep the flame of\\nagitation alive, O Connell had started a new society\\nhaving its headquarters in Capel Street, and calling\\nitself the Catholic Association the precursor of the\\nmore famous one of the same name. In founding it\\nevery care had been taken to steer clear of the Con-\\nvention Act. No chair had been taken, no proposi-\\ntion submitted, no instructions offered, no speech\\ndelivered but every gentleman who chose to belong\\nto it entered his name in a book which the secretary\\nheld open daily from eleven till three. It was, in\\neffect, the suppressed Board revived under a new\\nname. To this society O Connell now proposed to\\nassign the task of finding some member of the\\nHouse of Commons willing to support their claim", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "S^k.\\nRICHARD LALOR SHEIL.\\nFROM THE BUST BY G. MOORE, M.R.I. A.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments, 97\\nfor unqualified emancipation. Such a member was\\nfound in the person of Sir Henry Parnell but on\\nmoving the House to go into committee on the\\nCathoHc claims on 31st May he was defeated by a\\nmajority of eighty-one.\\nClearly nothing was to be hoped for in England\\nor in Ireland until the Securities difficulty had been\\nsettled. Acting in this belief O Connell drew up or\\ninspired a humble address and remonstrance of the\\nRoman Catholics of Ireland to his Holiness, Pope\\nPius VII., embodying the fears, desires, and deter-\\nminations of the anti-vetoists. Coming from his\\npen, the address was hardly to be called a hum-\\nble remonstrance; on the contrary, it conveyed\\nto his Holiness, in pretty forcible language, that\\nthe Catholics of Ireland would submit to no in-\\nterference on his part, or that of any other for-\\neign prelate, state, or potentate in the control of\\nour temporal conduct or the arrangement of our\\npolitical concerns, and concluded with a fervent\\nhope that his Holiness would see his way to gratify\\nhis most devoted children in avoiding the machi-\\nnations of their enemies, and thereby perpetu-\\nate by indissoluble bonds the spiritual connexion,\\nwhich has been so long maintained between the see\\nof Rome and the Roman Catholics of Ireland,\\notherwise they would still proceed in the course\\nwhich practice and persecution have tried and\\nproved. The memorial was transmitted to Rome,\\nbut after a long delay it was finally rejected by the\\nPope, on the ground that the laity had no business\\nto interfere in matters held to be purely ecclesiastical.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "98 Daniel O Connell. [1814-\\nThe result might have been expected, consider-\\ning the paramount influence of Cardinal Gonsalvi\\nin the councils of the papacy. But the miscarriage\\nof the address greatly animated the vetoists, and at\\na meeting at Lord Trimleston s a petition embodying\\ntheir views was signed and transmitted to Grattan\\nand Lord Donoughmore for presentation to Par-\\nliament. The petition was presented by Grattan on\\n15th May, 1 8 16, as was also another praying for un-\\nconditional emancipation by Sir H. Parnell on behalf\\nof the anti-vetoists, but a proposal to resolve itself\\ninto a committee for the consideration of the penal\\nlaws was defeated by thirty-one votes. The division\\nwas more favourable than that of the preceding\\nyear but circumstances had changed. The banish-\\nment of Napoleon, and the restoration of peace to\\nEurope, had introduced a new element into domestic\\npolitics. Whatever necessity there might have been\\nso long as the war lasted of conciliating the Catho-\\nlics, no longer existed. Men were weary of the sub-\\nject, and were glad of any excuse to let it drop.\\nNor was the feeling of apathy confined to England.\\nIn Ireland vetoists and anti-vetoists were tired of the\\nstruggle, of this constant enacting the part of the\\nSisyphus, and sank back into hopeless indifference.\\nTo O Connell it was a period of harassing care and\\nanxiety. He could see for himself that the Catholic\\npeasantry, the bulk of the nation, whose cause he\\nhad made his own, showed little interest one way or\\nanother. Rent, tithes, taxes these were the things\\nthat concerned them, not emancipation, qualified or\\nunqualified. What mattered it to them whether", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 99\\nRoman Catholics sat in Parliament or not Roman\\nCatholic landlords were no better than their Pro-\\ntestant neighbours, often even worse. Men of wealth\\nand position might find it to their advantage to sit in\\nParliament their priests told them that emancipa-\\ntion was a good thing but on the whole they did\\nnot care a farthing about it, any more than they had\\ndone about the Union. A deplorable state of affairs,\\nno doubt but facts and the ordinary conditions of\\nlife are stubborn things. People who have to fight\\nfor their daily bread do not get excited over seats in\\nParliament till seats in Parliament mean something\\nto them individually higher wages, better living,\\nand less tyranny. Naturally, they shouted them-\\nselves hoarse when anyone, especially O Connell,\\ndilated on their grievances on the iniquity of the\\npenal laws which excluded them from the full rights\\nof citizenship. But what Irishman, or, for the matter\\nof that, what Englishman, is ever without his griev-\\nance, real or imaginary? The wonder is not so\\nmuch that it took twenty-nine years to obtain eman-\\ncipation, as that anyone should have been found\\ncapable of stirring a nation into enthusiasm over it.\\nFor, after all, emancipation was not such a vital\\nquestion as was the repeal of the corn-laws, for ex-\\nample. That it was a grievance no one can gainsay\\nbut it was a grievance which affected a very limited\\nclass only, and might have been as easily redressed in\\n1800 as it was in 1829. Circumstances rather than\\nhis own free choice had driven O Connell into the\\nfray, but, having taken up his stand, nothing could\\ninduce him to withdraw, nothing could damp his\\nUifC.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "loo Da7iiel O Comtell. [1814-\\nardour. Victory crowned his devotion in the end\\nat a price which it took half a century to repair.\\nBut the balance was on his side, for in the struggle\\nhe had called a nation into existence. The victory\\nitself was nothing the ulterior results everything.\\nMeantime, he stood alone. Except for himself and\\nthe secretary, scarcely anyone troubled the commit-\\ntee rooms in Capel Street with their presence, and\\nhaving to pay the rent out of his own pocket he\\nmoved the Association into less pretentious premises\\nin Crow Street. All this time his business in the\\nlaw courts had been steadily increasing. But despite\\nhis rising income, he was already encumbered with\\ndebts of one sort or another, due largely to the fact\\nthat very early in his career he had become surety\\nfor an insolvent friend, while the expenses of main-\\ntaining the agitation pressed heavily upon him.\\nHabitually careless in money matters, money had\\nthus become to him an absolute necessity, and the\\nstrain on his working powers was immense. A letter\\nwritten to him by his wife on i ith April, 1817, during\\nthe Cork assizes, is worth quoting:\\nMy dearest Love, she writes, I wish to God you\\ncould contrive to get out of court for a quarter of an\\nhour during the middle of the day, to take a bowl of\\nsoup or a snack of some kind. Surely, though you may\\nnot be able to go to a tavern, could not James get any-\\nthing you wished for from the Bar mess at your lodgings\\nwhich is merely a step from the Court House Do, my\\nheart, try to accomplish this for really, I am quite un-\\nhappy to have you fasting from an early hour in the\\nmorning until nine or ten o clock at night. I wish I", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments, loi\\nwas with you, to make you take care of yourself. I am\\nquite sure there is not another barrister on circuit would\\ngo through half the fatigue you do without taking\\nnecessary nourishment.\\nThat year, 1817, no petition was presented to Par-\\nliament. But Grattan, understanding that there was\\na prospect of uniting parties in Ireland by a quasi-\\ncompromise, under the name of domestic nom-\\nination, whereby the Pope s selection to Irish\\nbishoprics was to be restricted to a list of candi-\\ndates forwarded to him from the prelates of the\\nprovince and clergy of the vacant diocese, moved\\nthe reading of the petition of the previous year, and\\non 9th May divided the House on the subject of the\\nCatholic claims, when 221 voted for and 245 against\\nthe motion to go into committee. The division at-\\ntracted scarcely any attention in Ireland. However,\\nat an aggregate meeting on 3d July, a resolution was\\npassed to reorganise the Catholic Board, consisting\\nof the members of the former body, the old Catholic\\nCommittee, and the short-lived Association. The\\nBoard held its first meeting on the 12th, and entered\\ninto resolutions for greater activity against the veto\\nand in favour of domestic nomination. But it\\nproved as helpless as its predecessor to stimulate\\npublic opinion, and in view of the anticipated general\\nelection, in the summer of the following year,\\n18 1 8, no petition was framed for presentation to\\nParliament.\\nMonth after month thus passed idly away all in-\\nterest in the subject seemed to have expired. To\\ndeepen the general despondency, Ireland was visited", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "I o 2 Dan iel O Con n ell. [1814-\\nby one of those periodical famines which engrave\\nthemselves so deeply in the popular memory as to\\nserve for a starting-point from which to date events,\\nuntil the remembrance of the former has been obliter-\\nated in the recurrence of another similar visitation.\\nThe harvest of 1 8 1 7 had proved an almost total failure.\\nThe potato crop, to which nearly half the population\\nlooked for its sustenance, had rotted in the ground.\\nWhat had escaped, the tithe-proctor had seized.\\nClose in the wake of famine came pestilence and\\ndeath, in the form of typhus, mowed down the starv-\\ning peasantry by thousands. Hardly a village in the\\nwhole length and breadth of the land escaped its\\nvisitation. Crowds of half-naked, emaciated beings\\nwandered disconsolately about from town to town,\\nseeking work and finding none, but spreading the\\ndisease wherever they went. The roadsides were\\nlined with sick and dying, and not the poor and\\nstarving only strong men and women in the full\\nvigour of life fell before its ravages. Doctors, nurses,\\npriests, engaged in the tender ministrations of their\\noffices, caught the infection and died at their posts.\\nThe very air reeked contagion. Even the hand of\\nagrarian outrage was paralysed. The visitation was\\ntoo appalling, and men, women, and children per-\\nished in droves in pitiable, Oriental-like apathy and\\nsilence.\\nIn England the state of Ireland awoke only a pass-\\ning thrill of horror. England had her own troubles\\nto bear. Since the conclusion of the great war she\\nhad passed through a period of intense economic\\ndistress. Neither agriculturists nor manufacturers", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "1820] Dtiels and Disappointments. 103\\ncould find work for the extra hands that war prices\\nhad called into existence. Riots, incendiarism,\\nbloodshed, and conspiracies, followed by the suspen-\\nsion of the Habeas Corpus Act, were the conse-\\nquence. How different how much better than in\\nIreland, where men perished without a struggle, and\\nalmost without a moan France, it was true, had\\nbeen conquered but French ideas the ideas un-\\nderlying the French Revolution had taken root, and\\nwere germinating in England. Men studied Vol-\\ntaire and Rousseau they studied Adam Smith, and\\na strong reaction set in among the thinking class\\nagainst arbitrary government. Nowhere was the\\nfeeling stronger than amongst the artisans of the\\nnorth of England, with whom a radical reform of\\nParliament was the first and most essential article of\\ntheir political creed.\\nThe movement interested O Connell. Granted a\\nreform of Parliament, the abolition of rotten bor-\\noughs, and a redistribution of seats, there could\\nhardly, he thought, be any question as to the success\\nof Catholic emancipation. Already, in January, 1817,\\nhe had assisted at the formation in Dublin of a\\nsociety of Friends of Reform in Parliament.\\nThough short-lived, the society had the effect of\\nstimulating the expression of liberal opinion in fa-\\nvour of the Catholics, and on 3d May, 18 19, Grattan\\nhad the satisfaction of presenting eight Roman\\nCatholic and five Protestant petitions in favour of\\nthe Catholic claims. It was the last time he ad-\\ndressed the House in their behalf. It was an impress-\\nive speech, and his motion that the House should", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "I04 Daniel O Coiinell. tl8i4-\\nresolve itself into committee was defeated by only\\ntwo votes.\\nO Connell was jubilant at the result. In December,\\n1818, he had protested that if he had to petition\\nalone he would not let another session go by in\\nignominious silence, and now not only had the\\nCatholics made themselves heard, but Protestant\\nopinion had backed up their claims. Not one word\\nhad been said about the veto. The next session\\nmust surely, in his opinion, see them emancipated.\\nWhose fault, he wrote to O Conor Don, on\\n2ist November,\\nwill it be if we are not emancipated this session I\\nthink our own. One grand effort now ought to emanci-\\npate us, confined, as it should be exclusively, to our own\\nquestion. After that I would, I acknowledge, join the\\nreformers, hand as well as heart, unless they do now\\nemancipate. By they, of course I mean the Parliament.\\nI intend instantly to set the cause in motion\\nI came to town only yesterday, and already I have many\\nirons in the fire to raise the blaze which should lead us\\nto victory.\\nHis energy, indeed, was amazing. Next day he\\npublished a long address to the Catholics of Ireland.\\nThe period, he wrote,\\nis at length arrived when we may ascertain and place\\nbeyond any doubt whether it be determined that we are\\nfor ever to remain a degraded and inferior class in our\\nnative land The session of Parliament com-\\nmences in one short month Let us then,\\nmy countrymen, meet let us prepare our petitions let\\nthose petitions be numerous let them be unanimous and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "1820] Duels and Disappointments. 105\\nconfined to the single object of emancipation\\nYou will be told you should despise emancipation as a\\nminor and unworthy consideration and join the almost\\nuniversal cry of reform. Do not be carried away by any\\nsuch incitement. No man is more decidedly a friend to\\nreform than I am. In theory, I admit the right to universal\\nsuffrage, and I admit that curtailing the duration of\\nParliament would be likely to add to its honesty. Nay,\\nI am ready to go to the fullest practical length to obtain\\nparliamentary reform. But we have a previous duty\\nto perform a favourable opportunity now presents\\nitself to add to the general stock of liberty by obtain-\\ning our emancipation, and the man would, in my judg-\\nment, be a false patriot who, for the chance of an\\nuncertain reform, would fling away the present most\\npropitious moment to realize a most important and\\nalmost certain advantage.\\nThe petitions were unanimously entrusted to the\\naged statesman, Henry Grattan. But the hand of\\ndeath was upon him as he sailed for England amid\\nthe acclamations and tears of the large assembly\\nthat had congregated together on the quay to bid\\nhim God-speed. It was a solemn journey, for\\nthe hopes of the Catholics beat high and each one\\nprayed that it might be granted to him, who through\\ngood and ill report had fought for their freedom, to\\nachieve the long-wished-for victory. But it was\\notherwise ordained. On 4th June, 1820, a few days\\nafter reaching London, Grattan died.\\nOh exclaimed O Connell, I should exhaust the\\ndictionary three times told ere I could enumerate the\\n.virtues of Grattan. His life, to the very period", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "io6\\nDaniel O Connell.\\n[1814-1820]\\nof his latest breath, has been spent in his country s ser-\\nvice, and he died, I may even say, a martyr in her cause.\\nWho shall now prate to me of religious animosity To\\nany such I will answer by pointing to his honoured\\ntomb, and I will say, There sleeps a man, a member of\\nthe Protestant community, who died in the cause of his\\nCatholic fellow-countrymen.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VL\\nTHE KING S VISIT.\\n1821-1822.\\nG RATTAN S death was a grievous disappoint-\\nment to the CathoHcs, particularly to those\\nwho, with O Connell, had sanguinely ex-\\npected a favourable reception of their claims by Par-\\nliament. The difficulty was to find a substitute for\\nhim. Two names suggested themselves, that of Mr.,\\nafterwards Lord, Plunket and that of Maurice Fitz-\\ngerald, Knight of Kerry. Plunket was undoubtedly\\nby far the abler man but his attitude in regard to\\nthe veto was even less satisfactory than Grattan s had\\nbeen, and it was, in O Connell s opinion, in the high-\\nest degree unwise to place themselves unreservedly\\nin his hands. At his suggestion, it was therefore\\nresolved to send a deputation to sound him on the\\npoint, and in the event of his reply proving unsatis-\\nfactory, to transfer their petition to the Knight of\\nKerry. Plunket met the deputation in a friendly\\nmanner, expressed his willingness to agitate their\\nclaims, but gave it as his opinion that some sort of\\nconditions or securities were both just and necessary.\\n107", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "io8 Daniel O Comtell. [i82i-\\nUnder the circumstances, it was clearly the duty of\\nthe Committee to have reported in favour of entrust-\\ning the management of the Catholic claims to the\\nKnight of Kerry. Instead of doing so, they resolved,\\nby the casting vote of the chairman, to refer them-\\nselves unreservedly to Plunket s guidance. Their\\nconduct irritated and alarmed O Connell, who lost\\nno time in denouncing their proceeding as wholly\\nwrong and unjustifiable. As it was, he might, to\\nuse a popular phrase, have saved his breath to cool\\nhis porridge. For neither the House of Lords, that\\ncould listen for weeks to the nasty revelations con-\\nnected with the divorce of George IV., nor the\\nHouse of Commons, that was ready to adjourn from\\nweek to week at the convenience of the ministry,\\ncould find time to discuss the grievances of five mil-\\nlions of Irishmen. That session no Catholic petition\\nwas presented to Parliament, and thus, as O Connell\\nindignantly exclaimed, has the best opportunity I\\nhave ever known of pressing emancipation on the\\nministry been thrown away and lost for ever.\\nUnder the circumstances it only remained to fall\\nback on the alternative he had previously suggested\\nof joining the reformers, hand and heart. Accord-\\ningly, on 1st January, 1821, in a Letter to the\\nCatholics of Ireland, he urged that they should no\\nlonger petition for emancipation, but for reform of\\nParliament. It was time they should be weary of\\nswelling the ranks of those\\nWho yearly kneel before their masters doors.\\nAnd hawk their wrongs, as beggars do their sores.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "K\\nLORD PLUNKET.\\nFROM THE BUST BY CHRISTOPHER MOORE.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "1822] The Kings Visit. 109\\nIt was useless worse than useless to petition a\\nParliament of virtual representatives for liberty to\\nbe again rejected and mocked by the trickery of a\\ndebate, and insulted by an unreasoning majority.\\nLet them cease their separate and exclusive labours.\\nLet them endeavour to amalgamate the Catholic,\\nthe Protestant, the Presbyterian, the Dissenter, the\\nMethodist, the Quaker, into the Irishman and, for-\\ngetting their own individual wrongs, call upon Irish-\\nmen of every description to combine in a noble\\nstruggle for the natural and inherent rights of their\\nwretched country. Let their future purpose be the\\nabolition of that faction which had plunged England\\nin war, in debt, in distress, and involved Ireland in\\nall the miseries of the Union. Let them not enter\\ninto any quarrels as to the particular mode of reform\\nbut let them be always governed by that principle\\nof the constitution which justifies taxation upon the\\nground of consent so that, without a solecism in\\nconstitutional law, no man should be taxed who is\\nnot represented.\\nIt was, it must be confessed, a curiously weak and\\ninconclusive argument, clearly showing that O Con-\\nnell was trying rather to convince himself than speak-\\ning his entire conviction of the wisdom of the step\\nhe was taking. Naturally his pronouncement at-\\ntracted general attention, and was sharply com-\\nmented upon, especially in vetoistic circles. Of this\\nfeeling Sheil made himself the spokesman. In his\\nAnswer to Mr. O Connell s Address, he had no\\ndifficulty in pointing out the weak points in his argu-\\nment indeed, they lay on the surface. But", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "no Daniel O Connell. 11821-\\nO Connell s suggestion had at least the merit of sin-\\ncerity, which Sheil s counterblast did not possess. It\\nwas, however, an extremely clever production, and set\\nforth the argument of the vetoists in its strongest\\naspect. O Connell treated it with withering sarcasm.\\nHe was at a loss, he wrote, to know how he had\\nprovoked the tragic wrath and noble ire of this iambic\\nrhapsodist. Nothing, it seemed to him, so unprovoked\\nhad ever appeared in the annals of causeless incivility.\\nMr. Sheil had set out in a passion, and preserved the\\nconsistency of his rage to the end. He reminded him of\\na gentleman who was so very angry an atheist that it was\\nnot safe for a believer to address him without prefacing\\nhis remark, Mr. I do not mean you any personal\\noffence, but I really believe in the existence of a Deity.\\nSo he had to say to Mr. Sheil, Sir, I do not mean you\\nany insult, indeed I do not, but yet I am fervently,\\naye, and disinterestedly, attached to my religion, to my\\ncountry, and to liberty. Mr. Sheil was, no doubt, in his\\nown opinion, a diamond of the first water. He was heartily\\nwelcome to sparkle at his expense but he implored him,\\nwith all the earnestness of the plainest prose, to refrain\\nfrom his sneering sarcasms against the long-suffering and\\nvery wretched people of Ireland.\\nTo be treated as a meddlesome nobody hardly\\nsuited Shell s notions of his own importance, and it\\nwas with some difficulty that he was dissuaded by\\nhis friend, the younger Curran, from demanding\\npersonal satisfaction from the man he had attacked.\\nBut it seemed as if he was going to reap a sweeter\\nrevenge than even a well directed bullet could have\\nafforded him, in the fulfilment of his prophecy. The", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "1822] TheKmg s Visit. iii\\nretirement of Canning from the ministry, on which\\nO Connell had laid particular emphasis, had not, it\\nappeared, weakened the Cathohc cause, for on 28th\\nFebruary the House of Commons determined by\\na majority of six votes to resolve itself into commit-\\ntee for the consideration of the Catholic claims.\\nBut the appearance of Plunket s Bills confirmed\\nO Connell s worst suspicions. Not only were the\\nCatholics specially excluded from the highest ofifices\\nin the State, but securities and conditions were pro-\\nnounced to be absolutely indispensable. O Connell\\nwas at Limerick on circuit when the text of the Bills\\nreached him. The situation, in his opinion, was\\ncritical in the extreme. The Bills appealed to the\\nvetoists they might pass both Houses, be sanc-\\ntioned by the sovereign, and the last condition of\\nthe Catholics prove worse than their first. Without\\na moment s loss of time he sat down and penned\\nanother address to the Catholics, warning them\\nagainst the insidious nature of the relief offered\\nthem. His intention was to pass a searching criti-\\ncism on the two Bills. With the first he was soon\\nready. It was, he admitted, really an Emancipation\\nBill. Had it stood alone it would have given un-\\nqualified x^X\\\\^{ and such unqualified relief, even with-\\nout being half so extensive, would have been a source\\nof lively and permanent gratitude. But it was\\notherwise when he came to examine its companion\\nBeyond comparison more strictly, literally, and\\nemphatically a penal and persecuting Bill than any\\nor all the statutes passed in the darkest and most\\nbigoted periods of the reigns of Queen Anne or of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "112 Daniel O Connell. [1821-\\nthe first two Georges. The letter, written in the\\nintervals of professional duty, was published in por-\\ntions, but it was never finished. Before it was com-\\npleted help came to him from an unexpected quarter.\\nAfter passing the House of Commons, on i6th April,\\nthe measure was rejected on its first reading in the\\nHouse of Lords.\\nWhat is to be done now? wrote O Connell to\\nO Conor Don, with a side-glance at Shell and his\\nfriends. Even the vetoists must admit that Se-\\ncurities do us no good, because we are kicked out\\nas unceremoniously with them as without them.\\nThe announcement that George IV. would visit\\nIreland that summer came like a heaven-sent answer\\nto his question. It was the first time for more than\\na century that their sovereign had thought it worth\\nhis while to visit Ireland it was the first time since\\nthe Conquest that their sovereign had come to them\\nas a messenger of peace. The announcement was\\nreceived with infinite satisfaction, not merely by that\\nclass which always feels a delight in sunning itself\\nin the rays of royalty, but by the nation at large.\\nWhat benefits might not be expected to accrue from\\nhis visit to poor, distracted, down-trodden Ireland\\nthe Cinderella of the family Into the reasons of it\\nthey did not stop to inquire. It was sufficient that\\ntheir sovereign was coming. The heart of the nation\\nthrilled at the good news. A great wave of loyalty\\nswept the land from one end to the other. For\\nthe nonce Orangeman and Catholic agreed to lay\\naside their feud and unite in giving their sovereign\\na unanimous welcome. The corporation of Dublin", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "QEORQE IV.\\nFROM A PAINTING BY SIR THOMAS LAWRENCE, P.R.A., IN THE NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 1 1 3\\nset the way, and O Connell on his side responded\\nheartily, hoping that it might prove a step towards\\nthe realisation of his dream, when Catholic and\\nProtestant, Orangeman and Ribbonman, should be\\nmerged in the Irishman.\\nNevertheless the compromise, if such it may be\\ncalled, was not accomplished without considerable\\nfriction. Neither the prospect of the King s visit,\\nnor the promise given by the Lord Mayor in the\\nname of the corporation, could restrain the Orange-\\nmen from celebrating the 12th of July in the time-\\nhonoured fashion of dressing the statue of King\\nWilliam in College Green. Their conduct exasper-\\nated the Catholics, and it required all O Connell s\\ntact to prevent them from retaliating with a hostile\\nresolution. By venting their indignation they would,\\nhe declared, lose the vantage-ground on which they\\nstood. Their enemies averred that they did nothing\\nto conciliate. He might be called an unhappy\\nman, but he confessed he still hailed with joy the\\nday on which the Lord Mayor of Dublin, the deputy\\ngrand-master of the Orangemen, made a peace-offer-\\ning to the Catholics of Ireland. The admission\\nmight expose him to ridicule, but he was weak\\nenough to wish to see those distinctions, which had\\nbeen the curse of his country, sunk in the single\\nname of Irishman, and he was credulous enough to\\nthink that a consummation so devoutly to be desired\\nwas by no means impossible. Mr. Shell wanted to\\naddress the Castle. By all means let him do so. He\\nwould find ample redress The statue would never\\nbe dressed again and the Catholics never again be", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "114 Daniel O Connell. [1821-\\ninsulted Perhaps they might also be told that the\\ncourts of law were open to them perhaps, too,\\nthe Attorney-General might express his opinion on\\nthe illegality of Orange associations and extol the\\nimmense loyalty of the Catholics In the end, it was\\nunanimously resolved That notwithstanding the un-\\nprovoked insult which has been offered to public\\nfeeling by the decoration of the statue in College\\nGreen, as a tribute of our homage to his Majesty, we\\nshall avoid, by any remonstrance to Government, an\\ninterruption of that harmony to which we are anxious\\nto contribute.\\nOn 1 2th August George IV. landed at Howth\\namid the booming of cannons and the clashing of\\nbells. That night Dublin was illuminated fires\\nblazed in the streets, and lights shone from every\\nwindow, not the least brilliantly lighted being\\nO Connell s own residence. The news of Queen\\nCaroline s death interrupted the festivities for several\\ndays; but on i/th August the King entered Dublin\\nin state. As the royal cortege, slowly winding its\\nway from the viceregal lodge past Phibsborough,\\nthrough Eccles Street and Cavendish Row, passed\\nunder the triumphal arch, at the top of Sackville\\nStreet, that marked the bounds of the city proper,\\na stupendous spectacle broke upon the monarch s\\ngaze. The whole of that magnificent thoroughfare,\\nfrom the ground to the roofs of the houses, seemed\\nalive with human beings. Not a window was empty,\\nnot a single coign of vantage, not the architrave it-\\nself of the post-office, nor the very capstan on which\\nrested the statue of Nelson, was vacant. And if the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 115\\nstreet, as a wit remarked, was badly paved, at any\\nrate it was well flagged. Shout upon shout rent the\\nair as the King, standing in his carriage, and evidently\\nprofoundly moved at the unexpected warmth of his\\nreception, bowed to right and left, pointing now to\\nhis heart, now to the large bunch of shamrock he\\nwore in his hat. Crossing Carlisle Bridge a similar\\novation awaited him in Dame Street, and long after\\nhe had disappeared from sight behind the walls of the\\nCastle the applause of the populace testified to the\\njoy with which they welcomed their sovereign. It\\nwas an unique experience in his worthless,wasted life\\nit was a new experience in the dreary annals of Ire-\\nland. It seemed as if the millennium had come as if,\\nafter centuries of oppression, the Irish people, united\\nin the bond of loyalty, all their party feuds and hat-\\nreds forgotten, had entered on a new and happy\\nperiod in their history. O Connell could have wept\\nfor joy. One bright day had realised all his fond\\nexpectations. It was said of St. Patrick that he had\\npower to banish venomous reptiles from the isle\\nbut his Majesty had performed a greater moral mira-\\ncle. The sound of his approach had allayed the\\ndissensions of centuries.\\nCarried away by the general enthusiasm, he not\\nonly accepted an invitation to dine with the Lord\\nMayor, but presented himself at Court, put his name\\ndown as a subscriber and, what few did, actually\\npaid his money for the erection of a royal palace\\nto commemorate the King s visit, which was to cost\\na million of money, but which, in default of the\\nnecessary funds, eventually took the form of a", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "ii6 Daniel O Connell. [1821-\\nbridge and if he did not, as the Enghsh newspapers\\nasserted, accompany the King at his departure and,\\nliterally kneeling in the water, present him with a\\nlaurel crown, he at least showed by every act in his\\npower that he, for one, was willing to let bygones be\\nbygones, and to prove that his Majesty had no more\\nloyal subject than he was. The comedy did not\\ncome to an end with the King s departure. A letter\\nsigned by the Prime Minister, thanking the nation, in\\nthe King s name, for the friendly reception accorded\\nhim, and recommending peace and unity, mutual\\nforbearance and good will, was construed as a hope-\\nful token of a more liberal policy in the future and\\nthat it might not remain a dead letter O Connell\\nfounded a Loyal Union, or Royal Georgian Club\\nin Dublin, for the express purpose of encouraging\\nmutual forbearance and good will and perpetuating\\nthat affectionate gratitude towards his Majesty,\\nKing George the Fourth (whom God preserve), which\\nnow animates every Irish bosom. The society\\npledged itself to meet and dine together at least six\\ntimes a year, each member dressed in cloth of Irish\\nmanufacture and in the colours worn by the citizens\\nof Dublin on the auspicious day of his Majesty s\\npublic entry into the city.\\nMeanwhile a scornful world looked on and laughed\\nat the sad spectacle, and Byron, in the name of com-\\nmon sense and decency, lashed both O Connell and\\nthe nation for their servility in scathing verse.\\nEre the daughter of Brunswick is cold in her grave.\\nAnd her ashes still float to their home o er the tide.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 117\\nLo George the Triumphant speeds over the wave\\nTo the long-cherished isle, which he loved like his\\nbride.\\nBut he comes the Messiah of royalty comes\\nLike a goodly Leviathan rolled from the waves\\nThen receive him as best such an advent becomes,\\nWith a legion of cooks and an army of slaves.\\nHe comes in the promise and bloom of three-score,\\nTo perform in the pageant the sovereign s part\\nBut long live the shamrock which shadows him o er,\\nCould the green in his hat be transferred to his heart\\nCould that long-withered spot but be verdant again,\\nAnd a new spring of noble affections arise\\nThen might freedom forgive thee this dance in thy\\nchain,\\nAnd this shout of thy slavery which saddens the skies.\\nIs it madness, or meanness which clings to thee now?\\nWere he God as he is but the commonest clay.\\nWith scarce fewer wrinkles than sins on his brow\\nSuch servile devotion might shame him away.\\nWear, Fingal, thy trapping O Connell, proclaim\\nHis accomplishments! His!! I and thy country\\nconvince\\nHalf an age s contempt was an error of fame.\\nAnd that Hal is the rascaliest, sweetest j prince\\nAh build him a dwelling Let each give his mite\\nTill, like Babel, the new royal dome hath arisen", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "1 1 8 Daniel O Connell.\\n[1821-\\nLet thy beggars and helots their pittance unite\\nAnd a palace bestow for a poorhouse and prison\\nSyjread, spread for Vitellius the royal repast,\\nTill the gluttonous despot be stuffed to the gorge\\nAnd the roar of his drunkards proclaim him at last\\nThe Fourth of the fools and oppressors called\\nGeorge\\nShout, drink, feast, and flatter Oh Erin, how low\\nWert thou sunk by misfortune and tyranny, till\\nThy welcome of tyrants hath plunged thee below\\nThe depth of thy deep in a deeper gulf still.\\nThe awakening came in the end, and no one felt\\nthe disappointment more keenly than did O Connell.\\nA few weeks after the King s departure Shell neatly-\\nsummed up the situation Love one another, said\\nthe King: Hate one another, said the law, and the\\nlaw was speedily obeyed. Still nothing would con-\\nvince O Connell that he had not acted for the best,\\nand the more his conduct was impugned the more\\nobstinately did he defend it. Years afterwards, re-\\nverting to the subject, he said\\nThis was the most critical period of my political life,\\nand that in which I had the good fortune to be most\\nsuccessful. If I have any merit for the success of the\\nCatholic cause, it is principally to be found in the mode\\nin which I neutralised the most untoward events and\\nconverted the most sinister appearances and circum-\\nstances into the utmost extent of practical usefulness to\\nthe cause of which I was the manager. I am\\nentitled to this fact, that no part of my political life", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "1922] The King s Visit. 119\\nobtained, I will say deservedly, so much of the gratitude\\nand confidence of my countrymen as the mode in which\\nI was able to convert the King s visit to Ireland from\\nbeing a source of weakness and discomfiture to the\\nCatholics into a future claim for practical relief and\\npolitical equalisation.\\nBut, if it is impossible to concede O Connell s claim\\nto have acted either wisely or with dignity, it must be\\nallowed that personal considerations had little to do\\nwith his conduct, for between him and George IV.\\nthere was little love lost. Moreover, it must be\\ngranted that the Catholics, under his guidance,\\nacted with admirable self-restraint, and if their demand\\nfor emancipation was disregarded, their attitude\\nstrengthened the hands of their friends in Parliament\\nand in the ministry itself. Emancipation, indeed,\\nhad now become an open question, and the division\\nin the Cabinet reflected itself in Ireland in the inaugu-\\nration of what was not inaptly called a sandwich\\nsystem, having for its object the conciliation of\\nboth Catholics and Protestants.\\nIn December Lord Talbot was recalled, and the\\nMarquis of Wellesley appointed Viceroy in his place.\\nAs a friend of the Catholics his appointment, it was\\nhoped, would conciliate them but that it might not\\nalarm the Protestants, or give rise to the idea that\\nany change of system was intended, Henry Goul-\\nburn, who was generally believed to be a member of\\nthe Orange Society, was joined with him as Chief\\nSecretary. So far neither side had reason to be\\noffended. But Wellesley in taking office had stipul-\\nated for the removal of Saurin and the appointment", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "1 20 Daiiiel O Connell. [1821-\\nof Plunket as Attorney-General. This for two\\nreasons First, because he felt it desirable to have\\nsomeone sharing his opinions to represent him in\\nthe House of Commons, and secondly, because he\\nrecognised that the retention of Saurin, who repre-\\nsented implacable resistance to the Catholic claims,\\nwas impossible if conciliation and not coercion was\\nto be the order of the day. It had been intended\\nto soften his removal by appointing him Chief-\\nJustice of the King s Bench, with an Irish or even\\nan English peerage but Saurin indignantly declined\\nany compensation, whereupon Wellesley seized the\\nopportunity to make Bushe, to whose eloquence and\\nimpartiality O Connell had testified on the occasion\\nof Magee s trial, Chief-Justice. His action exposed\\nhim to the fierce attacks of the Orangemen. In\\nexplaining his conduct Wellesley is reported to have\\nsaid\\nI have been told that I have ill-treated Mr. Saurin.\\nI offered him the Chief-Justiceship of the King s Bench\\nthat was not ill-treating him. I offered him an English\\npeerage that was not ill-treating him. I did not^ it is\\ntrue, continue him in the viceroyalty of Ireland, for\\nam the Viceroy of Ireland.\\nThe Catholics were jubilant at the courage of the\\nnew Viceroy, and O Connell, with his usual impulsive-\\nness to see good in the most trivial actions, was loud\\nin his praise. On 7th January, 1822, the Catholics\\nmet to vote an address of welcome to the Lord\\nLieutenant, and in mioving it O Connell gave ex-\\npression to the general satisfaction which his first", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 121\\nmeasures had created. He could not, he said,\\nregard him otherwise than as a representative, not\\nonly of power, but also of the kindly disposition of\\nour beloved sovereign and therefore it was their\\nduty, as well as their pleasure, to testify their respect\\ntowards him in the most emphatic manner. The\\naddress, seconded by Shell, whose production it\\nwas, was graciously received by his Excellency. But\\nO Connell was not content to rest on his oars.\\nSomething had, it was true, been achieved but not\\nas yet emancipation, and he well knew what con-\\nstruction would be placed on their inaction. Kt-\\ncordingly, without any loss of time, he issued another\\nstirring address to the Catholics. Their liberty, he\\nreminded them, could not be obtained without an\\neffort on their own part. The appointment of the\\nMarquis of Wellesley and the substitution of Plun-\\nket for Saurin were circumstances that cheered them\\namidst that sickness of heart which arose from hope\\ndeferred. Last year they had not petitioned Par-\\nliament, but events had since occurred to induce\\nthem to make one exertion more to obtain from the\\nBritish Parliament that liberty which they knew to\\nbe their right, but which they were ready to receive\\nwith all the affectionate gratitude due to the most\\ngratuitous boon. If they were again defeated, they\\nmust patiently abide the great march of events, and\\nhope for that tide of national reform which, though\\nrepulsed for the moment, was gaining ground with\\nevery breaker. The question arose as to what form\\ntheir petition should take. It was clear that men s\\nminds were divided on the subject of the veto. It", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "12 2 Da 11 iel O Council\\n[1821-\\nwas evident that it had become a fixed principle with\\nsome of their advocates that emancipation must be\\naccompanied with some Securities against foreign\\ninfluence in the appointment of their bishops. It\\ntherefore behoved them to consider what conditions\\nthey could consent to without infringing the integ-\\nrity of their religion. With this object in view he\\nhad himself drawn up a scheme for the domestic\\nnomination of their prelates, which did not, in his\\nopinion, infringe the liberties of the Church, and at the\\nsame time offered all reasonable security to the State.\\nIn the framing of it he had Plunket s advice, but if,\\non consideration of it, it was felt that no fragment\\nof that sacred edifice, which their ancestors had left\\nthem as a most precious inheritance, could be touched\\nwith safety, why, then, let them one and all resolve,\\nin the name of God, not to accept any civil rights\\nat the expense of any danger whatsoever to their\\nreligion.\\nAn aggregate meeting on 13th February voted in\\nfavour of petitioning, but it again happened that no\\npetition was presented to Parliament. The state of\\nthe country at large and the recrudescence of agra-\\nrian crime rendered it, in Plunket s opinion, inadvis-\\nable and, indeed, hopeless to broach the question.\\nInstead of emancipation came an Insurrection Act.\\nThe brutal callousness of the remedy exasperated\\nO Connell. That disturbances existed, especially in\\nthe counties of Cork, Limerick, and Kerry, where\\nthe orders of Captain Rock found too ready\\nobedience, he admitted but no one, he insisted,\\ndreamed of connecting the Roman Catholics as a", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 123\\nbody with them, and it was as unjust as it was impos-\\nsible to punish the whole country in order to suppress\\nsome isolated cases of outrage. Still it was, he felt,\\nno time to start a constitutional agitation, which\\nmight be construed by their enemies as complicity\\nin the agrarian movement, and it was with a heavy\\nheart that he recognised the necessity of letting the\\nsubject rest. The fact was, that in his attempt to\\nadminister the law impartially Lord Wellesley had\\nmanaged to alienate the sympathies of both parties\\nin the State. Anxious above all to steer a neutral\\ncourse, he had, instead of conciliating, only succeeded\\nin offending the Orangemen and Catholics by turns.\\nTo the former the removal of Saurin, to the latter\\nthe Insurrection Act, was an inexpiable crime.\\nThe 1 2th July approached, and the Orangemen\\ngave signs of their intention to celebrate the time-\\nhonoured custom of dressing the statue of King Wil-\\nliam. The day before the anniversary, O Connell\\naddressed a public letter to the Marquis of Wellesley.\\nTo-morrow, he wrote, will finally decide the charac-\\nter of your administration. The oppressed and neglected\\nCatholics of Ireland had fondly hoped that they might\\nhave obtained from 3.frie?id, placed in the exalted situa-\\ntion which your Excellency occupies, a recommendation\\nin favour of their claims. You took an early opportunity\\nto crush that hope for ever. In your reply to the Ad-\\ndress of the Catholics of the county of Clare, you told\\nthe Irish people that you came here to administer the\\nlaws, not to alter them. My lord, but a few weeks elapsed\\nwhen you deemed it expedient to recommend the Insur-\\nrection Act, ?nd the Act to suspend the Habeas Corpus.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "124 Daniel O Conjtell. [1821-\\nThat the latter was not needed is now admitted by every-\\nbody and that any necessityis a justification of the former\\nremains, in my humble judgment, to be proved. But let\\nthese pass. It still remains for your Excellency to ad-\\n77iinister the laws. My Lord, I most respectfully,\\nbut at the same time most firmly, call upon you to admin-\\nister them. The exhibition intended (it is said) for to-\\nmorrow is plainly a violation of the law. It is an open\\nand public excitement to a breach of the peace it is a\\ndirect provocation to tumult it obstructs the public\\nstreets, by collecting on the one side an insulting, and on\\nthe other an irritated, concourse of persons. As\\nyou cannot alter., I again respectfully, dutifully, but\\nfirmly call upon you to administer the law SiXii^ to suppress\\nan illegal and insulting nuisance.\\nThis strong remonstrance was not without its effect\\non the Viceroy, and he made a feeble attempt to\\npersuade the Orange leaders to desist from the irri-\\ntating custom. But his entreaties were disregarded,\\nand next day the statue was dressed as usual. The\\nevent, so far as O Connell was concerned, had de-\\ncided the character of the administration.\\nIt was, therefore, with a feeling of intense relief at\\nescaping from an intolerable situation that, when the\\nvacation came round, he set out to join his wife at\\nPau, in the south of France, whither he had sent her\\nearly in the year for the benefit of her health. After\\nspending several delicious weeks there in the bosom\\nof his family, and escorting them as far as Tours,\\nwhere they were to pass the winter, he returned to\\nIreland. The situation had hardly altered during\\nhis absence. The Orangemen were busy, when he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 125\\nreached Dublin, with their preparations for celebrat-\\ning the birthday of their patron King, whose char-\\nacter they ignorantly maligned, with greater splendour\\nthan usual. But the failure to prevent by entreaty\\nthe outrage that had occurred on 12th July had con-\\nstrained the Viceroy to take stronger measures. The\\nceremony of dressing William s statue was prohibited,\\nand on the morning of 4th November a body of sol-\\ndiers was posted in College Green to see that his\\norders were executed. It is said that an adventurous\\nOrangeman did actually, before the dawn broke,\\nmanage to throw a few trappings over it but the\\ncelebration was prevented. The Orangemen were\\nwild with indignation, and it was even said that\\nSaurin had pronounced the Viceroy s. conduct to be\\nillegal. They had long been angry with him, and\\neven his presence at their banquets had failed to sup-\\npress the fashionable toast to the exports of Ire-\\nland, an equivocal rendering of the old saying, A\\ngood riddance to bad rubbish, with which his de-\\nparture from the room was hailed.\\nOn 14th December these outrages on decency\\nreached their climax. That evening the Viceroy vis-\\nited the Theatre Royal in state. On entering the\\nviceregal box he was hailed with cheers mingled with\\ngroans and hisses. As the play, SJie Stoops to Conquer,\\nproceeded the hisses and groans became more dis-\\ntinct, and shouts were heard from the gallery of A\\ngroan for Wellesley No Popish governors\\nWhen the curtain fell the band played God save\\nthe King and St. Patrick s Day. During the\\nmusic, first an apple hit the viceregal box, then came", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "126 Da7iiel O Co7inelL [1821-\\nan empty quart bottle, which, striking the box just\\nabove the Viceroy s head, rebounded into the or-\\nchestra. The theatre presented a scene of wild\\nexcitement ladies fainted shouts of Seize the\\nmiscreant mingled with groans and hisses resounded\\nfrom all sides, when suddenly a large piece of wood,\\npart of a watchman s rattle, hit the cushion in front\\nof the box and fell on to the stage. The confusion\\nthat followed was indescribable. In the midst of\\nthe tumult the Marquis was seen to rise from his\\nseat and, pointing to a corner in the gallery, to\\naddress a few words to an aide-de-camp. In con-\\nsequence of the riot several persons were arrested\\nbut neither in Dublin nor in London was the Govern-\\nment able to obtain a conviction. A subsequent in-\\nquiry in the House of Commons revealed the strength\\nand solidarity of the Orange Society, and showed\\nhow the institution of the jury was but as clay in\\nthe hands of the potter to those who were allowed\\nto form the panel.\\nPublic sympathy was, however, unmistakably on\\nthe side of the Viceroy. Men of different political\\nand religious creeds met together and passed resolu-\\ntions condoling with him on the insult offered to him.\\nAt one of these meetings, in the Royal Exchange on\\n20th December, with Lord Mayor Fleming in the\\nchair, O Connell, after alluding to the incident which\\nhad aroused the indignation, sorrow, and shame of the\\ncountry, touched lightly on the events which had\\npreceded this last unparallelled atrocity. These\\nevents, he said, it would, perhaps, be better to for-\\nget and taking this atrocity for an example of the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "1822] The King s Visit. 127\\nbaneful and dangerous excesses of illegal associa-\\ntions of every description, they should all unite and\\njoin in the universal inculcation of the salutary\\nlesson, that loyalty, to be genuine, should be ra-\\ntional and that loyalty was not the peculiar prerog-\\native of one sect or another, but was the legitimate\\nand appropriate characteristic of all his Majesty s\\nsubjects, of every class, every rank, and every de-\\nnomination. The sermon was in fact intended quite\\nas much for his own followers, the Catholics, as for\\ntheir enemies, the Orangemen. How deeply he\\nhad been impressed by the revival of agrarian out-\\nrage in the south of Ireland, followed as it had been\\nby the Insurrection Act, every speech delivered by\\nhim at this time testifies. How often had he im-\\nplored his countrymen to refrain from deeds of\\nlawlessness lest a worse evil should befall them\\nAnd now the evil had happened. What a handle\\nhad they given to their enemies What a pretext not\\nonly to refuse to emancipate them, but to load their\\nslavery with more grievous shackles It was true,\\nhe admitted, that crime had abounded in the south.\\nThe Irish peasantry, in the insanity of their poverty\\nand wretchedness, had taken up arms. In the dark\\nhour of midnight, they prowled to the perpetration\\nof horrible excesses. Of these he was not, God for-\\nbid he should be, in the most distant degree, the\\napologist but it should be remembered that their\\nwants and their wretchedness were extreme it\\nshould not be forgotten that the weight of their\\nmisery pressed upon them so heavily as to provoke\\nthem in some degree to burst those bonds of order,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "1 2 8 Dan iel O Co7i7i ell.\\n[1821\\nwhich, under any circumstances, it was their bounden\\nduty to observe and revere.\\nBut something more than sympathy, he felt, was\\nneeded if the Irish peasantry were to be saved from\\nthe consequences of their poverty and their crime. To\\nweep with those who wept was doubtless very beauti-\\nful, but it was also very useless. And it was eminently\\ncharacteristic of O Connell that he no sooner recog-\\nnised a grievance than he tried to find a practical\\nremedy for it. Emancipation and the admission of\\nthe Catholics to the full enjoyment of civil rights\\nwas the object at which he aimed not, indeed, the\\ngreat object of his life, which was the restoration to\\nIreland of her rights as a nation. But practical good\\ngovernment, the impartial administration of the laws,\\nthe removal of crying grievances these were much\\nmore to him than any ideal. And it was only\\nbecause he saw in emancipation and the restoration\\nof national rights the realisation of these objects\\nthat he struggled to obtain them. Emancipation\\nwas a step to Repeal both merely a means to good\\ngovernment. Meanwhile the question that he had\\nto face was how to get at these famine-, pestilence-,\\noutrage-stricken peasants? How make them listen\\nto the voice of wisdom and refrain from playing into\\nthe hands of their enemies? In England, men had\\nno time to think of Ireland. They were ignorant\\nand indifferent as to the causes of her distress.\\nParliament was too far ofT, and acts of coercion were\\neasier of manipulation than acts to redress grievances.\\nIn Ireland itself, since the collapse of the feeble\\nsuccessor of the Catholic Board, there was no body", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "1822]\\nThe Kmgs Visit.\\n129\\nof public opinion to which the peasants could refer\\nthemselves for advice no one to stand between\\nthem and their enemies. Ever that horrible Con-\\nvention Act blocked the way. To get rid of it was\\nimpossible. How to evade it Long and deeply,\\nall through the winter of that terrible year, 1822,\\ndid O Connell ponder over the problem. The solu-\\ntion came in the end, and unexpectedly brought\\nwith it the solution of the greater problem of\\nemancipation.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII.\\nFOUNDATION OF THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.\\nI 823-1 824.\\nONE day towards the latter end of April, 1823,\\nO Connell and a number of Catholic gentle-\\nmen met together in Dempsey s tavern,\\nin Sackville Street. It was a place well known to\\nDublin citizens who loved a good glass of wine and\\na well-cooked chop or steak. Added to these attrac-\\ntions, it possessed a large, lofty room, which, when\\nthe tavern was succeeded by Tyrrel s Library,\\nformed the reading-room of that institution. It was\\nthis latter fact that had drawn O Connell and his\\nfriends thither, and the fame of tavern and library\\nhas yielded to that of the little meeting. For it\\nwas here that the mighty Catholic Association, that\\nshook the whole social fabric of Ireland to its basis,\\nthat wrested emancipation from a hostile administra-\\ntion and made its influence felt on the bourses of\\nEurope, had its birth. The meeting had been con-\\nvened at the requisition of O Connell and Sheil in\\norder to consider the state of the Catholic question.\\nOf late years there had been a practical suspension\\n130", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "CO", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "1823-18241 The Catholic Association. 131\\nof agitation, and things had gone backward rather\\nthan forward with them. At the same time, how-\\never, the old quarrel over the veto had lost much of\\nits asperity, and no longer formed an insuperable\\nobstacle to a reunion of all parties. A new genera-\\ntion, too, had been springing up, and was beginning\\nto take an active part in public affairs. Suffering\\nhad softened men s feelings toward each other, and\\nthere was no longer that antagonism between class\\nand class that had worked havoc in their councils\\nof the past.\\nMoving Lord Killeen, the Earl of Fingal s son,\\nwho to high rank added sound views and a lofty\\nspirit of independence unusual in a Catholic peer,\\ninto the chair, O Connell rose to explain the object\\nof the meeting. It was, he said, clear to everybody\\nthat the state of the Catholics of Ireland was at the\\nmoment more degrading, if not more hopeless, than it\\nhad ever been. No one, on the contrary, could ac-\\ncuse their enemies, the Orangemen, of supineness.\\nThey were not only ready to use their opportunities,\\nbut to abuse them to the uttermost, whenever it was\\nin their power, and it was useless to conceal that, if\\nthings went on as they had recently done, Catholic\\nlife and property would not in a little time be com-\\nmonly safe, even in the capital itself. Under the\\ncircumstances, it was dangerous to leave the people\\nwithout some body of recognised friends to whom\\nthey could turn in their distresses and maddening\\nsufferings for counsel, sympathy, and what aid there\\nmight be the means of giving. The meeting had\\nbeen called to consider the possibility of forming", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "132 Daniel O Connell. [1823-\\nsome such public body. The recommendation was\\napproved, and at a subsequent meeting it was re-\\nsolved to submit the suggestion to an aggregate as-\\nsembly to be held on loth May.\\nOn that day Townshend Street chapel was filled\\nwith a concourse of Catholics anxious to listen to\\nO Connell s exposition of his scheme for the estab-\\nlishment of a Catholic Association. What, he asked\\nthem, after briefly reviewing the course of events\\nsince the King s visit, what had been the result of\\ntheir having so meritoriously conducted themselves\\nHad it not been that their cause was abandoned\\nthat they had neglected their duty to themselves?\\nThey had lain quiescent, and permitted the daily\\npromulgation of Orange calumny, fearful of infring-\\ning the commands of their sovereign. But there\\nwas a point beyond which experiment became dan-\\ngerous. The Catholics were men they were Irish-\\nmen, and felt within their burning breasts the force\\nof natural rights and the injustice of unnatural op-\\npression. It was impossible that they should ever\\nlie like torpid slaves under the lash of their oppress-\\nors. It was useless any longer to leave the interests\\nof five millions of men, excluded from the benefits\\nof the constitution, to the mere eleemosynary protec-\\ntion of their advocates in Parliament, who, however\\nwell disposed to shield them from the persecu-\\ntion, insult, and injustice of their oppressors, had\\nneither the opportunities of becoming acquainted\\nwith their daily grievances, nor the time to devote\\nto the study of the particular and peculiar circum-\\nstances of their situation. Rather should it be their", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "1824] The Catholic Association. 133\\ncare to attend to their own local affairs and, by the\\ninformation they thereby obtained, to assist their\\nparliamentary advocates in bringing to the contest\\nuseful and important knowledge as to the effects of\\nthe disabilities under which they groaned. When a\\nCatholic Association existed, had they not succeeded,\\nby addressing the suffering peasantry, in quelling\\nthree different attempts at insurrection Had a\\nCatholic Association at the time existed, would they\\nnot have been able to warn the unsuspecting peas-\\nantry against the villainy of persons who had an\\nactual interest in promoting disaffection Had the\\nAssociation existed, how many of their peasantry\\nwould have been saved to their families and homes\\nTheir advice would have been listened to, because it\\nwould have been known to be honest, and the coun-\\ntry would have been spared the infringement of the\\nconstitution and the enormous expense of an addi-\\ntional police, with the irritation occasioned by sec-\\ntarian yeomanry corps, which served no other purpose\\nthan to perpetuate strife and create a natural desire\\nof revenge in the opposite parties. He begged to\\nmove the establishment of a Catholic Association,\\nand the loud and prolonged cheers with which his\\nproposal was greeted testified to the approval of\\nhis audience.\\nThe first step had been taken. A Catholic Asso-\\nciation was to be founded but the machinery that\\nwas to work it still remained to be invented. A day\\nor two afterwards an informal meeting was held in\\nDempsey s tavern. At O Connell s suggestion, such\\ngentlemen as found themselves present at it resolved", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "134 Daniel O Connell. [1823-\\nthemselves into a Catholic Association. The annual\\nsubscription entitling to membership was fixed at\\none guinea, and the place of meeting Coyne s book-\\nshop, No, 4 Capel Street. About fifty gentlemen at\\nonce subscribed their guineas, and with the ardour\\nproper to new societies the Association met next day\\nat Coyne s but the first regular meeting was post-\\nponed till 20th May. It was called to consider the\\nquestion of the appointment of a Catholic chaplain\\nto Newgate gaol. The Association at once took\\nfright. The terrors of the Convention Act loomed\\nhorridly before them, and an attempt was made to\\nget rid of the dangerous topic by moving an adjourn-\\nment on the ground that the society was not suffi-\\nciently organised to occupy itself with matters of\\nsuch deep importance O Connell had to remind\\nthem that the object of the Association was not to\\nforce on Parliament the annual farce, or, more\\nproperly, a triennial interlude of a debate on the\\nCatholic claims. Their purpose was with practical\\nand not abstract questions to shame the advocates\\nof an unwise system, and, by exposing its corruption\\nin all its branches, to show that it worked badly and\\nimpracticably for the country. He trusted they\\nshould have the assistance of men of every religious\\ncreed in melting down sectarian acrimony into a\\ncommunity of Irish feeling. There were many\\ngrievances under which the poor and unprotected\\nCatholic peasant smarted that would not admit of\\nwaiting for redress until the day of emancipation\\narrived, and that might well be made the subjects of\\nseparate application to Parliament and the laws.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "1824] The Catholic Association. 135\\nBut all his eloquence was insufificient to inspire\\nthem with the necessary ardour to face the danger\\nand drudgery of the work. A week after its first\\nmeeting, the Association was adjourned for lack of\\nten members to form the necessary quorum. It was\\ndispiriting to O Connell, after a hard day s work in\\nthe Four Courts, to hurry up to Coyne s, time after\\ntime, to find himself and O Gorman the sole occu-\\npants of the room. Still he refused to be discouraged,\\nand on 14th June he had the hardihood to congratu-\\nlate the few loiterers whom idleness or curiosity had\\nattracted into the room on the diminution of crime\\nthat had occurred during the few weeks the Associa-\\ntion had existed.\\nThe vacation he again spent abroad with his wife\\nin France, returning to Ireland towards the latter end\\nof October. All the while he had been pondering\\nhow to make the Association more popular, and to\\nawaken a wider interest in its aims and objects.\\nAnd it hardly needed the first few weeks that fol-\\nlowed his return to show him that, unless something\\nwas done, and that speedily, there was a danger of\\nthe whole movement collapsing. The narrow two-\\nroomed floor above Coyne s book-shop barely at\\nbest half-filled the intermittent attendance of\\nmembers, some of whom had not even paid their\\nsubscriptions the bored air with which they listened\\nto his speeches on the rights of Catholic sepulture,\\ntithes, etc. the irregularity and indecent haste of\\ntheir proceedings the impatience with which they\\nawaited the conclusion of the business that should\\nallow them to return to their homes the frequent", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "136 Da7iiel O Coniiell. [1823-\\nadjournments that occurred owing to the impossi-\\nbiHty of getting a quorum of ten together; above\\nall, the scanty driblets of money that found their\\nway by circuitous routes into the treasury of the\\nsociety were signs, the meaning of which could not\\nbe mistaken. Money, indeed, was the chief difKi-\\nculty. The moment sufificient money was forth-\\ncoming, the other dif^culties, O Connell felt, would\\nspeedily solve themselves. The question was how\\nto raise it.\\nAt a meeting on 24th January, 1824, one of the\\nmembers, after pathetically alluding to the scanty\\nattendance at their meetings, proposed that letters\\nshould be written to all the Roman Catholic peers,\\nsons of peers, baronets, etc., etc., inviting them to\\nbecome members of the Association. O Connell\\nopposed the proposal for two reasons. First, be-\\ncause it would furnish an incentive to anonymous\\nabuse at a time when the Catholics were so pitilessly\\nassailed by Tory and Orange malignity, both in Eng-\\nland and Ireland, that it behooved them in the de-\\nfence of their own interests to be watchful and not\\nintentionally to supply their enemies with weapons\\nof offence. Secondly, because he had a scheme of\\nhis own for extending the influence of the society,\\nby calling upon every Catholic in Ireland to con-\\ntribute a monthly sum from one penny up to two\\nshillings to the general fund. So that by a general\\neffort of that kind the people of England should see\\nthat Catholic millions felt a deep interest in the\\ncause, and that it was not, as was supposed, confined\\nto those styled agitators.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "1824] The Catholic Association. 137\\nIt was some time before he could find an oppor-\\ntunity to expound his plan, owing to the rule of the\\nAssociation, whereby, if after the lapse of half an\\nhour from the time of meeting less than ten mem-\\nbers were present, the meeting stood adjourned.\\nSo often did this happen that it became quite amus-\\ning to watch the cynicism with which the secretary,\\nPurcell O Gorman, regularly ten minutes before the\\nhalf hour had elapsed placed his watch on the table,\\nand, as it marked half-past three, returned it to\\nhis pocket, saying, It s half-past three, gentlemen,\\nand ten members are not present we must adjourn.\\nThe action grated on O Connell s nerves. At last,\\non 4th February, the spell was broken. Punctually\\nto the minute O Gorman placed his watch on the\\ntable there were only, as usual, seven members\\npresent in ten minutes, unless fresh members ar-\\nrived, the meeting would be adjourned. One minute\\nmore elapsed O Connell could stand it no longer\\nand, flinging away the newspaper he had been read-\\ning, hastily quitted the room. The six remaining\\nmembers looked at each other aghast. Had it come\\nto this at last Had the apathy of the Catholics at\\nlast succeeded in disgusting him into throwing up\\ntheir cause The answer came directly. Rushing\\ndown-stairs, O Connell passed an eighth member on\\nhis way up. In Coyne s shop he found two young\\npriests purchasing books. It was the work of a\\nmoment to overcome their scruples, and returning\\nwith them to the room, just as O Gorman was about\\nto replace his watch in his pocket, he moved a Mr.\\nCoppinger into the chair, and without further", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "138 Daniel O Co7i7iell, [1823-\\npreliminary plunged in medias res. It was the last\\ntime in the history of the Association that a meeting\\nwas adjourned from insufficient attendance. There\\nwas no rule allowing a count-out, and the two young\\npriests, terrified at the position in which they found\\nthemselves, speedily retired but other members\\narrived, and there was a fairly good attendance\\nbefore the business of the meeting was concluded.\\nTo a meeting, one of the most important ever held\\nin Ireland, got together in such fashion, O Connell,\\nafter referring to the legal position in which they\\nfound themselves owing to the interpretation placed\\nby Justice Downes on the Convention Act, pro-\\nceeded to unfold his scheme for the establishment\\nof a Catholic Rent. The project he knew would be\\nwell abused and perhaps laughed at but in truth he\\nwas not the author of it. The idea had, in fact, orig-\\ninated with Lord Kenmare in 1785. There are,\\nwrote his lordship to Dr. Moylan, two thousand\\nfive hundred Catholic parishes in the kingdom. Let\\nus make a rent of one pound sterling a year upon\\neach parish, and that, accumulating and forming a\\npermanent fund, will be a powerful ally in the con-\\ntest for emancipation. His own plan was some-\\nwhat more comprehensive. There were seven millions\\nof Catholics in Ireland. Supposing that less than a\\nquarter of them were to contribute one penny each\\nindWidual in the month, there would be no difficulty\\nin raising at least ;^5o,ooo a year. The feasibility of\\nthe plan was obvious. He remembered that in 18 12\\nhe himself had proposed and set on foot a temporary\\nsubscription, and in three parishes alone he had", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "1824] The Catholic Association. 1 39\\ncollected ^79, which had gone into the funds of the\\nCatholic Board. The collection would then have\\nbeen continued under a regular organisation, had not\\nmiserable disputes arisen between what was called\\nthe Catholic aristocracy and the Catholic democracy\\nand upset everything. He promised that no such\\nresult should follow the present experiment. He\\nhimself would carefully superintend and work out\\nmost perseveringly every detail of his plan, and\\nwould not abandon it but with life. He was thor-\\noughly and entirely convinced, not only of its prac-\\nticability, but of its certain efficaciousness for its\\npurposes. At the same time it was only natural that\\npeople who were called upon to subscribe their\\nmoney should desire to have some idea how that\\nmoney was to be spent. Granted then that ;^50,ooo\\nwere annually forthcoming, he had five distinct and\\ndecided objects in view. His first object was the\\ncollection and conveying of petitions to Parliament,\\nnot only on the subject of Catholic emancipation\\nbut upon that of every other grievance of whatever\\nkind that pressed upon the country, together with\\nthe appointment of a parliamentary agent in Lon-\\ndon. To this end he would set aside ;^5ooo. His\\nsecond object was the promotion of a more friendly\\nfeeling on the part of the public towards the Catho-\\nlics, by supporting the liberal press both in London\\nand Dublin. Less than 15,000 for this purpose he\\nthought would be insufficient. His third object was\\nto provide legal protection for the Catholics against\\nOrange oppression. This suggestion, coming from\\nthe quarter it did, might cause him to be sneered at", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "140 Daniel O Co7melL [1823-\\nbut it was really frightful to think of the oppressions\\nwhich it was in the power of a magistrate, tinged with\\nOrange principles, to inflict upon the people. Allo-\\ncating 1 5,000 for this purpose, there would still\\nremain ^15,000. Of this he proposed to set aside\\n5000 for the education of the Catholic poor; ^{^5000\\nfor the education of Catholic priests for the service of\\nAmerica the remaining i^5000 to be held over to\\naccumulate and be applied to the building of chapels,\\ntaking farms in the several parishes and erecting a\\nhouse upon each for the Catholic clergyman.\\nThe meeting listened, half credulously, half\\namusedly, to the exposition of hispenny-a-month plan\\nfor liberating Ireland but it agreed by a majority\\nof twenty-one to four to print the report. The pub-\\nlic, as he had predicted, laughed heartily at his new\\nproject but it was clear, when he arose to address\\nan aggregate meeting a fortnight later in Townshend\\nStreet chapel on the desirability of petitioning Parlia-\\nment, that he had at last, after long years of unappreci-\\nated labour, succeeded in touching the heart of the\\nnation. The rapturous cheers with which he was\\ngreeted approved his declaration that the scheme\\nwas a feasible one, and were tokens that in its adop-\\ntion a new day had dawned for him and for Ireland.\\nThe long night of apathy and despair had passed\\naway, the dawn was breaking, the hour of the na-\\ntion s awakening had sounded. Hitherto, as he told\\nhis audience, the best exertions of the Catholics had\\nbeen frustrated owing to the want of pecuniary\\nmeans. A general subscription would overcome that\\ndifficulty. He only asked for a penny a month,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "1824]\\nThe Catholic Association. 141\\na farthing a week, and the response of his listeners,\\nas with one voice they shouted, You shall have it,\\nwas in this instance no mere evanescent explosion\\nof popular enthusiasm. The harvest indeed was\\nthere, ripe unto reaping but the labourers at first\\nwere few, and the task of organising the Rent taxed\\nO Connell s powers to the utmost.\\nBeginning in the towns, the collection of the Rent\\nwas at first undertaken by volunteers, who formed\\nthemselves into committees, divided the towns into\\nwalks, and remitted their funds through their sec-\\nretaries to the central association in Dublin. Little\\nby little the organisation spread to the neighbouring\\nparishes, and thence into the remotest parts of the\\ncountry. As it grew, its objects developed. Com-\\nmittee rooms were hired, weekly meetings estab-\\nlished, and matters of public importance discussed at\\nthem. The result was magical. Instead of one As-\\nsociation, exercising a limited influence, a hundred\\nsprang into existence, following more or less closely\\non the lines of the parent institution, each forming\\nand leading public opinion in the district in which it\\nwas located, and spreading a knowledge of the aims\\nand objects of the Association into every quarter of\\nthe island. Not only was the collection of the Rent\\nthereby facilitated and the funds of the society in-\\ncreased, but a means of communication was estab-\\nlished between the leaders of the movement in\\nDublin and the peasantry scattered over the coun-\\ntry, which enabled the former to control it and to\\nsecure instant obedience for their commands. A\\nspirit of inquiry was awakened in the masses of the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "142 Daniel O Connell. [1823-\\npeople, and a passion created in them for political\\ndiscussion. They began to read the papers in which\\ntheir proceedings were recorded and their contribu-\\ntions acknowledged, and finding themselves not so\\ninsignificant as they had hitherto imagined, assumed\\na bolder and more independent deportment. Nor\\nwas this all each committee formed a sort of tribunal\\nfor the adjustment of local disputes, for redressing\\ngrievances and the protection of the oppressed. In-\\ntolerance and injustice trembled before it the vil-\\nlage tyrant hated and feared it the peasant appealed\\nto it and obeyed it. The clergy, too, animated by a\\nfew of their dignitaries, and above all by the exam-\\nple of the pious and learned Bishop of Kildare and\\nLeighlin, Dr. Doyle, threw themselves, after a little\\nhesitation, into the movement, thereby giving to it a\\nmoral sanction of infinite value, and acquiring for\\nthemselves a firm hold on the affection and obedi-\\nence of their flocks.\\nAs the effects of the Association became apparent\\nhope was rekindled in the breasts of the peasantry.\\nThey felt that something, to use their own words,\\nwas being done for them also. It awoke a new life\\nin them. It was their first step out of servitude\\ninto nationality. Their gratitude to the author of\\nit was unbounded. To O Connell, notwithstanding\\nhis modest disclaimer to be the originator of the\\nscheme, they ascribed, and rightly ascribed, their re-\\ngeneration. O Connell indeed was the life and soul,\\nthe creator and sustainer of the whole movement.\\nWithout him without his enthusiasm, it would\\nnever have existed without him without his", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "BISHOP DOYLE.\\nFROM A PAINTING BY HAVERTY.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "1824] The Catholic Association. 143\\nguiding hand, it would have run into illegal courses,\\nand have lost its influence. But even O Connell did\\nnot at first perceive the full consequence of his plan.\\nSo far as annual revenue went, he was doomed to\\ndisappointnaent but the establishment of the Rent\\ndid more than he had ever dreamt of. It called a\\nnation into existence. For himself, it was the begin-\\nning of that extraordinary popularity which was the\\nwonder and envy of mankind. Hitherto he had\\nbeen only one of their leaders but the establish-\\nment of the Rent lifted him in the imagination of\\nhis countrymen into a unique position. Everywhere\\nhe went, on circuit, he met with an ovation willing\\nhands dragged his carriage and banquets met him at\\nevery turn. His popularity gratified him. He felt\\nhis power, and did all that he could to promote it.\\nBut his ambition was for his country, not for himself\\nand herein lay the secret of his popularity and\\ninfluence.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nTHE ATTACK ON THE CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.\\n1824-1825.\\nTHE progress of the Association was rapid. Very\\nsoon the narrow two-roomed floor in Capel\\nStreet became inconveniently small for the\\ntransaction of the business devolving upon it, and in\\nOctober it moved into more spacious premises in the\\nCorn Exchange, on Ussher s quay.\\nMeanwhile Government, which had regarded the\\nestablishment of the Association with languid inter-\\nest, began to feel alarmed as it realised how formid-\\nable the movement was becoming. It was impossible\\nto watch the growth of this imperium in imperio with\\ncomplacency but the difficulty was, how to meet it,\\nseeing that it violated no existing law. There were,\\nPeel wrote to Goulburn, on 6th November, several\\nalternatives before them. They might do nothing,\\nand let the Association take its course, trusting to\\nthe chance of disunion among its members, or of\\ntheir bringing discredit upon themselves by the\\nfolly of their proceedings. Still it was impossible\\nto deny that the evils of forbearance and delay were\\n144", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 145\\nvery great the friends of Government would be\\ndismayed and disheartened, while the Association\\ngained in firmness and consistency. On the other\\nhand, they might take advantage of any violation of\\nthe law to strike a blow at the Association, or go to\\nParliament and ask for a new law to suppress it\\nentirely. Such a special law would of course cause\\na great outcry, but the appeal to the legislature\\nwould at least have the advantage of affording a full\\nexposition of the danger that confronted them.\\nThe Duke of Wellington took an even more serious\\nview of the situation, and thought that everything\\nportended a civil war sooner or later. Curiously\\nenough, Goulburn, who as being on the spot might\\nhave been expected to be more seriously alarmed,\\nquietly ridiculed Wellington s idea of an insur-\\nrection. Those, he wrote on 14th December,\\nwho look to immediate and combined insurrection ap-\\npear to me to mistake the nature of the danger. I can-\\nnot, as yet, trace the existence of any such project. I\\ndo not believe that it exists. The people have no mili-\\ntary organisation, no adequate supply of arms, no pe-\\ncuniary resources, no regular leaders. The immediate\\ndanger that I contemplate is a sudden ebullition of fa-\\nnatical fury in particular places, originating not in any\\nsettled or premeditated plan, but in some casual circum-\\nstances operating upon the mind of a people easily ex-\\ncited at all times and now in a state of unusual and\\nextreme excitation.\\nWhile the anti-Catholic members of the adminis-\\ntration were thus deliberating, doubtful as to the\\nadvisability of taking any immediate steps, the Lord", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "146 Daniel O Connell. [1824-\\nLieutenant, who prided himself on his friendship to\\nthe Catholics, precipitated matters by instituting\\nproceedings against O Connell for seditious lan-\\nguage. The words complained of were contained in\\na speech delivered at the Association on i6th De-\\ncember. Nations, he was reported to have said,\\nhad been driven mad by oppression. He hoped that\\nIreland would never be driven to the system pursued by\\nthe Greeks. He trusted in God they would never be so\\ndriven. He hoped Ireland would be restored to her\\nrights but if ever that day should arrive if she were\\ndriven mad by persecution, he hoped that a new Bolivar\\nmight be found that the spirit of the Greeks and that\\nof the South Americans might animate the people of\\nIreland.\\nSuch were the words of the speech as reported in\\nSaunders s News-Letter. But that the Irish govern-\\nment should have selected especially these upon\\nwhich to base a prosecution, just at the moment\\nwhen England had determined formally to recognise\\nthe independence of the Spanish-American republics,\\nwas matter for general wonder. The King, wrote\\nPeel to Lord Liverpool, says he sees much incon-\\nsistency in prosecuting O Connell and afterwards\\nrecognising Bolivar. The remark, coming from the\\nquarter it did, might be regarded as a hit at Canning\\nrather than as expressive of any sympathy for O Con-\\nnell. But the fact that in their anxiety to strike a\\nblow at the Association the advisers of his Excel-\\nlency could find nothing in any of O Connell s nu-\\nmerous speeches more savouring of encouragement", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 147\\nto rebellion than this passing reference to Bolivar,\\nspeaks volumes for the pacific tendency of his agita-\\ntion. That no one but the blindest partisan could\\never have dreamt of imputing to him anything like\\nan appeal to arms may now be readily admitted.\\nBut the phenomenon of a peaceful agitation, of an\\nagitation resting on constitutional grounds and ap-\\npealing for its support to law-abiding citizens, was at\\nthe time so novel that no one, and least of all Gov-\\nernment, could believe in its sincerity. The situation,\\ntoo, was by no means so simple as at first sight it\\nmight appear. O Connell had referred to Bolivar:\\nat the same moment a rabid Orangeman, Sir Har-\\ncourt Lees by name, had published what the Chief\\nSecretary, without exaggeration, described as a\\nmost furious letter to the Protestants of Ulster,\\ncalling upon them to arm against the Catholics, and\\nannouncing his intention of placing himself at their\\nhead because the Government was so weak as to\\ndespise the danger of the Protestants and to decline\\nsupplying them with arms. This letter the law\\nofficers of the Crown pronounced a fit subject for\\nprosecution.\\nThe fact was, that men s minds, especially in the\\nNorth where the insane ravings of one Pastorini, pre-\\ndicting the extirpation of all heretics in Ireland in\\ni825,hadcaughtfirmhold on the popular imagination,\\nwere in a state of intense excitement. The Catho-\\nlic hierarchy had condemned Pastorini s prophecies\\nO Connell had lifted his voice in behalf of law and\\norder the Association had issued a strong appeal to\\nthe peasantry to refrain from secret societies and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "148 Daniel O Connell. [1824-\\nopen violence. Could Government have allied itself\\nwith the Association, it might have been better for\\nIreland. But under the circumstances this was im-\\npossible. In one sense the Association was merely\\nthe Catholic Board revived. It was even more for-\\nmidable than ever the Board had been. It evaded\\nthe Convention Act, and no government with any\\npretentions to be a government could afford to see\\nits powers and functions usurped by a quasi-illegal\\nsociety. True, the Association was on the side of\\nlaw and order its influence, felt throughout the\\nlength and breadth of the land, was a good one. But\\nits existence per se was objectionable it was an im-\\nperium in imperio it usurped the office and char-\\nacter of a government it inflamed the Protestants,\\nwho saw in it a formidable conspiracy against the\\nliberties of the minority. That this was not its ob-\\nject, that it was essentially a peaceful association for\\nthe defence of the defenceless, was not to be believed.\\nSuch then was the practical issue of the Marquis\\nof Wellesley s attempt to administer the laws.\\nInstead of conciliating Orangemen and CathoHcs he\\nhad succeeded only in setting them over against each\\nother in two hostile camps. His equestrian feat of\\ntrying to ride two horses, pulling in opposite direc-\\ntions, had ended in a fall to the ground. The at-\\ntempt to secure the conviction of Sir Harcourt\\nLees failed the prosecution of O Connell proved a\\nfarce. The words imputed to him could not be\\nproved against him. The one witness on whose\\nevidence the Government rested the reporter of\\nSaunders s News-Letter ignominiously swore he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 149\\nhad been asleep when the words were uttered, and\\non New Year s Day, 1825, the grand jury threw out\\nthe bills against him.\\nO Connell s acquittal naturally added to his popul-\\narity and to the strength of the Association. The\\ncheers that greeted him, on his next appearance,\\nplainly told him so. But the result of the prosecu-\\ntion, as he reminded his audience, was not merely a\\npersonal triumph. It was a triumph for every man\\nin the country that valued the existence of the\\nBritish Constitution and estimated his privileges as\\na freeman. For that constitution, for those privi-\\nleges, he was ready to shed his blood to the last drop.\\nHad he not given seven hostages to the State as se-\\ncurity for his fidelity Had he not a profession the\\nmost abundant in its return for his labours Had\\nhe not, independent of that profession, a property\\nsufficient to support him in a style of independence\\nsuitable to his station as the descendant of one of the\\nmost ancient families of the land Would he not\\nthen be the most doting driveller in existence to\\nimagine that at his age, and under his circumstances,\\nhe could be a gainer, or that his country would be\\nbenefited, by an armed organisation of barefooted,\\nturbulent, undisciplined peasantry, against the mar-\\nshalled troops of the Empire? No, he would rather\\nsubmit to the consequences of their present degra-\\ndation than that a single tear should make any por-\\ntion of the cup of doubtful happiness to be obtained\\nby a national commotion. But the Association, it\\nwas said, was not to be allowed to enjoy its triumph.\\nEven while he spoke, a rumour had reached him of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "150 Daniel O Connell. [1824-\\nthe intention of the Government to proceed against\\nit directly. The Association, he knew, might be\\nsuppressed, but Government could hardly prohibit\\ntheir assembling to dine together. The Association\\nwas the creature of the penal laws; and as long as\\nCatholic disabilities existed, so long must the Catho-\\nlics possess some organ through which to convey\\ntheir complaints, to proclaim their grievances, and to\\ndemand their redress.\\nThe rumour that Government intended to suppress\\nthe Association proved well founded. The King s\\nspeech, at the opening of Parliament on 3rd February,\\nexpressed a regret that, while the condition of the\\ncountry generally showed signs of improvement, and\\nthe outrages, for the suppression of which extra-\\nordinary powers had been required, had ceased, asso-\\nciations existed in Ireland irreconcilable with the\\nspirit of the constitution, and calculated, by exciting\\nalarm and by exasperating animosity, to endanger\\nthe peace of society and retard the course of national\\nimprovement. It was remarked that it was not asso-\\nciation, but associations in the plural, that was spoken\\nof.\\nLet not that little s deceive any person, said\\nBrougham. I know the reflection that passed through\\nthe mind of the writer. However it may be in-\\ntended to hold the balance even between the Catholic\\nand Orange associations, depend upon it, it will only be\\na nominal equality. The Catholic Association will be\\nstrongly put down with one hand, while the Orange Asso-\\nciation will only receive a gentle tap with the other.\\nThe policy foreshadowed in the King s speech was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 151\\nconfirmed a week later by the introduction by Goul-\\nburn of a Bill for the suppression of the Catholic As-\\nsociation and the Orange Lodges. It was supported\\nby Canning and Plunket, though, as Brougham pre-\\ndicted, it was chiefly directed against the former,\\nrendering illegal every society constituted for the\\npurpose of procuring the redress of grievances in\\nChurch or State, which shall continue their meet-\\nings for a longer time than fourteen days from their\\nfirst meeting, or which shall authorise any body or\\nbodies to levy or receive any money or contributions\\nfrom his Majesty s subjects, or which shall admin-\\nister any oaths whatever at times and places not re-\\nquired by law to the exclusion of persons of any\\nform of religious faith. At the same time special\\ncare was taken to exclude from its provisions all\\nsocieties formed for religious worship, or acting\\nmerely for purposes of public or private charity,\\nscience, agriculture, manufactures, or commerce.\\nThe importance of this saving clause did not escape\\nthe notice of O Connell.\\nAt the first announcement of Goulburn s Bill, the\\nAssociation took instant measures to be heard at the\\nBar of the House of Commons in their defence. On\\nlOth February a deputation, consisting of O Connell,\\nSir Thomas Esmonde, Shell, and other influential\\npersons, was appointed to proceed immediately to\\nLondon, for the purpose of conferring with their\\nfriends in Parliament and supplying them with such\\ninformation as might be useful during the impending\\nstruggle. It was with extreme reluctance that O Con-\\nnell consented to form one of the deputation.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "152 Daniel O Conjiell. [1824~\\nIt is, he wrote to his wife, a sacrifice certainly a\\ngreat sacrifice and you must not be angry if I meet\\nnothing but ingratitude in return. No man should ever\\nexpect gratitude from the public. I wish to God I\\ncould make my motives so pure and disinterested as to\\ncare little for gratitude or applause.\\nTravelling as rapidly as possible, the deputation at-\\ntracted considerable attention in passing through the\\nprincipal towns on their route, especially O Connell,\\nwho in his large cloak a survival to all appearance\\nof the ancient Irish mantle formed a conspicuous\\nobject on the box of the landau. At Wolverhampton\\nthey turned aside for a moment to pay their respects\\nto Dr. Milner, whose uncompromising opposition in\\nearlier days to the veto had won O Connell s grati-\\ntude. With some difficulty they found the venerable\\nprelate sitting before his kitchen fire, sipping the\\ncup of chocolate that formed his simple breakfast.\\nBut age had obscured his recollection, and he scarcely\\nremembered O Connell s name. A reference to his\\nold feud with Charles Butler brought a momentary\\nflash into his lustre-dimmed eyes but the visit was\\na melancholy one, and after a little desultory con-\\nversation the deputation took their departure.\\nReaching London about midday on i8th February,\\nO Connell took up his quarters at Cooke s Hotel, in\\nAlbemarle Street, and with his companions at once\\nproceeded to call on Sir Francis Burdett, the new\\nmanager of the Catholic business, an elegant\\ngentleman, with an English coldness about him, as\\nO Connell described him to his wife but improving\\non acquaintance. After some conversation they", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 153\\nrepaired in his company to the House of Commons,\\nand being provided with seats under the gallery,\\nO Connell saw the Speaker measure him with his\\nglass. Several members came up to shake hands\\nwith him but his first impression of the Honour-\\nable House was not very favourable. With the\\nexception of Peel none of those opposed to Catholic\\nemancipation struck him as able speakers, and among\\ntheir friends there was a want of zeal that was\\ndepressing. Still he was on the whole sanguine that\\nsome good would come out of their visit and his\\nopinion gathered strength as time went on.\\nDespite the advocacy of Brougham, Mackintosh,\\nand Burdett, the House of Commons refused to hear\\ncounsel at the Bar on behalf of the Catholic Associa-\\ntion, and on 25th February the Bill for the suppres-\\nsion of illegal societies in Ireland, or, as O Connell\\nwith more force than propriety dubbed it, the Al-\\ngerine Act, passed its third reading, becoming law\\nwithin a month after it had been introduced. But the\\nunanimity with which it had passed through Par-\\nliament did not prevent those who, while they\\ndeprecated the Association itself, nevertheless sympa-\\nthised with its aims, from giving expression to their\\nopinion that the fane of the constitution was dis-\\nhonoured so long as its gates were closed against\\nmillions of their fellow-subjects. In fact, instead of\\nretarding, the Algerine Act rather stimulated,\\nthe cause of Emancipation. Urged by O Connell,\\nBurdett at once invited the House of Commons to\\ntake into its consideration the Catholic claims, and\\nthree days after the third reading of the Suppression", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "154 Daniel O Connell. [1824-\\nBill the House, by a majority of thirteen, granted\\nleave to introduce a Catholic Relief Bill. The re-\\nsult was gratifying. Provided emancipation were\\nconceded. Parliament was welcome to suppress the\\nAssociation. Nor was this the only benefit that\\nfollowed from it.\\nDuring the debate on the Suppression Bill, select\\ncommittees of both Houses had been appointed to\\nconsider the general condition of Ireland. On 25th\\nFebruary O Connell was invited to give evidence\\nbefore the Committee of the House of Commons.\\nHis examination, conducted chiefly by Sir Henry\\nParnell and Spring Rice, touched the increase and\\nstate of the peasantry and the conditions of land\\ntenure in Ireland. Several pertinent questions were\\nput to him by Lords Milton and Althorp, and during\\nthe greater part of the time Peel was in the room.\\nO Connell was gratified at the reception accorded him,\\nand by the modesty of his demeanour, the clearness\\nand moderation of his replies, afforded general satis-\\nfaction. The day following he addressed a meeting\\nof Catholics in the Freemasons Tavern, and spoke for\\nthree hours to an audience as cheering and en-\\nthusiastic as ever a Dublin aggregate could be.\\nThe same evening he dined with the deputation at\\nLord Stourton s, occupying the place of honour, be-\\ntween his host and the Duke of Norfolk, and being\\nlionised by everybody. On Sunday, the 27th, the\\ndeputation dined at Brougham s, O Connell sitting\\nbetween the Dukes of Devonshire and Leinster, and\\nopposite the Duke of Sussex, who impressed him\\nunfavourably. On 3rd March he presided at a large", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "2 I\\n5 P\\nI\\nCO o\\ns\\n2\\nUJ\\n1\\no", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack oil the Catholic Assocmttofi. 155\\ncharity dinner, when he was nearly crushed to death\\nby ladies anxious to shake hands with him. The\\nfollowing day he was again examined before the\\nCommittee of the House of Commons on every sub-\\nject relating to the Catholics of Ireland the people,\\nChurch, friars, priests, Jesuits, etc., and had the\\nsatisfaction of hearing from Colonel Dawson, Peel s\\nbrother-in-law and member of Parliament for Derry,\\nthat he had removed many of his prejudices. A day\\nor two afterwards he went through the same ordeal\\nbefore the Lords Committee. His examination lasted\\nfour hours, and was confined entirely to the state of\\nthe administration of justice, from the highest to the\\nlowest jurisdiction, police included. His deportment\\nstruck Lord Colchester, who when Speaker of the\\nHouse of Commons had moved the rejection of the\\nRelief Bill of 1814, as affectedly respectful and\\ngentle, except in a few answers, where he displayed a\\nfierceness of tone and aspect. Perhaps O Connell s\\nopinion coincided with that of Dr. Doyle, who after\\nhis examination before their lordships remarked\\nPshaw such silly questions as they put I think\\nin all my life I never encountered such a parcel of\\nold fools.\\nBut after the success of Burdett s motion, his time\\nwas chiefly occupied in assisting to draft a Catholic\\nRelief Bill. On 7th March, in a letter to the chair-\\nman of the moribund Catholic Association, he\\nsketched the Bill in outline, intimating, without\\nsignifying any disapproval, that it was intended to\\naccompany it with two subsidiary measures, the one\\nraising the electoral franchise in the county from", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "156 Daniel O Connell. [1824-\\nforty shillings to ;^io, the other making provision\\nfor a State endowment of the Catholic clergy. The\\nletter, or at any rate the gist of it, found its way into\\nthe papers, and caused much mischief. To say the\\nleast, it was precipitate and ill-advised. But in fact\\nO Connell, in making the communication, was wholly\\nunaware that he was walking on brittle ice. So far\\nas raising the electoral franchise was concerned, he\\nwas in entire agreement with the proposal, and in the\\nface of his evidence before the House of Commons\\nCommittee, it is ridiculous to urge that he merely\\nacquiesced in it as the necessary price of emancipa-\\ntion. On the contrary, he was as anxious as every\\nsensible man in the community to have the forty-\\nshilling freeholders abolished. For, as the absolute\\nslaves of the large landed proprietors, they had\\nhitherto proved nothing but a drag on the cause of\\nprogress, swamping by their venal votes the preten-\\nsions of every independent candidate. That these\\ndespised forty-shilling freeholders would at no very\\ndistant date, in the enthusiasm of the national\\nstruggle, throw off their yoke and exercise their\\nprivileges against their masters, was what no one\\ncould have imagined.\\nFor the other matter the State endowment of the\\nCatholic clergy it was a matter which, in O Connell s\\nopinion, concerned them alone. For himself, granted\\nthat emancipation was conceded, he could see no\\nharm in a proposal which would merely put them\\non a level with their brethren of the Established\\nChurch. The Bishops, he wrote on 14th March,\\nare here, and to them are referred all questions as", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 157\\nto the acceptance of a provision and the details of\\nsuch provision if accepted, which, without Emancipa-\\ntion, could not possibly be. Here, again, he did not\\nknow that he was unconsciously misinterpreting the\\nview of the Irish hierarchy. Two days after he had\\nwritten the above, Bishop Doyle was examined by\\nthe Committee of the House of Commons.\\nYesterday, notes Lord Colchester in his Diary under\\ndate 17th March, Dr. Doyle was examined by the\\nCommittee of the House of Commons on Ireland. He\\npositively objected to any interference of a Protestant\\nsovereign in the nomination or recommendation or con-\\ntrol in choice of Roman Catholic clergy as prelates or\\nparish priests unwilling to receive any State provision\\nrejecting it absolutely unless equality of civil rights were\\ngiven to the Roman Catholic laity; and even then would\\naccept such provision only as permanently annexed to\\neach benefice or dignity.\\nNow it must be confessed that the natural inter-\\npretation to be placed on this paragraph is precisely\\nwhat O Connell placed on it, viz., that, if emancipa-\\ntion, i. e., equality of civil rights for the Catholic\\nlaity, was conceded, the Catholic clergy would accept\\nof a State provision. But this, it was soon to appear,\\nwas not the meaning attached by Bishop Doyle to\\nhis words. The misunderstanding had the disastrous\\neffect of causing a quarrel between him and O Con-\\nnell but while admitting that the latter possibly\\nmisinterpreted the Bishop s meaning, it must be al-\\nlowed that the misinterpretation was a very natural\\none.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "158 Daniel O ConnelL [1824-\\nBelieving, therefore, that the cause was progress-\\ning favourably and rapidly, it was with no little sur-\\nprise and indignation that O Connell, on opening his\\npaper one morning, came across a furious tirade\\nagainst him, charging him, amongst other things,\\nwith surrendering his former principles, and sell-\\ning the people for a silk gown. The author of the\\nletter, John Lawless, or, as his admirers called him,\\nhonest Jack Lawless, figured as the Cobbett of\\nIreland. Though not one of the deputation, he had\\nthought it his duty to accompany it to London in\\norder to superintend its proceedings and to prevent\\nany lapse on its part from good old Radical doctrines.\\nHis vigilance had not been unrewarded. He had\\nseen, or imagined he had seen, with sorrow how the\\nblandishments of the aristocracy had destroyed the\\nmoral backbone of the deputation, how the Circean\\ncup of their hospitality had robbed O Connell of\\nhis senses, and how in his delirium he had sacrificed\\nthe forty-shilling freeholders in the hope of personal\\nadvancement. Well for Ireland was it, in his opin-\\nion, that he, her incorruptible advocate, was at hand\\nto raise the alarm. And there was a grain of truth\\nin his strictures. O Connell had indeed sacrificed\\nthe forty-shilling freeholders but the imputation of\\nhaving acted from personal motives was as ridiculous\\nas it was indecent. Fearing, however, that the letter\\nwould cause extreme mischief in England, and\\nraise a flame in Ireland, O Connell at once penned\\na reply to it, and dismissed the subject from his mind.\\nEarly in April, between the first and second read-\\nings of the Bill, he paid a visit to Ireland, and on", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 159\\n14th April addressed a large aggregate meeting in\\nDublin. Nothing on that occasion was said about\\nthe Wings, as the two supplementary bills for the\\nendowment of the clergy and the disfranchisement of\\nthe forty-shilling freeholders were called, and on the\\nreturn of the deputation to London it was agreed\\nto leave them to the discretion of Government, in\\nthe expectation that by doing so the main measure\\nwould pass. On 21st April the Bill passed by 268\\nto 241 and was read for a third time without a divis-\\nion on loth May. The hopes of the Emancipation-\\nists beat high, and it was supposed that the Lords\\nmust yield. But their hopes were doomed to dis-\\nappointment. On i8th May the House of Lords,\\nrallying to the No Popery speech of the Duke of\\nYork, rejected the Bill on its second reading by 178\\nto 130. O Connell, who had been led to believe that\\nit was to have been regarded as a Government meas-\\nure, was indignant at the perfidy with which he had\\nbeen treated by Lord Liverpool, and publicly abused\\nhim as a half-honest man, a driveller of Dr.\\nDuigenan s school, who had changed his tone in\\nconsequence of the Duke of York s speech. At the\\nsame time he announced his intention of reviving\\nthe Catholic Association, promising for himself that\\nhe would always be an agitator.\\nOn the first of June he landed at Howth. The\\nnews of his defeat had preceded him. Lawless had\\nstirred up a spirit of opposition to his leadership\\nbut neither had materially affected his popularity.\\nAn immense crowd was awaiting his arrival on the\\nquay, and as he stepped ashore cheer after cheer", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "i6o Daniel O Co7inell.\\n[1824-\\nrent the air, hats were waved, and handkerchiefs flut-\\ntered in the breeze. All the way to Dublin the road\\nwas lined with men, women, and children cheering\\nhim as he drove homewards through their midst.\\nAt Annesley Bridge the enthusiasm redoubled itself\\nthe horses were taken from his carriage, and he was\\ndragged victoriously through the streets to his house\\nin Merrion Square. Here a fresh ovation awaited\\nhim, and in response to cries for a speech he stepped\\non the balcony to address a few heartfelt words of\\nthanks to them. A week later he addressed an ag-\\ngregate meeting of Catholics in Anne Street chapel,\\nthe most numerous and most enthusiastic, he\\nthought, that had ever assembled in Dublin. As he\\nstepped on to the platform, dressed in the uniform\\nof the Association, in blue frock coat, with a gilt\\nbutton on the shoulder, yellow vest, and white trou-\\nsers, the entire audience started to its feet and cheered\\nhim for several minutes. Hardly had the cheers\\nsubsided when Lawless started up to put a resolution\\nexpressing disapproval of the conduct of the deput-\\nation in London. The indignation of the meeting\\nwas intense, and it required all O Connell s influence\\nto procure a hearing for him. But, recognising the fu-\\ntility of his attempt. Lawless wisely withdrew his\\nmotion, with the sly remark that he was glad to see\\nO Connell had been reconverted to his old views on\\nthe subject of the forty-shilling freeholders and the\\nendowment of the Catholic clergy. Disdaining to\\nnotice the innuendo implied in his remark, O Connell\\nat once plunged into the business for which the\\nmeeting had been summoned, viz., the appointment", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. i6i\\nof a committee to consider the possibility of starting\\na new Association to carry on the work of the old\\none without infringing the provisions of the Sup-\\npression Act. A committee of twenty-one was ac-\\ncordingly appointed, and after sitting for fifteen\\ndays, waiting, in fact, till the prorogation of Parlia-\\nment prevented the possibility of any immediate\\nfresh legislation against them, it reported to another\\naggregate meeting on 13th July.\\nIn submitting the report, O Connell announced\\nthat the committee, while resolved to obey a statute\\nthey could not respect, were convinced that a\\nnew Association might be formed which would con-\\nsolidate the constitutional resources of the Catholic\\nbody, without in any way infringing the Act recently\\npassed. To accomplish this it was necessary to\\nconsider what the new law allowed, and what it did\\nnot allow. Taking the latter first it was illegal for\\nthe new Association to concern itself with the prepa-\\nration and management of petitions for the repeal of\\nthe penal laws, or for any other purposes. That\\ncould only be done by an aggregate meeting but as\\nthe law limited the duration of such meetings to\\nfourteen days a period too short in which to collect\\nthe general opinion of the Catholic body it would\\nhenceforth be necessary that aggregate meetings\\nshould be held simultaneously in every county in\\nIreland. As for the new Catholic Association, it was\\nto be formed merely for the purposes of public or\\nprivate charity and such other purposes as were not\\nprohibited by the statute VI. Geo. IV., cap. 4. Its ob-\\njects would be the promotion of pubhc peace and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "1 62 Daniel O Connell. [1824-\\nconcord the encouragement of an enlightened and\\nreligious system of education founded on the basis\\nof Christian charity and perfect fair dealing the\\ntaking of a religious census the rendering of aid in\\nthe erection of places of Catholic worship the pro-\\nmotion of improvements in agriculture and manu-\\nfactures and the diffusion of information calculated\\nto advance the cause of religious toleration by sup-\\nport given to a liberal press.\\nIt was soon to appear that under these specious\\npretexts not a single portion of the entire social\\nfabric existed which it was not in the power of the\\nAssociation legally to discuss. For how was public\\npeace and concord to be promoted so long as the\\nOrange system lasted How was an enlightened\\nsystem of education to be fostered so long as the\\nproselytising methods of the Kildare Street schools\\nwere permitted How were improvements to be\\nmade in agriculture so long as arbitrary ejectments,\\ntithe-proctors, church-rates, and grand-jury present-\\nments existed How was religious toleration to be\\npromoted so long as a Tory press, secretly supported\\nby Government, was allowed to malign the Catholics\\nand misinterpret their objects unimpeded? Even in\\nwhat appeared its greatest grievance the removal\\nof the management of the Catholic petition out of\\nits control it soon appeared that instead of destroy-\\ning the usefulness of the Association the Algerine\\nAct had only increased its efficiency. No oaths\\nwere to be tendered as a condition of membership,\\nand no one was to be excluded on the ground of\\nreligion. Every person who paid before a certain", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "1825] Attack on the Catholic Association. 163\\nday was ipso facto a member of the Association\\nafter that day each person paying and procuring\\none member to propose and another to second him\\nwas likewise a member. The new Association took\\nover the iJ 14,000 which the old one had in hand when\\nit was dissolved. But as it was no longer possible to\\nconnect the Rent the mainspring of the agitation\\nwith the Association, the management of it was, at\\nO Connell s suggestion, entrusted to Lord Killeen.\\nMEDAL STRUCK FOR O CONNELL BY MONOP.\\nFROM THE ORIGINAL IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nTHE AWAKENING OF THE NATION.\\n1825-1828.\\nO CONNELL had kept his promise. Phoenix-\\nHke, a new Association had sprung out of the\\nashes of the old one, and within six months\\nfrom the passing of the Insurrection Act the ma-\\nchinery of it was in full working order. Govern-\\nment, without a pretext to interfere, looked on the\\nwhile in stupefied impotence. The joy of the\\nCatholics was unbounded their gratitude to O Con-\\nnell unstinted. A medal was struck to commemorate\\nhis services, bearing his image with the words Erin\\nma vourneen, surrounded by a wreath of shamrock\\nand oak leaves. That autumn, as he went the\\nMunster circuit, demonstration followed demonstra-\\ntion. At Cork an eloquent address was presented\\nto him, with the view of proving to his detractors\\nthat his purity of intention and devotion to Irish\\ninterests continued unimpeached in the public estim-\\nation. At Mallow he had to plead the indifferent\\nstate of his wife s health as an excuse for evading an\\novation. At Galway, where he went on a special\\n164", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "[1825-1828] Awakening of the Nation. 165\\nretainer, the city was decorated in his honour, the\\nwhole population, men, women and children, turning\\nout to welcome him and drag his carriage in triumph\\nwithin the walls. At Wexford his reception was, if\\npossible, even more enthusiastic and more pictur-\\nesque. From an early hour in the morning, the\\nharbour was alive with gaily painted boats, the quay\\nand bridge thronged with people in holiday attire,\\nwaiting to welcome him as he approached the town\\nin a triumphal barge, from the stern of which floated\\na large green flag with the harp of Ireland emblaz-\\noned on it, manned with rowers dressed in green\\njackets trimmed with gold.\\nIt was a magnificent spectacle but, flattered\\nthough he was by it and other signs of his popul-\\narity, O Connell was glad to escape for a time to\\nthe peaceful solitudes of his seaside home in Kerry\\nnow really his own. For early in the year 1825 his\\nuncle Hunting Cap had died at the good old age\\nof ninety-six, bequeathing to him Darrynane and\\nthe bulk of his property, estimated at about ^1000\\na year. For several years before his death he had\\nbeen totally blind but age had not dimmed his\\nmental vision. He had lived to see the foundation\\nof the Catholic Association, and, in transmitting his\\nsubscription to the Rent, he had predicted the\\nspeedy termination of the long struggle for freedom.\\nHis letter had been entered on the minutes of the\\nAssociation but .before the promised day arrived\\nhe had been gathered to his ancestors. In Septem-\\nber O Connell took possession of his new home.\\nDarrynane, a cluster of buildings of unequal shapes", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "1 66 Daniel O ConnelL [1825-\\nand sizes rather than a single house, built at different\\ntimes, and with more regard to comfort and accom-\\nmodation than to architectural uniformity, is a pic-\\nturesque object on the road from Cahirciveen to\\nKenmare. But the road itself belongs to a more\\nrecent date, and at the time of which we are speak-\\ning Darrynane was almost inaccessible to any but\\nfoot-passengers. Shut in on all sides save one by\\nmountains rising to 1500 and 2000 feet, the house\\ncommands a full prospect of the Atlantic. To the\\nleft a rocky promontory, transformed when the tides\\nare particularly high into an island, separates it from\\nBallinskelligs harbour. Scattered about on it are\\nthe ruins of the ancient abbey which gives its name\\nto the Httle bay and the house itself, containing the\\ngraves of many of O Connell s ancestors. To a\\nstranger the scenery on the land side a jumble of\\nrock alternating with bog devoid of trees, except\\nfor a small shrubbery planted by O Connell himself,\\npresents a rather dreary prospect but to O Connell\\nit was endeared by the tenderest recollections of his\\nchildhood, and the tourist who will take the trouble\\nto ascend Coomakista, when the early rays of the\\nsun are flooding the ocean and lighting up the\\ndistant Skelligs, will admit that the praise he lav-\\nished on it is not wholly undeserved.\\nWith the enthusiasm of a new proprietor, O Con-\\nnell no sooner found himself installed at Darrynane\\nthan he began altering, planting, and building in order\\nto make the place more commodious and agreeable\\nfor his wife and family. For he was anxious to re-\\nmove his establishment from Dublin thither.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakenmg of the Nation. 167\\nI hope, he wrote to his wife, I will be able to\\nprevail on my daughters to come down very, very early\\nnext summer. It would be a very great object to me to\\nget rid of a ^1000 of my debts during the next two\\nterms. If I were able to do that, out of my profession,\\nI would soon be altogether free. How I long for that\\nday, darling. Nothing, however, but some substantial\\nremaining at Darrynane, without anything like an estab-\\nlishment in Dublin, will do it,\\nBut in this he rather reckoned without his host.\\nFor Mrs. O Connell, gentle and devoted wife though\\nshe was, had no idea of econonny, or of burying\\neither herself or her daughters in a remote corner of\\nKerry and at the very moment O Connell was\\nscheming to retrench his expenses, her thoughts\\nwere set on viceregal receptions and the pleasures of\\ncity life. Under the circumstances, therefore, it was\\nlittle wonder that his plans not only came to noth-\\ning, but that on the contrary his expenses, especially\\nafter his election to Parliament rendered residence\\nin London for part of the year necessary, should\\nhave increased rather than diminished.\\nDuring the summer there had been somewhat of a\\nlull in the agitation, due to the anticipation of an\\nimmediate dissolution of Parliament. But the lull\\ndid not mean stagnation. On the contrary, there\\nhad been no end of what Moore sarcastically called\\noratorical brawling, in which O Connell had taken\\nhis fair share. The fact was that, despite his persist-\\nent attempt to ignore it, the undergrowl of poor\\nJack Lawless and his few and foolish partisans\\nwas becoming daily more pronounced, and on nth", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "t68 Dajiiel O Connell. [1825-\\nJuly a meeting was convened in Bridge Street\\nchapel, in the parish of St. Audeon s, for the purpose\\nof denouncing O Connell s adoption of the Wings\\npolicy. The meeting was to have been what we\\nshould now call a ticket meeting, confined to the\\ninhabitants of the parish. But the attempt to ex-\\nclude O Connell proved futile, and his friends having\\nprovided him with an opportunity to speak, he\\nproceeded, amidst considerable interruption, roundly\\nto abuse the managers of the meeting for their\\nattempt to sow dissensions among the Catholics and\\nafford a triumph to their enemies. Having vented\\nhis indignation he continued\\nMr. Chairman, I have received votes of thanks from\\nalmost every county of Ireland. They are the greatest\\npride and consolation of my heart and I do trust that\\nray conduct has never been such as to annul any claim,\\nif not to the gratitude, at least to the approval of my\\ncountry. I saw there was a prospect of achieving the\\nliberty of Ireland by means at which and under other\\ncircumstances I should have shuddered with horror.\\nBut I did not rest on my own authority. I was in com-\\nmunication with two prelates who are the ornament of\\nIreland Dr. Doyle and Dr. Murray. Can I offer a\\nbetter plea than when I say that I did nothing, said\\nnothing, that had not their entire concurrence and sanc-\\ntion With regard to the measure affecting the\\nfreeholders, I am sensible that that has been injurious,\\nand has retarded our progress. I know that it has been\\nrather a dead-weight to impede us, than a wing to help\\nus on and no man is more ready to condemn its effect,\\nor deplore its introduction, than I am. I am conscious\\nit has done us a dis-service, and therefore I shall be the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 169\\nfirst to oppose its reintroduction, if it should be attempted\\nat any future time.\\nIn conclusion he regretted to have spoken in rather\\na rambling fashion but it was new for him, in\\nCatholic affairs, to speak on sufferance, and he trusted\\nthat the example of St. Audeon s parish, however\\nrespectable otherwise, would not be followed in\\ntrying to exclude the free expression of opinion at\\nCatholic meetings.\\nHis renunciation of the Wings soothed public\\nopinion and, as he expressed it, smashed the Bridge\\nStreet gang. But it is said that when Dr. Doyle s\\nattention was drawn to the paragraph attributing to\\nhim and Dr. Murray responsibility for the adoption\\nof the Wings, he wept like a child, and at his request\\nDr. Kinsella, the president of Carlow College, pub-\\nlished a long letter disavowing the charge. The dis-\\navowal surprised and mortified O Connell. Hitherto,\\nhe wrote in reply, either the natural elasticity of his\\nanimal spirits or some other cause had prevented\\nhim from being affected by any of the attacks,\\nwhether open or insidious, that had been made upon\\nhim, until he found himself so unnecessarily assailed\\nfrom a quarter to which he had fondly looked for\\nfriendship, protection, and patronage. Even with\\nKinsella s letter before him, he failed to grasp Dr.\\nDoyle s position, and having at a public dinner re-\\ncurred to the matter. Dr. Doyle felt it incumbent on\\nhim to explain himself more precisely in the follow-\\ning words\\nWhat my opinion was I declared in London to my\\nright reverend brethren I repeated it since in Dublin", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "170 Daniel O Connell. [1825-\\nthat if the prelates were led to approve of a provision\\nemanating from the Treasury if the ministers of Christ\\nwere to be paid by the minister of state for dispensing\\nthe mysteries of God then, in that case, I would not\\ncreate dissension amongst them but sooner than that\\nmy hand should be soiled by it, I would lay down my\\nofhce at the feet of Him who conferred it, for if my hand\\nwere to be stained with government money it should\\nnever grasp a crozier, or a mitre ever afterwards be fitted\\nto my brow. This was, and is my fixed determination.\\nIt is impossible to doubt Doyle s sincerity, though\\nhis language before the Committee of the House of\\nCommons conveyed no such strong determination.\\nFeeling, however, that he had been in the wrong,\\nthough scarcely understanding why, O Connell made\\novertures for a reconciliation, and the bishop having\\naccepted the proffered hand the controversy termin-\\nated in mutual professions of respect.\\nBut O Connell, though he had cried peccavi and\\ndone public penance for his sin, was by no means\\nconvinced of the error of his ways and the fact that\\nthe Marquis of Waterford had recently, in prospect\\nof the general election, added largely to the forty-\\nshilling freeholders on his estate, seemed proof posi-\\ntive in favour of their disfranchisement. But it was\\nno use trying to swim against the stream, and with\\nthe example of the veto before him, he saw that if\\nhe was to guide public opinion he must not directly\\noppose it. He was shortly to be convinced of the\\nwisdom as well as the expediency of having yielded.\\nOn 24th October the new system of provincial\\nmeetings, for the discussion of grievances and the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 1 7 1\\npreparation of petitions, was inaugurated at Lim-\\nerick. It proved eminently successful, and on i6th\\nJanuary, 1826, it was followed up by a fourteen-\\ndays meeting in the Association Rooms in Dublin.\\nPetitions were prepared and presented to Parlia-\\nment but the near approach of the general election\\ndeprived the session of all interest, and moreover it\\nwas felt to be undesirable to expose the English\\nLiberal members to the temptation, as Sheil ex-\\npressed it, of endeavouring to save their seats by\\nvotes given in the spirit of a death-bed repentance.\\nOn these grounds, therefore, it was thought wiser to\\npostpone the discussion of the Catholic claims, and\\nto try if possible to increase the strength of the\\nparty at the hustings. Parliament was dissolved in\\nMay, and the struggle began at once. Nowhere in\\nIreland was it expected to be fiercer than in county\\nWaterford, where a determined effort was to be\\nmade to wrest the representation out of the hands\\nof the Beresford family.\\nThe way of it was this. Shortly after the Bottle\\nRiot a number of Catholic gentlemen belonging to\\nthe county had requisitioned the High Sheriff to sum-\\nmon a meeting for the purpose of passing a vote of\\ncondolence with the Lord-Lieutenant, the Marquis\\nof Wellesley. The Sheriff with the counsel, if not\\nby the direction, of the Marquis of Waterford, had\\nrefused to comply with their requisition. But sev-\\neral other magistrates had stepped forward the\\nmeeting had been held, and the vote of condolence\\npassed. As usual, the gratitude of the Catholics was\\nexcessive. A banquet was given to the twelve", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "172 Dafiiel O Comiell. [I825-\\nhonest Protestant magistrates, and before the party\\nbroke up it was resolved to visit tlieir indignation on\\nthe Marquis of Waterford by running an opposition\\ncandidate to Lord George Beresford. A neighbour-\\ning proprietor, Mr. VilHers Stuart, afterwards Lord\\nStuart of the Decies, was invited to contest the con-\\nstituency in the Liberal interest. The invitation\\nreached him while travelling in the Tyrol, but ac-\\ncepting it he returned home immediately and threw\\nhimself heart and soul into the struggle. No one\\ndreamed that he would be successful. The majority\\non the books against him was more than six hun-\\ndred people smiled or sneered at the ridiculousness\\nof the attempt his own agents gave him little hope\\nthe Association was silent, not wishing to injure it-\\nself by embarking in a hopeless adventure and even\\nO Connell, whom he had at once retained as his legal\\nadviser, with a six-hundred-guinea fee, regarded the\\nprospect with despondency, and defeat as a foregone\\nconclusion.\\nHow, indeed, could it prove otherwise In wealth\\nand political influence the Beresford family was sec-\\nond to none in Ireland. For seventy years and more\\nthey had ruled the county of Waterford with unques-\\ntioned authority, looking upon the representation of\\nit as their own peculiar right and privilege. In the\\ndays preceding the Union the name of Beresford had\\nbeen one to conjure with. One of them, plain John\\nBeresford, but better known as the King of Ire-\\nland, the father of the present Marquis, had defied\\nand defeated one of the most popular viceroys that\\nIreland had ever seen Earl Fitzwilliam. Their", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 173\\narrogance had only been equalled by their rapacity,\\nand there was hardly an office of any pecuniary ad-\\nvantage in the State which they had not monopolised.\\nThe Union had reduced their influence within straiter\\nlimits, and they had seen with chagrin one depart-\\nment after another withdrawn from their grasp. But\\neven now, with powers curtailed and privileges di-\\nminished, their authority within the limits of the\\ncounty w^as only rivalled by the ducal house of Cav-\\nendish. The head of the family, the Marquis of\\nWaterford, was an amiable, narrow-minded autocrat,\\nwith few personal animosities and many political\\nprejudices. Individually he was not disliked. On the\\ncontrary, he had certain solid claims on the esteem\\nand affection of the Catholics. As Lord Tyrone he\\nhad in 1793 introduced the Bill for their relief into the\\nHouse of Commons, and his humanity, as commander\\nof the Waterford regiment, during the rebellion of\\n1798, had gained for him the honourable title of the\\nCroppy Colonel. His brother, Lord George Beres-\\nford, the actual sitting member, was in many respects\\nhis exact counterpart, with a touch of aristocratic lan-\\nguor added to his composition that would have led\\nhim, had it been possible, to avoid the dura necessitas\\nof the hustings. But, certain as his re-election ap-\\npeared, nothing had been left to chance. Long be-\\nfore the dissolution of Parliament had occurred, steps\\nhad been taken to cultivate the good-will of the ten-\\nantry. Leases had been granted, arrears of rent for-\\ngiven, and money to the extent of over ^^4000, it is\\nsaid, expended in improvements. Lastly, the neu-\\ntrality of the Duke of Devonshire had been obtained.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "174 Daniel O Connell. [1825-\\nand when Villiers Stuart entered the field it seemed\\nas if he was courting certain defeat. For who could\\nhave imagined that these despised forty-shilling free-\\nholders, with whom the verdict rested, would have\\nhad the courage to throw off their ancient servility\\nand defy their masters Who could have believed\\nthat these miserable peasants, steeped in poverty and\\nignorance, mere beasts of the field, cattle, as\\nthey were indeed humorously called, driven to the\\npolling booths with the same passive indifference as\\noxen were driven to the shambles, should ever have\\ndared to revolt, and, regardless of the consequences,\\nhave by one supreme effort shown themselves worthy\\nto exercise the privileges they possessed Who\\ncould have foreseen that this election was to mark\\nthe beginning of a new era in the history of Ireland\\nthat after a century of oppression the nation was at\\nlast awakening from its long slumber\\nCertainly not O Connell, as, the spring assizes\\nover, he proceeded somewhat despondently to\\nWaterford to fulfil his engagement as counsel to\\nVilliers Stuart. Nevertheless, it was not long be-\\nfore he became conscious that some more subtle in-\\nfluences than were commonly due to the excitement\\nof an election contest were at work amongst the\\nmasses of the people. Not only w^as the enthusiasm\\nwith which he and Villiers Stuart were greeted, as\\nthey made the round of the constituency, greater\\nthan he had ever before witnessed, but there was a\\nring of sincerity about it, and a look of determina-\\ntion in the faces of the peasantry that he had never\\nheard nor seen before. The following extracts from", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 1 75\\nletters written on the spot to his wife help to bring\\nthe scene more vividly before us.\\nDromana, 19th June, 1826.\\nAs to yesterday we heard an early mass at\\nWaterford, and then started for Dungarvan. We break-\\nfasted at Kilmacthomas, a town belonging to the Beres-\\nfords, but the people belong to us. They came out to\\nmeet us with green boughs, and such shouting as you\\ncan have no idea of. I harangued them from the win-\\ndow of the inn, and we had a good deal of laughing at\\nthe Beresfords. Judge what the popular feeling must be,\\nwhen in this, a Beresford town, every man their tenant,\\nwe had such a reception. A few miles further on we\\nfound a chapel, with the congregation assembled before\\nmass. The Priest made me come out, and I addressed\\nhis flock, being my second speech. The freeholders\\nhere are the tenants of a Mr. Palliser, who is on the\\nadverse interest, but almost all of them will vote for us.\\nWe then proceeded to Dungarvan on the coast. There\\nare here about four hundred voters belonging to the\\nDuke of Devonshire. His agents have acted a most\\ntreacherous part by us, and our committee at Waterford\\nwere afraid openly to attack these voters lest the Duke\\nshould complain of our violating what he calls his neu-\\ntrality. But I deemed that all sheer nonsense, and to\\nwork we went. We had a most tremendous meeting\\nhere we harangued the people from a platform erected\\nby the walls of the new chapel. I never could form a\\nnotion of the great effect of popular declamation before\\nyesterday. The clergy of the town most zealously as-\\nsisted. We have, I believe, completely triumphed, and\\nI at present am convinced we shall poll to the last man\\nof these voters. We then had a public dinner and great", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "176 Daniel O Connell. [1825-\\nspeeching. We broke up about nine, and Wyse and I\\ncame here with Mr. Stuart in his carriage. We arrived\\nabout half after ten, and are going this day to Lismore\\non another mission.\\nWaterford, 2ist June, 1826.\\nThe election of Stuart now appears to me quite\\ncertain. I took my former opinion from timid persons\\nhere my present is founded on actual experience. The\\nPriests have gained over a sufficient number of the ad-\\nverse voters to insure us a decided majority. We have\\nalready in town a sufficient number of the enemy s\\nforces to decide the victory. When I wrote last on\\nMonday I was at Dromana. We started soon after for\\nCappoquin and Lismore, through the loveliest scenes in\\nnature. I was with Stuart in his own chaise, with four\\nhorses, but we had no great occasion, for they were taken\\noff before we got to Cappoquin, and we were drawn by\\nfreeholders three miles into Lismore. I never had a no-\\ntion of popular enthusiasm till I saw that scene. There\\nwere thousands covering the precipitous banks of the\\nBlackwater at Lismore. The chapel is extremely spa-\\ncious. It was crowded to suffocation. We made several\\nharangues, and your husband was as usual much cheered;\\nbut, what was better, the freeholders crowded in, and\\nput down their names in groups, and they are all now\\narriving in shoals. The Duke of Devonshire was to\\nhave been neutral^ but I believe I have helped to put an\\nend to his absurd notion of neutrality.\\nNaturally, this carrying of the war into their own\\ncountry was not relished by the territorial magnates.\\nIt was an encroachment on the rights of private\\nproperty, most ungentlemanly, and the like.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 177\\nBut it was the interference of the priests in the elec-\\ntion that roused their indignation to boiling-point.\\nThe agents of Lord George put forth two addresses\\nreviling them, and calling on the people to spurn\\ntheir superstitious claims. The addresses were im-\\nmediately adopted by the opposite party and left to\\npreach their own moral. The attack on the priests\\nmade their work easier, and decided the contest.\\nThe Duke of Devonshire sent a steamer up the\\nBlackwater to bring his tenants in a body to Wa-\\nterford, hoping thereby to prevent their becoming\\ninfected with the popular mania. O Connell ha-\\nrangued their wives and sweethearts on the danger\\nof embarking in a tea-kettle, and the steamer re-\\nturned to Waterford without a single tenant on\\nboard. Next day the polling began at Waterford.\\nAfter the two candidates had been proposed in due\\nform, a grey-haired old man, of the name of Casey,\\nrose and proposed Daniel O Connell as a fit and\\nproper person to represent the county in Parliament.\\nIt was a preconcerted arrangement, in order to give\\nhim the opportunity of speaking from the hustings.\\nBut the effect was electrical. A roar of indignation\\nburst from the supporters of Lord George, but it\\nwas drowned by the triumphant cheers of their\\nopponents, and there were those who, in the light\\nof subsequent events, thought that had O Connell\\npersisted he might then and there have anticipated\\nthe victory reserved for Clare two years later. As it\\nwas, after speaking for two hours, he concluded, to\\nthe evident relief of Stuart himself, with an assur-\\nance that he did not wish to disturb the unanimity", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "1/8 Daniel O Connell. [1825-\\nof the county, and should accordingly withdraw his\\npretensions.\\nThe result of the first day s polling practically set-\\ntled the fate of the Beresfords. Each day only\\nadded to their discomfiture their defeat became a\\nrout, and the battle, which they had so confidently\\nexpected to win, was lost simply through the deser-\\ntion of their own forces. The freeholders of Kilmac-\\nthomas and Portlaw, the very pick of their tenantry,\\nclaimed the privilege of being the first to head the\\nrevolt, and their claim was allowed. Their example\\nwas infectious, and far from needing to stimulate the\\nenthusiasm of the voters, the only difficulty was to\\nkeep it within legal bounds. But though Waterford\\nwas crowded with strangers, better order had never\\nbeen seen in the town. The butchers, the most tur-\\nbulent portion, it might be conceived, of the com-\\nmunity, formed themselves into a society for the\\npreservation of the peace, and dividing the town\\ninto walks patrolled it each night in parties of six\\nwith white wands so long as the election lasted,\\nsending home to their respective abodes every\\nfreeholder whom they met rambling about after\\neleven o clock. After resorting to every artifice to\\nlengthen out the time, Lord George withdrew on\\nthe fifth day from the contest, which had cost his\\nfamily at least 100,000. As for the Marquis of\\nWaterford, who had long been in a declining state of\\nhealth, he never recovered from his defeat, and, un-\\nable to bear his disgrace, shortly afterwards quitted\\nCurraghmore for ever. The defection of his own\\nhousehold had wounded him most of all, and a pa-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 179\\nthetic story was told by Sheil how, on being informed\\nthat his favourite huntsman, Manton, had voted for\\nthe opposition candidate, he caused him to be sum-\\nmoned to his bedside. Manton, said he, have\\nyou, too, abandoned me? God bless your lord-\\nship, and long life to you, sobbed the old retainer.\\nI would go to the world s end to serve you but I\\ncannot vote against my country and my religion.\\nThe revolt of the forty-shilling freeholders was not\\nconfined to Waterford. In Louth, Monaghan, Ar-\\nmagh, and Westmeath similar scenes occurred and\\nsimilar victories were recorded. Astonishment seized\\nthe nation. The joy of the Catholics was only\\nequalled by the rage of the Orangemen. Both alike\\nsaw that the goal was in sight. But if Emancipation\\nwas certain, it was also certain that the means by\\nwhich it had been achieved would be destroyed.\\nThe policy of 1793 of giving with the one hand and\\ntaking away with the other would be repeated.\\nThe forty-shilling freeholders were doomed.\\nThe unsatisfactory state of his wife s health, and\\nthe necessity of clearing off arrears of professional\\nbusiness, obliged O Connell the moment the election\\nwas over to return to Dublin. No one had been\\nmore surprised than he at the independence displayed\\nby the forty-shilling freeholders, and he was anxious,\\nas he expressed it, to read his recantation on that\\nsubject before the contest for the county of Dublin\\nwas decided. It was true he had consented before\\nthe election to waive his opinion from a desire not\\nto oppose the wish of the nation, but he was now, he\\ndeclared, convinced that the nation had been right", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "i8o Daniel O ConnelL [1825-\\nand himself wrong. His judgment was no longer on\\nthat subject what it had been. The delusion under\\nwhich he had laboured was gone for ever. The forty-\\nshilling freeholders had emancipated themselves\\nfrom their political thraldom, and burst the bonds\\nand fetters which had previously held them in slav-\\nery. Not to return them thanks for the boundless\\npatriotism which they had everywhere exhibited\\nwould be doing them a great wrong and insulting his\\nown judgment. He should therefore move that we\\ndeem it our duty, publicly and solemnly to declare\\nthat we will not accept of emancipation accompanied\\nby any infringement of the forty-shilling franchise.\\nA week or two later he went with his wife to Darr)/-\\nnane. At Cahirciveen his tenants had assembled\\nin a body to welcome him home, and taking the\\nhorses from his carriage insisted on dragging it, prob-\\nably more to their own gratification than to the com-\\nfort of its occupants, over bog and boulder all the\\nway to Darrynane.\\nBut the pleasures of rural life and the joys of hare-\\nhunting were shortly interrupted by more serious\\nmatters. The victory of the forty-shilling freehold-\\ners had been dearly purchased. Vengeance terrible\\nand swift had fallen on them. Advantage was\\ntaken of unpaid arrears of rent tenants were ejected\\nat a minute s notice without mercy whole families\\nturned out to starve on the highways in short, every\\nengine that wounded pride and disappointed ambi-\\ntion could suggest was put in action against these\\nunfortunate and too independent forty-shilling free-\\nholders. So acute was the distress occasioned in", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. i8i\\nmany parts by these ruthless proceedings that seri-\\nous apprehensions were entertained of a recurrence\\nof those acts of personal retaliation and agrarian\\ncrime which had at all times been so anxiously iden-\\ntified by their enemies with the Catholic cause.\\nTowards the latter end of August a provincial meet-\\ning was held at Waterford to celebrate the recent\\nvictory. The proceedings included a public dinner,\\nwhich Earl Fitzwilliam, the great and good, hon-\\noured with his presence. The main topic of conversa-\\ntion was naturally the forty-shilling freeholders. Much\\nsympathy was expressed for their fate but it was\\nreserved for O Connell to make the only practical\\nsuggestion for their relief. What was wanted was of\\ncourse money money to enable distressed tenants\\nto pay up their outstanding gales, or arrears of\\nrent, and avoid ejectment. Had the Algerine Act\\nnot scotched the Catholic Rent there would, said\\nO Connell, have been no difficulty about the matter.\\nHe therefore suggested the formation of a new or-\\nganisation or voluntary association of Irishmen for\\npurposes legal and useful to Ireland. An Order\\nof Liberators should be established, having the fol-\\nlowing for its objects: to prevent the formation or\\ncontinuance of secret societies to conciliate all\\nclasses of Irishmen in one bond of brotherhood and\\naffection to bury in total and eternal oblivion all\\nancient animosities and reproaches; to prevent the\\nfuture occurrence of feuds and riots at markets, fairs,\\nand patrons to promote the collection of a national\\nfund for national purposes, as far as that can be done\\nconsistently with law to protect all persons possessed", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "1 82 Daniel 0 Conjtell. [182 6-\\nof the elective franchise, and especially the forty-\\nshilling freeholders, from all vindictive proceedings\\non account of the free exercise of such franchise to\\npromote the acquisition of such franchise and its due\\nregistry to ascertain the number of votes in each\\ncounty and city of Ireland, and the political bias of\\nthe voters generally to promote a system of dealing\\nexclusively with the friends of civil and religious\\nliberty, to promote the exclusive use of articles the\\ngrowth and manufacture of Ireland to form two\\ndistinct tribunals in every county, with branches in\\nevery town and village therein the one for the pur-\\npose of reconciling differences and procuring parties\\nto adjust their litigations and disputes, the other for\\nthe purpose of deciding, by arbitration, litigations\\nand disputes between parties who may resist a set-\\ntlement without arbitration.\\nThe association, which was to be open to anyone\\nnot belonging to a secret society, was to consist of\\nthree grades, viz. Liberators par excellence, to which\\nrank everyone who had performed one act of real ser-\\nvice to his country was entitled knights companions,\\nwho had performed two acts of service knights\\ngrand-cross who had performed three acts of service.\\nThere was to be a chancellor and a bishop attached\\nto the order, and the grand master was to be the\\nEarl of Cloncurry. O Connell s own claims for ad-\\nmission were: first, having served Ireland for twenty-\\nseven years second, having formed the Association\\nof 1823; and, third, having organised the Catholic\\nRent. One is tempted to smile at the formal pre-\\ncision with which he elaborated his plan but in this", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 183\\nhe knew quite well what he was about, and did not\\nmiscalculate the practical value of an appeal to his\\ncountrymen s imagination and love of theatrical\\ndisplay.\\nOn Wednesday, he wrote the following Saturday,\\n2nd September, to his wife, I quietly installed my Lib-\\nerators. They will make a noise yet. You would laugh\\nto hear the multitude of wiseacres I had advising me on\\nthat subject. My brother John was one of those who\\nthink I do not know what I am about in politics. How\\nmuch I mind their sapient advice The Liberators will\\ndo yet.\\nHe was not mistaken in his forecast, and, for him-\\nself, the title of Liberator, to which subsequent\\nevents imparted a more intensive meaning, is still\\nthe one by which he is best known.\\nBut all this elaborate scheme was merely pre-\\nparatory to his main object the establishment of\\na new Rent for the protection of the forty-shilling\\nfreeholders. It was a favourite remark of his that\\nhe had taught Irishmen to consult the state of the\\nmoney market in the newspaper before turning to\\nthe political news. In fact, no one ever estimated\\nmoney as a factor in politics more highly than did\\nhe. It was the mainspring of his whole agitation.\\nAccordingly, he had no sooner established his\\nOrder of Liberators than he issued a stirring\\nappeal to the people of Ireland to assist him in\\nforming a new Rent. The question he had to put\\nto every reflecting Catholic was Are the forty-\\nshilling freeholders, after having displayed a devot-\\nedness of resolution, and a single-heartedness of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "184 Daniel O Comiell, [1825-\\npurpose, of which they could have seen few examples\\nin the wealthier classes, to be abandoned to the\\nvengeance of their exasperated landlords? The\\npersecution, he reminded his readers, was already\\nraging in many quarters.\\nIn Westmeath, the tenants on the estate of that un-\\nrelenting enemy of ours, Lord Castlemaine, are distrained\\nfor the May rent. Men, who owe no part of the last\\nNovember gale, require nothing but a temporary advance\\nin order to enable them to bear up against legal persecu-\\ntion. Catholics of Ireland, can any proposition be more\\nclear than this we are bound by every tie of interest,\\nhonour, good-feeling, and conscience, to afford all\\npractical protection to the freeholders who have achieved\\nour recent victories If that protection be not extended\\nto them, it shall not be my fault. It can easily be\\nafforded them. Let no man be deterred by the mean\\nand pusillanimous assertion that it is impossible to\\nprotect so many. They can all be easily protected.\\nBut even if we were not able to protect more than some,\\nyet it would be our sacred duty to protect that some.\\nBut I rejoice to say we can protect all. The mode of\\nprotecting them is by forming a fund to advance loans\\nto all those against whom the vengeance of the land-\\nlords shall be directed. But resources are\\nwanting. Money, the life-spring of all public exertions,\\nis wanting. Individual subscriptions can never be suf-\\nficient. It requires a national effort it requires the\\nrevival of the Catholic Rent. Once before at my\\nvoice that fund was created. Once before all Ireland\\nbecame responsive to the call of patriotism.\\nThe Catholic people of Ireland are a nation. They\\nshould have something in the nature of a national", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakeiiing of the Nation. 185\\ntreasury. As long as the law separates us from our\\nProtestant fellow-countrymen, so long we must have a\\nfund to meet the necessary expenditures which grow\\nout of our separate and most anomalous state in society.\\nFor these purposes, I call upon the Catholics and the\\nLiberal Protestants in Ireland to form a national fund, to\\nbe called the new Catholic Rent, for all purposes\\nnot prohibited by law, and especially for the purpose of\\nnational education. Let that be the title of the new\\nRent. Who will begin to collect it Who\\nwill begin in his parish Clergyman or layman, who-\\never he be, glory to him If only one begins, the\\nexample, as before, will spread far and wide, and we\\nshall exhibit the noble example of a national tax, vol-\\nuntarily assessed and cheerfully paid. The Catholic\\nclergy in Armagh, Monaghan, Louth, Westmeath, and\\nWaterford have set a heroic example. How many a\\ngenerous heart in other counties has felt a patriotic envy\\nat the better fate of those who could take a share in the\\nactual contest It was and is, a noble emulation. Well,\\nthen, here is an opportunity which comes home to the\\ndoor of every Catholic clergyman in every county in\\nIreland. He may, by his exertions for this Rent, be-\\ncome a Liberator like his fellow-countryman in Water-\\nford or Westmeath, Louth or Cavan, Monaghan or\\nArmagh.\\nThe nation responded to his call. Within a week\\nor two after the publication of the letter the New\\nRent had risen to i^200. Nor was O Connell disap-\\npointed in its effects. The Order of Liberators\\nwelded itself immediately and imperceptibly on to the\\nmachinery of the Association. Ejectments became\\nrarer as the landlords found their conduct exposed", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "t86 Daniel 0 Connell. [1825-\\nto hostile criticism and their attacks on their ten-\\nants met by retahatory measures for the purchas-\\ning up of outstanding judgments against themselves.\\nThe principle of arbitration slowly but surely gained\\nground, greatly to the benefit of the tenant. Find-\\ning themselves supported by the whole forces of the\\nAssociation, the forty-shilling freeholders plucked up\\ncourage to assert their privileges, and there was little\\ndoubt that, with ordinary exertions, the Catholics\\nwould return three-fourths of the representation of\\nIreland at the next ensuing election.\\nParliament met in November. The King s Speech\\ncontained no reference to Ireland. So it was, re-\\nmarked Brougham, on the eve of the war with Amer-\\nica when America was the word which hung upon\\nthe quivering lip of every man, no allusion was made\\nto it in the Speech from the Throne. A fourteen-\\ndays meeting held in Dublin in January, 1827, re-\\nsolved to petition Parliament, and on 5th March Sir\\nFrancis Burdett moved that this House is deeply\\nimpressed with the necessity of taking into immedi-\\nate consideration the laws inflicting penalties on his\\nMajesty s Roman Catholic subjects, with the view of\\nremoving them. The motion was opposed by Peel,\\nand lost by 276 to 272. O Connell, who was at Fu-\\nnis when the news reached him, considered it the\\nmost signal defeat which had befallen Ireland since\\nthe Union.\\nAnother crime, he wrote to the Secretary of the As-\\nsociation, has been added to those which England has\\ninflicted on this wretched land another instance of\\ngenuine Reformation bigotry has disgraced the British", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "1828] l^Jie Awakening of tJie Nation. 187\\nnation. But a just and good God is looking on, and in\\nHis own good time will be His own avenger. I agree\\nwith those who totally refuse to despair. We must rally\\nfor a new exertion. We must renew our peti-\\ntions to the Houses of Parliament. We must have an-\\nother debate immediately after Easter we must never\\nlet the question rest. Strong measures should\\nnow be resorted to as strong as are consistent with\\nlegal and constitutional limits. A Petition for the Re-\\npeal of the Union should be immediately prepared.\\nThere are but few patriots among the Irish Protestants,\\nbut the few there are would join us in that or if not,\\nlet us petition alone for the repeal of a measure which\\nhas increased every evil Ireland has endured, and taken\\naway every prospect of a mitigation of the causes of the\\npoverty and wretchedness of the country.\\nHis letter broaching the repeal of the Union\\ncaused something approaching to consternation\\namong the more moderate members of the Asso-\\nciation, and O Connell had to thank the pertinacity\\nof his quondam adversary. Lawless, that the chair-\\nman, Sir Thomas Esmonde, did not succeed in sup-\\npressing it.\\nBut just as the hopes of the Catholics had touched\\ntheir nadir the whirligig of events sent them up\\nagain into the seventh heaven. In March an apoplec-\\ntic stroke, depriving him of the power of speech,\\ncompelled the Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool, after\\nhaving held the reins of government for fifteen\\nyears, to resign office. His successor, Canning,\\n**the minister of representative Europe, as he was\\nstyled, had long shown himself a friend to the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "1 88 Daniel O Connell. [1825-\\nCatholics. He could not, as he said, after all, forget\\nthat he was an Irishman. And though emancipa-\\ntion was still understood to be an open question,\\nthe withdrawal of the Duke of Wellington, Lord\\nEldon, Peel, and Lord Bathurst, and the substitution\\nof Lamb for Goulburn as Secretary for Ireland,\\nwere signs which no one under the circumstances\\nwas likely to misinterpret. But Canning, while he\\nregarded emancipation as a just demand, the con-\\ncession of which was likely to be fraught with essen-\\ntial benefit to the empire, had no desire, as he\\nexpressed it, to provoke even for that purpose the\\nsort of passive resistance which might, he feared, be\\naroused in Great Britain. On the contrary, he was\\nanxious to postpone the entire discussion of it till\\nboth sides were prepared to take a more rational\\nview of the subject. Party passion must be allayed\\nin England the agitation in Ireland must cease,\\nand time be afforded to consider the question ration-\\nally and philosophically. The idea bewrayed the\\nman.\\nO Connell, to whom Canning s views had been\\ncommunicated by the Knight of Kerry, replied to\\nthe latter,\\nI received your quieting letter, and, of course, gave\\nit the most unaffected consideration. But you will re-\\ncollect that the question does not rest with me. can\\neasily be quieted, but there are the people at large there\\nis the Irish nation kept in the miserable state of hope\\ndeferred. You know perfectly well that this\\ncountry has been governed for the last twenty years by\\nthe triumvirate of Lord Manners, Saurin, and Gregory,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 189\\nand they still continue to govern. They brought Ireland\\nto the very verge of a sanguinary struggle. If the\\nsystem were pursued without hope of alteration for one\\nyear more, there never yet was so bitter or so bloody a\\ncontest in this country, often as it has been stained with\\nblood. And the first step to bring us back to peaceable\\ncourses would be to deprive those of power who were\\nthe prime movers of discontent and the most prominent\\ncauses of irritation. The country remains in a\\nfeverish state, and it requires to be soothed by a change\\nof system, which cannot possibly take place without\\na change of men.\\nIn a word, good government was what O Connell\\nwanted, just and impartial administration of exist-\\ning laws, a guarantee that they would not be\\ntwisted according to the prejudices of those who\\nhad the execution of them. That granted, emanci-\\npation could wait, the repeal of the Union could\\nwait, until time had demonstrated the utility or\\nnecessity of either or both. Not separation, not\\nexclusion, was what he desired, but a real union with\\nadmission into the privileges of the constitution.\\nA reasonable demand it might be called. The pity\\nof it was that under the circumstances this equality\\nbefore the law for which he asked was even more\\ndifficult to attain than either emancipation or the\\nrepeal of the Union. For it meant more than either.\\nIt meant the turning back the hands of the clock of\\nhistory for at least two centuries it meant the\\nobliteration of every cause that divided Ireland into\\ntwo hostile camps it meant the practically impos-\\nsible. Sooner would the lion lie down in peace with", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "190 Daniel O Coniiell. ii825-\\nthe lamb, than the Orangeman admit the equality\\nof the Catholic. The penal laws and the Union\\nwere merely the sign and symbol of an anomalous\\nstate of affairs, having its roots in religious discord\\nand conquest by confiscation.\\nAn oligarchical government must rest on force for\\nits ultimate sanction. To the oligarchy in Ireland\\nthe Union implied the might of England. This was\\ntheir sanction. And the thing to be remarked is\\nthat de facto ever since the day when Henry VIII.\\nplanned the conquest of Ireland by politic shifts\\nand amiable persuasions this sanction has never\\nbeen wanting. The Act of Union in itself was no\\nnew thing. In one shape or other it had always ex-\\nisted. Ireland for the last three and a half centuries\\nhas never been independent. Not even the nominal\\nindependence of the Irish Parliament between 1782\\nand 1800 can conceal the fact; for during these\\neighteen years England, through her Home Secre-\\ntary and her English executive in Dublin Castle, had\\nnever for one moment relaxed her hold on the island.\\nThe rescinding of the Act of Union means nothing\\nif it means only the restoration of pre-existing condi-\\ntions: it means revolution and perhaps bloodshed,\\nif it means the withdrawal of England from the con-\\nnection. Out of revolution will issue a normal state\\nof affairs but if statesmanship counts for anything,\\nits highest office is to achieve this normal state of\\naffairs without a bloody revolution. So long, how-\\never, as an oligarchy continued to govern Ireland the\\nimpartial administration of the laws was simply im-\\npossible. For it was through the maladministration", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "1828] The Awakening of the Nation. 191\\nof them through jury-packing, political judges,\\none-sided proclamations, and the like that it man-\\naged to maintain its authority. It kept the letter\\nbut broke the spirit, and England was there to see\\nthat the letter of the law was obeyed. O Connell,\\nas we shall see, was condemned in Ireland and ac-\\nquitted by the House of Lords. Still, it must be\\nadmitted that a change of men offered some chance\\nof alleviation. It was some relief that men grown\\nhoary in twisting the laws to political ends, like\\nSaurin and Norbury, should be superseded by less\\nbigoted men. The only question for a responsible\\nstatesman bound to maintain the Union was, how\\nfar such a change of men might go without endan-\\ngering the whole fabric. It was the thin end of the\\nwedge, and O Connell knew it. Hence his persist-\\nent demand for a change of system hence his offer\\nto drop his agitation for Emancipation at one time,\\nand for Repeal at another.\\nUnfortunately, before it was possible to test the\\nscope and intention of Canning s policy, his death\\nearly in August put an end to his administration.\\nHis death was a grievous blow to the Catholics.\\nWe have, said O Connell, lost a powerful\\nfriend the mothers of Irish children have lost a pro-\\ntector and the blessings which under his adminis-\\ntration we hoped soon to enjoy are now suddenly\\nhurried from us and shew but like a dim and distant\\nvision. After a brief interregnum, during which\\nthe reins that had fallen from Canning s hand were\\nheld by Lord Goderich, Wellington formed his\\nfamous administration. Of necessity the Catholic", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "192 Daniel O Co7inell. [1825-\\nagitation immediately recommenced. In January,\\n1828, there was a fourteen-days meeting in Dublin\\nfor the purpose of petitioning Parliament. Nor was\\nthis all. A suggestion of Sheil s that simultaneous\\nmeetings should be held on one particular day in\\nevery parish in Ireland for the purpose of supporting\\nthe petition was put into execution. Accordingly,\\non the same day, and at the same hour, Sunday,\\n2 1st January, meetings were held in upwards of fifteen\\nhundred Catholic churches, and the Dublin Eveniftg\\nPost calculated, on the presumption of one thou-\\nsand persons having attended each meeting (cer-\\ntainly a moderate average), that not less than one\\nmillion five hundred thousand persons were simul-\\ntaneously assembled for the same object on this im-\\npressive occasion. Impressive, it might well be\\ncalled, when it was recollected that each of these\\n1,500,000 men had obeyed the simple fiat of the As-\\nsociation. What, it was asked by attentive observ-\\ners, would happen if the Association ordered them\\nto meet with arms in their hands So long as O Con-\\nnell maintained his authority such a command would\\nnever issue. But it was a threat in terrorein which\\nthe Duke of Wellington was not likely to under-\\nvalue. The Association had shown its strength it\\nwas for ministers to estimate the probability and\\nconsequences of a collision.\\nFor the Association itself this extraordinary ex-\\nhibition of its own power had the effect of still\\nfurther stimulating its exertions. In one respect\\nits operation had disappointed O Connell s expecta-\\ntions. The ;^$o,ooo annual Rent upon which he had,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "18281 The Awakening of the Nation. 193\\nat its first institution, so confidently counted had\\nnever once been realised. At most it had amounted\\nto barely the half, and then only in consequence of\\nspecial exertions. The reason of it was plain. The\\ncollection had been left too much to individual ex-\\nertion. In order to systematise it O Connell now\\nsuggested the appointment of two Catholic church-\\nwardens in each parish. A set of rules was drawn\\nup for their guidance, in furnishing short monthly\\nreports of the progress of the Rent and the Census\\nthe attitude of the landlords toward their tenantry,\\nin regard to ejectments for non-payment of rent or\\nthe exercise of the franchise the amount paid for\\ntithes, church cess, etc. the establishment of Kildare\\nPlace schools, and the progress of proselytism in\\ntheir respective neighbourhoods. Further, in order\\nlo stimulate an interest in the general progress of\\nthe movement, a Weekly Register was sent down to\\neach of the churchwardens every Saturday, contain-\\ning the amplest report of the speeches and resolu-\\ntions of the Tuesday and Thursday meetings of the\\nAssociation. These it was the duty of the church-\\nwardens to read aloud each Sunday at the chapel\\ndoor and then to file. The institution of the church-\\nwardens gave an immense impetus to the political\\neducation of the nation. Shortly before the dissolu-\\ntion of the Association it was calculated that six\\nthousand copies of the Register wqxq sent every week\\ninto the country. The nation had become a nation\\nof politicians not a single chapel which had not its\\nlecturer, not a single lecturer who had not thousands\\nfor his audience.\\n13", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "194 Daniel O Connell. [1825-\\nYet a further development remains to be recorded\\nin the establishment of Liberal clubs in every county\\nand parish. The idea originated with Thomas Wyse,\\nthe historian of the Catholic Association, by which\\nit was immediately adopted. The elements of the\\nsystem already existed in the parochial committees\\nfor arbitration. The object was to bring them into\\ncloser touch with the central organisation in Dublin.\\nTo effect this it was proposed first, that the As-\\nsociation should continue the head club, committee,\\nor association second, that in each county there\\nshould be established a similar association or club\\nunder the immediate control of the Association\\nthird, that in each parish there should be formed a\\nsimilar club under the immediate control of the\\ncounty club thus rising by just gradations, chain\\nlinked within chain, from a group of peasants in the\\nlowest hamlet in the land, until at last it terminated\\nin the full assembly of the Catholic Association.\\nBefore long Liberal clubs sprang into existence in\\nevery county in Munster, and in most counties in\\nLeinster and Connaught. The parishes followed\\nthe example of their respective counties, and in an\\nincredibly short time the Catholics of Ireland were\\nprovided with a system of representation more com-\\nplete and infinitely more useful than was furnished\\nby Parliament itself. The extension of constitutional\\nknowledge, the propagation of liberal feeling amongst\\nall classes of the community, the suppression of re-\\nligious feuds and private quarrels, and above all\\nthe most exact obedience to the very letter of the\\nlaw these were the objects of the institution. What", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "1828] The Aivakening of the Nation. 195\\ninestimable benefits to the country at large it might\\nhave been productive of, had it been allowed to\\nperfect itself, one can only imagine. Before that day\\narrived, Catholic emancipation had been conceded\\nand the Association had been dissolved. As it was,\\nthe parish clubs were of infinite service in promoting\\nthe political education of the nation, in stimulating\\ninquiry on all subjects touching the welfare of the\\ncountry, in promoting a better feeling between ten-\\nant and landlord, and in smoothing away causes of\\nirritation amongst the peasantry themselves. What\\ncauses of dispute the parish was unable to redress\\nwere referred to the county, and by the county to\\nthe Association.\\nNaturally the anti-Catholics were not slow to take\\na leaf out of the Association s book. They already\\npossessed in the Orange Society an engine of for-\\nmidable strength but there were many Protestants\\nto whom the constitution of that society was ob-\\njectionable. The foundation of a Brunswick Club\\nwas accordingly started in Dublin, with afifiliated\\nbranches throughout the country. The name was\\nsomewhat infelicitous its principles somewhat un-\\ncertain. But it signified opposition to the Catholic\\nclaims, and the maintenance of the Protestant ascend-\\nancy. It prided itself on the fact that it was com-\\nposed of gentlemen, and that its operations were\\npurely defensive. In both respects it laboured under\\na disadvantage well known to those who have had\\nanything to do with practical politics. For your\\ngentleman, however resolute and independent he\\nmay be in his individual capacity, soon grows tired", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "196 Daniel O Connell. [1825-1828]\\nof wasting his time attending meetings and commit-\\ntees. It is your shoemaker, your baker, your grocer,\\nto whom such meetings come as a form of amuse-\\nment that keep the machine going. Then again, to\\nbe always acting on the defensive is in itself ineffably\\nwearisome, and unless the stakes are very high de-\\nfeat is a foregone conclusion. So it was with the\\nBrunswick clubs. After a brief period of activity\\nthe attendance at them dwindled to nothing, and\\nfinally the whole thing expired of inanition.\\nMeanwhile the Catholic Association, in the exu-\\nberance of its newly discovered strength, announced\\nits determination to consider any member of Parlia-\\nment an enemy to Ireland who should support any\\nadministration not making emancipation a Cabinet\\nquestion. It was to be called upon to make good\\nits determination at an earlier period than it had\\nanticipated on passing the resolution.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nEMANCIPATION.\\n1828-1829.\\nLIKE Canning s administration, that of the Duke\\nof Wellington was composed of heterogeneous\\nelements, including both emancipationists and\\nanti-emancipationists. The only difference was that\\nwhereas in Canning s the former had been the\\nstronger, in Wellington s the balance of power lay\\nwith the latter. Emancipation itself was nominally\\nleft an open question. In Ireland, the Lord Lieu-\\ntenant, the Marquis of Anglesey, and the Chief\\nSecretary, William Lamb, afterwards Viscount Mel-\\nbourne, were appointments of Canning, continuing\\nto retain office in the new administration. The\\nformer was regarded as neutral the latter as in-\\nchned to the side of the Catholics. In the Cabinet\\nitself the Canningites were represented by Huskis-\\nson. Secretary for the Colonies, a pale copy of his\\nillustrious chief, together with Palmerston, Grant,\\nand Dudley. They were opposed by Wellington,\\nPeel, Aberdeen, Lyndhurst, Bathurst, Goulburn, and\\nHerries. It was hardly to be expected that a\\n197", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "igS Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\nCabinet so composed would work together harmoni-\\nously but curiously enough, it was not over the\\nCathoHc question that the rupture occurred. In\\nfact, on 8th May, after a three-days debate, the\\nHouse of Commons agreed by 272 to 260 to a reso-\\nlution brought forward by Sir Francis Burdett to\\ntake the Catholic claims into consideration, and\\neleven days later the House of Lords, on the motion\\nof the Duke of WeUington, consented to appoint a\\ncommittee to confer with the Commons on the sub-\\nject. While the matter was still under considera-\\ntion in fact, on the very day that the Lords had\\nagreed to Wellington s motion the question of\\ntransferring the East Retford franchise to Birming-\\nham came up for consideration before the House of\\nCommons. Huskisson, who had pledged himself in\\nfavour of the proposal, but had been unable to carry\\nthe Cabinet with him, found himself placed in the\\ndisagreeable position either of having to break his\\npublic pledge or of voting against his colleagues.\\nUnable to decide, he saw Peel and the rest vote\\nagainst the motion without being able to leave his\\nseat. The same evening he placed his resignation\\nin the Prime Minister s hand, and was not a little\\nsurprised and mortified to find it accepted. His\\nresignation was followed a few days later by that of\\nDudley, Grant, Palmerston, and Lamb.\\nIn the reconstruction of the administration that\\nthereupon took place. Lord Francis Leveson Gower\\nwas appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Vesey\\nFitzgerald President of the Board of Trade, with a\\nseat in the Cabinet. Vesey Fitzgerald was M.P. for", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 199\\ncounty Clare his acceptance of office entailed an\\nappeal to his constituents. The Association, as we\\nhave just seen, had entered a resolution on their min-\\nutes to oppose the election of anyone who should\\nsupport an administration not making emancipation\\na Cabinet question. The case was clear. But would\\nthe Association have the courage to put their resolu-\\ntion in execution Fitzgerald there was no blink-\\ning the fact was a formidable opponent. The\\nscion of an ancient and honourable family, the son\\nof a man who, rather than vote for the Union, had\\nresigned his office of Prime Sergeant, a gentleman\\nof engaging manners, an orator of no common elo-\\nquence, a friend personally to the Catholics, it seemed\\nlittle short of madness to think of opposing him.\\nOn the other hand, the Association had often been\\ntaunted with their paper resolutions to decline the\\ncontest at this juncture was to incur disaster more\\nirremediable than defeat. Before, however, coming\\nto any decision, it was determined to send down\\ntwo members of the Association, Messrs. Steele and\\nO Gorman Mahon, the former a Protestant, to sound\\nthe constituency. To their astonishment they found\\nthe electors not only willing but anxious to fight.\\nThe difficulty was to find a suitable candidate. The\\nonly possible one, Major Macnamara, a personal\\nfriend of Fitzgerald s, refused to allow himself to be\\nput in nomination. In this dilemma, Steele sug-\\ngested setting up some parish clerk or grave-digger,\\nproviding him with a qualification out of the Catho-\\nlic Rent, and returning him in derision of the\\nWellington administration. Fortunately, no such", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "200 Danzei O ConnelL\\n[1828-\\nunheroic expedient was necessary. Why, it was\\nsuggested, should not O Connell himself be per-\\nsuaded to contest the constituency\\nThe suggestion was made one day by Sir David\\nRoose, sometime High Sheriff of Dublin, to a very\\nintimate friend of O Connell s, P. V. Fitzpatrick, and\\nthe latter, recalling to mind how Keogh had once\\nexpressed an opinion that emancipation would never\\nbe conceded until a Catholic was returned to Parlia-\\nment, at once hurried off to submit the proposal to\\nO Connell. Naturally O Connell, who had never\\ndreamed of entering Parliament, pooh-poohed the\\nidea. He had no wish to sacrifice his profession\\nno funds for the occasion, etc. but Fitzpatrick would\\ntake no refusal, and, giving currency to the report\\nthat O Connell was going to stand, immediately set\\nabout raising the sinews of war. In ten days he had\\ncollected i^28,000. His enthusiasm and energy forced\\na reluctant assent from O Connell, and two days\\nafter, on 24th June, 1828, the latter issued his address\\nto the electors of county Clare. The address, a some-\\nwhat rambling document, written currente calamo in\\nthe office of the Evening Post, to the proprietorship\\nof which Frederick Conway had now succeeded John\\nMagee, called on the electors of county Clare to\\nchoose between him and Vesey Fitzgerald\\nChoose between him who has so long cultivated his\\nown interests and one who seeks only to advance yours\\nchoose between the sworn libeller of the Catholic faith\\nand one who has devoted his early life to your cause,\\nwho has consumed his manhood in a struggle for your\\nliberties, and who has ever lived and is ready to die for", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "o connell, fitzpatrick, and conway in the office of the\\nevening post.\\nFROM THE PAINTING BY HAVERTY IN THE NATIONAL GALLERY, DUBLIN.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 201\\nthe integrity, the honour, the purity of the Catholic\\nfaith, and the promotion of Irish freedom and happiness.\\nThey were not to be misled by the statement that\\nhe was not qualified to be elected. He was qualified\\nto be elected and to represent them. It was true\\nthat, as a Catholic, he could not, and of course never\\nwould, take the oath prescribed to members of Par-\\nliament but the authority which had created those\\noaths the Parliament could abrogate them, and he\\nwas confident that, if elected, the most bigoted of\\ntheir enemies would see the necessity of removing\\nfrom the chosen representative of the people an ob-\\nstacle which would prevent him from doing his duty\\nto his king and to his country. Should he be re-\\nturned he pledged himself to vote for every measure\\nfavourable to radical reform so that the House of\\nCommons may truly, as our Catholic ancestors in-\\ntended it should do, represent the people for the\\nrepeal of the Vestry Bill, the Subletting Act and the\\ngrand jury laws; for the diminution and more equal\\ndistribution of the overgrown wealth of the Estab-\\nlished Church in Ireland, so that the surplus may be\\nrestored to the sustentation of the poor, the aged,\\nand the infirm for every measure of retrenchment\\nand reduction of the national expenditure and\\nfinally he pledged himself to bring the question of\\nthe repeal of the Union, at the earliest possible\\nperiod, before the consideration of the Legislature.\\nThe announcement of his determination to con-\\ntest county Clare caused a tremendous sensation,\\nnot unmixed with a feeling of dread lest he was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "202 Daniel O Coniiell. [1828-\\nimperilling the whole situation. O Connell, wrote\\nthe Lord Lieutenant, finds himself so much opposed\\nby some of the most respectable of the bishops, and\\nby many of the lower clergy also, that he is quite\\nwild. But the benediction of the Bishop of Kildare\\nand Leighlin rested on him, and having that he was\\nsatisfied.\\nIt is, wrote Bishop Doyle, when difficulties press\\non us that we should increase our exertions, and exhibit\\nin our conduct that decision which is the harbinger of\\nsuccess. I am unable and unwilling to calculate the\\nconsequences which must result from your contest with\\nMr. Vesey Fitzgerald, but I am satisfied these conse-\\nquences will be as useful as they must be important if\\nthe lovers of civil and religious liberty in Clare do their\\nduty to the sacred cause to which you have devoted\\nanew your time, your talents, your fortune, and your life.\\nFarewell, my dear friend, may the God of truth and\\njustice protect and prosper you.\\nA day or two afterwards he set out for Ennis. A\\nconsiderable crowd collected at the Four Courts to\\nsee him off, and all along the way he was greeted\\nwith signs of popular enthusiasm which could hardly\\nhave been more pronounced had he been returning\\nvictorious instead of going to fight what to many\\nseemed a desperate battle. As he approached his\\ndestination, the obstruction grew so great, the stop-\\npages so frequent, that it was not till two o clock in\\nthe morning of the nomination day that he reached\\nEnnis. The nominations over, the day at last dawned\\nwhich was to witness the beginning of the contest", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "1829] Ema7icipation.\\non which so many hopes depended. It was Monday,\\nthe 30th of June, when the election began. From an\\nearly hour in the morning the little town was alive\\nwith county voters, many of them accompanied by\\ntheir wives and children, to the number, it was calcul-\\nated, of thirty thousand. The rain was falling heav-\\nily, but the greatest good humour prevailed amongst\\nthem, as they quietly and orderly took possession,\\neach parish by itself, of the booths assigned to them\\nin the open streets or in the adjacent meadows. In\\napprehension of a riot, the Lord Lieutenant had\\nmassed troops in the neighbourhood. Three hun-\\ndred poHcemen had been drafted into the town itself.\\nBut not a single soldier not a single policeman was\\nrequired to preserve order, althou-gh the excitement\\nwas at fever pitch. It was an extraordinary specta-\\ncle. Each day at stated intervals milk, potatoes, and\\noatmeal were served out by the priests to their re-\\nspective parishioners. Not a drop of spirituous liquor\\npassed their lips the whole time. What a degree of\\nmoral restraint that in itself implied almost passes\\nbelief when one remembers how prone the Irish were\\nto faction fights, and that the reputation of county\\nClare in that respect was second only to that of Tip-\\nperary. It was as if, conscious that the eyes of the\\nwhole nation were fixed upon them, they had re-\\ngistered a vow to do their duty manfully and unself-\\nishly, and to show themselves worthy of the liberty\\nfor which they were fighting. Their victory was un-\\nsullied by a single breach of the peace, and it was a\\nvictory such as no one had dreamed of. O Connell\\nhad done them the honour to solicit their suffrages", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "204 Daniel O Connell. ri828-\\nthey showed themselves worthy of the honour he had\\nconferred on them. Men who had entered the town\\nsubservient to the will of their masters broke away\\nfrom them when they reached the polling booth. The\\nlandlords were beside themselves with rage. One of\\nthem, Hickman by name, swore to O Connell that if\\nhe canvassed a single one of his tenants he would\\nshoot him dead. O Connell replied by canvassing\\nevery one of them. That day the priest was mightier\\nthan the landlord. A word a look sufificed, and\\nanother vote was registered for O Connell. Com-\\nplaints were raised of sacerdotal tyranny but those\\nwho complained forgot that if it was a tyranny it was\\none of the peasants own choosing. The fact was, the\\nelection wore the aspect of a religious ceremony.\\nThe Covenanter standing up against Claverhouse s\\ndragoons at Bothwell Brig commands our wonder:\\nis the half-starved peasant defying his landlord\\nat Ennis less worthy of admiration? To both the\\nobject was the same religious and civil freedom.\\nThe minister of the Kirk, the priest of the Church,\\nboth were redolent of the soil peasants for the\\nmost part, both of them. During the election a\\nforty-shilling freeholder faltered in the path of duty\\nand voted for Fitzgerald. A priest announced the\\nfact to his audience, and a cry of anger burst from\\ntheir lips. Silence exclaimed the priest kneel\\ndown and pray for his soul. The man died last\\nnight. Under similar circumstances, rnight not\\nwords of similar import have been spoken by a\\nfollower of John Knox by a Peden or a Cameron?\\nAs at Waterford, the first day s polling practically", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 205\\ndecided the contest by the end of the second day\\nthe only question was how great O Connell s majority\\nwould be. On Saturday Fitzgerald withdrew from\\nthe struggle. He had polled all the gentry and all\\nthe i^5o freeholders but the majority against him\\nwas 1075, more than two to one. Announcing his\\ndefeat to Peel he wrote, The election, thank God,\\nis over, and I do feel happy in its being terminated,\\nnotwithstanding its result. All the great\\ninterests broke down, and the desertion has been\\nuniversal. Such a scene as we have had Such a\\ntremendous prospect as it opens to us The\\nSheriff, leaving the House of Commons to decide\\nthe knotty point whether as a Catholic O Connell\\ncould take his seat, announced that he had been duly\\nelected M.P. for the county of Clare. The battle\\nhad been fought and won not by the individual\\nefforts of one man, but by the united exertions of\\nthe forty-shilling freeholders. But for this result\\none man alone was responsible. That O Connell\\nwas a duly elected member of Parliament was the\\nfruit of his long years of patient toil and unselfish\\ndevotion to the Catholic cause. It was the symbol\\nof the revolution which he had by his own unaided\\nexertions brought to pass in Ireland. The joy of\\nthe Catholics was unbounded. They insisted on\\nchairing him through Ennis, and when he left the\\ntown they escorted him, each with a green bough in\\nhis hand, to the confines of the county. The en-\\nthusiasm communicated itself to the soldiery, and\\nunmindful of military decorum they cheered the pro-\\ncession as it defiled before them, one young sergeant", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "2o6 Daniel O ConnelL [1828-\\nin his ardour even quitting the ranks to grasp the\\nLiberator s hand for a moment. As the procession-\\nists approached Limerick, and while they were still\\nfive miles from the city, they were met by an im-\\nmense concourse of men, women, and children. It\\nseemed as if the entire city had come out to welcome\\nthe victor, and as they passed the stone on which\\nthe broken treaty of Limerick had been signed the\\ncheers of fifty thousand voices rent the air in jubila-\\ntion for the first Catholic returned to Parliament\\nsince its violation. All the way to Dublin he was\\ngreeted with similar manifestations of rejoicing, and,\\nthough he travelled principally by night, he found\\nthe inhabitants of each town assembled before their\\nchapels to greet his arrival with bonfires and other\\ndemonstrations of public joy.\\nOne of his first acts after his election had been to\\nuse his privilege as M.P. to frank letters, and it was\\nthrough them that people in Dublin were first made\\nacquainted with his success. But would he be\\nallowed to take his seat That was the question on\\neverybody s lips. During the election he had made\\nthe astounding discovery that there was nothing to\\nprevent a Catholic sitting in Parliament. The an-\\nnouncement of his discovery staggered everybody.\\nWhat, it was asked, had all the bother about eman-\\ncipation been if no restrictions ever existed The\\nfact was O Connell had actually hit on an ambiguity\\nin the Act of Union but the common-sense con-\\nstruction of the words left little hope of his being\\nable to prove his contention. Still the ambiguity\\nexisted, and caused no little consternation among", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "1829] Emaiicipation. 207\\nthe constitutional authorities in England. Croker\\nand others talked nonsense about compelling O Con-\\nnell to take his seat, and then, upon his declining to\\ntake the oaths, to declare his seat void and issue a\\nnew writ. But O Connell was anxious to see what\\neffect his election would have on the general question\\nbefore imperilling his position, and the session came\\nto an end without any attempt on his part to claim\\nhis seat.\\nHis election had given a great impetus to the\\nmovement. The week following it the contributions\\nto the Rent amounted to ;^2704, and preparations\\nwere made for extending the experiment begun in\\nClare to other Catholic constituencies. In Munster,\\nConnaught, and Leinster, the organisation of the\\nCatholic Association was fairly perfect but it had\\npractically made no progress in Ulster. The pro-\\nvince which- had headed the volunteer movement,\\nwhich had given birth to the United Irish Society,\\nwhich in the days of Wolfe Tone had been the back-\\nbone of nationalism, was now not only apathetic in\\nthe cause, but strongly opposed to the concession\\nof the Catholic claims. Men spoke of the Black\\nNorth, and wondered at the incomprehensible\\nchange that had taken place. But there was no-\\nthing really very incomprehensible in it. A careful\\nperusal of Wolfe Tone s Memoirs will help to throw\\nconsiderable light on the subject. But if one would\\nthoroughly understand the position of Ulster in\\nIrish politics in the nineteenth century one must go\\nback to the days of the plantation under James I.\\nThis is hardly the place for a full discussion of the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "2o8 Dan? el O Connell. [1828-\\nsubject, but a few remarks may help to throw some\\nlight on a problem that baffled O Connell s efforts to\\nsolve. Ulster, with the possible exception of county\\nMonaghan, is essentially a Scottish settlement in\\ncustoms, language, religion, and national feeling.\\nThe lines of its history follow on those of Scotlan-d\\nrather than on those of England. Instead of be-\\ncoming assimilated to the bulk of the population as\\nthe English in Leinster and Munster, the Scottish\\nsettlers in Ulster, and their descendants, have always\\nmaintained their native individuality. The fact was\\nrecognisable in the seventeenth century it is recog-\\nnisable at the present moment. It was a stumbling-\\nblock to Strafford, to Cromwell, to O Connell, to\\nEnglish Churchman, English Nonconformist, and\\nIrish Catholic alike, to the three greatest men\\nIreland has ever known.\\nTo speak of Ulster as the Black North, if by\\nblack is meant unenlightened, is a misuse of\\nwords. Scotland meaning always the Lowlands\\nsince its great awakening in the sixteenth century\\ncannot be called an unenlightened nation. Stub-\\nborn, pertinacious in sticking to its view of the truth,\\nilliberal in the application of its principles, it may\\nbe but in steadfastness, honesty, and intellectual\\nacquirements it holds a first place among nations.\\nHaving settled its destiny by one great national effort,\\nit has since steadily pursued the even tenor of its\\nway. Its people, apart from its metaphysicians, are\\na canny, douce sort of folk, unfond of experiments\\ntouching the ordinary conditions of life. In England\\ntwo and two has sometimes meant five in Scotland", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 209\\nnever. Hence, while England, with a chequered\\ncareer, has always led the van of political and social\\nprogress, Scotland has kept quietly by her old ways\\nuntil convinced that change meant progress and not\\nretrogression. What Scotland has been to England,\\nUlster has in a measure been to the rest of Ireland.\\nEven the execrable government of her Westmore-\\nlands, her Camdens, and her Clares could hardly\\ndisturb her equanimity. A few adventurous souls\\nrushed into the conflict but Ulster herself was glad\\nwhen the Union put an end to the turmoil, and let\\nher get on with her work. Unimaginative, indus-\\ntrious, liberal within certain limits, and self-reliant,\\nall she asked for was to be let alone. True, she had\\nher own grievances, but these would right themselves\\nin time. Meanwhile Ulster was n t Turkey. People\\ncould grow rich, stick by their old faiths, and die\\nquietly like rational creatures. She was a little bit\\nof Scotland and felt herself more Scotch than Irish.\\nFor her, Connaught and Munster were as much for-\\neign as England was. Had emancipation been con-\\nceded when the Act of Union was carried all would\\nhave been well. Even the Orange Society, that\\nmonstrous engine of oppression, was in its first in-\\nception a means of protection rather than a weapon\\nof aggression. The mischief was that Government\\nmixed itself in the business, and, using it for its own\\npurposes, gave it an influence and a significance which\\nby itself it would never have possessed.\\nNaturally, therefore, when the Association an-\\nnounced its determination to extend its propaganda\\nwithin the sacred limits of the northern province the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "2IO Daniel O Connell.\\n[1828\\nannouncement caused no little ferment amongst\\nUlstermen. And it was, accordingly, in no very\\ngood humour that the good citizens of Derry col-\\nlected, early in August, to listen to a political address\\nfrom their representative in Parliament, Colonel\\nDawson. George Dawson, or Derry Dawson, as\\nhe was better known, was Peel s brother-in-law. He\\nheld a subordinate office in the Wellington ministry\\nand hitherto had been counted a staunch opponent\\nof Catholic emancipation. But he was a man of\\ncandid mind and, as we have seen, had openly\\nadmitted to O Connell that his examination before\\nthe Committee of the House of Commons had\\nremoved many of his prejudices. In the interval\\nhe had given much thought to the subject, and after\\nthe Clare election he had come to the conclusion\\nthat further resistance to the demands of the Catho-\\nlics was not only useless but senseless. Having the\\ncourage of his opinions, he had called his constitu-\\nents together to listen to his views on the subject.\\nIt was a stormy meeting. After listening incredul-\\nously to him a little time, his audience no sooner\\nrealised his meaning than groans and hisses inter-\\nrupted his further progress. When he stated that,\\nin the opinion of some, rebellion was the upshot of\\nthe Association, the meeting cheered him to the\\necho when he proceeded to announce that such\\nwas not his belief, his words were drowned in a storm\\nof hisses. Matters improved somewhat towards the\\nend, when he uttered a serious warning to the Asso-\\nciation that Ulstermen would resist even to blood-\\nshed any invasion of the province. But the general", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "1829] Emmicipation. 2 1 1\\nimpression left by his speech was that Administra-\\ntion was preparing to capitulate to the Catholics.\\nHis warning was despised, and a few days after-\\nwards John Lawless, commissioned by the Associa-\\ntion, prepared to invade Ulster. It was a hazardous\\nexperiment and the instrument chosen was about as\\nincompetent for the delicate task entrusted to him\\nas could well have been found. Rash and head-\\nstrong, the chances were ten to one that if he per-\\nsisted in his attempt he would cause serious trouble\\nin the north. Nevertheless O Connell had convinced\\nhimself that the experiment was one worth making.\\nFor himself he did not believe that there was any-\\nthing but bluster in Dawson s threat. The mission\\nof Mr. Lawless, he wrote to the Secretary of the\\nAssociation in a letter intended for the public,\\nis, in my opinion, one of the greatest importance, and\\nthe entire country anxiously expects the details of his\\nprogress. I am at present more anxious\\nabout him, because of a ludicrous threat which appears\\nto have been thrown out against him at the Derry\\nDinner. Mr. Lawless will, I am sure, proceed,\\nholding such threats in thorough contempt he will\\nactually organise the collection of the Catholic Rent in\\nas many parishes as possible he will reconcile parties\\nabolish secret societies and illegal oaths from amongst\\nthe People soothe and allay the irritation caused by\\nillegal orgies of the Orangemen and in short, whilst he\\npromotes constitutional and strictly legal exertions for\\nnational freedom, he will, I trust, restore to the North\\nthat tranquillity and peace which now so gloriously dis-\\ntinguishes the other three Provinces of Ireland.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "212 Daniel O Connell. [t828-\\nBut as Lawless neared the confines of Ulster, the\\ndifficulties and dangers of the mission he had under-\\ntaken began to strike him more forcibly. He had,\\nhowever, announced his intention of entering the\\nBlack North, at Ballybay, on the borders of county\\nMonaghan, and he kept his word. On the day\\nappointed, and accompanied, it was said, by 140,000\\npeasants, some of them with arms concealed under\\ntheir coats, he set out for Ballybay but as he\\napproached the town, he found the heights above\\nit occupied by from two to three thousand resolute\\nOrangemen determined to bar his progress. The\\nresponsibility was too much for him, and despite\\nthe encouraging shouts of his followers he ignomin-\\niously but wisely beat a hasty retreat. What the\\nconsequences might have been had he persisted it\\nis, says the historian of the Association, not difficult\\nto conjecture. Ballybay might have been entered,\\nbut a rebellion that night would have commenced\\nin Ireland.\\nThe fact is, that at no time since the Union was\\nthe state of affairs more critical than it was in the\\nmonth of August, 1828. So unaccustomed indeed,\\nwas the mass of the people to the idea of con-\\nstitutional agitation that, notwithstanding all O Con-\\nnell s preaching, they confidently expected it was\\nonly a step to a national rising. Especially was this\\nthe case among the peasants of Tipperary. Unfortu-\\nnately, too, O Connell s utterances at this time lent\\nconsiderable sanction to this perverted view of the\\nsituation. About the very time that Lawless in-\\nvaded Ulster, a great provincial meeting was held", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "1829] Efnancipation. 213\\nat Clonmel. Alluding to a threat of armed resist-\\nance against the Association on the part of certain\\nleading Orangemen he had exclaimed\\nWould to God that our excellent viceroy, Lord An-\\nglesey, would only give me a commission, and if those\\nmen of blood should attempt to attack the property and\\npersons of his Majesty s loyal subjects, with a hundred\\nthousand of my brave Tipperary boys I would soon\\ndrive them into the sea before me.\\nThe words were a mere rhetorical device delivered\\nin the heat of the moment but to his audience\\nthey conveyed a very different and much more\\nsinister meaning. After the meeting the question\\nwas frequently heard, When will he call us out?\\nThe answer as often as not was a finger on the lip,\\nand a significant smile and wink. Many of the\\npeasants, too, had arms concealed near their cottages\\nin bogs and recesses in the mountains. Believing\\nthat they had the encouragement of their leaders\\nand that Government was actually on their side, it\\nwas not long before they proceeded from words to\\ndeeds. Meetings multiplied and there was much\\nmarching to and fro with banners. An insult offered\\nto a priest by a policeman during one of their pro-\\ncessions was avenged in the most approved style.\\nWithin a few hours afterwards the barracks went\\nup in flames. Consternation seized the local authori-\\nties, and application was at once made to the Asso-\\nciation to interfere in the interests of peace.\\nO Connell, little dreaming of the mischief his\\nwords had caused, had gone to Darrynane but", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "2 14 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\nSheil was in Dublin and he acted with comnnendable\\npromptitude. On 25th September he addressed the\\nAssociation on the subject. The Government, by\\nallowing the Catholic question to convulse the\\ncountry and by not interposing for its adjustment,\\nhad, he averred, caused the mind of Ireland to\\nbe infuriated to such a point that any unfortunate\\ncontingency might throw the country into a con-\\nvulsion. The oldest man who heard him did not\\nremember the time when national passion ran so\\nhigh. For himself, he was at a loss to see any\\nbenefit to be derived from the meetings and march-\\nings to which so much anxious attention had been\\nlately directed, beyond the evidence which they\\nafforded of the colossal power of the people and\\nof that amazing strength he thought that there had\\nbeen perhaps proof enough given. It was excellent\\nto have a giant s strength, but it was rash to use it\\nafter that gigantic fashion. Let them rather show\\nthe Marquis of Anglesey that Ireland could be\\ngoverned upon different principles let them show\\nhim what a wise government could be, by perform-\\ning the part of a wise government themselves, and\\nprove with what facility Irishmen could be con-\\ntrolled.\\nBefore the meeting separated resolutions were\\npassed dissuading the people from holding tumult-\\nuous assemblies and inviting O Connell to em-\\nploy his powerful and deserved authority to the\\nsame end. O Connell s address appeared on 30th\\nSeptember. Next day a Government proclamation\\nforbidding such assemblages was published. It was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "1829] Emaiicipatio7t. 215\\nhardly needed. The peasantry had yielded instant\\nobedience to the order of the Association backed by\\nthe authority of O Connell, and all danger of an in-\\nsurrection was practically over. For this result the\\nwise forbearance of the Marquis of Anglesey s Gov-\\nernment was largely responsible. Already, in April,\\nhe had given it as his opinion that the only way to\\nrestore peace was by taking Messrs. O Connell and\\nShell from the Association and placing them in the\\nHouse of Commons. He had viewed with sym-\\npathy, if he did not actually suggest, the idea of\\nO Connell contesting County Clare, and during the\\nautumn he had anxiously expected some sign of\\nconcession on the part of Administration, which\\nnever came. Even when the situation grew critical\\nhe had acted with the utmost moderation, relying,\\nand not without reason, on the good sense of the\\nAssociation. His letters, while they faithfully de-\\npicted the danger of procrastination, were studiously\\ncalm, and gave no sanction to measures of a repress-\\nive character.\\nIt seems, he wrote on 8th September, agreed that the\\npublic feeling was never at so high a pitch of excitement\\nas at the present time. The language of both parties is\\nviolent in the extreme, and both appear ripe for action.\\nThe organisation of the Catholics is very complete.\\nThe speakers continue to be inflammatory. Ex-\\npressions might possibly be noted that would admit of\\nprosecution but in general the language is nicely meas-\\nured, and so equivocal as to admit of an explanation that\\nmight be strained into an excess of loyalty and a nervous\\nwarning to the State of the danger to which it is exposed.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "2i6 Daniel O^ Connell.\\n[1828-\\nThe Brunswickers are rivalling the Association\\nin violence and in Rent. Two Associations and two\\nRents are rather formidable. The Brunswick establish-\\nment is not very flattering to the king or his ministers, or\\nto the army since it deems it necessary to take the\\nwhole under its especial protection. This is a most dis-\\ntressing state of things, and I defy anyone to pro-\\nnounce upon the result but this I know, that things\\nmust not remain long as they are. I cannot see far be-\\nfore me. I can only guess at what is likely to happen\\nfor a few months. I calculate upon a quiet winter in\\nacts but not in language. I ground my opinion upon\\nthis the Catholics are persuaded the Brunswickers will\\nbring on a collision if they can, with the view of com-\\nmitting the Government against them. This is what the\\nleaders will endeavour to avoid, and with the power they\\npossess over the minds of the multitude possibly they\\nmay succeed and then there will be probably even less\\ncrime and nightly outrage than has been usual. Even\\nif there be any project of insurrection, which I do not\\nbelieve, the winter would not be the chosen season. I\\ncan imagine nothing less inviting than a rebel bivouac\\nduring a long, dreary winter s night. Therefore it ap-\\npears to me probable that you will have time to legislate\\nbefore we begin to fight.\\nInstead of legislation, or an intimation that legis-\\nlation was intended, came troops. I must say,\\nhe wrote to the Duke of Wellington on 6th Novem-\\nber, not without a touch of sarcasm, you certainly\\ndo not do things by halves. Why, you have placed\\nat my disposal troops enough to control the Bruns-\\nwickers and the Association, even if they should\\ncoalesce and combine to make war upon me. But", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "t829] Emajiczpalwn. 2 1 7\\nin fact the situation was by no means so simple\\nas Anglesey imagined it to be. Himself a plain,\\nstraightforward soldier, and no politician, he could\\nsee only one solution to the difficulty emancipa-\\ntion. No doubt he was right. But for Wellington\\nand Peel there were other considerations to be taken\\ninto account. Not only had they to overcome their\\nown reluctance to a step which they had hitherto\\nconsistently opposed but there was the King to be\\nconsidered, and his scruples were as strong as ever.\\nConsequently, Anglesey s advocacy of concession\\nserved rather to irritate than to conciliate them.\\nThe King indeed was so angry at what he regarded\\nas a piece of treachery that in August he urged\\nWellington to recall him. But the latter, fearing\\nthat such a step would aggravate the situation, de-\\nclined to countenance the suggestion. So matters\\nwent on till November, each day bringing some fresh\\nground of friction between ministers and the Irish\\ngovernment. In vain did Wellington try to make\\nup his mind as to the proper course to pursue. On\\ni6th November he suggested to the King the de-\\nsirability of yielding. The danger of delay he in-\\nsisted was very great. But the King was obstinate.\\nThe Prime Minister was at his wits end. He could\\nsee no prospect of an immediate settlement, so he\\nwrote in answer to a letter from his old acquaint-\\nance, Dr. Curtis, the Catholic Archbisop of Armagh,\\nunless the question was buried for a time and the\\ninterval employed in diligently considering the diffi-\\nculties besetting the question. Archbishop Curtis\\ntransmitted his letter to the Lord Lieutenant, and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "2i8 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\nin acknowledging it Anglesey admitted that he had\\nthe misfortune to differ in his opinion from the\\nDuke. He saw no possibility of burying the ques-\\ntion, nor advantage likely to follow from the attempt.\\nOn the contrary, he advised the Catholics not to lose\\nsight of the measure for one moment, but to press it\\nforward by every constitutional means in their\\npower. The question was one for the Legislature\\nto decide, and his greatest anxiety was that it should\\nbe met by the Parliament under the most favourable\\ncircumstances, and that the opposers of Catholic\\nemancipation should be disarmed by the patient for-\\nbearance, as well as by the unwearied perseverance,\\nof its advocates.\\nThe publication of Wellington s letter and Angle-\\nsey s reply brought matters to a crisis. A week af-\\nterwards the latter was recalled. When the fact\\nbecame known, addresses of sympathy flowed in\\nupon him from all sides. Never since the recall of\\nEarl Fitzwilliam had Ireland been so profoundly\\nmoved as on the day when he bade farewell to them.\\nWith a modesty and self-restraint that became him\\nwell, and added dignity to his withdrawal, he re-\\nfrained from making any parade of the chagrin he\\ndoubtless felt, and from increasing the difficulties of\\nAdministration by countenancing any public demon-\\nstration in his favour. But the people were not to\\nbe denied the melancholy pleasure of testifying to\\nthe grief they felt at his departure, and when Angle-\\nsey quitted Dublin the road, all the way to Kings-\\ntown, where he was to embark, was lined with\\ncitizens whose sad demeanour bore witness to the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "1829J Ernancipation. 219\\nsorrow with which they parted from him. Here\\nand there, one saw flags with sentences from his\\nnow famous letter inscribed on them, and as he rode\\nsilently and bareheaded through their midst men s\\nthoughts instinctively turned to Fitzwilliam. Would\\nthe same results follow from Anglesey s recall\\nWould the agitation be once more stamped out in\\nblood So at least the Orangemen construed the\\naction of the Government. Their satisfaction knew\\nno bounds, and they openly proclaimed that secret\\nalliance between the Crown and themselves of which\\nthey had hitherto boasted in private. Their view\\nof the situation was shared by the Catholics. But\\nwhatever their fears, their actions displayed no\\ntimidity. They remembered Anglesey s parting ad-\\nvice to them, and determined at all hazards not to\\nlose sight of emancipation for one moment.\\nThat the King would have felt no hesitation in\\nthrowing the sword into the balance, and by every\\nmeans in his power supporting the Orangemen and\\nBrunswickers, even at the risk of a civil war, is ex-\\ntremely probable. But neither Wellington nor Peel\\nwas prepared to go to these extreme lengths. The\\ntime, they felt, had come when emancipation in some\\nshape or form must be conceded. The danger of\\nprocrastination was too great to be encountered.\\nMoreover, it was doubtful if the army, in which so\\nmany Catholics were incorporated, would stand the\\nstrain which the policy advocated by the King would\\nplace upon it. There are, said a soldier in the 21st\\nFusileers, a nominally Scottish regiment, two ways\\nof firing at a man and over a man and if we were", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "2 20 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\ncalled out against O Connell and our country, I\\nthink we should know the difference. In fact, An-\\nglesey s recall, as events proved, instead of being a\\nsign that Administration was resolved to stick to its\\nguns, was the first step towards capitulation. But\\nthe secret was so well kept that it was not till the\\nvery eve of the meeting of Parliament, on 6th\\nFebruary, 1829, that any token of their intention\\nwas given.\\nThe day before, O Connell, who was preparing to\\nleave for London, addressed the Association for the\\nlast time. Alluding to the rumour which had\\nreached him, he moved that on the day emancipation\\nreceived the royal assent the Association should be\\ndissolved.\\nBut, he added significantly, nothing less than un-\\nconditional emancipation will satisfy us and although\\nwe would not refuse an instalment of seven shillings and\\nsixpence given us unconditionally, we should not lose\\nsight of the remainder of the debt. Until re-\\nligious liberty is established in Ireland the labours\\nof the Association shall continue the moment there\\nshall be a repeal of oppressive laws on account of relig-\\nion, the Association shall be extinguished, and Catho-\\nlics shall mingle indiscriminately with the rest of their\\nfellow-citizens. But the attention to national interests\\nwhich has been generated by an all-absorbing and\\nlengthened controversy, shall still survive and although\\nby the abolition of distinctions, on account of religion.\\nCatholics shall no more be heard of as separate political\\nadvocates, that spirit has grown up amongst the people\\nwhich shall inspire them to new and glorious efforts of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 221\\npatriotism, until Ireland shall become what God and\\nnature intended her to be.\\nNext day he left Dublin, and arriving in London\\non the i6th, accompanied by Messrs. O Gorman,\\nBellew, O Gorman Mahon, and Steele, took up his\\nquarters at Bett s Hotel in Dover Street. The jour-\\nney had not been without some personal danger to\\nhimself. Anti-popery feeling ran very strong in the\\ncounties through which he had to travel at Shrews-\\nbury his carriage broke down, and in the chief towns,\\nparticularly in Coventry, he was greeted with menac-\\ning shouts of No Popery! and Down with O Con-\\nnell The Speech from the Throne had answered\\nthe expectations created by the rumour of the inten-\\ntions of Government. The Association was to be\\nsuppressed but its suppression was to be followed\\nby a measure of Catholic relief. The Bill for the sup-\\npression of the Association was introduced by Peel\\non the very day O Connell arrived in London. Be-\\ning limited in its operation to twelve months it\\nencountered little opposition in Parliament even from\\nthe friends of the Catholics, by whom it was regarded\\nas a necessary preliminary to the measure of pacifi-\\ncation intended to be immediately brought forward\\nby Government and on 5th March it received the\\nroyal assent. By that time the Association had\\nceased to exist. Its dissolution, however, had not\\nbeen accompHshed without some little friction among\\nthe leaders of the Catholics. O Connell, who had\\nmade emancipation, actual and real, a sine qua non,\\nhad written from Shrewsbury opposing that step.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "2 22 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\nIreland, he declared, had never yet confided but\\nshe had been betrayed. His view was opposed by\\nSheil and Lawless, and after a fierce debate the As-\\nsociation agreed on I2th February to dissolve. Its\\nlast act was to place on record that we are indebted\\nto Daniel O Connell, beyond all other men, for its\\noriginal creation and sustainment that he is en-\\ntitled for the achievement of its freedom to the ever-\\nlasting gratitude of Ireland. But it was with a\\nfeeling of almost parental sadness that O Connell\\nwitnessed a period put to its labours. How mis-\\ntaken men are, he wrote, who suppose that the\\nhistory of the world will be over as soon as we are\\nemancipated Oh that will be the time to commence\\nthe struggle for popular rights.\\nMeanwhile he still delayed to present himself for\\nadmission into the House of Commons. Petitions\\nhad been lodged against his return on the ground of\\nundue clerical influence, and he was moreover anx-\\nious to see what form the Bill for Emancipation would\\ntake before staking his chance on the interpretation\\nhe placed on the Act of Union. On 6th March the\\ncommittee selected to try the merits of the petitions\\nagainst him unanimously decided in his favour. The\\nprevious day Peel submitted the Government scheme\\nfor the removal of the disabilities attaching to Roman\\nCatholics to the House of Commons. In itself it\\ncommanded O Connell s entire approval. It was\\nfrank, direct, complete, containing no reference to\\na veto or other securities. I always said, he wrote\\nto Sugrue, that when they came to emancipate\\nthey would not care a bulrush about those vetoistical", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "1829] Ema^icipation. 223\\narrangements, which so many paltry Catholics from\\ntime to time pressed on me as useful to emancipa-\\ntion. Unfortunately the Emancipation Bill did not\\nstand alone. It was accompanied by two supple-\\nmentary measures the one to prevent the extension\\nof monastic institutions the other for the disfran-\\nchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders. In regard\\nto the former O Connell staked his reputation to run\\na coach-and-six three times told through it, and as\\na matter of fact it was never executed as to the\\nlatter, he determined to offer every possible resist-\\nance in his power to it. The day following, 7th\\nMarch, addressing a meeting of Catholics in the\\nThatched House Tavern he strongly protested against\\nany attempt to interfere with the elective franchise.\\nThe Catholics, he insisted, were bound by every tie of\\ngratitude to stand by and protect the forty-shilling\\nfreeholders, and at his suggestion a resolution was\\npassed calling on the Whigs to oppose the freehold\\nwing at all hazards. But every effort to prevent their\\ndisfranchisement failed. It was, said Brougham, the\\nprice the almost extravagant price of the inestim-\\nable good which would result from the Relief Bill.\\nOn 30th March the Emancipation Bill passed the\\nCommons by a majority of 178 it was read for a\\nthird time in the House of Lords on loth April, and\\non the 13th the royal assent was given by commis-\\nsion to it and the Freeholds (Ireland) Regulation Bill.\\nThe victory had been won. After twenty-nine\\nyears of stubborn, obstinate resistance, England had\\nconsented to redeem Pitt s pledge, and to pay the\\nprice stipulated for the Union. That emancipation", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "2 24 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\nmight have been as easily conceded in 1800 as it\\nwas in 1829 hardly anyone will now venture to gain-\\nsay. But, had it been conceded in 1800, its conces-\\nsion would have altered the whole subsequent course\\nof Irish history. Then it would have come as a boon\\nas a token that England was both able and willing\\nto measure out equal justice to every class and sect\\nin Ireland. It would have conciliated national feel-\\ning and have atoned for the loss of the national legis-\\nlature. Coming, however, as it did, not as a free\\ngift, but as the price paid to prevent a civil war, it\\nfailed to kindle the smallest spark of national grati-\\ntude. Twist the matter as one may, it is clear that\\nEngland s necessity, and not England s justice, was\\nresponsible for the concession. Her statesmen had\\nboasted that they would yield to no compulsion, and\\nyet two of her strongest ministers Wellington and\\nPeel had so yielded, and that without any further\\nreasons being adduced than had been brought for-\\nward a quarter of a century before. It is useless to\\nconceal the fact. Emancipation was a victory. The\\nbattle had lasted twenty-nine years, and Ireland had\\nconquered. That she had conquered, she owed to\\nthe exertions of one man to O Connell. Without\\nthe stimulus afforded by his agitation, the necessity\\nof yielding on the part of England would never have\\narisen. That emancipation must sooner or later\\nhave been conceded, those who believe in a divine pur-\\npose working through the affairs of men will find it\\nhard to combat. But that it would have come when\\nit did, and without trammels of one sort or another,\\nis, humanly speaking, highly improbable.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0290.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "STATUE OF O CONNELL, CITY HALL, DUBLIN.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0291.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0292.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 225\\nNaturally, to those who had taken an active part\\nin the struggle, the Act of Emancipation seemed to\\npossess an importance which intrinsically did not be-\\nlong to it. In itself its value proved infinitesimal.\\nNeverthess, O Connell, writing to Sugrue on 14th\\nApril the first day of Freedom, as he headed his\\nletter did not exaggerate when he called it one of\\nthe greatest triumphs recorded in history a blood-\\nless revolution more extensive in its operation than\\nany other political change that could take place. It\\nwas all that, and the price paid for it the disfran-\\nchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders was not\\ntoo great for the benefits that flowed from it. To\\nsee, however, in the disfranchisement of the forty-\\nshilling freeholders the chief significance of the Act\\nof Emancipation is far too limited a view to take of\\nthe subject. Ireland in 1800 was a lifeless log; in\\n1829 it was a living, sensitive organism. The agita-\\ntion for emancipation had wrought the change. In\\n1793 the Irish Parliament had conceded the elective\\nfranchise to the Roman Catholics, at the same time\\ndenying to them the right to sit in Parliament. It\\nwas, as Grattan then and there pointed out, an egre-\\ngious blunder a varepov Ttporepov in politics, and a\\npremium placed on poverty and corruption. From\\nthat date till 1826 the forty-shilling freeholders were\\na drag on national progress. O Connell s view in\\nthat respect was perfectly sound. Then came the\\nunexpected awakening, and the revolt of the forty-\\nshilling freeholders. The blunder that had been\\ncommitted in 1793 was then transparent. It was\\nthen evident that to concede emancipation, t. e., to", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0293.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "2 26 Da 11 iel O Con nelL\\n[1828-\\nallow to Catholics the right to sit in ParHament with-\\nout raising the electoral franchise, was to sanction a\\nrevolution in Ireland the consequences of which\\ncould not be foreseen. For of the ability of O Con-\\nnell to carry the majority of seats at the next ensu-\\ning general election there could not be the slightest\\nquestion in which case 1829 would have anticipated\\n1886. The fact was, the forty-shilling freeholders\\nwere an anomaly in the constitution, and so long as\\nthe franchise in England continued to be restricted,\\ntheir disfranchisement was no injustice to Ireland.\\nEven O Connell, while regretting the fact in itself,\\nwas obliged to confess that the freehold wing was as\\nlittle objectionable in its details as such a Bill could\\npossibly be. It made the right of voting clear and\\ndistinct its only evil was of course the increase of\\nthe qualification. In a word, emancipation coupled\\nwith disfranchisement simply repaired the blunder\\ncommitted in 1793. But in the meantime a new order\\nof things had come into existence, and for that new\\norder of things the agitation for emancipation was\\nresponsible. It is a good beginning, wrote O Con-\\nnell and now, if I can get Catholics and Protestants\\nto join, something solid and substantial may be done\\nfor all. It was a beginning a beginning of every\\nconcession since made to Ireland. Herein lay its\\nsignificance.\\nIn Ireland the news of the victory caused a pro-\\nfound impression. But every precaution had been\\ntaken by the Catholics to prevent any outburst of\\npopular feeling which might be construed into an\\ninsult to the Protestants. The predominant desire", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0294.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 227\\non the part of the former was for reconciliation, and,\\nas Peel confessed, the first results of emancipation\\nwere a far greater calm in Ireland than he had ever\\nknown to exist there. But if in this respect the\\nCatholics yielded a ready obedience to the instruc-\\ntions of their leaders, they were not to be debarred\\nfrom showing their gratitude to the author of their\\nnewly recovered liberties. A subscription for a na-\\ntional testimonial to O Connell was set on foot. The\\nidea, following the precedent set by the Irish Par-\\nliament in the case of Grattan, was to purchase him\\nan estate but when it was afterwards found that he\\nintended to abandon his professional career, and to\\ndevote himself entirely to advocating the cause of\\nIreland in Parliament, the plan developed into that\\nof an annual tribute which seldom fell below i^ 16,000,\\nand occasionally attained much more handsome di-\\nmensions. The manager and treasurer of the fund\\nwas his old friend, P. V. Fitzpatrick and to his\\nbusiness-like capacity and unflagging devotion\\nO Connell was infinitely indebted for the regular\\nsupply of those sinews of war without which his\\nagitation would have been deprived of its chief\\nweight.\\nMeanwhile, he had been trying by every means\\nwithin his power to smooth the way for his admis-\\nsion into Parliament. On 9th May, he addressed a\\nlong letter to every individual member of the House\\nof Commons, pleading his right to take his seat, first,\\non the ground of the Relief Act, and, secondly, be-\\ncause no Act positively prohibiting Roman Catholics\\nsitting in Parliament had been passed since the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0295.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "2 28 Da 11 iel O Connell. [1828-\\nUnion. He was assured that Government did not\\nmean to make a question of it, and he was hopeful\\nof success, his only doubt arising from the Hne of\\nconduct which the Speaker, Manners Sutton, the\\nnephew of his old enemy, Lord Manners, might pur-\\nsue. On Friday, 15th May, Sir Francis Burdett\\nmoved that he might be admitted to his seat on\\ntaking the oath provided by the Emancipation Act.\\nAt Peel s request the debate was adjourned to the\\nfollowing Monday. On that day, O Connell was\\nheard at the bar in support of the claim. His speech\\nwas calm and temperate, his manner that of a pol-\\nished gentleman, and his argument, if not convinc-\\ning, won at least the praise of some of the ablest\\nlawyers in the House.\\nBrougham, he wrote with justifiable pride to his cous-\\nin, Charles Sugrue, told me to-day that there was but\\none opinion on the subject of my speech, and that is, that\\nmy success in a Parliamentary career is quite certain.\\nLord Lansdowne conveyed to me, through Tom Moore,\\nhis opinion that from report he had conceived that, how-\\never suited to a popular assembly, or mob, my eloquence\\nwould not answer for the refinement of Parliament, but\\nthat he was now decidedly convinced of the contrary.\\nThe Marquis of Anglesey came to see me twice with a\\nstill more flattering judgment.\\nAfter listening to him, however, the House de-\\ncided by 190 to 116 that, having been elected before\\nthe passing of the Relief Act, he could not be allowed\\nto sit unless he took the oath obligatory on all\\nmembers at the time, and a motion was carried that\\nhe should attend the next eveninsr and the clerk", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0296.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 229\\nshould tender him that oath at the table of the\\nHouse.\\nI was present, writes Rickard O Connell, and any-\\none who witnessed the scene can never forget it. The\\nexcitement was intense breathless silence prevailed in\\nthat crowded assembly when he was introduced by Sir F.\\nBurdett and Lord Dancannon. The Speaker then in-\\nformed him of the resolution of the House on the previous\\nnight that he could not take his seat unless he took the\\noath prescribed at the time he was elected. The Liberator\\nthen said, May I ask to see the oath The clerk was\\ndirected to hand him the oath, which was printed on a\\nlarge card. O Connell put on his spectacles and perused\\nthe oath with deepest attention. One would suppose he\\nhad never seen the oath before during the few minutes\\nhe was so perusing it the smallest pin could be heard\\ndrop. He then said, I see in the oath one assertion as\\nto a matter of fact which I kiiow to be false. I see in it\\nanother assertion as to a matter of opinion which I\\nbelieve to be untrue. I therefore refuse to take that\\noath, and with an expression of the most profound\\ncontempt, he flung the card from him on the table of the\\nHouse. The House was literally ^struck of a heap. No\\nother phrase that I know of but that quaint old-fashioned\\none can accurately describe the feeling of amazement\\nthat pervaded Parliament for some minutes after the\\ncard was thus contemptuously flung on the table. The\\nSpeaker then said The hon. and learned gentleman,\\nhaving refused to take the oath, will please retire below\\nthe bar, and the Liberator, again leaning on Burdett\\nand Duncannon, came below the bar and sat near me\\nunder the gallery. In the debate that ensued, the\\nspeakers on all sides paid him the highest compliments.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0297.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "230 Daniel O Connell. L1828-\\nbut it ended in the issuing of a new writ for Clare. The\\nwords I give are the ipsissii7ia verba the precise sylla-\\nbles used by him on that memorable occasion and I\\nnever saw them accurately given yet in any account of\\nthe transaction.\\nThe conduct of the House of Commons in rejecting\\nO Connell was no doubt logical enough, but it was\\nlacking in generosity, and bore the appearance of a\\npetty, vindictive act against a single individual, which,\\nas it involved no principle whatever, robbed eman-\\ncipation of the little bit of grace that clung to it,\\nand demonstrated with what reluctance the conces-\\nsion had been made.\\nA day or two after his rejection, O Connell issued\\nhis second address to the electors of county Clare\\nthe Address of the Hundred Promises, as it was\\nironically styled from the frequent repetition of the\\nphrase Send me to Parliament, and I will.\\nAfter reminding them that it was mainly to their\\nexertions that Ireland owed the restoration of her\\nreligious liberties, he called on them to complete\\ntheir work, and, by again returning him, to assist in\\nsecuring the political freedom of their beloved island.\\nFor himself, he had little doubt of the result of the\\nappeal. Some time would inevitably elapse before\\nthe election could take place, owing to the necessity\\nof reconstructing a fresh registry on the basis of the\\nnew ;^io franchise. But nothing could be left to\\nchance, and it was desirable that he should begin his\\ncanvass as soon as possible. Accordingly, he returned\\nto Dublin on 2nd June. His arrival was the signal\\nfor another great ovation. This time he had really", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0298.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 231\\nreturned as the Liberator. Once more, thanks to\\nhim, the Catholics were in possession of those rights\\nof which they had for nearly a century and a half\\nbeen deprived. Their joy and gratitude were un-\\nbounded. All the way from the landing-place to\\nMerrion Square, the streets were thronged with\\npeople trying by shouting themselves hoarse to show\\nhow sincere their welcome of him was. And, tired\\nthough he was, it was only after he had gratified\\nthem with a few words from the balcony of his house,\\nthat they at last consented to retire and leave him\\nto the privacy of his family.\\nNext day he addressed a large gathering in Claren-\\ndon Street chapel. After alluding to the events\\nwhich had recently taken place the passing of the\\nEmancipation Act and his own rejection he pro-\\nceeded to discuss their plans for the future. History,\\nhe said, some people believed had come to a full\\nstop because emancipation had been achieved. The\\nworld was like a clock run down. But they were there\\nto wind it up again, and start a fresh agitation. Eman-\\ncipation was only a step to Repeal. They were that\\nday assembled, not as Catholics but as Irishmen, and\\nthe object of their meeting was the repeal of the\\nUnion and the recovery of their rights as a nation.\\nBefore the meeting separated it voted him the ^^5000\\nremaining in the hands of the Association at the time\\nof its dissolution, to assist in defraying his election\\nexpenses. Two or three days afterwards, he set out\\nfor Ennis. His journey all the way resembled a tri-\\numphal progress. Every town through which he\\npassed Naas, Kildare, Monasterevan, Maryborough,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0299.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "232 Da Jiiel O Connell. [1828-\\nMountrath, Roscrea was decked in green. At Ne-\\nnagh, which he reached at nightfall, candles were\\nshining in every window. At Limerick, while he\\nsnatched a few hours sleep, a large tree roots and\\nall was planted before his hotel, and when he ap-\\npeared at the door he was greeted with strains of\\nnational music from a band adroitly concealed\\namongst its branches. When he left the city, an im-\\nmense crowd escorted him on the way to Ennis,\\nwhere, at some distance from the town, a triumphal\\ncar was waiting for him, on which, like Alexander\\nentering Babylon, as an admiring reporter had it,\\nhe accomplished the remainder of his journey. Six\\nweeks elapsed before the election took place. But\\nbanquets, public breakfasts, political meetings, the\\nnecessity of canvassing locally every part of the\\ncounty, a flying visit to Dublin, another to Lifford,\\nand a duel between Tom Steele and Smith O Brien,\\nhelped the time over. Every effort was made by\\nthe Brunswickers to spin out the registry as long as\\npossible, and up to the very last moment it was ex-\\npected that they meant to run an opposition candi-\\ndate. But at last the nomination day, the 30th July,\\narrived, and O Connell was returned unopposed.\\nDuring the election he had announced his inten-\\ntion of devoting himself wholly to a parliamentary\\ncareer, and the first use he made of his new-found\\nliberty was to retire for a well-won holiday to Darry-\\nnane. One can imagine what happy days he spent\\nthere, following his beagles afoot in the dewy fresh-\\nness of those early autumn mornings, his enjoyment\\nrendered all the more intense by reason of the victory", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0300.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation, 233\\nhe had won for his native land and the pleasant\\nevenings that closed the day, in the society of his fam-\\nily and seldom failing guests, whom his hospitable\\nboard and generous companionship attracted thither.\\nHow the old rafters must have rung with merry peals\\nof laughter from young and old as, in that rich Kerry\\nbrogue of his, he poured out anecdote on anecdote\\nin endless profusion Happy days, indeed But\\nif O Connell had ever imagined that emancipation\\nwould put an end to religious dissension in Ireland,\\nhe was speedily disabused of the idea. True, the\\nconcession had been made that henceforth Catholic\\nand Protestant were on an equality before the law.\\nBut the Act which, in the quaint language of an\\nIrishman, had left Parliament as straight as a\\npoker, soon, in the hands of the Irish executive,\\nbecame as twisted as a corkscrew.\\nYou are aware, wrote O Connell to the Knight of\\nKerry on 24th September, that the decided countenance\\ngiven to the Orange faction prevents emancipation from\\ncoming into play. There is more of unjust and unnat-\\nural virulence towards the Catholics in the present ad-\\nministration than existed even before the passing of the\\nEmancipation Bill. Before that event, the Irish govern-\\nment was shamed by a sense of decency which is required\\nfrom public hostility. The Relief Bill has just enabled\\nthem to act with distrust immediate and personal ran-\\ncour on the one hand, and with open and unblushing\\nfavouritism on the other.\\nThe fact was that the ministry, having by the\\nconcession of emancipation thoroughly shaken the\\nconfidence of their own party, were anxious, by", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0301.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "234 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\ndisplaying a firm front, to show that it was, after all, a\\nmere strategic movement devoid of any serious sig-\\nnificance, and by strong asseverations of thus far\\nand no further, to deprive the Emancipation Act,\\nas O Connell complained, of its natural effect. The\\nIrish government, under the Duke of Northumber-\\nland and Lord Leveson Gower, backed up their\\nefforts, and it was not surprising that, with the en-\\ncouragement thus given to them, the Orangemen\\nwent a step farther than was intended, and, believing\\nthat the Catholics had been handed over to their\\nmercy, began to inflict personal vengeance on them\\nfor the defeat they had recently suffered. Not only\\nwas O Connell denied admission to the inner Bar\\na matter of small moment in itself, but significant of\\nthe general treatment to which the Catholics were\\nsubjected but as the summer wore to a close signs\\nof stormy weather became more and more visible.\\nDeprived of the moral support of the Association\\nthe Catholic peasantry fell back on their old, time-\\ndishonoured plans of secret combination. Once\\nmore Orangeman and Ribbonman confronted each\\nother once more agrarian outrage stalked the land.\\nIt was the old, old story over again non-payment\\nof rent, followed by ejectment and intimidation.\\nFor the historian, another lost opportunity on the\\npart of England to conciliate Ireland to be recorded.\\nIn Tipperary the situation grew so serious that\\nthe magistrates applied to government for military\\nprotection. The disorder spread into the neighbour-\\ning county of Cork, where a plot to murder certain\\nlandlords, known as the Doneraile conspiracy, was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0302.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 235\\ndiscovered or concocted. A number of persons im-\\nplicated in it were arrested, and in October a special\\ncommission, presided over by Baron Pennefather and\\nJustice Torrens, was sent down to Cork to try them.\\nThe prosecution was conducted by the Solicitor-\\nGeneral, John Doherty, of whose zeal to procure a\\nconviction there was not the slightest doubt. The\\ntrial was on the point of beginning when a messen-\\nger, William Burke, of Ballyhea, his name deserves\\nto be remembered, sent post-haste to implore\\nO Connell s assistance on behalf of the accused, gal-\\nloped up to Darrynane. Would the Liberator\\ncome? If he would, not a moment was to be lost.\\nIt was Sunday next morning the trial would begin\\nand between them Pennefather and Doherty would\\nhang the lot. It was impossible to resist his appeal,\\nand, jotting down a few words on paper to the effect\\nthat he would be in Cork next day, O Connell made\\ninstant preparations for his departure. Giving him-\\nself hardly time to bait his horse, William Burke,\\nbearing the glad tidings that the Liberator would\\ncome, set out on his return journey. It was eight\\no clock on the morning of the trial that he reached\\nCork. He had accomplished the whole distance,\\nthere and back, one hundred and eighty miles, in\\nthirty-eight hours. With lightning-like swiftness the\\nnews spread through the town that O Connell was\\non his way thither. Despondency gave place to\\nhope, and it was felt that if any man could save the\\naccused that man would soon be there.\\nMeanwhile, the judges had taken their seats.\\nO Connell s letter was read but it was impossible,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0303.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "236 Daniel O Connell. [1828-\\nsaid Baron Pennefather, to postpone the business of\\nthe court. The trial proceeded. Four men were\\nfound guilty, and sentenced to be hanged in a week.\\nThe jury had taken five minutes to consider their\\nverdict. What of the rest? Would O Connell\\nnever come? The excitement was at fever-point\\nwhen suddenly a mighty shout from the crowd out-\\nside told that he was there. A minute afterwards he\\nentered the court. Bowing to the Bench, and apolo-\\ngising for the unprofessional costume in which he\\nappeared before them, he obtained permission to\\nbreak his fast while listening to the details of what\\nhad occurred preceding his arrival. With the help\\nof a written deposition of the principal witness,\\nwhich the Solicitor-General had suppressed, he tore\\nto shreds the whole case for the prosecution. Un-\\nder his cross-examination, the Crown witnesses in-\\nvolved themselves in such a labyrinth of contradiction\\nand confusion that one of them, reduced to confess\\nhimself a liar, bawled out in agony It s little I\\nthought to have met you here to-day, Mr. O Con-\\nnell The same evidence which had served to hang\\nfour men served to acquit the rest. Never in Ireland\\nhad justice been rendered with so much dramatic\\neffect as it was on this occasion. It was, perhaps\\nwithout exception, the greatest of all O Connell s\\nforensic triumphs.\\nBut the fact that it was possible for men to be so\\nlightly hanged was an additional reason for subject-\\ning the executive to the control of a domestic\\nlegislature; and, returning to Darrynane, O Connell\\npoured forth in quick succession letter after letter to", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0304.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "1829] Emancipation. 237\\nthe people of Ireland, urging the necessity of a vig-\\norous attempt to procure the repeal of the Act of\\nUnion. In regard to law reform, he professed him-\\nself a thorough Benthamite. I truly believe,\\nhe wrote, that there is not in Turkey anything\\nmore radically despotic towards the poor than the\\npresent system of magisterial law. Once more he\\ncalled on the Protestants to join with the Catholics\\nin trying to obtain justice for their common country.\\nJoin with us, he wrote, to serve that country;\\njoin with us to lessen burthens, to diminish irresponsible\\npower, to increase commerce and manufactures to\\nestablish popular rights, to crush aristocratical monopoly,\\nand to build up a system of peaceable, rational freedom,\\nwhich shall exterminate grand-jury jobbing, which shall\\nannihilate corporation plunder, which shall secure for\\nevery man his right to select his representative, and pro-\\ntect him, by the secrecy of a ballot, in the exercise of\\nthat selection, and which, in fine, shall give to Irishmen\\na name, and make Ireland great, glorious, and free.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0305.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XL\\nPARLIAMENTARY REFORM AND TITHES.\\n1830-1832.\\nON 4th February, 1830, the first day of the ses-\\nsion, O Connell took his seat, without re-\\nmark, in the House of Commons. He was\\nverging on fifty-five an age at which most men\\nfind it difficult to adapt themselves to new condi-\\ntions of activity. True, Grattan had been even older\\nwhen he entered the English Parliament, in 1805 but\\nhe had enjoyed what O Connell never had the ben-\\nefit of a parliamentary training and over against his\\nsuccess there was Flood s failure to set. Twenty-five\\nyears had elapsed since O Connell entered public life\\nfor twenty years he had been the actual, if not al-\\nways the acknowledged, leader of the Irish Catholics\\nfor the last five years he had been the most important\\nfactor in the political life of Ireland, and his influence\\nwas not confined to Ireland alone. In England his\\nutterances attracted almost as much notice as those\\nof the Prime Minister. In Europe, especially in\\nCatholic countries, where the name of Ireland was\\n238", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0306.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform and Tithes. 239\\nhardly known, his agitation of the CathoHc question\\nhad restored its ancient fame. Let the reader turn\\nto any old newspaper, English, Irish, or Continental,\\nbelonging to the years 1827 to 1847, the name\\nhe is sure oftenest to encounter will be that of\\nO Connell. His enemies said that he had attained a\\nfictitious importance, and they hoped that he would\\nspeedily find his level in the House of Commons.\\nBut competent judges felt little doubt of his suc-\\ncess in a parliamentary career. For himself, being\\nanxious to get the ordeal of his maiden speech over\\nas soon as possible, he spoke the same evening in\\nsupport of the Amendment to the Address. It was\\na short speech, but it was to the point, and at the\\nconclusion of it he was warmly cheered from all\\nsides. Next day he wrote to his cousin Sugrue I\\nam fast learning the tone and temper of the House,\\nand in a week or so you will find me a constant\\nspeaker. I will soon be struggling to bring forward\\nIrish business.\\nHe kept his word in both respects. During the\\nsession he spoke frequently, seldom, indeed, at any\\nlength, except on the Distress of the Country, on\\n23rd March when he moved the repeal of the Vestry\\nAct of 1827, and when arraigning the conduct of the\\nIrish administration, and particularly of the Solicitor-\\nGeneral Doherty, in connection with the trials for the\\nDoneraile conspiracy, on 12th May but there was\\nscarcely a debate of any importance to which he did\\nnot contribute his quota. He presented petitions\\nin favour of the abolition of slavery, and one from\\nDrogheda for the repeal of the Union, and spoke in", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0307.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "240 Daniel O Connell. [1830-\\nsupport of parliamentary reform, law reform, the\\nabolition of the game laws, the removal of disabilities\\nattaching to the Jews, and in opposition to Dr.\\nPhillimore s proposal for rendering divorce easy.\\nIt is true that he never entirely succeeded in remov-\\ning the prejudices which his reputation as an agitator\\nhad created, and there was always a tendency in\\ncertain circles to regard his brogue as a sign of in-\\nferiority. But he won the esteem of the House, and\\nthough at first he found some difficulty in catching\\nthe speaker s eye, he speedily established a reputa-\\ntion for dialectical ability, practical good sense, and\\nunflagging zeal in the discharge of the hard work\\nthat fell to his share in committee. There is a story\\ntold by O Neill Daunt that, while the Reform Bill\\nwas under discussion, the speeches of its friends and\\nfoes were one day canvassed at Lady Beauchamp s.\\nOn O Connell s name being mentioned, some critic\\nfastidiously said, Oh, a broguing Irish fellow Who\\nwould listen to him I always walk out of the\\nHouse when he opens his lips. Come, Peel, said\\nold Lord Westmoreland, let me hear your opinion.\\nMy opinion candidly is, replied Peel, that if I\\nwanted an efficient and eloquent advocate, I would\\nreadily give up all the other orators of whom we\\nhave been talking, provided I had with me this\\nsame broguing Irish fellow.\\nDuring the Easter recess O Connell paid a visit to\\nIreland. He was still bent on seeing what could be\\ndone for Ireland by the combined effort of Catholics\\nand Protestants, and to this end, on 6th April, he\\nstarted a Society of the Friends of Ireland. The", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0308.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform and Tithes. 241\\nobject of the society was to pave the way for the\\nrepeal of the Union by obHterating ancient animosi-\\nties. But that no one who had the interests of\\nIreland at heart, and to whom repeal seemed either\\nunnecessary or undesirable, might be deterred from\\njoining it, the subject was only mentioned as one of\\nthe many grievances to the redress of which the\\nefforts of the society were to be directed. As Law-\\nless, to whom such stratagems seemed contemptible,\\nsaid, Mr. O Connell knows or thinks that the\\nlongest way round is the shortest way home, and\\naccordingly has put that most vitally important\\nquestion the Repeal of the Union where?\\nwhy as the twenty-first, article in his Litany of\\nEvils That Government might interfere to sup-\\npress the new society O Connell thought possible,\\nbut not at all likely. In any case, as he wrote to\\nRichard Barrett, they would have to make an Act\\nof Parliament against him individually, by name, if\\nthey intended to prevent him from reconciling\\nIrishmen to each other, and combining the great\\nmajority, if not all of them, for the utility of our\\ncommon but oppressed country.\\nWhat he had deemed unlikely, however, actually\\nhappened. Hardly had he returned to London\\nthan the Lord-Lieutenant, the Duke of Northumber-\\nland, issued a proclamation suppressing the society.\\nThe policy of thus far and no farther was evid-\\nently to be rigidly carried out. This was bad but it\\nwas still worse when the Chancellor of the Exchequer\\nproposed to assimilate the stamp dues in Ireland to\\nthose of England, and to raise the excise on spirits.\\n16", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0309.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "242 Daniel O ConnelL [1830-\\nThe proposal at once elicited a strong protest from\\nO Connell. But his protest was unheeded, and, see-\\ning the necessity for stronger measures, he advised a\\nrun on the Bank of Ireland for gold.\\nThe time is come, he wrote to his friend Philip\\nBarron, when Ireland should one and all rouse itself to\\nfling off the administration of the Duke of Wellington.\\nThis is the very time to attack his government\\nin every legal and constitutional way. Call,\\ntherefore, on the people the honest, unsophisticated\\npeople to send in their bank notes of every description,\\nand to get gold.\\nHis letter was brought before Parliament. Reply-\\ning to the strictures passed on it, he disclaimed any\\nintention of defending his action to the House. He\\nwould, he declared, say what he liked and do what\\nhe liked outside it without asking its consent. By\\nagitation Ireland had become strong by agitation\\nshe had put down her bitter enemies by agitation\\nhad her conscience been set free by agitation had\\nIrish freedom been achieved, and by agitation should\\nit be secured. The Emancipation Act, it was said,\\nhad failed to restore tranquillity to Ireland, but whose\\nfault had it been How, for instance, had Govern-\\nment behaved towards the Catholic Bar For him-\\nself, he contemned the name of office. He had given\\nhis advice to his countrymen, and whenever he felt\\nit necessary he should continue to do so, careless\\nwhether it pleased or displeased the House or any\\nmad person outside it. The threat proved sufficient.\\nOn the first of July he was able to announce that the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0310.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Rejorni and Tithes. 243\\nstamp duties had been abandoned. The increase on\\nspirits remained but, as the distillers did not com-\\nplain, he thought it unnecessary to throw away any\\ngood agitation over the matter.\\nGeorge IV. died on 26th June, and on 24th July\\nParliament was dissolved. Invitations at once poured\\nin upon O Connell from numerous constituencies\\nfrom Clare, Drogheda, Wexford, Waterford, Galway,\\nMeath, Louth, Cork, Kerry all alike anxious to\\nhave him as their representative. It was difficult to\\ndetermine to which he should give the preference\\nbut after hesitating between Wexford and Waterford\\nhe finally decided in favour of the latter; and for\\nWaterford county he was accordingly returned, along\\nwith Lord George Beresford. The elections over,\\nhe retired in August to Darrynane, whence he issued\\nin rapid succession letter after letter to the Irish\\npeople on every question of public importance the\\nrevolution in France, the insurrection in Belgium,\\nparliamentary reform, commutation of tithes, etc.,\\nbut all alike tending to one object the repeal of\\nthe Union.\\nI close this, my first letter, he wrote on 6th, Septem-\\nber by an earnest appeal to the People of Ireland of\\nall classes, sects and persuasions, to unite at this most\\nimportant and soul-stirring period in simultaneous efforts\\nto restore their native land to her station among the\\nnations. Let those efforts be peaceable, legal, con-\\nstitutional, open and undisguised but let them be\\nactive and unceasing until Ireland is righted and her\\nParliament restored.\\nHis letters were widely read, and exercised a", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0311.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "244 Daniel O Connell. [1830-\\nprofound influence on the country. Day by day the\\nmovement gained in volume and intensity. O Con-\\nnell himself was astonished at the enthusiasm which\\nhis words had created. Now was the time, he wrote\\nto his friend Michael Staunton, of the Register, to\\nagitate the great question. The one thing needful\\nwas a permanent society in order to collect funds\\nin primo loco, to collect funds in secundo loco, and\\nto collect funds, thirdly and lastly, because we have\\nboth mind and body within us, and all we want is the\\nmeans of keeping the machine in regular and supple\\nmotion. Having settled the subject in his own\\nmind, he did not let the grass grow under his feet.\\nFew men could have gone through the hard work\\nwhich he undertook. On Thursday, 7th October,\\nhe attended the best public dinner I was ever at,\\nin Killarney. On Friday he addressed a most\\nnumerous meeting, in the court-house of Tralee,\\nin honour of the French and Belgic revolutions.\\nNext day there was another meeting in the same\\nplace against the Subletting and Vestry Bills, for\\nradical Reform, and Repeal of the Union. On\\nMonday he was present, and of course spoke, at a\\ndinner at Kanturk Tuesday saw him in Cork speak-\\ning at another public dinner; on Wednesday there\\nwas a mass-meeting in Youghall, on Thursday a\\npublic dinner in Waterford, followed next day by a\\nmeeting for redress of grievances.\\nArriving a day or two afterwards in Dublin, he at\\nonce set about founding a permanent society for the\\npropagation of the Repeal agitation. A small pre-\\nliminary meeting was to be followed by a larger one", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0312.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliament my Reform and Tithes. 245\\nto sanction the establishment of an Anti-Union\\nAssociation or Society for Legislative Relief. But\\nthe project had hardly taken shape when the Govern-\\nment, in the person of the Chief Secretary, Sir Henry\\nHardinge, stepped in and suppressed it. O Con-\\nnell s indignation found vent in an attack on the\\nChief Secretary of a character so personal that the\\nlatter immediately demanded satisfaction for it.\\nBut O Connell, while expressing his perfect readiness\\nto reti act and atone for any fact alleged by him\\nnot founded in proof, refused absolutely, be the\\nconsequences of such disclaimer what they might,\\nto afford him the satisfaction of firing at him. To\\nthe taunt of cowardice afterwards levelled at him in\\nParliament, he replied, I am content. I am vindi-\\ncated before my God, and I will not condescend to\\nvindicate myself before you. Two days after the\\nsuppression of the Anti-Union Association he\\nfounded a society called the Irish Volunteers for\\nthe Repeal of the Union. This being in turn sup-\\npressed, he started a series of public breakfasts in\\nHolmes s Hotel, on Ussher s Quay, at which he and\\nhis friends drank coffee and talked politics. In re-\\nsorting to this stratagem he announced his intention,\\nif Government thought fit to proclaim the break-\\nfasts, of establishing political luncheons. Should\\nthese prove distasteful to his grace, the Duke of\\nWellington, he would substitute poHtical dinners.\\nWhen these were suppressed, he would invite his\\nfriends, after the manner of certain ladies, for tea\\nand tracts, and so on till supper was reached. His\\nannouncement was received with screams of laughter,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0313.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "246 Daniel O^ Connell. [1830-\\nand Government, feeling that it was making it-\\nself ridiculous, withdrew from the contest. Accord-\\ningly, during his absence in London, the weekly\\nmeetings in Holmes s Hotel served as a rallying\\ncentre for the advocates of Repeal. But in Parlia-\\nment, though he presented petitions in favour of the\\nrepeal of the Union from Waterford and other places,\\nthe question made little progress, owing to the ab-\\nsorbing interest felt in parliamentary reform.\\nOn i6th November, Wellington, having been de-\\nfeated on his proposed revision of the Civil List, in\\nconsequence of the declaration against reform, re-\\nsigned office, and was succeeded by Earl Grey. The\\nIrish, who had contributed materially to this result,\\nwere rewarded by the re-appointment of the Marquis\\nof Anglesey as Viceroy. But the pleasing anticipa-\\ntions with which his appointment were at first hailed\\nwere speedily damped when it was found that his\\nChief Secretary was to be Edward Stanley, after-\\nwards Earl of Derby, of whose doubtful radicalism\\nthe electors of Preston had recently expressed their\\ndisapprobation by preferring Orator Hunt as\\ntheir representative in Parliament. I fear, O Con-\\nnell wrote on 29th November, that the Marquis of\\nAnglesey is getting into bad hands. The only good\\nthing about him is his determination, which is fixed,\\nto pack off the Gregorys, etc., from the Castle. Un-\\nfortunately, even this little scrap of consolation had\\nbefore long to be abandoned. The fact was that\\nAnglesey, like many other politicians, had come to\\nthe conclusion that the concession of emancipation\\nhad or ought to have satisfied Ireland. AH that she,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0314.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform and Tithes. 247\\nin his opinion, wanted was peace. Agitation was\\nthe only thing that could prevent her prospering, and\\nfor himself he was resolved to put down agitation\\nwith a strong hand. There was something of ostrich-\\nlike stupidity in the view he took of the situation.\\nInstead of frankly admitting that emancipation, as\\ninterpreted by the Irish government, had failed to\\nsatisfy a single person, and trying in statesmanlike\\nfashion to solve the new problem that had arisen, by\\ngiving practical effect to it, he contented himself\\nwith crying Peace, peace, when there was really no\\npeace, unmindful of the fact that no agitator, how-\\never powerful, can create an agitation out of nothing,\\nand that even your Hyde Park orator, who each\\nSunday harrangues his little knot of listeners, has his\\nraisott d etre. Things have come to that pass,\\nhe wrote to his wife, that the question is whether\\nO Connell or I shall govern Ireland. It was com-\\nplacently said for of his ability to put O Connell\\ndown he made little question.\\nBut before resorting to measures of repression, he\\ndetermined to make an appeal to those motives of\\nself-interest by which O Connell was supposed to\\nregulate his conduct, offering to make him a judge,\\nor anything, in fact, if he would give up the agita-\\ntion. Lord Anglesey, O Connell wrote to his\\nfriend, Newton Bennett, sent for me and talked to\\nme for two hours, to prevail on me to join the Gov-\\nernment he went so far as to discuss my private\\naffairs in order to prevail on me to repair my\\nfortunes His Lordship recorded the result of\\nthe interview next day to Lord Cloncurry", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0315.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "248 Daniel O Cojtnell. [1830-\\nO Connell is my avant cowier. He starts to-day\\nwith more mischief in hand than I have yet seen him\\ncharged with. I saw him yesterday for an hour and a\\nhalf. I made no impression on him whatever and I\\nam now thoroughly convinced that he is bent upon des-\\nperate agitation. All this will produce no change in\\nmy course and conduct. I deprecate agita-\\ntion. I pray for peace and repose. But if the\\nsword is really to be drawn, if, for the pro-\\ntection of the State, I am driven to the dire necessity of\\nagain turning soldier, why then I must endeavour to get\\nback into old habits, and live amongst a people I love in\\na state of misery and distress.\\nPoor Anglesey O Connell one day remarked to\\nPurcell O Gorman the unfortunate man was not\\nwicked, but misguided. Why, replied O Gorman,\\nthat is exactly what he says of you. One day I\\nvisited him he said to me, That unfortunate O Con-\\nnell means well, but he is misguided. It was not\\nlong before the two came into collision.\\nReturning to Ireland on i8th December, O Con-\\nnell received another tremendous ovation. The\\nwelcome accorded to him contrasted strangely with\\nthe chilling reception meted out to Anglesey, when\\nhe landed a week later at Kingstown. People, re-\\nmembering how he had advocated emancipation,\\nhad intended to greet him in another fashion but\\nhis refusal or inability to remove the old warriors\\nfrom the Castle, and the appointment of Dirty\\nDoherty as Chief Justice of the Common Pleas,\\nhad deprived him of the popularity he had acquired\\nduring his first viceroyalty. But he was, or affected", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0316.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform a7td Tithes. 249\\nto be, little moved by this display of hostile feeling\\ntowards him. He had come over determined to\\nsuppress agitation, even if he went the length of\\nclapping the arch-agitator himself in prison. The\\nday following his arrival, Sunday, the 26th, he pro-\\nclaimed a meeting of the Tradesmen of Dublin,\\nwhich was to have been held next day at Phibs-\\nborough, as calculated to lead to a disturbance of\\nthe public peace. The proclamation was hardly an\\nhour old when O Connell issued another, in his own\\nname, countermanding the meeting. Government,\\nat any rate, was not to have the credit alone of pre-\\nserving the public peace. The proclamation of the\\nTrades meeting was followed up by a general order\\nto all magistrates to suppress all meetings, where-\\nsoever held, for the purpose of effecting political\\nchanges by forcible means. As the magistrates\\nwere to a man anti-repealers, the interpretation they\\nwere likely to place on the qualifying words, forci-\\nble means, practically amounted to a suppression\\nof the right of public meeting. At a breakfast in\\nHolmes s Hotel, at which some 450 persons were\\npresent, O Connell roundly denounced the order as\\nan illegal interference with the right of petitioning,\\nand at his suggestion a society was immediately\\nformed, calling itself A General Association for\\nIreland to prevent illegal meetings and protect the\\nexercise of the sacred right of petition.\\nThe society met for the first time on 6th January,\\n183 1, in the Parliamentary Intelligence Offices,\\nin Stephen s Street. It was at once proclaimed.\\nThereupon O Connell announced his intention of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0317.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "250 Daniel 0 Connell. [1830-\\nconstituting himself a society, and carrying on the\\nwork of agitation, with the assistance of the press and\\nEdward Dwyer, the former secretary of the CathoHc\\nAssociation. At his invitation, three hundred per-\\nsons assembled to dine at Hayes s tavern. He was\\nengaged in addressing them when two police mag-\\nistrates entered the room and ordered them to\\ndisperse. After a somewhat heated discussion,\\nO Connell advised compliance with the order, which,\\nthough illegal, nevertheless bore the appearance of\\nlaw, and the meeting, after cheering lustily for Re-\\npeal, quietly separated. The dispersal of the\\ndinner at Hayes s was followed by a proclamation\\nprohibiting all and every kind of association what-\\never. It was a strong step, and O Connell that same\\nnight sent to the press a letter blazing with indigna-\\ntion. He had, he wrote, one word of caution to\\naddress to his fellow-countrymen in regard to this\\nfourth proclamation. Its object was to gag the\\nIrish people. Some time ago, he had advised every-\\nbody to exchange his notes for gold. The time\\nmight come to put his advice in practice. He called\\nupon them for the present to pause. Let them\\nwatch the motives of the vile underlings of despotic\\nauthority. Let them wait patiently until they saw\\nwhether the press was to be assailed. Until then\\nhe would remain neutral. But should the press be\\nassailed should prosecution extend to this, their\\nlast hope of freedom, then he would use all the\\nenergies of his mind, and whatever influence he\\npossessed, to lessen the power of the paper-makers\\nand to produce a general gold currency. He", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0318.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform and Tithes, 251\\nconcluded with again cautioning them against secret\\nsocieties, against illegal oaths, and against every\\nevery species of tumult, violence, or outrage. The\\nrepeal of the Union could not long be delayed by\\ntheir enemies it might be fatally retarded by their\\nown misconduct. A day or two afterwards, there\\nwas a Repeal meeting in St. Thomas s parish.\\nO Connell appeared in deep mourning. He was\\ndetermined, he said, to wear it until the obnoxious\\nAct under which their associations were proclaimed\\nwas repealed. Nay, more he had resolved not to\\ntaste any excisable article until that event took\\nplace. That very morning, when tea and coffee had\\nbeen placed before him, he had put them aside and\\ncontented himself with milk.\\nMeeting next morning, i8th January, with a few\\nfriends at Hayes s tavern for breakfast, he was, on\\nreturning home, arrested on a warrant charging him\\nwith conspiracy with several other persons to violate\\nand evade the proclamation. Being taken to the\\nhead Police Office, he was required to give bail, him-\\nself in 1000, and two securities each in ^^500: his\\nassociates, Lawless, Steele, Barrett, Dwyer, Rey-\\nnolds, Redmond, and Clooney, being at the same\\ntime bound over in ;^200, and two securities each in\\nii ioo, to appear when called upon for trial. When\\nthe news of the arrest became known, Dublin was\\nthrown into a state of wild excitement. I never,\\nwrote O Mara to Lord Cloncurry, witnessed any-\\nthing so turbulent and angry as the populace were\\nin Dublin this day not even in the height of 98.\\nIndeed, Government had to thank O Connell, who", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0319.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "252 Daniel 0 Co7tnelL [I830-\\ntook the earliest opportunity of enforcing obedience\\non the people, that a serious riot did not take place.\\nThe indictment consisted of thirty-one counts the\\nfirst fourteen charging the traversers with having\\nviolated the provisions of the Act 10, George IV.,\\nbetter known as the worse than Algerine Act\\nthe remaining seventeen with fraud and duplicity\\nagainst Government. True bills were returned by\\nthe grand jury on 25th January, and the trial was\\nfixed for 17th February.\\nAs O Connell s conduct exposed him at the time\\nto much adverse criticism, which certain historians\\nand biographers have since endorsed, it will help to\\na better understanding of it if one or two facts are\\nclearly borne in mind. First, that the Irish govern-\\nment was solely responsible for the prosecution\\nsecond, that the Grey administration was piedged\\nto Reform, and, being particularly weak in debating\\npower in the House of Commons, could ill afford to\\nlose O Connell s support third, that the worse\\nthan Algerine Act was a temporary device, bound\\nto expire with the expiration of the Parliament that\\nhad created it. The conditions for a compromise\\nexisted. The Whigs wanted O Connell s assistance\\nin the House of Commons he wanted to avoid a\\ntrial, which he calculated would last a week, which\\nmight be attended by public disturbances, and fol-\\nlowed by pecuniary or corporal punishment for him-\\nself. It was said he was afraid to go to gaol. His\\naction could bear that construction the motive,\\nhowever, was not fear, but the desire to inflict a\\ndefeat on Anglesey s government by rendering the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0320.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform and Tithes. 253\\nprosecution abortive a very different matter. It\\nwas a game in which neither he nor the administra-\\ntion could afford to show their cards openly. Hence\\nthe conflicting rumours that gained currency of de-\\nfeat on the part of O Connell of retreat on the\\npart of Government. Hence, too, the confident as-\\nsertions of Stanley, in the House of Commons,\\nthat Government had no intention of compromis-\\ning the prosecution, while all the time a tacit com-\\npromise, of which Stanley was ignorant, actually\\nexisted.\\nThe course of events was as follows: on i8th\\nJanuary O Connell was arrested next week the grand\\njury returned a true bill against him, whereupon he\\ndemurred to the first fourteen counts in the indict-\\nment, charging him with a breach of the worse\\nthan Algerine Act, and pleaded not guilty to the\\nremaining seventeen, charging him with conspiracy\\nunder the Common Law. The demurrers were fixed\\nto be heard on 7th February. In the midst of the\\nproceedings, and while the public mind was vio-\\nlently excited, a communication reached O Connell,\\nthrough one in the confidence of the ministry in\\nEngland, that the latter were ready to do every-\\nthing for Ireland short of Repeal provided he\\nwould ^VQ. up the question for the present.\\nO Connell, to whom a bird in the hand was always\\nworth more than two in the bush, thereupon ap-\\npealed to Lords Meath and Cloncurry, who have\\nit in their power to put themselves at the head of\\nthe popular party in Ireland, and to do more good\\nto the country, and prevent more evil, than any two", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0321.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "254 Daniel O Connell. [1830-\\npersons ever had before, offering to assist Govern-\\nment in allaying the popular ferment if they would\\npledge themselves to the future support of Repeal.\\nThis they, however, refused to do. Thereupon\\nO Connell announced his attention of setting out for\\nLondon on 31st January, and accordingly on that\\nday he proceeded, accompanied by an immense con-\\ncourse of well-wishers, bearing banners with Re-\\npeal of the Union, Erin go bragh, Hail to the\\nLiberator, and other patriotic mottoes on them,\\nfrom his house in Merrion Square to Kingstown.\\nIt was a stormy day and, as he neared the pier,\\nsnow, long known as the O Connell snow, began\\nto fall heavily. Darkness set in, and everybody,\\nexcept a few of his more intimate friends, believing\\nthat he had embarked, returned as quickly as pos-\\nsible to their several homes. Anglesey, thinking he\\nhad scored another point, wrote\\nO Connell embarked for England this afternoon,\\nnot venturing to await the judgment of the court upon\\nhis pleas. By this he forfeits his recognizances, him-\\nself in ^1000, and his securities in 500 each, or, if\\nhe returns, there is no doubt he will be committed.\\nAs a matter of fact, while he was writing, O Con-\\nnell was quietly toasting his toes by his own fireside.\\nHe had received information that he was to be\\ncalled up next day for trial. On 5th February, he\\nasked leave to withdraw his demurrers, and plead\\nnot guilty to the whole indictment. Government,\\nanxious not to prolong the case, granted his applica-\\ntion. Time pressed, and he was desirous of being in\\nhis place in the House. On nth February he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0322.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reform a^td Tithes. 255\\napplied personally to the Attorney-General to allow\\nthe trial to stand over till Easter term, provided\\nthere be nothing in such postponement inconsistent\\nwith your views of the interests of the Crown and\\nthe public. The Attorney-General replied that he\\ncould not suspend the trial, and was congratulated\\nby Stanley on having got the arch-agitator on the\\nhip. O Connell thereupon offered to let judgment\\ngo against him by default on the first fourteen\\ncounts, on condition that the Attorney-General with-\\ndrew the remaining counts charging him with con-\\nspiracy, and consented to postpone judgment till the\\nfirst day of Easter term. In other words he agreed,\\non condition of not forfeiting his recognisances, and\\nbeing allowed to advocate Reform in the House of\\nCommons, to admit that he had incurred the penal-\\nties due to the breach of the worse than Algerine\\nAct. The Attorney-General assented to the ar-\\nrangement, and Government congratulated itself\\nupon the easy victory it had won. Before three\\nmonths had elapsed, it was patent to the blindest\\nintelligence that the victory was in reality a crush-\\ning defeat, and that O Connell had out-manoeuvred\\nBlackburne on his own ground.\\nOn the day originally appointed for the trial, 17th\\nFebruary, O Connell arrived in London. On the\\n28th there was a brisk exchange of arms between\\nhim and Stanley, who, in the exuberance of his\\ntriumph, had given out that the former, fearing con-\\nviction, had solicited a compromise of the prosecu-\\ntion. This O Connell roundly denied. No friend\\nof his, he declared, had, with any authority from", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0323.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "256 Daniel O Connell. [1830-\\nhim, or to his knowledge, ever made any such appH-\\ncation but he thought it right to say that persons\\nwho represented themselves as authorised by the\\nCrown had made overtures to him, and that he had\\nwritten back refusing to accede to the terms. Prob-\\nably no one was more surprised at this revelation of\\na secret intrigue than Stanley himself. Next day,\\nLord John Russell submitted the Reform Bill to the\\nHouse of Commons. On 8th March, O Connell\\nrose to support the measure. Giving his wig a\\ntwitch lest he should lose it, says an onlooker, he\\nspoke for three hours, explaining that while the Bill\\nfell far short of his own wishes in regard to universal\\nsuffrage, vote by ballot and short parliaments, it was\\nnevertheless a liberal and extensive measure, and\\nas such would receive his unqualified support. The\\nfact was, he had come to regard Reform as an indis-\\npensable step to Repeal, believing, like so many of\\nhis contemporaries, that extension of the franchise,\\nand destruction of rotten boroughs, necessarily im-\\nplied greater liberality on the part of the Legislature.\\nHe was soon to discover that Hodge and his mas-\\nter were pretty much of one opinion as regarded\\nIreland. Easter arrived, but his presence in London\\nwas more than ever necessary to the ministry, and,\\nwith the consent of the Attorney-General for Ireland,\\njudgment was postponed till May. On 22nd April,\\nhowever, ministers having been defeated on a clause\\nof the Bill, dissolved Parliament. With the dissolu-\\ntion the worse than Algerine Act expired, and\\nO Connell was once more a free man.\\nReturning to Ireland, he threw himself, heart and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0324.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliame7itary Reform and Tithes. 257\\nsoul, into electioneering business. The cry that re-\\nsounded throughout England of the bill, the whole\\nbill and nothing but the bill found through him an\\necho also in Ireland. People of the stamp of George\\nEnsor said that in his enthusiasm for Reform he had\\nforgotten all about Repeal. It was not so.\\nLet no one, he wrote in a Letter to the People of\\nIreland, deceive you, and say I am abandoning my\\nprinciples of anti-unionism. It is false. I am decidedly\\nof opinion that the repeal of the union is the only meas-\\nure by which Irish prosperity and Irish freedom can be\\nsecured. But it is only in a reformed parlia-\\nment that the question can be properly, coolly, and dis-\\npassionately discussed.\\nThe result of the elections in Ireland strengthened\\nthe hands of the Reformers. O Connell himself\\nwas returned for county Kerry, in the room of the\\nKnight of Kerry, and the opening day of the new\\nparliament, 12th June, saw him in his customary seat\\nin the House of Commons.\\nBut Reform, though it still continued to hold the\\nfirst place in his consideration, was not the only, or\\nindeed the most pressing, subject that occupied his\\nattention. Distress, always chronic in Ireland, had\\nagain been intensified by the recurrence of a bad\\nharvest. During the winter of 1830-31 there had been\\nlocal outbursts of agrarian crime, attended by a gen-\\neral indisposition to pay tithes. In March Bishop\\nDoyle published a Letter, which in fact amounted\\nto a substantial pamphlet of 133 pages, on the\\nestablishment of a legal provision for the Irish poor;\\nand on the origin, nature, and destination of Church", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0325.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "258 Daniel O Co7tnell. [1830-\\nproperty. The desirability of establishing a system\\nof poor-law relief in Ireland was one which sat very\\nnear the Bishop s heart, but on this point he had\\nhitherto had the misfortune to differ from O Connell,\\nwho, in his examination before the Committee of the\\nHouse of Commons, in 1825, had denounced the pro-\\nject as tending to pauperise and demoralise the\\nnation. It was, therefore, an agreeable surprise for\\nthe Bishop to receive from him a letter beginning\\nMy Lord, you have convinced me Your pamphlet\\non the necessity of making a legal provision for the\\ndestitute Irish poor has completely convinced me. The\\ncandour and distinctness with which you state the\\narguments against that provision, and the clear and\\nsatisfactory manner in which you have answered and\\nrefuted those arguments, have quite overpowered my ob-\\njections, and rendered me an unwilling, but not the less\\nsincere, convert to your opinions.\\nIn his Letter Doyle had suggested the abolition\\nof tithes and the substitution for it of a land tax not\\nexceeding one-tenth of the value of the land. The\\nproduce of this tax and the Church lands, placed at\\nthe disposal of the Parliamentary Commissioners,\\nwould enable them to provide amply for the support\\nof the poor, and to promote works of public necessity\\nor national improvement. O Connell adopted his\\nsuggestion, with certain modifications.\\nWe must, he wrote, come forward at once. The\\npeople must be fed. The tithes do certainly afford a\\ngreat and natural resource, or rather a crown rent. As a\\nnational commutation of tithes, less, much less, than the\\ntenth of the fair rent-roll will be abundantly sufficient", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0326.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliamentary Reforin and Tithes. 259\\nin fact, the one-half of the actual weight of the tithes.\\nNext, the estates of the absentees should bear a double\\nproportion of this crown rent, or land tax. Indeed, a\\ntreble proportion would be but strict justice.\\nParliament had hardly met before the necessity of\\ntithe legislation, in some shape or form, became ap-\\nparent. In June, resistance to the payment of tithes\\nled to an armed conflict between the peasantry and\\nyeomanry at Newtownbarry, in county Wexford,\\nwhen eighteen persons lost their lives, and many\\nmore were wounded. The massacre made a deep\\nimpression on the popular mind, and the sorrow\\nand indignation it awakened found expression in\\nverse which, if crude in form, was pregnant enough\\nwith passion\\nThe balls of the yeomanry flew far and wide.\\nThe maidens plunged, shrieking, in Slaney s red tide,\\nAnd the blood of the peasantry gush d o er the turf,\\nAs their lips foamed in death, like the rock-beating\\nsurf.\\nAnd there lay the mother, distorted and pale\\nYet her butchers were praised by the Warder and\\nMail\\nFor our judges are silent, and justice unknown.\\nThough the dark tale of carnage o er Europe hath\\nflown.\\nAnd the widows of Wexford are loud in their wail.\\nAnd curse the proud priesthood of Mammon and\\nBaal\\nFor the poor and the guiltless by bigotry s sword\\nWere murdered for tithe in the name of the Lord.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0327.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "26o Daniel O ConnelL [1830-\\nThe Newtownbarry affair, wrote Bishop Doyle, a\\nweek or two after the sad event, was a certain, if not\\nnecessary, effect of the proceedings of Government with\\nrespect to the magistracy, the constabulary, and yeomen.\\nLast Christmas, when Mr. O Connell was forcing Gov-\\nernment to adopt strong measures, you recollect how I\\nbesought Mr. Stanley and the friends of Lord D\\nto send here a few regiments of the English militia, if\\nnecessary, to strengthen the military, and not to call out\\nthe Orange party in the person of the yeomanry. But\\nat that time they feared O Connell over much, and pre-\\ncipitated themselves into new difficulties of greater and\\nmore lasting magnitude. They made themselves the\\ndebtors of a party with whom they should have no con-\\nnexion, and thereby committed themselves to sustain old\\nabuses, to oppose the just wishes of the people and of\\nthe enlightened public, and here they are now, pampered\\nwith a magistracy as ignorant and corrupt as can well be\\nconceived, and which they fear too much with a con-\\nstabulary and yeomanry all Orange, who hate the gov-\\nernment with all their heart and soul, and take their\\ninstructions more from Lord Farnham and his associ-\\nates than from Lord Anglesey or his colleagues in\\noffice. These armed banditti, urged by their leaders,\\nare at this moment using every possible exertion to ex-\\ncite the people to insurrection, thereby to defeat the\\nMinistry and Reform whilst the mass of the people\\nhave resigned all confidence in Government, as if\\nleagued with their inveterate foes, and are at this mo-\\nment more liable to be led astray than they were at any\\nperiod these ten years past, if some Mr, O Connell ap-\\npeared to merely give a direction to their passions.\\nThis is the real state of Ireland now, so far as the ad-\\nministration of its affairs and the temper of the people", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0328.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliame7it aiy Reform and Tithes. 261\\ncompose its state and I need not add that order can\\nnever arise out of such a state of things. As to trusting\\nto the ordinary course of law for redress of wrongs, etc.,\\nit is a weakness approaching to fatuity. There is not a\\nsheriff in Ireland who is not too strong for the judges of\\nassize. Even the assistant barristers cannot do justice\\nin the smallest things where party-spirit enters nor are\\nthey all inclined to act justly and as for the magis-\\ntrates, their corruption, like the wisdom of Solomon,\\nsurpasses all that has been told of it. I assure you that\\neven in this country it is quite shocking.\\nThe Irish government answered the refusal to pay\\ntithes with the threat of an Arms Bill, which would\\nhave delivered over the Irish peasantry, bound hand\\nand foot, to the tender mercies of the Orangemen.\\nThe proposal, however, met with a cool reception in\\nParliament, and O Connell had little difficulty in\\nknocking it on the head. But he failed to persuade\\nthe House to consent to disarm the yeomanry, and\\nwas unsuccessful in obtaining any material alteration\\nin the Irish Reform Bill. In September his health\\nbroke down, and for three weeks his attendance in\\nthe House was restricted to an hour or two daily.\\nHe, however, supported Lord Ebrington s motion of\\nconfidence in the ministry on loth October, and the\\nlatter having trouble enough on hand in England\\ntried to sound him, through Sir Henry Parnell and\\nBishop Doyle, as to the possibility of inducing him\\nto refrain from renewing his agitation of Repeal.\\nHis popularity in Ireland was at its zenith. He\\ncould, the Bishop asserted, have little difficulty in\\ngetting twenty or thirty thousand pounds from the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0329.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "262 Daniel O Connell.\\n[1830-\\ncountry, and it was doubtful if he would surrender\\npopularity and emolument for anything ministers\\ncould offer him. But if O Connell refused to im-\\npair his popularity by countenancing a rumour\\napparently well-founded that the attorney-general-\\nship of Ireland was at his disposal, he did not de-\\ncline what was due to him as a lawyer, and accepted\\na patent of precedence at the Irish Bar ofTered to\\nhim through Lord Duncannon. Believing, too, in\\nthe sincerity of the promises that the ministry were\\nwilling to try a change of system in the govern-\\nment of Ireland, even to the extent of promoting\\noff Anglesey and Stanley, he agreed to confine\\nhimself to Reform until the Bill was carried. At\\nthe same time, however, he pointed out that the\\nstate of affairs might be rendered worse than pre-\\ncarious unless the promised change of system com-\\nmenced immediately. The past might easily be\\nburied in oblivion if means were taken to satisfy the\\npeople of Ireland that some practical good might be\\nexpected. But if it was imagined safe to delay giv-\\ning proofs of a change, he could only assure those\\nwho thought so that they would find themselves\\nsadly mistaken.\\nTwo months elapsed. Anglesey and Stanley still\\ncontinued at their posts, and not the slightest sign of\\na change of system had been given. Meanwhile, the\\nstate of affairs had grown worse. True, there was\\nnothing in Ireland to compare with the riots that\\nwere taking place at the same time in England but\\nthe tithe difficulty remained, and at Carrickshock, in\\ncounty Kilkenny, there had recently been another", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0330.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliavte7ita7y Reform and Tithes. 263\\ncollision between the peasantry and the process\\nservers, in which eighteen of the latter had been\\nkilled. The distress of the country was appalling.\\nIreland, O Connell wrote bitterly to Lord Dun-\\ncannon in December, is sinking into decrepitude.\\nIn Cork, in three parishes alone there are 27,000\\npaupers. The misery and the wretchedness of the\\npeople famine-stricken, misgoverned, harassed by\\nOrangemen and tithe-proctors, and trembling at\\nthe approach of a new and deadly disease, the\\ncholera, preyed upon him day and night. If only\\nhe could induce Irishmen of all sects and persua-\\nsions to unite for the common good of their country\\nNothing, nothing, he felt, could be done until they\\nhad recovered the management of their own affairs.\\nPeople talked to him of poor laws. The arguments\\nand eloquence of Bishop Doyle had wrung a reluc-\\ntant acquiescence in their necessity from him. But\\nafter all, what was the good of poor-law relief The\\nreal grievance lay elsewhere, and so long as Ireland\\ngroaned under the incubus of the Union, so long as\\ngood government was denied it, how could any pro-\\ngress be made Would poor laws help to develop\\nthe country, make Irishmen more self-reliant and\\nmore independent? Would they prevent these con-\\nstantly recurring periods of famine and distress,\\nward off the cholera, or secure to the labourer the\\njust fruits of his labour? It was not charity Irish-\\nmen wanted, but good government. Ireland was\\nbig enough and capable enough to support her eight\\nmillions of inhabitants. The weak, the aged, the\\ninfirm, the widow, and the orphan, they would always", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0331.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "264 Daniel O Connell. [1830-\\nhave with them for these provision could be made.\\nBut a nation with the resources of a country Hke\\nIreland does not want alms. A poor law Yes.\\nBut a poor law for the whole nation the restora-\\ntion of her domestic legislature that was what\\nwas wanted.\\nHis renunciation of the poor laws brought him\\ninto open conflict with Bishop Doyle. But he had\\nmade up his mind, and neither the sarcasm nor the\\nlogic of his adversary could move him. He would\\nmake another effort to unite Irishmen on a common\\nplatform he would demand justice in the shape of\\ngood government from a Reformed Parliament, and\\nif it was refused he would raise the standard of\\nRepeal. Availing himself, accordingly, of a sugges-\\ntion made by Henry Grattan, junior, he started a\\nNational Political Union, for placing Ireland upon\\na basis of equality of franchise and privilege with\\nEngland. The society served the double purpose\\nof furnishing a counterpoise to the Trades Political\\nUnion, which under its president, Marcus Costello,\\nwent at times too quick, at other times too slow, for\\nhim, and of providing him with a means of keeping\\nin touch with the nation.\\nParliament met on 6th December. The third\\nReform Bill was read in the Commons, a second\\ntime, and committees of both Houses were appointed\\nto inquire into the tithe laws. It reassembled after\\nthe Christmas vacation on 17th January, 1832. On\\n8th February O Connell presented a petition from\\nWaterford complaining of the tithe system. Gov-\\nernment expressed its determination to enforce the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0332.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "1832] Parliainenta7^y Refomn and Tithes. 265\\nlaw but the statement was somewhat mitigated by\\nthe appearance, a few days afterwards, of the reports\\nof both Houses pointing to a complete extinction of\\ntithes, in the interests of the Church, and the lasting\\nwelfare of Ireland. The tithes, O Connell wrote\\nto Fitzpatrick on nth February, are given up.\\nDepend on this. The announcement proved some-\\nwhat premature. In March he returned to Ireland,\\nbeing specially retained at the Cork Spring Assizes,\\nin the case of Kearney v. Sarsfield to try the validity\\nof the will of Thomas Rochford. His arrival in Cork\\nwas made the occasion of a great Repeal demonstra-\\ntion. The enthusiasm of the people delighted him.\\nThere never was, he wrote, such a scene as we\\nhad yesterday. It is impossible to form an idea of\\nit without having been a spectator. It beat all the\\nprocessions I ever witnessed all to nothing. It is\\ndecisive of Repeal. During his absence, Stanley\\nintroduced a Bill to enforce the recovery of tithe\\narrears. It speedily became law but proved, as\\nwas predicted of it, worse than useless, and later in\\nthe session the composition of tithes was made\\nuniversal and compulsory. But all interest in the\\nproceedings of Parliament had by that time expired.\\nIts days were numbered. On 7th June, the royal\\nassent had been given by commission to the Reform\\nBill, and Parliament, having been prorogued on 16th\\nAugust, was formally dissolved on 3rd December.\\nMen s thoughts were fixed on the future.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0333.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XII.\\nTHE WHIGS AND COERCION.\\n1832-1835.\\nO CONNELL returned to Ireland towards the\\nlatter end of July. He had for some time\\nbeen feeling far from well, and suffered much\\nfrom sleeplessness but the bracing air of Darrynane\\nsoon restored him to his usual state of buoyant\\nhealth.\\nYou will be happy to hear, he wrote on nth Aug-\\nust to his friend Fitzpatrick, that my health is blessed\\nbe God quite restored. There never was so great a\\nchange in the tone of animal functions in any man within\\nso short a period. I enjoy my mountain hunting on foot\\nas much as ever I did, and expect, with the help of God,\\nto be quite prepared for as vigorous a winter campaign\\nas ever I carried on. It is quite necessary,\\nOf the necessity, indeed, of doing something to\\nput an end to the terrible tithe war, that was rag-\\ning with unabated fury, there could not be the\\nslightest question. But how was this to be done\\n266", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0334.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "[1832-1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 267\\nThe committees of both Houses appointed to in-\\nquire into the matter had suggested the complete\\nextinction of tithes as the only solution likely to sat-\\nisfy the Irish peasantry. The Irish government, far\\nfrom adopting the suggestion, determined to enforce\\nthe payment of them. They succeeded in collect-\\ning ^12,000 of arrears, at a cost of 14,000 and con-\\nsiderable loss of life. Driven from this position,\\nthey passed a compulsory tithe composition bill, as\\nif it was the mode in which the clergy of the Estab-\\nlished Church were to be paid, and not the payment\\nitself, that had revolted the people. O Connell\\nadvised their extinction, and the compensation of\\nexisting Protestant incumbents. His advice was de-\\nspised, notwithstanding a pointed allusion to Lord\\nMilton s refusal to pay taxes till the Reform Bill\\nwas passed. The difficulty continuing, he addressed\\na letter to the National Political Union on the sub-\\nject. The letter concluded\\nFirst, I am determined never again voluntarily to\\npay tithes second, I am determined never again volun-\\ntarily to pay vestry cess third, I am determined never\\nto buy one single article sold for tithes or vestry cess.\\nSuch are my three individual resolutions let every other\\nman act as he pleases. I have made up my mind to this\\ncourse. I will not oppose the law: let it take its course\\nbut I decline paying to or buying from tithe proctors.\\nThe doctrine of passive resistance, thus clearly\\nenunciated, found plenty of adherents. As time\\nwent on, the struggle between the Government and\\nthe peasantry became more and more acute. Coer-\\ncion, instead of curing the disease, merely drove it", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0335.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "268 Daniel O Council. [1832-\\ninwards. Tithe prosecutions multiplied so did\\nagrarian outrages. The refusal to abolish tithes had\\nresulted in a revival of Whiteboyism, and for this\\nresult the Irish government must be held responsible.\\nMeanwhile, from his retreat at Darrynane, O Con-\\nnell threw off letter after letter thirty in all\\ndenouncing the government of Anglesey and Stan-\\nley, demanding the abolition of tithes, and preach-\\ning the repeal of the Union as the only adequate\\nremedy for Irish grievances. In October he was\\nspecially retained at the Cork Assizes, in connection\\nwith certain trials arising out of the agrarian dis-\\npute, and it was not until the following month that\\nhe was able to repair to Dublin in order to take part in\\nthe impending electoral struggle. His popularity was\\nunbounded. As he walked through the streets, people\\nrushed to their doors to have a better look at him,\\nor followed him in little knots at a respectful dis-\\ntance. Later in the month, he made a rousing\\nspeech at the Political Union, urging the electors\\neverywhere to exact a repeal pledge from their can-\\ndidates. His advice was followed to the very letter.\\nNo matter who the candidate, no matter what his\\nclaims, he was instantly rejected if he refused the\\npledge. The fact naturally detracted from the indi-\\nvidual importance of those composing O Connell s\\ntail, as his followers were half-humorously, half-\\nsneeringly nicknamed, but at least it promised to\\nensure fidelity on the main point. Of the hundred\\nand five members allotted to Ireland, eighty-five\\nwere returned in the Liberal interest, and of these\\neighty-five more than half were pledged Repealers.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0336.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "AN EXTRAORDINARY ANIMAL.\\nFROM A PRINT IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0337.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0338.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coei^cion. 269\\nFive were members of O Connell s own family the\\nHousehold Brigade, as they were called com-\\nprising his three sons, Maurice, Morgan, and John,\\nand his two sons-in-law, Christopher Fitzsimon, and\\nCharles O Connell, of Bahoss. His own unsolicited\\nreturn for Dublin City he regarded as perhaps the\\ngreatest triumph my countrymen have yet given me.\\nParliament did not meet till 5th February, 1833.\\nThe condition of the country, in the meantime, was\\nappalling. During the past twelve months, not less\\nthan nine thousand agrarian outrages, of which two\\nhundred were homicides, had occurred. In several\\ncounties, in Kilkenny and Queen s county especially,\\nthe authority of the law had practically ceased to\\nexist. Jurors would not convict, murders were rife,\\nand intimidation almost universal. Even O Connell,\\nwhile insisting on the immediate removal of Angle-\\nsey and Stanley as the only means of restoring pub-\\nlic confidence, had sadly to admit, and even to urge,\\nthe necessity of exceptional measures being taken.\\nMy Lord, he wrote to Lord Duncannon on 14th\\nJanuary, you are the only person connected with power\\nto whom I could write what I know and what 1 believe,\\nand indeed, I should not feel at rest if I did not tell you\\nthat the Government cannot appreciate the exact state of\\nthis country. Stanley has had considerable success in\\nenforcing the Tithes. He has overawed many, very\\nmany parishes, and there was an adequate force for that\\npurpose but the result is just what those who know Ire-\\nland foresaw the spirit which is curbed by day walks\\nabroad by night. Whiteboyism is substituted for open\\nmeetings. There is an abnost universal organisation", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0339.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "270 Dmiiel O Connell. [1832-\\ngoing on. It is, I repeat, almost universal. I do not believe\\nthere is any man in the rank of a comfortable farmer en-\\ngaged not one man probably entitled to vote. But all\\nthe poverty of our counties is being organised. There\\nnever yet was, as I believe, so general a disposition for\\nthat species of insurrectionary outrages. We will do all\\nwe can to check it. I believe that we will keep the\\ncounty of Meath free, because we have a County Club in\\noperation persons in whom the people have confidence,\\nand whose advice they will be likely to follow. You may\\nbe quite sure that, if I were not convinced of the fright-\\nful extent of the impending mischief, I would not trouble\\nyou. All I can add in the way of advice is that the more\\ntroops are sent over here the better. In every point of\\nview, it is best to increase the King s troops. If the Yeo-\\nmanry are called out, the consequences may be terrific.\\nAvoid that, of all things they will prove to be weakness,\\nnot strength. I know you will excuse me for my cause\\nin troubling you at this length. But, indeed, you, who\\nare acquainted with the history of Irish affairs, must\\nhave been prepared for this result. The insanity of de-\\nlivering the country to so weak a man as Lord Anglesey,\\nand so obstinate a maniac as Stanley, is unequalled, even\\nin our annals.\\nEarly in the forenoon of Tuesday, 5th February,\\nO Connell, at the head of his Household Brigade,\\nwent down to the House of Commons, to be present\\nat the opening of the first reformed Parliament.\\nTaking his seat on the second opposition bench,\\nhe ranged his sons alongside him a mark of\\nparental pride the young men would gladly have\\navoided. His hopes beat high. The wrongs of Ire-\\nland called to Heaven for redress. Surely the ministry,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0340.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 271\\nwhich owed its very existence to the votes of the\\nIrish members, would seize the opportunity to heal\\nthe breach which misgovernment had made in the\\npast by the introduction of remedial measures. An\\nhour or two served to dispel the fond illusion. The\\nSpeech from the Throne, after alluding to the social\\ncondition of Ireland, where the spirit of insubordin-\\nation and violence had risen to the most fearful\\nheight, expressed the King s confidence in the readi-\\nness of Parliament to adopt such measures of salu-\\ntary precaution, and to entrust him with such\\nadditional powers as may be found necessary for\\ncontrolling and punishing the disturbers of the public\\npeace, and for preserving the legislative union be-\\ntween the two countries. O Connell s indignation\\nat the baseness of the Whigs was intense. Lord Or-\\nmelie, afterwards Marquis of Breadalbane, in moving\\nthe Address, had the misfortune to add fuel to his\\nwrath by an unlucky comparison between him and\\nhis fellow-Repealers, and those harpies, or birds\\nof prey, who soared over and watched the agonies of\\ntheir victim, ready to pierce their destructive talons\\ninto its side. What a curse was it for Ireland,\\nO Connell bitterly exclaimed, that every popinjay\\nyou met in the streets, who was capable of uttering\\nfifteen words, was sure to lard his sentences by sar-\\ncasms against Ireland But it was for Stanley\\nthe real author of the brutal and bloody speech\\nthat he reserved the vials of his wrath for that\\nminister, who, during his brief tenure of office, had\\naccomplished what none of his predecessors had ever\\ndone, and united Irishmen in a consensus of opinion", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0341.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "272 Daniel O Council. [1832-\\nas to his incapacity to govern the country; who, never-\\ntheless, lord of the ascendant, dictated his measures\\nto the ministry. Four long nights the battle raged,\\nand then came the division. O Connell moved to\\nrefer the Address to a committee of the whole\\nHouse he was defeated by 428 votes to 40. A\\nmotion to couple coercion with a close and diligent\\ninvestigation into the causes of discontent in Ire-\\nland shared a similar fate, and was defeated by 393\\nvotes to 60.\\nAlas, for Ireland Alas for the hopes which\\nReform had raised People with a turn for epigram\\ncalled the Government s policy a policy of kicks and\\nkindness. Unfortunately, the only thing certain\\nabout it was the kicks, of which there were enough\\nand to spare. On 12th February Lord Althorp\\nsubmitted certain proposals, to be embodied in a\\nBill for the abolition of vestry cess, the suppression\\nof a number of bishoprics and Church livings, and the\\nappropriation of the revenues thereby liberated to\\nsecular purposes. His proposals won O Connell s\\ngratitude. Perhaps, after all, the Whigs were going\\nto do something for Ireland. Three days afterwards\\nEarl Grey introduced a Bill into the House of\\nLords combining the provisions of the Proclamation\\nAct, the Insurrection Act, the partial application\\nof martial law, and the partial suspension of the\\nHabeas Corpus Act. The horror of it pierced\\nO Connell to the heart. Never, even while denounc-\\ning the Speech from the Throne as bloody and\\nbrutal, with an emphasis that caused Lord John\\nRussell to move that his words be taken down, had", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0342.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 273\\nhe anticipated a measure so drastic in its operation\\nas that which Government now submitted to Parha-\\nment. Never, even in the pahniest days of Tory\\nabsolutism, had such an atrocious attack against the\\nliberties of Ireland been committed as was now\\nmeditated by the Whigs. And these were their\\nfriends This the reward for helping them to pass\\nReform Do not be alarmed about my health,\\nO Connell wrote to Edward Dwyer. The atrocious\\nattempt to extinguish public liberty with which\\nIreland is menaced has made me young again.\\nTalk of a union, indeed, between the two coun-\\ntries, after presuming to attempt to outlaw the in-\\nhabitants of one great portion of the empire So\\nintense was his indignation that, even before the\\nBill had been discussed in the Upper House, he\\nseized the opportunity which a motion for supply\\nafforded him to warn Government against the peril-\\nous course upon which they were entering. What,\\nhe asked, was the reason for a measure of such\\nexceptional severity? Was a whole country to be\\noutlawed on the mere ipse dixit of a minister, with-\\nout further inquiry People charged him with agi-\\ntating the repeal of the Union. But ministers were\\ndoing more than he was to further that object. For\\nhimself, he would say, though the admission might\\nbe turned against him in Ireland, that he had ever\\nbeen, and still was, most attached to a British con-\\nnection. He was a Repealer but he would prefer\\nto see justice done to his countrymen by Parliament\\nthan by a local legislature and if he thought that\\nthe machinery of the present Government would\\n18", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0343.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "2 74 Daniel O Connell. [1832-\\nwork well for Ireland, there never lived a man more\\nready to facilitate its movements than himself. The\\nonly reason he had for being a Repealer was the\\ninjustice of the Government towards his country,\\nand the fact that that Government must be unjust so\\nlong as it lacked proper and impartial information.\\nThere was disorder in Ireland outrages had oc-\\ncurred. But was a whole country to be put under\\nmartial law for the crimes of a few? The only\\npersons Government had to fear the only per-\\nsons he feared were the Whiteboys. They, and\\nthey alone, opposed resistance to the execution of\\nthe laws, and it was against them alone, and not\\nagainst the innocent that severe measures should be\\ndirected. It was a calumny a deep, false, and\\nfoul calumny to assert that political agitation was\\nin any way connected with predial outrage. But\\nthe truth was, ministers had an ulterior purpose to\\nserve in asking for these exceptional powers. Their\\nreal reason was to enforce the payment of tithes.\\nShould the Act pass, let any parish resist the pay-\\nment of tithes, and let a cornstack or a haystack be\\nburned in that parish by any the merest acci-\\ndent, and it would be seen to what the accident was\\nattributed. Woe then to such a parish and woe to\\nthe man in it that dared to refuse tithes. For them\\nthere would be no other mercy than the tender pity\\nof dragoons and marines. He besought the Re-\\nformers of England not to condemn Ireland un-\\nheard. He solicited inquiry and should the result\\nbe unfavourable, should Englishmen with a full\\nknowledge of the facts, think that Ireland ought to", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0344.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 275\\nbe governed by such measures as those proposed, he\\nwould be the first to say Let Ireland submit.\\nBut his appeal was made in vain. Less than a\\nweek sufficed to see the Bill through the House of\\nLords. Its fortunes in the Commons were more\\nchequered, but the result was the same. On 27th\\nFebruary Lord Althorp explained its provisions in a\\nspeech characterised by Lord John Russell as tame\\nand ineffective. A motion to postpone its intro-\\nduction for a fortnight seemed likely to be carried.\\nThe credit of the Irish government, the fate of the\\nministry, hung in the balance. Both were saved by\\nStanley. His speech on that occasion is still re-\\nmembered as one of the greatest triumphs ever won\\nin a popular assembly by the power of oratory. But\\nit was won by equivocal methods by arts which,\\nhowever suitable to a rhetorician, Avere unworthy of\\na statesman. Any other man but O Connell would\\nhave been overwhelmed by the fierce denunciation,\\nthe indignant scorn, the scathing irony, with which\\nhe was assailed. But he was fighting for the ele-\\nmentary liberties of his country, and the attack\\npassed harmlessly over him.\\nI care not, he replied, for personal attacks. If I\\nhad not the consolation of knowing that my intentions\\nare pure and disinterested, and that I am anxious only\\nfor peace, good order and freedom if I had not the\\ncomfort of my own feelings in this respect if my con-\\nscience did not approve, not of every expression, per-\\nhaps, but of my motives if I did not feel that my\\nmotives are only the warmest wishes for the increase of\\nhuman happiness and liberty, wherever the slave is", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0345.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "276 Daniel O Connell. [1832-\\noppressed, or the oppressor can be found if I had not\\nthese things to console me, I might feel the attacks that\\nhave been made upon me.\\nBut the wrongs of his country had been mixed up\\nwith the attacks on him. Really, it was pitiable to\\nsee the representatives of the great and generous\\npeople of England legislating against a single indi-\\nvidual. Why not save themselves that trouble\\nWhy not banish him for a year and a half He\\nwould consent to it. They should banish him on\\ncondition that they would not oppress his country.\\nSuch, however, was the difficult position in which he\\nwas placed, that he could not advise without being\\nsaid to threaten he could not prophesy without be-\\ning taunted with provoking what he prophesied.\\nHe would not advise he would not prophesy he\\nwould, however, say that it was not enough to show\\nthat murders were being committed in Ireland to\\njustify the suppression of the constitution. Minis-\\nters must show that the measure they proposed\\nwould cure the evils of which they complained.\\nThey could not show it. Coercion might produce\\ntemporary tranquillity, but it would be followed by\\ngreater rancour. It would produce the tranquillity\\nof the grave a deathlike silence, and a dreary re-\\npose but not peace not quiet not confidence.\\nPolitical agitation had nothing whatever to do with\\npredial outrages. He begged them to consider the\\nfollowing facts. In 1824 the Catholic Association\\nwas established. The number of persons charged\\nwith treasonable offences was, in 1823, 106 in 1824,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0346.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 277\\nI in 1825, I in 1826, i in 1827, none; in\\n1828, none; in 1829, none. These were years of\\npolitical agitation offences with violence decreased\\nas political agitation spread. In 1822 there were\\n499 persons accused of seditious practices in 1823,\\n424; in 1824, 121; in 1825,17; in 1827,4; and\\nwhereas, for robbing of arms 64 men were arraigned\\nin 1822, in 1823 there were only 7. How could\\nthey then say that predial and political agitation\\nwere concurrent Ireland was suffering she was\\nin distress, she was a-hungry, and for bread they\\noffered her a stone they gave her, instead of re-\\nmedial measures, an Act which deprived Irishmen\\nof trial by jury, which substituted court-martial,\\nwhich deprived them of the Habeas Corpus Act,\\nand in a word, imposed on each man the necessity\\nof proving himself innocent. Did they think that\\nsuch measures would put an end to the agitation\\nfor the repeal of the Union The present genera-\\ntion might perish coercion might destroy the ex-\\nisting population but the indignant soul of Ireland\\ncould not be annihilated.\\nThere was a time when a ray of hope dawned upon\\nthat country. It was when the present Parliament first\\nassembled. We saw this Reformed House of Commons\\ncongregated. We knew that every man here had a con-\\nstituency we knew that the people of England were\\nrepresented here we knew that the public voice not\\nonly would influence your decisions, but command your\\nvotes we hoped that you would afford us redress of\\nour grievances and you give us an Act of despotism", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0347.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "278 Daniel O Connell. [1832-\\nNever did O Connell appear to greater advantage\\nin the House of Commons nevermore unapproach-\\nable in his lonely grandeur, than he did on this\\noccasion. Once before, when defending Magee,\\nonce again, when addressing Ireland from the Hill\\nof Tara, did he impress men with his greatness.\\nBut never again did he occupy the position he did\\non this occasion in the House of Commons. Night\\nafter night saw him at his post, in the House, in\\nCommittee, ever watchful, ever on his guard, ever\\nready to take advantage of the slightest slip on the\\npart of the enemy. The versatility with which he ex-\\nchanged the character of an orator for that of a plod-\\nding, keen-scented, practical lawyer, was marvellous.\\nNo one who saw him in Committee quietly criticising\\nnow this now that passage, courteously suggesting\\nsome slight emendation in the wording of it, which\\nwould have gone far to emasculate the Bill, poHtely\\nanswering the most trivial questions, could have\\nimagined that it was the same man who, a few\\nhours previously, had been defying the oppressors of\\nhis country\\nMake your bondmen tremble.\\nMust I observe you Must 1 stand and crouch\\nUnder your testy humour By the gods\\nYou shall digest the venom of your spleen\\nTho it do split you.\\nStanley, in particular, found him a formidable op-\\nponent. No sooner was he driven from one position\\nthan he entrenched himself in another fighting\\nthe Bill clause by clause, paragraph by paragraph,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0348.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "18 35] The Whigs a7id Coercion. 279\\nalmost word by word. A hostile House, a powerful\\npress, Whiteboys and Whitefeet, more dangerous\\nthan either, were arrayed against him. Single-\\nhanded he fought them all, asking no assistance,\\nand getting none. Even his enemies could not\\nconceal their admiration of him as they realised the\\nforce of Cobbett s epithet the member for Ire-\\nland. Not his eloquence, not the sometimes tawdry\\nrags of rhetoric in which he wrapped his thoughts,\\nwas it that made him great, and forced men against\\ntheir wills to listen to him, but his earnestness. It\\nwas the man, not his words, that held them. One\\nthought alone possessed him. He knew nothing,\\ncared for nothing, but Ireland, and, looking on him,\\nmen seemed to be gazing on Ireland personified.\\nAgain and again the lines recurred to him\\nOh, Erin Shall it e er be mine\\nTo right thy wrongs in battle line,\\nTo raise my victor head, and see.\\nThy hills, thy dales, thy people free\\nThat glance of bliss is all I crave\\nBetween my labours and the grave.\\nAnd the words possessed a deeper significance for\\nhim than for the poet who wrote them. Men ma-\\nligned him in his life-time they criticised him after\\nhis death but of his love for Ireland, his patriotism,\\nthere is no question. He may have been mistaken\\nin the policy he advocated he was intemperate and\\nbrutal in his language to those who opposed him\\nbut he was so because he regarded them as the\\nenemies of his country, and his devotion to the land", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0349.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "28o Daniel O Connell.\\n[1832-\\nof his birth pleads for him and excuses him. Of him\\nit could be said\\nHis heart s his mouth.\\nWhat his breast forges, that his tongue must vent\\nAnd, being angry, does forget that ever\\nHe heard the name of death.\\nBut his opposition, if it retarded the Bill, could\\nnot prevent it becoming law early in April. One or\\ntwo concessions were all he could wring from Gov-\\nernment, and Ireland, having been taught to fear, was\\nnow, according to rule, in a fit position to have kind-\\nness administered to her. On nth March, Althorp\\nintroduced his Church Temporaries Bill, of which\\nhe had given a sketch at the beginning of the ses-\\nsion but before it had been proceeded with it was dis-\\ncovered that all the formalities connected with it had\\nnot been observed. It had, accordingly, to be with-\\ndrawn, and it was only on the first of April that\\nAlthorp was in a position to submit it to the House.\\nIts progress was incredibly slow. People had time\\nto forget that it was, in effect, the price of the Coer-\\ncion Act, and when Stanley, on 2 1st June, moved to\\nomit the clause appropriating the revenues of the\\nsuppressed bishoprics to purposes thought fit by Par-\\nliament, the House supported him.\\nThe abandonment of the appropriation principle\\ndeprived the measure of all that gave it vitality, and\\nO Connell at once repudiated it on behalf of Ireland.\\nBefore, however, the Bill became law, the situation, as\\nregarded Ireland, had considerably improved, render-\\ning it, in O Connell s opinion, desirable to retain the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0350.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 281\\nWhigs in office. First and foremost, Stanley had\\nbeen promoted to the Colonial office. His successor,\\noverlooking Sir John Cam Hobhouse, who only held\\noffice a week or two, was Edward John Littleton,\\nafterwards Lord Hatherton. The Church Tempor-\\nalities Bill, without satisfying Ireland, had done\\nmuch to weaken the ministry in England. During\\nJune and July the situation was extremely critical;\\neveryone thought that the Grey administration was\\ntottering to its fall. Despite his dissatisfaction with\\nthe Whigs, O Connell had no desire to see the Tories\\nin power, and on several occasions exerted himself\\nconspicuously on behalf of the former. His exer-\\ntions were not unrewarded, and though no actual\\npromises were held out by Littleton he was given\\nto believe that the press prosecutions, instituted by\\nStanley, would be dropped, that his plan of corporate\\nreform would meet with support, and that an effort\\nwould be made in the direction of the total abolition\\nof tithes. Satisfied with this result, he was much an-\\nnoyed to learn that his policy was strongly disap-\\nproved of in Ireland, and that he was being charged\\nwith a desire to postpone Repeal.\\nThe fact was, his admission, during the Coercion\\ndebate, that he would prefer to see justice done to\\nIreland by the Imperial Parliament rather than by a\\ndomestic legislature, had, as he predicted it probably\\nwould, done him considerable harm.\\nI am bound in candour to tell you, he wrote to\\nFitzpatrick on 13th June, that the advice of my friends\\nin Dublin would not induce ?ne to consent to bring it", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0351.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "282 Daniel O ComiclL [1832-\\n[Repeal] on this session, because I know that any rational\\ndiscussion upon it is impossible in this advanced and\\ncomplicated state of the public business. We should\\nhave been either deprived of a House by members going\\naway, or we should be treated with contempt and ridi-\\ncule by men who are now thinking of nothing else save\\nescaping from London and getting rid of the session.\\nA day or two afterwards there was a meeting in\\nSt. Audeon s parish, Dublin, at which a resolution\\nwas passed virtually censuring him for his inactivity\\nin regard to Repeal.\\nI am sorry, he wrote when he heard of it, to find\\nthat eighteen members of St. Audeon s parish should\\nhave given my enemies such a triumph over me.\\nWell well well How idle it is for every man to expect\\nto be treated with fairness To insinuate that inter-\\npose a delay to carrying the Repeal\\nBut the mischief did not stop here. The subject\\nwas taken up by the Freeman s Jourfial in Ireland,\\nand by Feargus O Connor in London. Feargus\\nO Connor, of Chartist celebrity, the scatter-brained\\nson of a still madder father, had succeeded, contrary\\nto all expectation, in getting himself returned M. P.\\nfor county Cork at the last general election. The\\nvictory seemed to have turned the little brains he\\npossessed, and, conceiving that an opportunity now\\npresented itself of substituting himself for O Connell\\nas leader of the Irish party, he suddenly announced\\nhis determination of moving the Repeal of the Union\\non 1 6th July. Nothing could alter his resolution,\\nand O Connell, feeling that the situation was critical,\\nsummoned a meeting of his tail. Opinion was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0352.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 283\\ndivided, and it was only by pledging himself to bring\\nthe question before Parliament early in the next\\nsession that he managed to stave off the danger of a\\npremature debate.\\nNaturally enough, Feargus got plenty of applause\\nfor his resolute conduct some of it sincere, some\\nof it for the express purpose of setting the Irish\\nmembers by the ear. The press joined in. The\\nLondon papers had long burked O Connell s\\nspeeches they now began to misrepresent him. It\\nwas not the first time he had complained of being\\nimproperly reported. In Ireland the reporters had\\nexcused themselves on the ground that he spoke\\ntoo rapidly and too long. The reporters of the\\nHouse of Commons made no excuse. To O Con-\\nnell s charge of wilful misrepresentation they re-\\nplied by refusing to report him at all. Their power\\nwas very great they boasted of having put down a\\nTierney and a Windham, and another man would\\nhave hesitated before entering into the lists with\\nthem. But O Connell had hit upon a plan to make\\nthem listen to reason. If the Times does not re-\\nport me, it shall not report anybody else, he wrote\\nto Fitzpatrick. On 26th July he brought the mat-\\nter before the House, and, treating their refusal to\\nreport him as a breach of privilege, he obtained an\\norder for the proprietor and printer of the Times to\\nattend at the bar of the House. His speech in ap-\\nplication for the order was not reported, and three\\ndays later he moved that the order for the day for\\ntheir attendance at the bar be read. He lost his\\nmotion the reporters smiled at his defeat. But he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0353.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "284 Daniel O Co7inelL [1832-\\nhad still his trump card to play. Hardly had the\\nSpeaker taken the chair than he said, I think, Sir,\\nI see strangers in the gallery. A minute or two\\nafterwards not a stranger, not a reporter, was to be\\nseen in the House. Next morning people scanned\\nthe papers anxiously to see what had taken place.\\nNot a line, not a word, of what had happened was to\\nbe found in them. The victory was won the day\\nfollowing the reporters surrendered.\\nBefore the session came to an end, O Connell re-\\nturned with his family to Ireland. His health, not-\\nwithstanding the strain placed upon it of almost\\nseven months close and unremitting labour, had\\nnever, he declared, been better; but he needed rest,\\nand longed for the fresh sea breezes of Darrynane.\\nReplying to an invitation to a banquet at Cork, that\\nreached him shortly after his return, he begged his\\nfriends to postpone for a time the honour they\\nwished to show him.\\nI want, he wrote, the calm and quiet of my loved\\nnative hills the bracing air, purified as it comes over\\nthe world of waters, the cheerful exercise, the majestic\\nscenery, of these awful mountains, whose wildest and\\nmost romantic glens are awakened by the enlivening cry\\nof my merry beagles, whose deep notes, multiplied one\\nmillion times by the echoes, speak to my senses as if it\\nwere the voice of magic powers commingling with the\\neternal roar of the mighty Atlantic, that breaks and\\nfoams with impotent rage at the foot of our stupendous\\ncliffs.\\nAbove all, he wanted time to prepare himself for", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0354.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion. 285\\nthe great Repeal effort he had promised to make in\\nthe following session, and he had hardly been a\\nweek at Darrynane before he instructed Fitzpatrick\\nto send him every book on Irish history that he\\ncould lay his hands on. You cannot, he wrote,\\nsend me down too much Irish history. He had\\nalready, in a Letter to the People of Ireland, on\\nthe first of July, expounded his plan of action to\\nprocure as many petitions as possible for the repeal\\nof the Union, to conciliate Protestant opinion in Ire-\\nland, and to prepare the popular mind in England\\nand Scotland for the discussion of the question, by\\nshowing them that Repeal did not mean separation,\\nbut directly the reverse my political creed being,\\nthat the best possible political revolution is not\\nworth one single drop of human blood. Brave\\nwords But the burden of the Coercion Act, and\\nthe practical suspension of the agitation since the\\ngeneral election, had completely damped the popular\\nenthusiasm for Repeal. O Connell s own attitude,\\ntoo, was equivocal rumour persistently ascribed to\\nhim an intention of joining the ministry, and though\\nhe gave it an unqualified denial, people did not be-\\nlieve him to be in earnest. The indifference of the\\npublic reacted on him.\\nMay not, he wrote in confidence to Fitzpatrick,\\nRepeal be dispensed with, if we get beneficial meas-\\nures without it This is a serious question, and one\\nupon which good men may well differ but it is my\\nduty to make up my mind upon it, and I have made up\\nmy mind accordingly that there can be no safety, no", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0355.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "2 86 Daniel O Co7inelL [1832-\\npermanent prosperity in Ireland, without a repeal of\\nthe Union.\\nTowards the latter end of September, Lord Angle-\\nsey, exhausted with his vain efforts to recover his\\npopularity, surrendered the reins of government to\\nthe Marquis of Wellesley, who thus became, for the\\nsecond time, Viceroy of Ireland. O Connell improved\\nthe occasion by administering a final kick to the de-\\nparting governor, and by advising his countrymen to\\nconfide in the good intentions of his successor. The\\nadvice was a feeble substitute for the expected sum-\\nmons to rally round the standard of Repeal. But\\nO Connell, truth to say, was not in a fighting humour.\\nHe was drifting, he knew not exactly whither hop-\\ning he knew not exactly for what one day sanguine,\\nthe next despondent. There is a lull in politics\\njust now, he wrote to Fitzpatrick on 20th Septem-\\nber, but the land breeze will soon spring up, and\\nwe shall have a stiff gale before we are much older.\\nI pause to obtain Protestant aid. Weeks passed\\naway without any sign of the weather freshening.\\nThe calm told on O Connell s nerves. I am per-\\nhaps, he wrote on 31st October, out of spirits,\\nunjustly or without cause, but I feel a sense of deser-\\ntion of me, when I ought not. What alarms\\nme principally is that, although I see some newspaper\\npuffs, I do not see anywhere, save in Cork, the organ-\\nisation which could promise success. Worse fol-\\nlowed. He had been led to believe that the press\\nprosecutions instituted by Stanley would be aban-\\ndoned by Littleton. His belief proved unfounded.\\nIn November, Richard Barrett, editor of the Pilot,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0356.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "?835] The Whigs and Coercion. 287\\nwas tried in Dublin for publishing a letter of O Con-\\nnell s, alleged to be libellous. O Connell, as in hon-\\nour bound, undertook his defence. It was some\\nrelief to vent his indignation against the vile cozen-\\ning Whigs in a speech infinitely more libellous than\\nthat complained of. But the jury, wholly Tory and\\nOrange in sentiment, while they relished his fierce\\ntirade against their political opponents, were alive\\nto their own interests, and convicted Barrett, with\\nhardly the ceremony of a consultation.\\nNever, perhaps, had O Connell passed a more mis-\\nerable Christmas but the weary recess came at last\\nto an end, and the first day of the new session found\\nhim in his accustomed seat in St. Stephen s. The\\nSpeech from the Throne called attention to and dep-\\nrecated, with feelings of deep regret and just indig-\\nnation, the continuance of attempts to excite the\\npeople of Ireland to demand a repeal of the legisla-\\ntive union. O Connell moved the omission of the\\nobnoxious paragraph, but was defeated by 189 to 23\\nvotes. It was a bad omen for the success of the\\nRepeal debate, to which he had promised to treat the\\nHouse later on in the session. I find the House of\\nCommons, he wrote on 7th February, more intol-\\nerant of Ireland than it was last session hating us\\nmore more disposed to do us mischief. It is a\\ndisposition which will evince itself in some overt\\nacts before this session is over. The situation was,\\nin fact, disheartening. The thought of the speech\\nhe had to make weighed upon him like a nightmare.\\nDuring the recess he had been studying Irish history,\\nbut only to find that the more he studied it the less", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0357.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "288 Da7iiel O ConnelL [1832-\\nhe knew about it. The first display in Parliament\\non the Repeal question, he had written on nth\\nOctober, is one which, to do it justice, would re-\\nquire months of seclusion. As the fatal day, the\\n22nd of April, approached, his nervousness grew\\nupon him. I feel lonely, he wrote to Fitzpatrick.\\nI can make but little miserably little of my sub-\\nject. Would to God it were in abler hands. At\\nthe beginning of April he took a week s holiday on\\nthe south coast, visiting Canterbury cathedral, and\\nfinding some spiritual consolation in contemplating\\nthe spot where Thomas a Becket was murdered.\\nBut the thought of his speech preyed upon him\\nnight and day. Had it been possible, he would\\ngladly have withdrawn from his undertaking but he\\nw^as pledged to bring the subject before Parliament,\\nand withdrawal, he knew well, would be more fatal\\nthan defeat.\\nI never, he wrote on 9th April, felt half so nervous\\nabout anything as I do about my Repeal effort. It will\\nbe my worst. I sink beneath the load. My materials\\nare confused, and totally without arrangement.\\nIt is quite true, I have often desponded before a public\\nexertion and afterwards succeeded, but this cannot now\\nbe the case. I feel, for the first time overpoiveredy\\nHis fears proved not altogether groundless, though\\nthe fault was more in his subject than in himself.\\nRising to move the appointment of a committee to\\ninquire into and report on, the means by which the\\nabolition of the Parliament of Ireland was effected.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0358.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "1835] J- yy fi ^g\\nThe Whigs and Coercioii. 289\\non the effects of that measure on Ireland, and on the\\nprobable consequences of continuing the legislative\\nunion, he spoke for rather over five hours. It was a\\ngreat effort, but hardly to be called a great speech.\\nHe set himself to prove three points first, that Eng-\\nland had no right of conquest, nor any title to the\\nsubjugation of Ireland second, that no Parliament,\\nderiving its power of legislation from the people, had\\nthe right to annihilate itself; and third, that Ireland\\nhad declined in prosperity since, and because of, the\\nUnion. His speech thus possessed a threefold as-\\npect an historical, a constitutional, and a financial.\\nFor the historical argument, the less said about it\\nthe better it was deadly dull and worthless for the\\nconstitutional, he made one telling quotation from\\nLocke, which, had the Union been a matter of\\nmerely academic discussion, would, in itself, have\\nsettled the question in his financial argument, he\\nstood on firmer ground, but his figures were badly\\narranged, and, worse than all, they were answerable.\\nHad he devoted his attention more to this aspect of\\nthe question, and less to the historical, he would un-\\ndoubtedly have produced a greater effect, have bored\\nhis audience less, and have rendered the task of\\nSpring Rice, who, having made a special study of the\\nrelations between the two kingdoms, was put up to\\nanswer him, a much more difficult one. This, he\\nhimself admitted. The question, he explained to\\nFitzpatrick, turns upon the single fact, whether or\\nnot Ireland has prospered by or since the Union.\\nRice figures Ireland into prosperity. Is Ireland\\nprosperous Whoever thinks not, refutes Rice s\\n19", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0359.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "290 Daniel O Con^iell. [1832-\\nentire case and that of the Unionists. Whoever\\nsays Yes gives Rice the victory.\\nFrom O Connell s point of view, this is no doubt\\nquite true. Nevertheless, it may perhaps be per-\\nmitted to dissent from the opinion that the case for the\\nUnion hinges on the prosperity or non-prosperity of\\nIreland. The Union, it may at once be said, is not\\na topic for academic discussion. It may be granted\\nthat England has no claim to hold Ireland by right\\nof conquest, though it is difficult to understand what,\\nin the face of actual facts, that assertion exactly\\nmeans it may be allowed that no legislature has the\\npower to annihilate itself it may even be admitted\\nthat Ireland has not prospered under the Union and\\nyet the Union remains a solid and stubborn fact.\\nWhy Simply because it is to England s interest\\nto maintain it. Stripped of all irrelevant, including\\nnot a little hypocritical, matter, the Union was car-\\nried by force, and has ever since been so maintained.\\nIt is not a question of justice or injustice, of prosper-\\nity or the reverse, but of simple utility. Political\\nproblems, said Burke, do not primarily concern\\ntruth or falsehood. What in the result is likely to\\nproduce evil, is politically false that which is pro-\\nductive of good, politically true. The Union was\\nPitt s attempt to solve a problem which in his opinion\\ninvolved, not only the safety, but the very existence\\nof the British Empire and it is no paradox to say\\nthat if any single individual was responsible for it,\\nthat individual was Theobald Wolfe Tone. This\\nwas entirely Peel s view of the subject, when, in\\nthe present debate, he insisted that Repeal was not", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0360.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coercion, 291\\nmerely a question between England and Ireland, nor\\nbetween Great Britain and Europe, but between the\\nBritish Empire and the world. Whether the Union\\nwas not apolitical blunder of the first magnitude is\\nanother matter. But if it is ever to be repealed, it\\nmust be shown to be a blunder to Englishmen. The\\nmoment that England is convinced that it is to her\\ninterest to restore to Ireland her domestic legislature,\\nthat moment the Union will stand repealed. Ireland\\nnever had anything to do with the making of it, and\\nwill have nothing to do with the unmaking of it, ex-\\ncept in so far as she may have the power of creating\\nthe necessity for it. When O Connell urged the\\ninflux of Irish cheap labour into the English market\\nas a motive for repealing the Union, men listened to\\nhim when he spoke of justice and mercy, they\\nturned a deaf ear to him and rejected his motion for\\ninquiry by 523 to 38.\\nStill, the debate was not wholly unproductive of\\ngood. Many, even while they voted for the reten-\\ntion of the Union, had not listened altogether un-\\nmoved to the recital of Ireland s wrongs, and a\\nstrong feeling sprang up of a desire to treat her with\\ngreater leniency and consideration. The change of\\nsentiment did not escape O Connell. I repeat,\\nhe wrote to Fitzpatrick, we Repealers have made\\ngreat moral way in the opinion of the House. The\\nconsequences were important. Immediately the Re-\\npeal debate was over, Littleton introduced a Bill for\\nthe commutation of tithe into a land tax. The Bill\\nnaturally failed to satisfy O Connell, who called it\\na most excellent humbug but it was equally", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0361.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "292 Daniel O Con nell. 832-\\nunsatisfactory, though for different reasons,to Stanley.\\nCuriosity was on tiptoe to know how far ministers\\nwere in agreement upon it, and Sheil pointedly\\nasked them whether they were prepared to maintain\\nor abandon the Church Establishment. Stanley re-\\nplied ambiguously but Lord John Russell, casting\\ndiscretion to the wind, acknowledged that, having\\nresisted Repeal on the ground that Parliament was\\nready to attend to the just complaints of the people\\nof Ireland, he could not lightly regard the obligation\\nthereby contracted. Johnny has upset the coach,\\nlaconically remarked Stanley to Sir James Graham\\nif not indeed quite, he let it be seen that dissensions\\nexisted in the Cabinet, and made an opening for the\\nthin end of the wedge which was to lead to its\\ndisruption.\\nSeeing how matters were going, O Connell, in or-\\nder not to give any chance for a joint attack on Ire-\\nland, commanded an absolute suspension of the\\nRepeal agitation. His friends, he wrote, were not\\nto suppose that he had in any way altered his\\nmind upon the necessity of Repeal but the situa-\\ntion was critical, and he was endeavouring to make\\nthe most of it by using the Repeal in tcrrorem\\nmerely until it is wise and necessary to recommence\\nthe agitation, his object being to seek for practi-\\ncal benefits for Ireland in a tone and temper beyond\\nreproach, and not to afford ministers the slightest\\nexcuse to renew the Coercion Act, which would ex-\\npire with the session. The course of events favoured\\nhis project. On 27th May, a motion was made to\\npledge the House to the appropriation of surplus", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0362.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "1835] The Whigs and Coe7 czo7i. 293\\nChurch property in Ireland to secular purposes.\\nThe motion placed Government in an awkward di-\\nlemma and, seeing no way out of the difficulty\\nwithout resigning, Stanley, Graham, the Duke of\\nRichmond, and Lord Ripon withdrew from the min-\\nistry. A short adjournment took place, in order to\\nafford time to supply their places, and then the\\nbusiness of the session recommenced. The main\\nquestion was the Tithe Bill. Could O Connell, it\\nwas asked, be induced to withdraw his opposition to\\nit? Littleton thought it possible to manage him.\\nHe was known to be anxious not to have the Coer-\\ncion Act renewed, and Wellesley, though not pre-\\npared to retract his opinion entirely as to the\\nnecessity for its renewal, was willing to meet his\\ncolleague s wishes by accepting it minus its political\\nclauses.\\nBelieving that he had thus smoothed the way for\\nan understanding, Littleton, with the assent of Al-\\nthorp, but without the knowledge of Grey, opened\\nup negotiations with O Connell. He found him not\\nmerely willing to treat, but ready to assist Govern-\\nment. Privately, he was more than satisfied.\\nI have great pleasure, he wrote confidentially to Fitz-\\npatrick on 24th June, in telling you that no part of the\\nCoercion Bill is to be renewed but that which relates to\\nPredial Agitation, and even from that everything un-\\nconstitutional is to be omitted. We must, therefore, soon\\nbethink ourselves of returning to Dublin, and of arrang-\\ning for political agitation. But this must not appear in\\nany newspaper.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0363.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "294 Daniel O Connell. [1832-\\nWhat, then, was his surprise, to hear ten days\\nlater from Littleton that, owing to the opposition\\nof the Prime Minister, the Cabinet had resolved to\\nrenew the Coercion Act in all its terrors. Thinking\\nhimself to have been purposely misled, he told Lit-\\ntleton that nothing remained for him but to resign.\\nThis, unfortunately for his credit, Littleton, trusting\\nto the chapter of accidents, did not do, and the Cabi-\\nnet, supporting Grey, in his resolution, O Connell\\nmade the whole transaction public. The result was\\nthe resignation of Earl Grey, and the reconstruction\\nof the administration under Lord Melbourne, with\\nLord Duncannon as Home Secretary, and Welles-\\nley and Littleton retaining their respective posts in\\nIreland.\\nO Connell was jubilant at the result.\\nWe are, he wrote, on the way from half Whig, half\\nTory government, to one half Radical, half Whig, with-\\nout the slightest admixture of Toryism. The moment\\nsuch a Ministry is formed there will be a famous turning\\noff in Ireland. The Attorney-General (Blackburne)\\nwill certainly be dismissed, and the entire Orange clique\\nwill go with him.\\nShorn of its political clauses, the Coercion Bill\\npassed its third reading on 26th July but the Tithe\\nBill, after passing safely through the Commons, was\\nrejected by the Lords on nth August. Two days\\npreviously, O Connell had left London for Ireland,\\nquieter in his mind, though unable to secure the re-\\nmoval of Blackburne, than he had been for a long\\ntime. Two months passed away for O Connell", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0364.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "1835J The Whigs and Coercion. 295\\ntwo months of delightful rest and recreation at\\nDarrynane, but otherwise of deep disappointment.\\nOf the turning off, which he had so confidently\\nexpected under the new regime, there had been no\\nsign on the contrary, it seemed as if the Whigs\\nwere determined, by every means in their power, to\\nstrengthen the hands of the Orange party.\\nYou are now, he wrote indignantly to Lord Dun-\\ncannon on nth October, three months in office, and\\nyou have done nothing for Ireland you have not in\\nany, even the slightest degree, altered the old system.\\nThe people are as ground down by Orange functionaries\\nas ever they were in the most palmy days of Toryism.\\nWhen the news came, a month later, that the King,\\ntaking advantage of the removal of Althorp to the\\nUpper House in consequence of the death of his\\nfather, Earl Spencer, had dismissed Melbourne and\\ncalled upon Peel to construct a Tory administration,\\nhe exclaimed, It is well that we are rid of the hum-\\nbuggers. Nous verrons. I am convinced that all\\nwill be for the better. But second thoughts are\\nproverbially wiser, and at the general election in\\nJanuary, 1835, he rendered what assistance he could\\nto promote the success of the Whigs.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0365.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIII.\\nIRELAND UNDER THOMAS DRUMMOND.\\n1 83 5- 1 840.\\nIN the new Parliament, which met for the first\\ntime on 19th February, 1835, neither Whigs\\nnor Tories had a decided majority the balance\\nof power lay with O Connell and his Repeal contin-\\ngent. This circumstance, and the fact that O Con-\\nnell s sympathies inclined him towards the Whigs,\\nrendered a more formal understanding between\\nthem not only possible, but, in the opinion of both,\\ndesirable. The result was what is known as the\\nLichfield House Compact. It is not worth while\\nquarrelling with the name, though compact, as\\nLord John Russell said, it was none but an alli-\\nance on honourable terms of mutual co-operation.\\nThe terms of the agreement were of the simplest\\npossible. O Connell offered his assistance to put\\nthe Whigs in power, and to maintain them there on\\ncondition that they would govern Ireland wisely and\\nbeneficently. For himself he asked nothing.\\nIt was not long before the fruits of the alliance\\nwere visible. On 8th April Peel, having been de-\\n296", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0366.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "1835-40] Ireland under Drtiinmojid. 297\\nfeated on the question of appropriating the surplus\\nproperty of the Church of Ireland to secular uses,\\nresigned ofifice, thereby obliging the King, much\\nagainst his will, to call on Melbourne to construct an\\nadministration. In the distribution of posts that\\nfollowed Lord Mulgrave was appointed Lord Lieu-\\ntenant of Ireland, with Lord Morpeth as his Chief\\nSecretary. The case of O Connell presented some\\ndifficulty. It was felt that if possible he ought to\\nbe provided for. He expressed his willingness to\\naccept the Attorney Generalship, if only to show his\\ninveterate enemies, the Orangemen, that the office\\nmight be impartially executed but the King s pre-\\njudices interposed an insuperable obstacle, and the\\nMastership of the Rolls, which was offered to him, he\\ndeclined. He was quite content to be excluded.\\nI have, he wrote to Fitzpatrick on 14th April,\\nbeen most highly flattered and thanked, etc., etc., for\\nmy conduct, and yet it would be not only folly, but guilt,\\nin me to accept any office until have see?i how the new\\nMinistry works. My policy is obvious to keep what\\ncontrol I possibly can over the new government, instead\\nof being under its control. I will also be more useful by\\ninfluencing the appointment of others than by submitting\\nto take an appointment myself.\\nHe was right. Relieved by the self-denying ordin-\\nance he had placed on himself, ministers showed\\nextra willingness to listen to his advice. Louis Per-\\nrin, a highly respected Protestant barrister, whose\\nclaims he had constantly urged, was made Attorney\\nGeneral; Michael O Loghlen, who next to himself", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0367.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "298 Daniel O Co7i7ielL [1835-\\nhad the highest reputation and largest practice among\\nCathoHc lawyers, was appointed Solicitor General\\nand last, but not least, Thomas Drummond w^as ap-\\npointed Under Secretary at the Castle. When the\\narrangements were completed, O Connell with his\\ncontingent passed over from the opposition to the\\nministerial side of the House. Thus was the com-\\npact, or alhance, or understanding, or what-\\never it might be called, begun at Lichfield House,\\nformally and openly ratified.\\nPaying a hurried visit to Dublin, O Connell ex-\\nplained his position in a Letter to the People of\\nIreland.\\nI come now, he wrote, before the people to avow\\nmyself the determined supporter of the Administration.\\nTo the King s Ministers I have tendered my unbought,\\nunpurchasable, unconditional support. I have neither\\nmade terms nor stipulations with them. It suffices for\\nme that their political principles are all identified with\\nthe cause of good government and of justice to the loved\\nland of my birth. It is under this impression that I\\nhave tendered my support. It is simply and singly be-\\ncause I deem them the friends of Ireland that they com-\\nmand my services, such as they are. But, as I\\nhave not deemed it necessary or wise to make stipula-\\ntions with the present Ministry, I may, and I ought to, be\\nasked what benefits I expect to anticipate for Ireland\\nfrom the King s present Ministers. The coun-\\ntry will cease to be governed by its unrelenting enemies.\\nThe Ministers will necessarily displace their own and the\\npeople s enemies, and employ the friends of the people\\nand their own. The administration of justice", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0368.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thoinas Drummond. 299\\nin Ireland will be purified. The selection to judicial\\noffices of political partisans will never more be heard of\\nmen who have proved their integrity and independence\\nby political honesty in times when it was a crime to dare\\nto be liberal will be the fit objects of the selection of the\\nMinistry and the waters of justice will no longer be\\npoured through mephitic channels, destructive of life\\nand property, but will flow in pure sources, diffusing\\nsalubrity and gladness over the land.\\nThe Melbourne administration lasted five years,\\nand for almost the whole of that period it com-\\nmanded the support, if not always the praise, of\\nO Connell. It solved the tithe difficulty, reformed\\nthe municipal corporations, and gave Ireland a poor\\nlaw. But it was not so much in its legislative, as in\\nits administrative capacity, that it was most success-\\nful. For the first time since the Union, Ireland en-\\njoyed a government that was really entitled to be\\ncalled popular. The streams of justice for once\\nflowed in pure sources. For once the whole people\\nwent to Court. And if the name of Thomas Drum-\\nmond, who, nil actum reptitans, si quid siiperesset\\nagendum^ literally killed himself in trying to serve\\nher, is to-day one of the most beloved and revered\\nin Ireland, it ought not to be forgotten that it is to\\nO Connell, in the first place, that thanks are due for\\nrendering such a government as that of Drummond s\\npossible. People still talk of his one great Emanci-\\npation success being balanced by his great Repeal\\nfailure. His contemporaries blamed him for his sus-\\npension of the Repeal agitation. But it cannot too\\noften be repeated that O Connell s great object was,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0369.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "300 Da7iiel O^ Connell. [1835-\\nnot Repeal but good government. That he got from\\nthe Mulgrave-Drummond administration, and suc-\\ncess justified his experiment. Had Ireland been\\nblessed with a few more Thomas Drummonds in the\\nearly decades of the century, there would never have\\nbeen any question of Repeal at all, and O Connell\\nwould have been known merely as a great lawyer\\nwhose abilities had raised him to the highest legal\\nof^ce in his native land. This the Orangemen of\\nhis own day knew perfectly well, and if Drummond\\nwas execrated by them, it was O Connell that had\\nto bear the brunt of their wrath. The wonder is\\nthat they did not succeed in driving him out of\\npublic life.\\nTo retrace our steps slightly. At the general\\nelection in January, 1835, O Connell had been re-\\nturned for Dublin with a considerably diminished\\nmajority. There was good reason to believe that\\nmany who had voted for him were disqualified by\\nnon-payment of rates, and a petition was at once\\nlodged against him, the costs of which are said to\\nhave been largely defrayed by the Carlton Club.\\nThe petition was not decided till May in the follow-\\ning year, when O Connell and his colleague, Ruthven,\\nwere unseated. Two votes, he bitterly remarked,\\nwould have made all the difference. The petition was\\none of the most expensive on record, and more than\\nonce, during its progress, O Connell thought that he\\nwould have to go the length of mortgaging Darry-\\nnane. The suspense was terrible, and the decision,\\nthough bitterly unpleasant to his feelings, was a\\nrelief.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0370.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "THOMAS DRUMMOND.\\nAFTER PICKERSGILL BY H. COUSINS.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0371.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0372.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "18401 Ireland 2inder Thomas Di^ummond. 301\\nIt has, indeed/* he wrote to Fitzpatrick on 13th May,\\nbeen an awful load. You are aware that the Dublin\\npart of the business cost me ^650 or thereabouts, exclu-\\nsive of the sum subscribed in that town. I did not get\\none shilling assistance for the expenses in London, of\\nthe weight of which you may judge when I tell you I\\nhad to pay counsel for 80 days, which you may estimate\\nat the lowest at;^75 P^^ ^^^.y that is, in fees to counsel\\n^6000 add to that my expenses in Dublin, and other\\nexpenses here, and you will find me at the loss of full\\n;^8ooo at the lowest calculation. It has cost the opposite\\nparty four, or perhaps five times that sum but what\\ncomfort is that to me Recollect that I have four other\\npetitions in my family to defend, and five contested elec-\\ntions. The Youghal committee alone cost me more than\\n;\u00c2\u00a3^2ooo. This conspiracy against me is, therefore, nearly\\ncomplete. It is a compliment the Orange\\nfaction pay to my utility. There is nothing\\nfictitious in the fury with which I am pursued and\\npersecuted.\\nDriven from Dublin, he took refuge in Kilkenny,\\nwhere a vacancy had been created for him. Day by\\nday the Tory press of England and Ireland followed\\nhim with unrelenting hatred, pouring scorn on the\\nMinistry that could stoop so low as to seek his co-\\noperation. Nor were they altogether unsuccessful\\nin inflaming the public mind against him. When\\nLord Melbourne announced in the House of Lords\\nthat he had succeeded in forming a ministry, Lord\\nAlvanley, who had some reputation for being a wag,\\nasked him with a sneer to explain the terms on\\nwhich he had procured O Connell s assistance. Mel-\\nbourne replied with dignity that he had made no", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0373.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "302 Daniel O Connell. [1835-\\nterms whatever with Mr. O Connell. This was too\\nmuch for Tory creduhty, and in the House of Com-\\nmons Colonel Sibthorp begged leave to doubt whether\\nMr. O Connell had not been a prompter and ad-\\nviser in the things that had taken place. In reply-\\ning, O Connell contrasted the good temper and\\npoliteness of Colonel Sibthorp with the different\\nstyle used by a bloated bufToon in another\\nplace. Naturally, Alvanley resented being called a\\nbloated buffoon but before he could make up\\nhis mind to demand satisfaction for the insult, O Con-\\nnell had left London. His letter, enclosed in one\\nfrom his friend, the Hon. Dawson Damer, reached\\nits destination a Aveek after it had been written.\\nThis bangs Banagher was O Connell s exclama-\\ntion on reading it. Fancy a letter being sent by one\\nperson in Clifden to another person in London,\\nto be transmitted to a third person in Dublin, to\\nfight a duel A long shot truly For the rest,\\nthough inclined to treat the matter as a huge\\njoke, he declared he had half a mind to bring\\nit before the House of Commons, as a breach of\\nprivilege. Alvanley, in a paroxysm of rage, there-\\nupon wrote to the managers of Brooks s, requesting\\nthem to expel O Connell. This they very properly\\ndecHned to do but, the letter being public property,\\nO Connell s son Morgan took up the cudgels in\\nhis father s behalf. Alvanley agreed to accept him\\nas his substitute, and the two, with their seconds,\\nmet on Wimbledon Common. There was no one\\non the ground but an old woman and a Methodist\\nclergyman, who, in the exercise of his office, besought", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0374.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thomas Drummond. 303\\nAlvanley to think of his soul. Yes, replied he,\\nbut my body is now in the greatest danger.\\nThree shots were fired, and the parties separated.\\nOn returning to town, Alvanley handed his cabman\\ngold. This is a great deal for only taking your\\nlordship to Wimbledon, said he. It s not for tak-\\ning me there, but for bringing me back, replied\\nhis lordship. The affair furnished the town with\\nsome amusement, and Alvanley became a celebrated\\ncharacter.\\nThe Solon of statesmen, the Falstaff of wits.\\nAs even O Connell in candour admits\\nHe s the pride of the Park, of the Club, the saloon,\\nFor the wag of all wags is the Bloated Buffoon.\\nFollowing hard on his quarrel with Alvanley\\ncame one with Benjamin Disraeli, afterwards Lord\\nBeaconsfield. Disraeli had solicited O Connell s\\nassistance in 1831, when contesting the borough of\\nWycombe in the radical interest. Nevertheless, he\\nfailed to get elected, and shortly afterwards going\\nover to the Tories, spoke of O Connell at Taunton as\\nan incendiary and traitor. O Connell address-\\ning the Dublin Franchise Union, in May, paid\\nhim out in his own coin. Disraeli, he declared, was\\na disgrace to his species his life was a living lie.\\nHis name showed that he was by descent a Jew.\\nHis father became a convert. He was the better\\nfor that in the present world, and he, O Connell,\\nhoped he would be the better for it in the world\\nto come. There was a habit of underrating that\\ngreat and oppressed nation the Jews. They were", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0375.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "304 Daniel O Connell. [1835-\\ncruelly persecuted by persons calling themselves\\nChristians; but no person ever yet was a Christian\\nwho persecuted. It would not, therefore, be sup-\\nposed that when he spoke of Disraeli as the de-\\nscendant of a Jew he meant to tarnish him on that\\naccount. The Jews were once the chosen people of\\nGod. But there were miscreants amongst them,\\neven then, and it was surely from one of these that\\nDisraeli was descended. He possessed just the\\nqualities of the impenitent thief who died upon the\\ncross, and with the impression that Disraeli was his\\ndescendant, he forgave the heir-at-law of the blas-\\nphemous thief who died upon the cross. The\\nseverity of the rebuke pierced even Disraeli s cyni-\\ncism, and, quivering with rage, he addressed a letter\\nto Morgan O Connell, modestly requesting him to\\nresume his vicarious duties of yielding satisfaction\\nfor the insults which his father had too long lavished\\nwith impunity upon his political opponents. When\\nMorgan flatly refused to comply with his insolent\\nrequest, Disraeli published an open letter to Daniel\\nO Connell, which he enclosed in another to Morgan.\\nNow, Sir, he wrote, it is my hope that I have\\ninsulted him assuredly it was my intention to do\\nso and I fervently pray that you or some one of\\nhis blood may attempt to avenge the inextinguish-\\nable hatred with which I shall pursue his existence.\\nThis letter Morgan returned with the remark, The\\ntenor of your last letter is such that it is impossible\\nfor me to renew the correspondence.\\nMore damaging, however, to O Connell s reputa-\\ntion than either of these affairs was his controversy", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0376.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thomas Drtnmnond. 305\\nwith Raphael. Alexander Raphael was a Catholic\\nand a sheriff of the City of London. He was anxious\\nto become an M.P., and a vacancy occurring shortly\\nafter the general election in the representation of the\\ncounty of Carlow, O Connell, beheving his principles\\nto be all we can desire, offered to assist in procur-\\ning his return. The terms of the agreement are set\\nforth in the following letter\\n9 Clarges St., ist June, 1835. My dear Sir, Your\\nhaving acceded to the terms proposed to you for the\\nelection of the county of Carlow, viz. you to pay\\nbefore nomination iooo, and a like sum after being\\nreturned, the first to be paid absolutely and entirely\\nfor being nominated, the second to be paid only\\nin the event of your having been returned, I hereby\\nundertake to guarantee and save you harmless from any\\nand every other expense whatsoever, whether of agents,\\ncarriages, counsel, petition against the return, or of\\nany other description. I make this guarantee in the\\nfullest sense of the honourable engagement that you\\nshall not possibly be required to pay one shilling more in\\nany event or upon any contingency whatsoever. I am,\\netc. Daniel O Connell.\\nRaphael paid his first ;^iooo, and on 21st June was,\\ntogether with a Mr. Vigors, elected M.P. for Carlow.\\nHe ought, of course, then and there to have paid his\\nsecond ;^iooo but, getting wind that his return was\\nto be petitioned against, he tried to keep fast hold of\\nhis money till the petition was decided in his favour.\\nThis O Connell absolutely, in the interests of the\\nLiberal Club at Carlow, refused to allow, and Ra-\\nphael paid down his second;^ looo under protest. He", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0377.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "3o6 Daniel O Connell. [1835-\\nwas unseated, and O Connell, to soften his disap-\\npointment, offered to use his influence to get him a\\nbaronetcy. Raphael declined the courtesy and,\\nsmarting under the loss of his money, revenged him-\\nself by publishing a letter in the Times, on 31st\\nOctober, setting forth his grievances and charging\\nO Connell with having appropriated part of the\\n;^2000 to his own private purposes. His letter\\nwas hailed as a godsend by O Connell s enemies,\\nwho at last thought they saw an opportunity of\\nhounding him out of public life. Never had party\\npassion run higher in England against a single\\nindividual than it did at the time against O Connell.\\nNever did language seem so inadequate to express\\nthe hatred and loathing with which he was regarded.\\nForemost among his detractors was, of course, the\\nTimes, and even in its own annals perhaps the scur-\\nrility of the following lines remains unsurpassed\\nScum condensed of Irish bog\\nRuffian coward demagogue\\nBoundless liar base detractor\\nNurse of murders, treason s factor\\nSpout thy filth effuse thy slime\\nSlander is in thee no crime.\\nSafe from challenge safe from law,\\nWhat can curb thy callous jaw\\nWho would sue a convict liar?\\nOn a poltroon who would fire etc.\\nIf the best conducted journal in England could find\\nsuch language worthy of its columns, was it any", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0378.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thomas Druinmo7td. 307\\nwonder if fine gentlemen, like Sir Francis Burdett,\\ncould no longer bear to breathe the air contaminated\\nby O Connell, and, failing to procure his expulsion\\nfrom Brooks s, resigned in a body The one man\\nwho preserved his temper was O Connell himself.\\nHis reply to Sir Francis Burdett was particularly\\nhappy\\nI shall, he wrote, look out for a commodity of\\ngood words. Everything that falls from my pen shall\\nbe redolent of the civet. I will carry on the political\\nwarfare with eau de rose. He who tells base lies shall in\\nfuture be a falsificator he who betrays his principles,\\nhis party and his country, shall be a foolish and fading\\ngentleman and he who, with only one virtue and a\\nthousand faults, abandons that virtue, but corrects none\\nof the faults, shall be I do not at present know\\nexactly what, but I will discover some perfumed word\\nso soft as not to shake the shattered nerves of the most\\nunsound, personally as politically, of the shattered roues\\nof St. James s.\\nThe following session a committee was appointed\\nto investigate the charge brought by Raphael. The\\ncommittee, while finding the tone of the letter of\\nagreement calculated tc excite suspicion, completely\\nexonerated O Connell, and the verdict of the com-\\nmittee was subsequently confirmed by the House\\nitself. O Connell in his examination took, however,\\nhigher ground. His influence in Ireland was, he\\nadmitted, greater than any man ought to possess\\nthe temptation to misuse it was enormous, but it was\\nthe result of the injustice with which his country\\nwas treated, and would disappear as soon as her", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0379.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "3o8 Daiiiel O Coiuiell. [1835-\\ngrievances were redressed. The Raphael calumny\\nwas only one of many with which he was at this\\ntime assailed. To most of them he paid no atten-\\ntion. But a remark of his, touching the demoralising\\ninfluences of the poor laws in England, having been\\ntwisted into an attack on the virtue of English-\\nwomen, he thought it necessary to explain himself,\\nand also to give a flat denial to a scandal set on foot\\nby Blackwood tha.t he had received ;^iooo from Mr.\\nPotter, of Manchester, to vote for Poulett Thomson s\\nFactory Bill.\\nIn the midst of the fierce warfare of personal\\nabuse, he lost the tender consoling voice and sweet\\nsympathy of his wife. Mrs. O Connell died on 31st\\nOctober, 1836. She was buried in the old ruined\\nabbey of Darrynane. Her death left a large gap in\\nO Connell s life. It is the penalty that most great\\nmen pay for their greatness to be practically alone\\nin the world, and, with the exception of Fitzpatrick,\\npossibly the only friend that O Connell possessed\\nthe only person to whom he could unreservedly\\nunbosom himself was his wife. With her he\\nburied all that had sweetened life for him all that\\nhad mitigated defeat, that had compensated for\\nsacrifice, that had enhanced victory. Unobtrusive\\nin her life, her death is a factor in the last years of\\nO Connell s life which his biographer cannot afford\\nto overlook, and explains much that would be other-\\nwise unintelligible the fits of gloomy despondency\\nwith which he was seized, the monastic penances\\nhe inflicted upon himself, the almost superhuman\\nenergy with which he conducted his Repeal agitation,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0380.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0381.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0382.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland U7ide7^ Thomas DrMmmond, 309\\nand the awful collapse that followed the broken\\nheart and the worn-out brain.\\nTo resume our narrative. The Melbourne admin-\\nistration inaugurated its advent to office by sub-\\nmitting to Parliament four measures of considerable\\nimportance, viz.: a Bill for reforming municipal cor-\\nporations in England a Bill commuting tithe into\\na land tax, and appropriating the surplus revenues of\\nthe Church of Ireland a Bill for the better regula-\\ntion of the police force of Dublin and a Bill for\\nreforming Irish municipal corporations. The in-\\nfluence of Peel secured the passing of the English\\nCorporations Bill the three other measures were\\nlost, or dropped in consequence of the opposition of\\nthe House of Lords. The unscrupulous fashion in\\nwhich the Peers, relying on the unpopularity of the\\nalliance between the Government and O Connell, ex-\\nercised their privileges, elicited of course strong\\nexpressions on the part of the Whigs. A cry of\\nDown with the Lords! was raised but although\\nO Connell, in the early autumn, undertook a cam-\\npaign in the north of England and Scotland for the\\nexpress purpose of fomenting the agitation against\\nthem, addressing enthusiastic audiences at Man-\\nchester, Newcastle, Edinburgh, and Glasgow, and\\nagain in the following January at Liverpool and\\nBirmingham, public opinion was unmistakably on the\\nside of the Lords.\\nThe session of 1836 was practically a repetition of\\nthat of the previous year. The Irish Municipal Cor-\\nporations Bill, after passing the House of Commons,\\nwas abandoned, in consequence of radical alterations", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0383.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "3IO Daniel O Comiell. [1835-\\nmade in it by the Lords, and for similar reasons the\\nTithe Bill was lost. In April, O Connell addressed\\nlarge meetings at Nottingham, Hull, and York, and\\non returning to Ireland, in August, set on foot a\\nGeneral Association for Ireland, the objects of\\nwhich were first, to procure by law a complete\\nmunicipal reform in Ireland, on as large and ef^cient\\na basis as that originally proposed by the Ministry,\\nand secondly, to procure by law such a settlement of\\nthe tithe question as should be fully satisfactory to\\nthe people of Ireland. The Association was to be\\nsupported by an Irish Rent, on the same basis as\\nthe Catholic Rent, and to be dissolved immedi-\\nately its objects were attained. It, however, at-\\ntracted little attention, and having, in the course of\\ntwelve months effected nothing, O Connell took the\\nearhest plausible opportunity to terminate its sickly\\nexistence.\\nParliament reassembled on 31st January, 1837.\\nThe Speech from the Throne suggested, in addition\\nto the annual programme of a Tithe Bill and a Bill\\nfor corporate reform, the establishment of some\\nadequate provision for the maintenance of the poor\\nof Ireland. On i ith April the Municipal Bill, having\\npassed its third reading in the House of Commons\\nby a majority of 55, was sent up to the House of\\nLords. Not venturing to meet it with a direct\\nnegative, the Lords this time slightly altered their\\ntactics of obstruction and, by refusing to consider it\\napart from the other measures prepared by Govern-\\nment, succeeded in bringing legislation to a deadlock.\\nWhat the consequences of their action might have", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0384.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thomas Drummond. 3 1 1\\nbeen it is impossible with any certainty to predict.\\nAs it was, the death of William IV., on 20th June,\\nsolved the situation.\\nO Connell was full of enthusiasm for the new\\nsovereign, Queen Victoria. Her youth, the dignity\\nand grace of her deportment, the responsibility, not\\nwithout danger, of her position, drew forth all the\\nchivalry of his nature. There could be no doubt\\nwhich party in the State possessed her sympathies,\\nand at her proclamation he acted as sort of fugleman\\nto the multitude, and regulated their acclamations.\\nFor Ireland the future seemed full of hope.\\nThis, he wrote to the secretary of the General\\nAssociation, this is the very point of the great experi-\\nment we are making to ascertain whether or not Ireland\\ncan be well and justly governed by an Imperial Legisla-\\nture, or whether we shall be driven back to look for a\\nrestoration of our native Parliament. This is the most\\nhappy period to work out the experiment. Ireland is\\nnow prepared to amalgamate with the entire empire.\\nWe are prepared for full and perpetual conciliation. Let\\nCork county and Yorkshire be put on a footing let\\nIreland and England be identified. But for this purpose\\nequality of rights, laws and liberties is essentially\\nnecessary. We desire no more, we will not take less.\\nA real effectual union, or no union such is the\\nalternative.\\nAt the general election in July he strained every\\nnerve to ensure the success of the Melbourne ad-\\nministration. The Queen and her Ministers,\\nwas the only pledge exacted at the hustings, and\\nthat nothing might impede the work of conciliation", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0385.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "3 1 2 Daniel O CoiinelL [1835-\\nhe gave notice of his intention to move the dissolu-\\ntion of the General Association.\\nThe result hardly answered his sanguine expecta-\\ntions. With all the support he could furnish them,\\nthe Ministry obtained a bare majority of twenty-five.\\nThis, and the fact that O Connell had again been re-\\nturned for Dublin by an insignificant majority, stimu-\\nlated his enemies to repeat the experiment of trying\\nto drive him out of Parliament by subjecting him to\\nanother costly election petition. A society was\\nformed, nicknamed, from the circumstance that it\\nwas presided over by Mr. Spottiswoode, one of the\\nQueen s printers, the Spottiswoode gang, and\\nsubscriptions were collected for the avowed purpose\\nof testing the legality of the Irish elections whole-\\nsale. The uncertainty with which election petitions\\nwere then decided by committees, whose members\\nnot unfrequently preferred the claims of their party\\nto those of strict justice, rendered the experiment\\nreally a formidable conspiracy, and evoked an out-\\ncry of indignation, not only from its intended victims\\nbut also from those in whom the spirit of fair play\\nhad not been altogether extinguished by political\\npassion. Alluding to the subject at a meeting in the\\nCrown and Anchor tavern on 2 1st February, 1838,\\nO Connell, after denouncing the machinations of the\\nSpottiswoode gang in no measured language,\\ndeclared it was time to speak out plainly when\\ngentlemen who ranked high in society persistently\\nperjured themselves in the committees of the House\\nof Commons. For himself, he was ready to be a\\nmartyr to justice and truth, but not to false swearing,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0386.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "1840] Ii^ eland tender Thomas D 7^ um^nond. 313\\nand he repeated that there was foul perjury in the\\nTory committees of the House of Commons. Omit-\\nting the word Tory from the last sentence, no one\\ndreamed of denying the statement but it was one\\nthing to know that disputed elections were decided\\naccording to the political colour of the members\\ncomposing the committees, and another to be told by\\nan Irish demagogue that English gentlemen were\\nhabitually guilty of perjury. The word stuck in\\nLord Maidstone s throat, and he moved that O Con-\\nnell s speech was a false and scandalous imputation\\nupon the honour of the House. The House after\\nan acrimonious discussion endorsed the charge, and\\nby 226 votes to 197 decided that O Connell should\\nbe reprimanded for a breach of its privileges. The\\nday came that was to witness his humiliation the\\nTory benches were crowded when the Speaker, calling\\non him to stand up in his place, read him a long\\nand severe reproof on the impropriety of his con-\\nduct. Without even resuming his seat, O Connell\\nquietly moved for the appointment of a committee\\nto investigate the matter, and to the astonishment\\nof the House then and there repeated his charge.\\nI express, he said, no regret I retract nothing.\\nI repent nothing. I do not desire unnecessarily to\\nuse harsh or offensive language. I wish I could find\\nterms less objectionable and equally significant butT\\ncan not, and I am bound to reassert what I asserted.\\nHe fully expected to be committed, and had made\\nhis arrangements accordingly but to his amazement\\nthe House received his announcement in profound si-\\nlence, and after a brief interval, convicted by its own", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0387.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "314 Daniel O^ Connell. [1835-\\nconscience, passed to the order of the day. The vic-\\ntory he had won did not, however, prevent the\\nSpottiswoode gang continuing its efforts to oust\\nhim from his seat but fortunately the fickle favour of\\nthe ballot returned him a Liberal committee and,\\nafter mulcting him in i^iooo expenses, his enemies\\nallowed him to escape.\\nThe result was all the more remarkable, as his\\npopularity in Dublin had been greatly damaged by\\nhis recent refusal to countenance trades-unionism in\\nIreland. His attitude on this question, as on the\\npoor laws and the employment of child labour in\\nfactories, is of course open to criticism, and is less\\nlikely to command respect in the present day than it\\nwas in his own. Still, if the doctrine of laisser-faire\\nhas of recent years fallen somewhat into disrepute,\\nowing to the growing complexity of the conditions\\nof daily life, the fact does not detract from the\\ncourage with which he maintained his opinions in the\\nface of such opposition as he had never before\\nexperienced in Ireland. So intense, indeed, was the\\nindignation which his conduct aroused that, for days\\ntogether he was hooted in the streets, and when he\\noffered to argue the question his voice was drowned\\nin a storm of angry yells and hisses. Popularity is\\ndear to most men it was dear to O Connell but it\\nwas not the first, nor was it to be the last, time in his\\nlife that he imperilled it in obedience to the dictates\\nof conscience. As he had without hesitation risked\\nhis popularity, so did he a few weeks later sacrifice\\nwhat to him as a lawyer was probably the highest\\nobject of his ambition. On 17th June he was offered", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0388.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thomas Drummond. 3 1 5\\nby Lord Mulgravethe position of Chief Baron of the\\nExchequer, rendered vacant through the death of\\nBaron Joy. He decHned the office, fearing that,\\nhaving to preside over a court which had exclusive\\ncognisance of those writs of rebeUion which the\\ntithe war had called into existence, he might not be\\nable to act with the impartiality required from him,\\nand that his desire to do justice to his political\\nopponents might render him unjust to his friends.\\nMulgrave offered to make arrangements for his suc-\\nceeding to the Mastership of the Rolls. It was a\\ntempting offer. You know, he wrote to Fitz-\\npatrick, that if I took anything, it would be the\\nRolls. But I could not bring myself to accept it. I\\nam, perhaps, a fool, but I have not the heart to\\ndesert Ireland Ireland that never yet had a steady\\nfriend.\\nMeanwhile the Melbourne administration, begin-\\nning its Irish legislation de novo, but taught by\\nexperience the necessity of conciliating opposition\\neven at the expense of its principles, had succeeded\\nin passing a Tithe Bill shorn of the appropriation\\nclauses to which it originally owed its existence, and\\nto which it had thitherto pinned its reputation, and a\\nPoor Law which satisfied neither the supporters nor\\nthe opponents of state-provided relief. Still, so long\\nas Drummond governed Ireland, O Connell was\\ncontent to overlook its legislative shortcomings.\\nBlessed be Heaven, he wrote on nth August,\\nthat the session is over, and that we have a respite\\nfrom the enemy and good government for another\\nyear He was always glad to get back to Ireland", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0389.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "3i6 Daniel O Connell. ti835-\\nbut life, since his wife s death, was beginning to lose\\nits interest for him, and his thoughts became more\\nand more concentrated on heaven and futurity. The\\napproach of autumn, which had once, with its hare-\\nhunting, been to him the happiest period of the year,\\nfilled him now with sad reflections. He felt lonely\\nand unhappy. The old love for his country still\\nburned within him but his success had been so little\\ncommensurate with his hopes, and the prospect was\\nfar from bright. He was growing old the bustle\\nand worry of political strife wearied him, and on\\nreturning to Ireland, instead of going straight to\\nDarrynane, as his custom was, he retired for a season\\nto the quiet cloisters of the Cistercian monastery of\\nMount Melleray, in county Waterford. He was\\naccompanied by O Neill Daunt, who has placed on\\nrecord his impressions of the journey thither: the\\nquestions with which he pestered his companion\\ntheir reception by the abbot, the sub-prior and about\\ntwenty of the brethren the vesper hymn and the\\nsolemn midnight service in the chapel on the lonely\\nhillside during a terrific thunder-storm. But Daunt,\\namiable man though he no doubt was, was but a\\nfeeble Boswell, and one would gladly exchange some\\nof his prattle for a glimpse at the elements of the\\ntragedy that was beginning to work itself out in\\nO Connell s life.\\nOn emerging from his retreat, O Connell again\\nthrew himself into the work of political agitation.\\nThe time, he saw, could not be far distant when the\\nTories would once more be in power. So far as the\\nMelbourne ministry was concerned, he was willing to", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0390.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thow.as Dritminond. 3 1 7\\ngive it credit for the best intentions in the world he\\nwas ready to believe that the Queen was actuated\\nby the noble ambition of making her reign cele-\\nbrated by the pure and perfect pacification of Ire-\\nland. But it was clear that neither the ministry\\nnor even the Queen could procure them the legislat-\\nive relief they asked for. What, then, was to be\\ndone? What else but to rouse the people all\\nthe people of Ireland into one simultaneous and\\ncombined movement, until it ceases to be prudent\\nfor the Tories to oppose our just claims? For this\\npurpose he set about founding a Precursor Society.\\nThe title exactly expressed what he meant its objects\\nto be. The Precursors, he wrote, may precede\\njustice to Ireland from the United Parliament and\\nthe consequent dispensing with Repeal agitation. It\\nmay precede Repeal agitation and will, shall and\\nmust precede Repeal agitation if justice be refused.\\nBut the name puzzled common people. What,\\nasked an English traveller of his car-driver, is the\\nobject of the Precursor Society? Pray-curse-\\nSir was the ready answer: Why, to pray curses\\non the inimies of Ireland, to be sure\\nThe movement, however, despite all O Connell s\\nefforts to advertise it, failed to interest the public.\\nNor is the reason for their apathy far to seek. They\\nhad heard so much of flapping Repeal about the ears\\nof Government as a means of extorting concessions\\nthat they could not bring themselves to believe that\\nthis was not merely another threat on O Connell s\\npart. Their indifference mortified him sorely. The\\nyear, in fact, was full of bitterness for him. In May,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0391.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "3i8 Daniel O ConnelL [1835-\\n1839, Melbourne resigned. The maladroitness of\\nWellington and Peel in insisting on the dismissal of\\nthe Queen s personal attendants, indeed, immedi-\\nately restored him to office, and gave to his admin-\\nistration a faint gleam of popularity but everybody\\nsaw that the downfall of the Whigs was only a quest-\\nion of time. Once more the Municipal Bill was re-\\njected by the Lords, and nothing, O Connell wrote\\nbitterly, remained for Ireland but Repeal. The ad-\\nmission was wrung reluctantly from him. He had\\nno longer any hope of being able to agitate the ques-\\ntion successfully. His Precursor experiment had\\nfailed. The people had declined to answer to his\\nsummons. Repeal appeared to have lost all interest\\nfor them. Old age was stealing on him fast do-\\nmestic affairs troubled him he was oppressed with\\ndebt, and the streams which supplied the Tribute\\nseemed drying at their sources.\\nI am, I confess, he wrote confidentially to Fitzpat-\\nrick in August, 1839, very unhappy. I look upon my-\\nself in danger of ruin. The country is plainly tired out\\nof my claims. 1 am, indeed unhappy. I do not\\nbelieve I will long survive the blow I apprehend from\\nthe desertion of me by the country at large. It weighs\\nupon my heart and interferes with my health.\\nAt my time of life, mental agony poisonous. God\\nhelp me What shall I do I think of giving up my in-\\ncome, save an annuity of a small sum to myself and my\\ntwo sons, and going, if I am received, to Clongowes,\\nto spend the rest of my life there. I want a period of re-\\ntreat to think of nothing but eternity. I sigh when I\\nlook at the present agitated aspect of affairs, foreign and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0392.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "1840] Ireland under Thomas Drummond. 319\\ndomestic, and vainly think that, if Ireland thought fit to\\nsupport me, I might still be useful but it is plain I have\\nworn out my claim on the people. I am, I believe,\\non the verge of illness the illness of despondency but\\nit is clear I have no one to blame but myself. I hope\\nagainst hope that is, there is a lurking expectation about\\nme of relief, which my more sober judgment tells me can-\\nnot come. Sometimes my hand shakes as I write.\\nHis success in securing the rejection of the Bank\\nof Ireland Bill, and thereby inflicting a defeat on\\nthe very worst of the Orange confederacies, af-\\nforded him some consolation, and under the influ-\\nence of Fitzpatrick s cheery letter, the fit of gloom\\npassed slowly away. An invitation to address the\\nLiberals of the West Riding of Cork at Bandon, in\\nDecember, revived his hopes of effecting a union\\nbetween the Protestants and Catholics, and his hearty\\nreception at the Anti-Corn-Law banquet in Man-\\nchester, on January 13, 1840, was a refreshing token\\nof his undiminished popularity in England. The\\nintroduction of Stanley s Registration Bill, by giving\\nhim a foretaste of what might be expected from the\\nTories, completed the work of recovery. The\\nBill, he wrote, shall not and cannot pass, but Ire-\\nland must be roused. He sent instructions to Fitz-\\npatrick to get up a great meeting in Easter week,\\nand on 1 8th April founded the Repeal Association.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0393.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\nREPEAL AGITATION.\\n1840- 1843.\\nTHE start was not encouraging. The great room\\nof the Corn Exchange, capable of accommo-\\ndating five hundred persons, was distressingly\\nempty when O Connell, after allowing an extra half-\\nhour to elapse, rose at the request of the chairman,\\nJohn O Neill of Fitzwilliam Square, a wealthy and\\npatriotic Protestant merchant who, having assisted\\nas a volunteer in the victory of 1782, was devoting\\nhis declining years in trying to recover for Ireland\\nthat position of independence she had lost through\\nthe Act of Union, to explain the objects for which\\nhe had caused the meeting to be summoned. He\\nrose, he said, with a deep sense of the awful im-\\nportance of the step he was about to propose to\\nthe Irish people, and with a full knowledge of the\\ndifificulties by which they were surrounded, and the\\nobstacles with which they had to contend. They\\nwere about to enter on a struggle which would only\\nterminate when ample justice had been done to Ire-\\nland by placing her on an equality with her sister\\n320", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0394.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "[1840-1843] Repeal Agitation. 321\\ncountry, or by the establishment of their legislative\\nindependence. They commenced under auspices\\nthat might appear to afford little prospect of ulti-\\nmate success. They would be laughed at and de-\\nrided on all sides sneered at by friends who believed\\neverything to be impracticable and opposed by ma-\\nlignant enemies delighted to find any opportunity of\\nmanifesting their hostility. But no matter. They\\nhad been derided and laughed at before, when they\\nset about the accomplishment of that great moral\\nrevolution which had won religious freedom for them-\\nselves and others. They remembered the small ori-\\ngin of the Catholic Association, its progress and its\\ntriumph. They were assembled to take part in\\nproceedings that would be memorable in the history\\nof their country. But to this purpose they must\\nbe up and stirring. They must not forget the story\\nof the fellow who, when the wheel of his cart stuck\\nin the mud, pi-ayed to Jupiter to help him. You\\nlazy rascal, said his godship, put your shoulder to\\nthe wheel, and get along out of that. There was\\nnothing else for them but to help themselves, and\\nhelp themselves, with the aid of Heaven, they would.\\nThe Convention Act, rendering representation by\\ndelegation illegal, being still in force, the machinery\\nof the old Catholic Association sufficed for working\\nthe new movement. It was composed of three\\nclasses Volunteers contributing ^10; Members\\npaying an annual subscription of ;^i and Repealers\\ncontributing one penny a month, or one shilling in\\nthe year. These last formed the backbone of the\\nwhole enterprise. The progress of the Association", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0395.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "32 2 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nwas at first slow and uncertain. This was to be ex-\\npected. For so long as the Parliamentary session\\nrequired O Connell s presence in London, regular\\nand energetic agitation was out of the question.\\nNaturally those who expected a sudden upheaval of\\nthe country were disappointed but O Connell pro-\\nfessed himself quite satisfied with the progress that\\nwas being made. Whatever doubts he may have\\nhad as to the success of the experiment, he kept them\\nto himself. In public he was calm and confident.\\nHis language was that of buoyant youth. To hear\\nhim speak, to watch the deliberateness with which he\\nformed his plans, one would have imagined that, in-\\nstead of having sixty-five, he had only twenty-five\\nyears behind him. One thing was in his favour. He\\nwas in earnest. People, he said, had only to find that\\nout, and the movement would spread like fire before\\nthe wind. The result justified his confidence.\\nMeanwhile, the Whigs still managed to retain\\nofifice, and though death had robbed Ireland in the\\nearly spring of the year of that tam cari capitis,\\nThomas Drummond, the result of the session was\\nnot altogether unsatisfactory. Not only had Stan-\\nley s insidious proposal to limit the elective franchise\\nin Ireland been, for the nonce, frustrated, but the\\nLords, tired out, apparently, with the pertinacity\\nwith which they were assailed, had at last consented\\nto pass an emaciated Municipal Reform Bill. Re-\\nturning to Ireland about the middle of July, O Con-\\nnell at once resumed the work of agitation. He was\\nfortunate enough to secure the adhesion of the Cath-\\nolic Archbishop of Tuam, and with his assistance", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0396.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 323\\nsuccessfully launched the Repeal cause in Connaught.\\nThe circle of agitation widened gradually, and feel-\\ning that he might safely enjoy a month s recreation\\nwith his beagles, he proceeded to Darrynane about\\nthe latter end of August, leaving the management\\nof the Association temporarily in the hands of its\\nSecretary, T. M. Ray, and his son John.\\nNever since the death of his wife had Darrynane\\nbeen so welcome to him as it was at this time never\\nhad the air of his mountain home seemed more ex-\\nhilarating never the music of his beagles sweeter.\\nThe fresh sea breezes, the open-air exercise, were like\\nmedicine to him. Under their combined influence\\nhis mind recovered tone, his step some of its old\\nelasticity. The feeling of despondency, which had of\\nlate years weighed upon him like a pall, gave way to\\na more hopeful view of things in general, and when\\nthe ail-too short vacation drew to a close it found\\nhim once more ready for the turmoil of political\\nstrife. He had arranged to address a mass-meeting\\nat Cork on 5th October. The day of his departure\\ncame. He was up at six o clock. From Darrynane\\nto Sheen is ten miles, as the crow flies. He hunted\\nthe whole distance on foot, and bidding his dogs and\\nretainers adieu, proceeded alone to Killarney. There\\nhe met O Neill Daunt by appointment, and in his\\ncompany completed the remainder of the journey\\nto Cork. Never had Daunt found him a more agree-\\nable companion. At almost every turn of the road\\nsomething would occur to arrest his attention and to\\nsuggest an anecdote. Occasionally, when both re-\\nlapsed into silence he would break it, revealing the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0397.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "324 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\ncurrent of his thoughts by repeating one of his fa-\\nvourite hymns\\nLauda Sion salvatorem\\nLauda Ducem et Pastorem, etc.\\nor the one beginning\\nStabat Mater Dolorosa\\nJuxta crucem lachrymosa\\nDum pendebat fiHus.\\nAs they approached Cork a vast concourse of peo-\\nple had assembled to welcome him at George the\\nFourth s Bridge, which spans the Lee about a mile\\nto the west of the city. In their desire to honour\\nhim they would fain have taken the horses from the\\ncarriage in order to drag it themselves into Cork,\\nand it was with no little difficulty that O Connell\\ncompelled them to desist from their purpose. No\\nno no he exclaimed. I never will let men do\\nthe business of horses if I can help it Don t touch\\nthat harness, you vagabonds I am trying to ele-\\nvate your position, and I will not permit you to de-\\ngrade yourselves.\\nThe meeting in Batty s Circus was a great success,\\nnor was it in the opinion of his hearers any dispar-\\nagement to O Connell s speech that it was redolent\\nof Darrynane. A London journalist had derisively\\ncompared the Repeal cry to the cry of the Darry-\\nnane beagles. Aye, retorted O Connell, but\\nthe fellow made a better hit than he intended, for\\nmy beagles never cease their cry until they catch\\ntheir game. Next day he and Daunt proceeded\\nto Limerick. On the road they were accosted", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0398.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0399.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0400.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 325\\nby a beggar, who supported his demand for alms\\nby claiming personal acquaintance with the Lib-\\nerator. But, my good man, I never saw you\\nbefore. Sure, returned the applicant, that s\\nnot what your honour s son would say, for he got\\nme a place in Glasnevin Cemetery, only I had n t\\nthe luck to keep it. Then, indeed, you were\\nstrangely unlucky, rejoined O Connell, laughing,\\nfor those who have places in cemeteries generally\\nkeep them. Shortly before reaching Limerick,\\nthey were met by a procession of ship-carpen-\\nters who had arranged a sort of aquatic fete in\\nhis honour. The idea of meeting Neptune on\\nthe dusty highway tickled O Connell s fancy, and,\\nentering into the spirit of the comedy, he expressed\\nin appropriate language his high sense of the con-\\ndescending courtesy of the illustrious monarch of\\nthe deep. From Limerick, where he was enter-\\ntained at a public banquet in the theatre, and made\\na powerful appeal for support to the patriotism of\\nhis audience by alluding to the history of the\\ncity of the violated treaty, he continued his way\\nto Ennis. Here he addressed another large repeal\\ngathering. From Ennis he proceeded to Dublin,\\nwhich he reached on the nth. Three days after-\\nwards there was a great provincial meeting at Kil-\\nkenny the first of the Precursor Monsters,\\nas the meetings held at the time were afterwards\\ndubbed. Daunt calculated that two hundred thou-\\nsand persons were present on Croker s Hill but John\\nO Connell, who occupied the position of chairman,\\nplaced the number, probably with greater exactitude.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0401.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "326 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nat eighty thousand. It was a bleak, windy day, and\\nthe chairman s teeth chattered in his head but the\\nenthusiasm of O Connell s Hsteners kept them warm,\\nand they were well rewarded for their patience by\\nhearing one of the most eloquent speeches he ever\\ndelivered. A fortnight later there was another\\nmeeting at Waterford, followed by one next day at\\nCarrick-on-Suir after which, O Connell again re-\\nturned to Darrynane.\\nSo far the Repeal movement had not proved as\\nsuccessful as he had either hoped or expected. But\\nthe general apathy of the country did not dis-\\ncourage him. He had, as he said, nailed his colours\\nto the mast and meant to stick by them. The ex-\\ncitement of the agitation did him good. His health\\nwas better than it had been for a long time past for\\nthe nonce, thanks to Fitzpatrick, he had forgotten all\\nabout his debts, and looked forward to the future\\nwith all the buoyant hopefulness of youth. On 21st\\nDecember he was back again in Dublin, speaking the\\nsame evening at a Charity Dinner. His energy, his\\nconfidence, his patience, seemed boundless. To one\\nwho, remembering the Catholic Association, had hap-\\npened at this time to look into that long, low, and\\nbadly lighted room in which the Committee trans-\\nacted its business, it might have seemed, at first\\nsight, as if the clock of time had come to a stand-\\nstill. Nothing appeared to have changed. Now, as\\nthen, it was the same man, only older, stouter, and\\nmore careworn, that directed its proceedings, no one\\ndreaming of questioning his right or capability to\\ndo so.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0402.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 327\\nAmid the best and noblest of our isle\\nThere was the same majestic form, the same heart-kin-\\ndling smile\\nBut grief was on that princely brow for others still he\\nmourn d.\\nHe gazed upon poor fetter d slaves, and his heart within\\nhim burn d\\nAnd he vowed before the captive s God to break the\\ncaptive s chain,\\nTo bind the broken heart and set the bondsman free\\nagain.\\nAnd fit was he our chief to be, in triumph or in need,\\nWho never wrong d his deadliest foe in thought, or word,\\nor deed.\\nNew Year s Day, 1841, was celebrated in appro-\\npriate fashion by an open-air meeting at Howth. To\\nthe fishermen, who formed the bulk of his audience,\\nO Connell promised that when they recovered their\\nnational parliament the price of fish would rise.\\nYou ll have to steal more dogs, then, to make\\nbuoys of, said he jocularly, alluding to an alleged\\nmalpractice among them. The remark was received\\nwith roars of laughter. See how he s up to that\\nsame exclaimed an old salt, in admiration at the\\napparent omniscience of the Counsellor. The day\\nfollowing, a Dublin newspaper announced under the\\nheading, Keep Moving\\nMr. O Connell stands pledged to the following en-\\ngagements To attend the Repeal Association on the\\n4th to preside at an Orphan Charity Dinner on the 5th\\nto agitate for Repeal in Mullingar on the 7th in Cork\\non the nth, and in Dungarvan on the 13th to attend a", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0403.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "328 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nReform meeting in Dublin on the 15th, and in Belfast on\\nthe 1 8th on the 19th to attend a Repeal dinner in the\\nsame town on the 21st and 22nd a Reform meeting and\\ndinner at Leeds on the 23rd a Reform meeting at\\nLeicester and on the 26th to take his seat in the House\\nof Commons, attired in his grey frieze Repeal coat.\\nHe kept his engagement to the letter. Many of\\nhis friends, fearing for his personal safety, did their\\nbest to dissuade him from going to Belfast and beard-\\ning the Orangemen in their stronghold. Their fears,\\nas O Connell found, were not without reason. As he\\npassed through Lisburn a day before he was ex-\\npected, under the assumed name and character of\\nC. A. Charles, a celebrated ventriloquist, his atten-\\ntion was arrested by a placard, headed in large\\nletters, O Connell s Insult to the North, remind-\\ning the good Protestants of the town that exactly\\ntwo centuries had elapsed since Phelim O Neill, with\\nhis rabble rout, had been defeated by a few of Lord\\nConway s troops in Castle Street, and calling on them\\nto treat O Connell and his Kailrunt infantry to a\\nthunder of Northern Repeal that would astonish\\nthe brewers of sedition and treason, and put to rout\\nhis darlint pisintry. Under the direction of\\nDerry Dawson and the Rev. Dr. Cook the\\nDr. Kane of that day the Orangemen certainly\\nsucceeded in making Belfast hot for him. In\\nanticipation of a riot. Government had drafted five\\ncompanies of foot, two troops of horse, and two\\nthousand extra policemen into the town for the pur-\\npose of protecting his meeting but their presence\\ndid not prevent an Orange mob from smashing the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0404.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 329\\nwindows of the hall in which he held his Temperance\\nSoiree, and from paying a similar compliment to the\\nhotel where he had taken up his quarters. He\\nescaped without personal injury but the experi-\\nment of assailing the Orangemen in their stronghold\\nwas one that he was not tempted to repeat.\\nIn consequence of a direct vote of want of confi-\\ndence in his administration, Lord Melbourne dis-\\nsolved Parliament in June. O Connell, who had long\\nforeseen the event, took a pessimistic view of the situ-\\nation. If the Tories, he wrote, carry the repre-\\nsentation of Ireland, and, in particular, of Dublin, they\\nwill totally deprive us of the benefit of the corporate\\nreform. The result of the general election went\\nfar to confirm his anticipations. He himself lost his\\nseat for Dublin, and had to take refuge at Cork. Of his\\nonce famous tail, hardly a dozen obtained re-elec-\\ntion. On the whole, however, the Whigs managed to\\nhold their own in Ireland, and O Connell s election\\nas Lord Mayor of the reformed corporation, on ist\\nNovember, completely effaced the bad effects of his\\nrejection as M.P. He was the first Roman Catholic\\nthat had held the office in all the hundred and fifty\\nyears that had elapsed since the Revolution. Natur-\\nally, to those of his own creed his capture of this\\nhitherto impregnable fortress of Orangeism was a\\nmatter of infinite satisfaction. His enemies, of\\ncourse, expressed their certain conviction that he\\nwould misuse his office for political purposes. But it\\nmust be confessed that his conduct, during his tenure\\nof it, furnished little justification for the assertion.\\nReplying to a question put to him shortly before the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0405.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "330 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nelection by Alderman Boyce, as to how he would act\\nin his capacity of Lord Mayor upon the Repeal\\nquestion, he had pledged himself that in his capacity\\nof Lord Mayor no one should be able to discover\\nfrom his conduct what his politics were, and of what\\nshade were the religious tenets he held. In his in-\\ndividual capacity, however, he was a Repealer to\\nhis last breath, a Repealer because he was thor-\\noughly, honestly, and conscientiously, though per-\\nhaps mistakenly, convinced that the repeal of the\\nUnion would be fraught with the richest benefits to\\ntheir common country. His language to the crowd\\nthat cheered him to his house, after the election, was\\ncouched in the same strain. They had that day won\\na great and memorable victory: they had won it\\nwithout riot, tumult, or bloodshed. Who should say\\nin the face of it that they would not achieve the res-\\ntoration of their own Parliament in a similar way\\nMeantime he called on them to enjoy their triumph\\nin a manner worthy of the day, and to let their de-\\nmeanour be characterised by kindliness, beneficence,\\nand charity to all men, giving thanks to an all-boun-\\nteous Providence for having permitted them to see\\nthe realisation of such blessings for their long-afflicted\\ncountry.\\nHe himself set them an admirable example. It\\namuses me much, he said, to think that on the\\nvery first day of my sitting I had to make a decree\\nagainst a priest. But more significant of his desire\\nto conciliate his opponents even than his impartiality\\non the bench was the arrangement he effected, by\\nwhich Catholics and Protestants were to hold the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0406.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 331\\nmayoral chair each year in alternate succession.\\nGreen Street court presented an animated scene\\nwhen he took his seat for the first time on the mag-\\nisterial bench. He was much amused at the diffi-\\nculty the tip-staves had in keeping it clear for\\nbusiness. In Cork, I remember, he said, the\\ncrier trying to disperse the crowd by exclaiming:\\nAH ye blackguards that isn t lawyers quit the\\ncoort. For himself he felt the honour conferred\\non him intensely, though the execution of his office\\nentailed much personal discomfort and, what he de-\\nplored most of all, compelled him to forego his usual\\nvisit to Darrynane. When it was known at Darry-\\nnane that pressure of business would prevent his\\nleaving Dublin, and that that year there would be no\\nhare hunting, the grief of his retainers was inex-\\npressible. There was, his son John wrote, quite\\na scene upon the mountain yesterday when Denis\\nMcCruachan told the huntsmen you could not come.\\nTwo or three of them, led by Curramac, fairly sat\\ndown and cried. There are curses not loud, but\\ndeep on all corporations that ever existed.\\nThe Loyal National Repeal Association continued\\nto meet as usual in the Corn Exchange but O Con-\\nnell s resolution to act impartially in his capacity of\\nLord Mayor led to a practical suspension of the\\nagitation during his year of office. His resolution\\ndid not, however, prevent his attending to his par-\\nliamentary duties. He was in his seat at the com-\\nmencement of the session on 3rd February, 1842,\\nand remained in London till Parliament rose in Au-\\ngust. But, with the exception of Peel s income-tax", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0407.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "332 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nproposal, which he combated on the ground that\\nit was essentially a war tax, advising the substi-\\ntution for it of a legacy duty on real property, and\\nthe debate on the Distress of the Country, the pro-\\nceedings of Parliament interested him only slightly.\\nIt was during the latter debate that, in reply to a\\ntaunt thrown out from the ministerial bench that the\\nOpposition, while criticising the policy of the Govern-\\nment, had offered no practical suggestion for the\\nrelief of the nation, he uttered the memorable words\\nThere is a plan. The simplest housewife could adopt\\nit. The people are hungry. Let them eat. They said\\nthere was no food. Let them tell him no such thing.\\nThere were at the moment he spoke upwards of a million\\nand a half quarters of wheat lying in bond, waiting until\\nhigher prices became high enough for the landlords to\\nallow the people to be fed.\\nFor some time he hoped that between their Corn\\nLaw and Budget proposals the ministry would fall to\\nthe ground but as he saw the danger safely tided\\nover and the end of his mayoralty coming in view,\\nhe began to make preparations for renewing the\\nagitation in Ireland.\\nSo soon as I arrive in Ireland, he wrote to Fitz-\\npatrick, on 6th August, I will publish my address to my\\nown constituents all I desire is, to make them, clergy\\nand laity, understand the real position of public affairs.\\nI want every Irishman to be convinced of this truth\\nthat there is nothing worth looking for save the power\\nof governing ourselves, and of husbanding our national\\nresources by the restoration of our domestic legislature.\\nHave, I repeat it, prepared a list of all the parishes in", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0408.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 333\\nLeinster, with the names of the clergy of each parish,\\nand of every layman therein, who shall have taken, at\\nany bygone time, an active part in the Repeal agitation.\\nIt is by detailed and persevering exertions that public\\nopinion will recover its tone and energy in Ireland.\\nA few days afterwards he landed at Kingstown.\\nHis son John happened at the time to be staying at\\nMonkstown, near Dunleary, for the sake of the sea\\nair, and, paying him a visit there in company with\\nO Neill Daunt, the latter thought he had never seen\\nhim more lively and animated, or more disposed to\\nenjoy himself and to contribute to the merriment of\\nothers than he was on this occasion. Besides O Con-\\nnell, his son John, and Daunt, there were present the\\nSecretary of the Association, T. M. Ray, and Tom\\nSteele, of Clare election fame, shortly to be promoted\\nHead Pacificator of the Association. Naturally,\\nthe subject uppermost in the minds of all of them\\nwas Repeal. None of them were satisfied with the\\nslow progress the agitation was making but the\\ndifficulty was to find some means of stimulating it.\\nAfter discussing the situation for some time, O Con-\\nnell suggested to his companions that they should\\neach undertake a separate mission for the purpose of\\npreaching up Repeal in the three provinces of Lein-\\nster, Munster, and Connaught. The suggestion was\\nreadily adopted, and on 12th September the three\\nRepeal Inspectors, as they were dubbed, John\\nO Connell, Ray, and Daunt, set out from Dublin on\\ntheir respective missions. Meanwhile, O Connell was\\nenjoying himself to the top of his bent at Darrynane.\\nIt was a delightful autumn his pack was in splendid", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0409.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "334 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\ncondition, killing, as he boasted, with ease six or sev-\\nen hares a day and no one, seeing him at their heels\\nclearing stone dykes and bog-holes with more agility\\nthan many a younger man, could have believed that\\nhe had entered on his sixty-seventh year. In October\\nhe was recalled to Dublin. His year of office as\\nLord Mayor had almost expired, and he rejoiced at\\nthe prospect of being shortly relieved from its multi-\\nplied annoyances. A fortnight more, he said, with\\na laugh, and I shall have the privilege of knocking\\ndown any man who calls me My Lord. But\\nwhat a fortnight it was Thirteen days, the time\\nlimited by statute, in which to revise the burgess-\\nroll of the city, containing eighteen thousand names\\neach to be severally investigated The thing was\\nimpossible, and wagers were freely made against his\\nbeing able to accomplish it. To the astonishment of\\neverybody, he succeeded five minutes before the\\ntime had elapsed. It was a herculean task but\\nO Connell felt confident of his ability to perform it,\\nand even found time for a passing joke.\\nThe name of Myles Magrath being called, one of\\nthe collectors was asked what profession Mr. Magrath\\nbelonged to\\nCollector He is crier in the Court of Con-\\nscience.\\nLord Mayor Mr. Magrath would have to cry\\na long time, indeed, in that court before conscience\\nwould answer his calls there.\\nA gentleman complained that his name had been\\nwritten Smith, and not, as it should have been,\\nSmyth, on the roll.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0410.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0411.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0412.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 335\\nLord Mayor You wish to have your name\\nspelt Smyth, and not Smith\\nMr. Smyth Exactly, my Lord. You were\\nunder the impression that I was S-m-i-t-hy and when\\nremonstrated with to spell it S-in-y-t-h, you are re-\\nported to have said to Mr. Stokes that you would not\\nknock out my i to please him that I was a smith\\nat all events, and that I might Jiaminer aivay. Pray\\nhave the error rectified.\\nLord Mayor (laughing)\u00e2\u0080\u0094* Oh, certainly. Sir. I\\nam sorry that you were occasioned any uneasiness.\\nWe will knock out your i, since you desire it, and\\nwe 11 give you a y with a sweeping tail as long as\\nmy own.\\nThe first of November came, and O Connell, having\\nsurrendered the insignia of his ofifice to his successor,\\nAlderman George Roe, and congratulated the citi-\\nzens of Dublin on having been able to select for\\ntheir chief magistrate a man of such high character,\\nwho, in a country where party spirit unfortunately\\nran to too high a pitch, had been so singularly fortu-\\nnate as to conciliate to himself the good wishes and\\ngood opinions of all classes indiscriminately, re-\\nturned to Darrynane. Meanwhile, the missionary\\nefforts of the three Repeal Inspectors, Daunt,\\nRay, and John O Connell were beginning to bear\\nfruit. Not only did the Repeal Rent, in conse-\\nquence of their exertions, take what was then con-\\nsidered a great jump from \u00c2\u00a3d^.o to ;^I50 a week, but\\nthey were fortunate in removing much of the in-\\ngrained suspicion existing in the popular mind as to\\nthe sincerity of the agitation. Still it had to be", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0413.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "33^ Daniel O ConiiclL [1840-\\nconfessed that the progress being made was not\\ncommensurate with the energy expended over it,\\nand each day made it clearer that unless some means\\nwere devised of stimulating it, the movement would,\\nlike its predecessors, expire of inanition.\\nIn this dilemma all eyes were directed to Darry-\\nnane where, in his retirement, O Connell was anx-\\niouslypondering over the situation. Light at last\\nbroke in upon him. On 2ist January, 1843, came\\nup to Dublin, and a few days later announced his\\nintention of moving in the Dublin Corporation on\\n2 1st February a resolution afifirmatory of the right of\\nIreland to a resident Parliament. The words of the\\nresolution recall to mind the famous Declaration of\\nRights submitted by Grattan to the Irish House of\\nCommons on 19th April, 1780. Sixty years and more\\nhad passed away since the Irish Parliament had con-\\nfirmed Grattan s resolution. In 1843, Ii eland pos-\\nsessed not even the form of a Parliament to which\\nsuch an appeal could be addressed. What little\\nspark of national life still survived existed only in\\nher corporations. During the debate on the Muni-\\ncipal Corporations Bill, O Connell had promised to\\nblow that spark into a flame, and out of every cor-\\nporation to create a normal school for peaceful agita-\\ntion in Ireland. The time had come for him to\\nkeep his promise and put his theory to the test. The\\npostponement of the motion for a week added an\\nextra fillip to popular expectation. On 28th Feb-\\nruary, from an early hour in the morning, William\\nStreet was thronged with people. It was eleven\\no clock before the Lord Mayor arrived, and when", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0414.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 337\\nO Connell shortly afterwards rose to address the\\nmeeting, the Hall was crowded to suffocation. The\\ncheers that greeted him showed unmistakably on\\nwhich side the sympathies of his audience were.\\nBut he had not, he said, come there to convince\\nthose whom experience had already convinced by\\nthe irresistible evidence of their senses. He was\\nthere to address his arguments to the entire Irish\\nnation to the British people to the civilized\\nworld. He had nine propositions to demonstrate:\\nFirst The capability and capacity of the Irish na-\\ntion for an independent legislature.\\nSecond The perfect right of Ireland to have a do-\\nmestic Parliament.\\nThird That that right was fully established by the\\ntransactions of 1782.\\nFourth That the most beneficial effects to Ireland\\nresulted from her parliamentary independence.\\nFifth The utter incompetence of the Irish Parlia-\\nment to annihilate the Irish Constitution by\\nthe Union.\\nSixth That the Union was no contract or bargain\\nthat it was carried by the greatest corruption\\nand bribery, added to force, fraud, and terror.\\nSeventh: That the Union produced the most disas-\\ntrous results to Ireland.\\nEighth That the Union can be abolished by peace-\\nable constitutional means, without the violation\\nof law, and without the destruction of property\\nand life.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0415.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "T,^S Daniel O ConnelL [1840-\\nNinth That the most salutary results, and none\\nother, must arise from a repeal of the Union.\\nHe spoke for four hours. His speech is, by gen-\\neral consent, regarded as the ablest plea ever uttered\\non behalf of the repeal of the Union. It possessed\\nall the merits and none of the defects of that which\\nhe had delivered before the House of Commons in\\n1834. It was vigorous, well arranged, and well\\nspoken. The task of replying to it devolved on a\\nyoung Conservative barrister of great promise\\nIsaac Butt, whose subsequent career as leader of the\\nnational party furnished the best refutation of the\\narguments he employed on this occasion. Other\\nspeakers took part in the debate. On the third day\\nthe corporation divided forty-five voting in fa-\\nvour of the resolution, fifteen against it. Almost as\\nimportant as the matter of the debate was the man-\\nner in which it was conducted. If the Dublin Cor-\\nporation could discuss the repeal of the Union with\\nso much candour, intelligence, and courtesy, what\\nreason was there, it was pertinently asked, for sup-\\nposing that an Irish House of Commons must\\nnecessarily resemble a bear garden\\nThe effect of the Corporation Debate was magi-\\ncal. The agitation, which had hitherto hung fire,\\nbroke at once into full activity. The Repeal Rent\\nwhich, up to that time, had found its way into the\\ntreasury of the Association in driblets and by circuit-\\nous routes, now began to flow in a continuous stream.\\nIn February, for the whole month, it had only\\namounted to about i^300 in May it had risen to\\nover ;^2000 a week, and by the end of the year it", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0416.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "^843] Repeal Agitation. 339\\nreached a grand total of ;^48,ooo. So rapidly did\\nthe number of the Repealers increase that, in March,\\nthe great room in the Corn Exchange was found\\nwholly inadequate to accommodate those seeking\\nadmission, and on the 30th of that month O Con-\\nnell laid the foundation stone of a new building,\\ncapable of accommodating between four and five\\nthousand persons, on which he bestowed the name\\nof Conciliation Hall. As the movement grew in\\nvolume, the machinery controlling it underwent a\\nrapid development. The staff of twelve or fifteen\\npersons which, at the beginning of 1843, had suf-\\nficed to work the Association, increased during the\\ncourse of the year to forty-eight, and continued at\\nthat number till nearly the middle of 1 845 The As-\\nsociation itself met weekly on Mondays. It had its\\ncommittees for general and financial purposes, con-\\nsisting of about one hundred and fifty members,\\nfor parhamentary business, for manufactures, griev-\\nances, poor-law abuses, extermination, employment,\\netc. Everything was conducted with the greatest\\nregularity and business-like precision, under the man-\\nagement of its indefatigable Secretary, Thomas\\nMathew Ray. Each day brought from fifty to some-\\ntimes over two hundred letters, which had to be\\nread, filed, and copied, their contents to be noted,\\nand answers written to them. There were cash-\\nreceipt and cash-payment books for sums ranging\\nfrom several hundreds of pounds to a few pence\\nparochial ledgers alphabetically arranged for each\\ncounty, containing all particulars relating to war-\\ndens, committees, reports, repeal reading-rooms, etc.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0417.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "340 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nalphabetical list-books of volunteers, members, and\\nwardens books of American contributors scrap-\\nbooks, containing newspaper slips pasted in with\\nreports of every occurrence, remotely as well as inti-\\nmately connected with the movement forming, in\\neffect, a complete political history of Ireland from\\n1839 to 1849. Fo^ t^^ purpose of keeping the\\nmovement within constitutional bounds, a Repeal po-\\nlice force presided over by Head Pacificator Thomas\\nSteele was established arbitration courts opened\\nfor the arranging local disputes and preventing out-\\nbursts of agrarian outrage and Repeal wardens\\nappointed in every parish to watch over the interests\\nof the peasantry, to facilitate the collection of the\\nRent, and to attend to the circulation of newspapers\\nrecording the proceedings of the Association.\\nApart from the Repeal agitation proper, but aux-\\ninary to it, and of the greatest importance in de-\\nveloping and strengthening its operations, was the\\nTemperance movement of Father Mathew, and the\\nfoundation of the Nation newspaper as the organ of\\nthe Young Ireland party. Of Father Mathew s Tem-\\nperance movement which, starting in Cork towards\\nthe latter end of the thirties, extended with such\\nrapidity that it soon embraced half the population of\\nIreland, it is not an exaggeration to say that it was\\none of the most stupendous moral revolutions the\\nworld has ever seen. Its effect on the Irish people,\\ndespite the opposition it encountered, was profound\\nand lasting. From a nation of proverbially hard\\ndrinkers Ireland suddenly became a nation of sober\\nmen and women.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0418.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "FATHER MATHEW.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0419.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0420.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation, 341\\nNever, says the historian, did warlike conqueror\\nachieve a success comparable with that of this humble\\npriest. Public houses were shut up, breweries and dis-\\ntilleries thrown out of work, the consumption of whis-\\nkey decreased by one half. Crime diminished\\nwith the decrease of drink, and even the Irish govern-\\nment formally acknowledged the benefits which temper-\\nance had conferred on Ireland.\\nO Connell was one of the first to welcome the\\nmovement, declaring, to the astonishment of Fitz-\\npatrick, that Father Mathew was entitled to the\\nnation s gratitude beyond all other living men.\\nThough not himself, apparently, a pledged teeto-\\ntaller, he showed by his conduct, in refraining more\\nand more from the use of intoxicating liquors, his\\nappreciation of the benefits of temperance, and the\\nobligation placed upon him by his position of con-\\nforming so far as in him lay to the newly awakened\\nconscience of the nation in the matter. For Repeal\\nthe advantage of the Temperance movement was\\ninestimable, in so far as it not only rendered possible\\nthose monster meetings, to which reference will pre-\\nsently be made, which formed the glory and cul-\\nmination of the agitation, but also gave to them\\na moral significance they would otherwise not have\\npossessed.\\nOf the Young Ireland movement, it is unfortun-\\nately impossible to speak in the same terms of\\nunqualified approval. From its inception, through\\nthe foundation of the Nation newspaper in October,\\n1842, it was essentially a literary movement. Its\\nobject was to create and foster public opinion in", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0421.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "342 Daniel O Comiell. [1840-\\nIreland and make it racy of the soil. Of its found-\\ners, Thomas Davis, Charles Gavan Duffy, and John\\nDillon, it may at once be said that they were men\\nwhose genius and true nobility of character reflected\\nlustre on the land of their birth. Patriots of unsul-\\nlied fame, poets whose verse still makes the blood\\ntingle, and the colour come and go, men of letters\\nwith well-stored minds and facile pens, they burned\\nto rescue their country from the bondage of an intoler-\\nable tyranny that was crushing out every feeling and\\naspiration of nationality. Born in the stormy times\\nof the Catholic Emancipation agitation, they threw\\nthemselves with an ardour and enthusiasm into that\\nof Repeal which threatened to carry all before it.\\nNever had such success attended any effort of jour-\\nnalism as that which fell to the lot of the Nation.\\nWell written, well edited, well printed, it could\\nhardly be produced in quantities sufficient to meet\\nthe demand for it. It was devoured, not read. The\\nimpetus the movement gave to Repeal, though\\nhardly so great as they fancied, was unmistakable.\\nUnder its influence the hitherto unadorned cards of\\nmembership blossomed out into emblematic pictures,\\nrecalling the main incidents of Irish history, orna-\\nmented with the portraits of heroes who would\\nhardly have recognised themselves in the atmos-\\nphere of idealism through which they were viewed.\\nDathi, and Brian Boroimhe, Ollamh Fodhla, and\\nAodh O Neill were dragged out of their obscurity,\\ncleansed from the accretion of Saxon aspersion that\\nhad gathered round them, and re-established on their\\npedestals of fame. One figure more authentic", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0422.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "THOMAS DAVIS.\\nFROM DUFFY S LIFE OF THOMAS DAVIS.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0423.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0424.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitatioii. 343\\nthan any of them, Theobald Wolfe Tone was\\nconspicuous by his absence. The omission was a\\nsignificant one, for no one was more constantly\\npresent to their thoughts, no one more potently the\\nmain factor in their speculations than Tone. He,\\nfar more than O Connell, was their ideal of a political\\nleader. For O Connell they had, indeed, a certain\\namount of respect, mixed with a good deal of con-\\ntempt. They despised his methods of agitation\\nas vulgar, and directed to merely material ends.\\nThey spoke slightingly of men nurtured in the\\nfeminine contests of the Bar. They hated the\\ncrooked and often dirty bypaths of political in-\\ntrigue. They loathed the parasites that battened on\\nthe Rent. They argued that passion and imagina-\\ntion had won victories which reason and self-interest\\nwould have attempted in vain. The poet s pen, the\\nsoldier s sword, these were their weapons the one\\nto sow, the other to reap the harvest. O Connell\\nspeedily recognised the drift of the Young Ireland\\npropaganda, and at once, and most decidedly, dis-\\ncountenanced it. He had, all his life long, been\\npreaching and practising the doctrine of constitu-\\ntional agitation, and here, despite all his efforts, was\\nthe hydra of rebellion striking out its head again.\\nIt was irritating at the least. The danger of playing\\non the inflammable nature of the Irish peasant was\\ntoo palpable to be overlooked. Unfortunately, his\\nwarning was despised, and after causing a split in\\nthe Association, and running a course that might\\nhave been predicted of it, the Young Ireland move-\\nment was quenched in the blood of an abortive", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0425.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "344 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\ninsurrection. As yet, however, it was only poetry,\\nand there was nothing to show that the divergence\\nof view between Old and Young Ireland would be\\nattended with any such disastrous consequences.\\nMeanwhile Repeal was spreading like fire before\\nthe wind, as O Connell predicted it would do when\\nonce the nation perceived he was in earnest. In or-\\nder to fan it into a general conflagration, O Connell,\\nshortly after the Corporation Debate, announced\\nhis intention of holding a public meeting in each\\ncounty in Ireland in turn. The first was held at\\nTrim, in county Meath, on 19th March. The specta-\\ncle of thirty thousand persons meeting in orderly\\narray to protest against the Union, and to petition\\nfor its repeal, produced a profound effect on the pub-\\nlic mind in Ireland and England. A month later a\\nsecond meeting was held at MuUingar, in the neigh-\\nbouring county of West Meath, where it was calcu-\\nlated that at least one hundred thousand persons\\nwere present to listen to a Repeal address from\\nO Connell. The meaning of this second monster,\\nas it was dubbed by the Times, could not be\\nmistaken.\\nSee what it is to persevere, said O Connell. Last\\nyear and, indeed, from the very commencement I\\nthrew out state paper after state paper, demonstrating\\nthe evils of the Union, and for a time they seemed to\\nfall dull and unheeded on the public ear. But now all\\nmen are alive, all are active, all are eager for success. I\\ncast my bread upon the waters, and now after many\\ndays I have found it.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0426.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 345\\nHe himself was indefatigable in his efforts to keep\\nup steam.\\nDuring the spring and summer, accompanied by a\\nnumerous staff, he traversed the country almost\\nwithout intermission. His energy was amazing.\\nOne day he was at Kells, the next at Drogheda.\\nFrom Ennis he flew to Clonmel from Kilkenny to\\nSkibereen from Skibereen to Athlone and Galway.\\nHardly a place of any importance, outside Ulster,\\nwas unvisited by him. All along his route the peo-\\nple turned out en masse to welcome him and by their\\ncontributions to give wings to the movement. On\\n2 1st May there was another monster meeting at\\nCork, at which it was calculated that not less than\\nfive hundred thousand persons were present. The\\nmeeting was the Association s answer to Peel s\\nthreat to uphold the Union even at the risk of civil\\nwar. Alluding to the threat of force, O Connell said\\nWe are told that some desperate measures are to be\\ntaken for the suppression of public opinion upon the\\nquestion of Repeal and that the Ministry have it in\\ncontemplation to bring in a coercive bill. They may\\nannihilate the Constitution but to this I pledge myself\\nthey shall have some trouble in doing so. I will go to\\nthe House of Commons for the purpose of opposing their\\nbill I will resist the bill to the utmost of my power as\\nlong as it is not law. When it becomes a statute, I will\\nobey it I will obey every law, unless I can manage to\\ndrive a coach and six through it but I will discover\\nsome plan whereby the Irish people shall have the means\\nof expressing their sentiments upon this vital question.\\nUnless they gag me, I will find the means of speaking to", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0427.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "34^ Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\nIreland. Friends may desert me, foes may\\nthreaten, but I will never forsake the path that I have\\nproposed for myself. I will violate no law, I will out-\\nrage no ordinance of man nor of Heaven but as long as\\nthere remains to me one inch of the Constitution on\\nwhich lean place my footstep I will find some Archime-\\ndean point whereon to plant the lever with which I will\\nstill uphold the fainting liberties of my country.\\nThe day following the Cork meeting, the Lord\\nLieutenant, Earl de Grey, putting his own construc-\\ntion on Peel s declaration, renaoved O Connell and\\nLord French from the magistracy of their respect-\\nive counties. As a protest against this high-handed\\nand unconstitutional proceeding, Lord Cloncurry,\\nSir Richard Musgrave, Henry Grattan, Jr., Smith\\nO Brien, and other prominent Whigs, retired from\\nthe Commission of the Peace, with the result of\\nswelling the ranks of Repeal with valuable recruits,\\nextending the operation of the courts of arbitration,\\nand sending the Rent up the following week to\\n;^2200. But it was soon to appear that Peel s threat\\nof force was not idly meant. On 29th May, the\\nIrish Chief Secretary, Lord Eliot, introduced an\\nArms Bill, or, as it might with more propriety have\\nbeen called, a Bill for disarming the Catholic peas-\\nantry of Ireland, into the House of Commons. Its\\nobject was prospective and preventive, rather than\\nretrospective and retaliatory. So far as the condi-\\ntion of the country was concerned, it was absolutely\\nuncalled for. The palpable injustice of it aroused\\nthe indignation of the opposition, and so strenuous\\nwas the resistance offered to it that August was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0428.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation. 347\\ndrawing to a close before it received the royal assent.\\nEncouraged by this unexpected diversion in his fa-\\nvour, O Connell pushed on the agitation with all his\\nmight. Monster meeting succeeded monster meet-\\ning in rapid succession, culminating in the ever\\nmemorable one at Tara, on i 5th August.\\nTuesday, the 15th of August, the Feast of the As-\\nsumption of the Blessed Virgin in the Roman Catho-\\nlic calendar, broke warm and bright. Dublin was\\nastir from an early hour in the morning. Little\\ncrowds of people jostled one another good-humour-\\nedly in the streets as they completed their prepara-\\ntions for the day s excursion, or watched those of\\ntheir more fortunate neighbours. Not a horse, not\\na car, not a vehicle of any shape or size, but had\\nbeen hired to go that day to Tara. Windows and\\nbalconies filled with gaily-dressed women temper-\\nance bands parading the streets with banners, mak-\\ning a cheerful noise horsemen bearing long lances\\nwith pennons waving in the breeze, gave animation\\nto the scene. The enthusiasm of the people was\\nunbounded for had not the Liberator promised that\\nthat year should witness the Repeal of the Union,\\nand the restoration of their native Parliament\\nThe Repeal wardens were at their posts directing\\neverything with the greatest precision. It was nine\\no clock when O Connell, having breakfasted with\\nsome friends in Baggot Street, entered his carriage\\nand gave the signal to start. Cheer upon cheer rent\\nthe air as the procession, passing through the main\\nstreets and across the Liffey, wound its way along\\nthe great northern road past Phcenix Park in the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0429.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "348 Daniel O Connell. [1840-\\ndirection of Dunshaughlin. Of the horsemen in at-\\ntendance, it was calculated that the number did not\\nfall short of ten thousand, and it was afterwards dis-\\ncovered that toll had been paid that day at Cabragh,\\nPhibsborough, and Blanchardstown on thirteen hun-\\ndred vehicles. This was only one contingent. From\\nall other points of the compass similar contingents\\nwere at the same time converging on Tara.\\nFor days before, the Hill had presented tokens of\\nunwonted activity. In the very centre of the top-\\nmost level of it joiners had been at work erecting a\\nmighty platform for the speakers. By consent of\\nthe bishop of the diocese, numerous altars had been\\nraised for the celebration of the mass. Repealers\\nfrom distant counties from far-off Clare, from\\nLongford and Galway, bringing their provisions with\\nthem had been bivouacking on it, some of them for\\nnights together, under the open sky. Tara of the\\nkings] What memories the place awakened in the\\nminds of many who that day visited it memo-\\nries of the ancient past mingling with those of times\\nquite recent. From OUamh Fodhla, who\\nfirst ordained\\nThe great assembly, where the nobles met,\\nAnd priests and poets and philosophers.\\nTo make new laws, and to correct the old\\nAnd to advance the honour of his country\\nfrom St. Patrick, storming the citadel of paganism\\nunder the banner of the Cross of Christ, down to\\nthe Rebellion of 1898 and the Croppies Grave,\\non which the wild geranium with its little pike-head\\nblossom, streaked with crimson, blows like Nature s", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0430.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "1843] Repeal Agitation, 349\\napologue in sweet profusion. Standing on the top\\nof the Hill, it was a solemn and impressive sight\\nthat met the eye that August morning. For miles\\naround the country was black with human beings\\nwending their way to the place of meeting. Close\\non a million persons, it was calculated, had come\\ntogether but calculation was out of the question.\\nAs far as the eye could reach, nothing could be seen\\nbut compact masses of people moving towards the\\ncentral point. Not less impressive than the number\\nof them was their orderly demeanour, the perfect\\nconfidence reposed by each in the integrity of his\\nneighbour, the absence of rowdyism of every de-\\nscription, the gentle courtesy displayed towards the\\nwomen and children, of whom there were thousands\\npresent. The deep devotion with which, bareheaded\\nand on bended knees, they listened to the ministra-\\ntions of their religion the savour of incense wafted\\nthrough the air from a hundred censers the silence\\nbroken only by the silver tinkle of the sacring-bell\\nand the low hum of the priests voices, added sol-\\nemness to the scene, and gave to the demonstration\\nthe appearance of a religious service.\\nFrom Dublin to Tara is some twenty-four miles.\\nIt was high noon before O Connell s carriage reached\\nthe outskirts of the meeting. A burst of music from\\nthe assembled temperance bands announced his ar-\\nrival, and from the whole multitude there went up\\none tremendous shout of welcome. It was the\\ncrowning day of O Connell s life. Victories he had\\nwon before victories in the Senate House, and in\\nthe Law Courts but never such an one as this.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0431.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "350 Daniel G Connell. [1840-1843]\\nBefore such a demonstration as this, all fornaer\\nachievements seemed to dwindle to nothing, and he\\nmight well have been forgiven for thinking that they\\nhad that day reached a turning-point in their na-\\ntional history that after long years of suffering and\\noppression, Ireland was once more to become a na-\\ntion. And the means by which the victory had\\nbeen attained were as important as ten times more\\nimportant than the victory itself. All his Hfe long\\nhe had been teaching his countrymen that constitu-\\ntional victories must be won by constitutional means\\nthat for them no political change whatsoever was\\nworth the shedding of a single drop of human blood\\nand his countrymen seemed to have learned the les-\\nson. If they had so, the future was full of hope for\\nthem and for their children s children. His speech\\nwas a paean of triumph. Was it of him, then, the\\npoet wrote?\\nOnce to my sight the giant thus was given,\\nWalled by wide air and roofed by boundless heaven\\nBeneath his feet the human ocean lay,\\nAnd wave on wave flowed into space away.\\nMethought no clarion could have sent its sound\\nE en to the centre of the hosts around\\nAnd, as I thought, rose the sonorous swell.\\nAs from some church-tower swings the silvery bell\\nAloft and clear from airy tide to tide\\nIt glided easy, as a bird may glide.\\nTo the last verge of that vast audience sent\\nIt played with each wild passion as it went.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0432.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "H\u00c2\u00abtt\\nJ i\\nJ\\n1\\n,7\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a21\\n..J\\nTARA HILL.\\nFROM PETRIE S ANTIQUITIES OF TARA HILL.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0433.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0434.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV.\\nCOLLAPSE OF THE REPEAL AGITATION.\\n1843-1847-\\nCONSCIOUS of his own intention not to vio-\\nlate the law, O Connell watched the opera-\\ntions of Government in flooding the country\\nwith troops, strengthening old and erecting new fort-\\nifications, half amusedly, half contemptuously. It\\nalways takes two to make a quarrel, and for himself\\nhe was determined, as he said, not to run his head\\nagainst a stone wall. After Tara, several other large\\ndemonstrations were held, and it was resolved to\\nwind up the series by a final monster at Clontarf.\\nIt was at Clontarf that Brian Boroimhe had expelled\\nthe Danes from Ireland in 1014. What fitter spot, it\\nwas asked, could be found for completing the expul-\\nsion of another set of intruders The meeting was\\nfixed to take place on Sunday, 8th October. It was\\nwell advertised, and people were beginning to flock\\nthither from the more distant parts of the island, as\\nwell as from Liverpool, Glasgow, and other towns in\\nEngland and Scotland, when suddenly, without a\\nword of warning, Government issued a proclamation,\\n351", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0435.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "352 Daniel 0 Con7telL [1843-\\nlate in the afternoon of the day preceding the meet-\\ning, forbidding it. The situation was critical in the\\nextreme for of the abihty of Government, even\\nwithout the extra precautions it had been taking, to\\nenforce its command there was not the shadow of a\\ndoubt. O Connell, who had long anticipated such a\\ncontingency, at once issued a proclamation in his own\\nname, countermanding the meeting. One of his\\ntrustiest followers, Peter Martin, was sent down,\\npost-haste, to Clontarf, with instructions to cause the\\nplatform that had been erected to be removed and\\nvolunteers were enlisted to scour the country for\\nthe purpose of warning the people of what had hap-\\npened, and commanding them to return to their\\nhomes.\\nWhen the secret despatches of Government are\\none day opened for the public, it will be known\\nwhat object was to be served in postponing the pro-\\nclamation till a collision between the military and\\nthe people was all but inevitable. With our present\\ninformation it is impossible to avoid the conclusion\\nthat those responsible for the manoeuvre really con-\\ntemplated the perpetration of another Peterloo on a\\nmore extended scale. Potir la canaille faut la\\nmitraille, hummed Wellington, as he read the\\nGovernment proclamation with evident satisfaction.\\nThat such a calamity, to call it by a no worse name,\\nwas avoided thanks are due alone to O Connell.\\nNever had he done more to prove his incontestable\\nright to lead the Irish nation, and the sincerity of the\\ndoctrines he preached, never more to advance the\\ncause of Irish freedom, and to earn the gratitude of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0436.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "t 2\\nX oa\\nO u\\nCC 1-\\nCC\\nO a.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0437.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0438.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 353\\nmankind, than he did by his conduct on this occas-\\nion. We see it all now. We see how incomparably\\ngreater he was than the little men around him who,\\nhaving satisfied themselves on the strength of an\\nambiguous passage in some of his recent speeches\\nthat he was going to forswear the principles of a\\nlifetime, taunted him with moral cowardice, va-\\npoured about what Eliot and Hampden would have\\ndone in his place, dubbed the proclamation a mere\\nadvertisement, and in cold blood formulated the\\nmonstrous theory that Government, having issued an\\nillegal proclamation, ought to have been afforded\\nthe further privilege of putting itself in the wrong\\nby shooting down a body of unarmed peasantry\\nPatriotism is an excellent thing, but knocking one s\\nhead against a stone wall is usually described by\\nsome other epithet. To someone, quoting Horace s\\nline, Diilce ct decor inn est pro pat ria inori, O Con-\\nnell replied, But, credit me, a living friend is worth\\na churchyard full of dead ones. His incorrigible\\nphilistinism was intolerable to young men only\\none sees life differently at threescore years and ten\\nthan at thirty.\\nA week later. Government followed up its attack\\non the Association by issuing writs for the arrest of\\nO Connell, his son John, and his chief colleagues,\\nThomas Mathew Ray, Thomas Steele, Richard Bar-\\nrett, John Gray, Charles Gavan Duffy, and two\\nparish priests, Father Tyrrell and Father Tierney\\ntwo men so unknown to fame that everybody won-\\ndered who they were when their names were\\nmentioned on a charge of conspiring to create", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0439.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "354 Daniel O Connell. [1843-\\ndiscontent and disaffection among the liege subjects\\nof the Queen, and with contriving, by means of\\nintimidation and the demonstration of great physi-\\ncal force to procure and effect changes to be made\\nin the government, laws, and constitution of this\\nrealm. Bail was accepted for O Connell himself\\nin ;^icx)0, and two sureties each in;f5oo. On 2nd\\nNovember the indictment, ninety-seven feet of\\nparchment, a masterpiece of intricate alternative\\npleading, was sent to the grand jury, and after six\\ndays deliberation a true bill was returned against\\nthe accused. Criminal justice, remarked a Quar-\\nterly Reviewer, had formerly fished with a hook\\nshe now fished with a net. The accused pleaded\\non 2 1st November, and the 15th January, 1844, was\\nfixed as the day on which the trial was to begin. In\\nthe interval, O Connell went down to Darrynane.\\nWhen the intention of Government to prosecute\\nwas first announced, he had been afraid that the\\ncharge would run to high treason, and his spirits\\nwere greatly depressed, looking upon his life as cer-\\ntain to be forfeited. When he heard it was only for\\nconspiracy, he scoffed at the whole proceeding, as\\nlikely, indeed, to be harassing and tedious, but in no\\nother respect formidable. To Fitzpatrick he wrote,\\non 9th December: I have already been hunting\\ntwo days. I already feel the immense ben-\\nefit of my native air and my delightful exercise. I\\nam regaining strength and vigour to endure what-\\never my sentence may be. You will believe that I\\nshall endure it without shrinking or compromise,\\ncome what may. He spoke bravely, but the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0440.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 355\\nfuture troubled him. Repeal, he clearly saw, had re-\\nceived a blow from which it was not likely to recover\\nduring his lifetime. The hope, so near to realisation,\\nwhich had buoyed him up during the last six months,\\nand inspired him with an energy amounting almost\\nto madness, had suddenly all but been extinguished.\\nGladly would he have retired from the struggle but\\nretreat was no longer possible. Like a ship which,\\nunder full sail, strikes on a hidden reef, and after a tre-\\nmendous recoil again bounds forward of its own\\nmotion, the impetus he had given to the agitation\\nforced him on without his own will. But he knew\\nwhat the end must be. He had measured his strength\\nwith Government, and he had been defeated. Fine\\nand imprisonment confronted him, for of his convic-\\ntion he had not the slightest doubt. He was too\\nold to start another agitation. Public and private\\ncares oppressed him. He feared that the people, in\\na sudden outburst of indignation, might still afford\\nGovernment a pretext for drawing the sword. His\\ndebts weighed upon him like a millstone round his\\nneck, and he was driven, much against his will, to\\nreduce his establishment at Darrynane, and to re-\\ntrench his expenses all round. As yet there were\\nno signs of mental weakness but there can be little\\nquestion that the germs of progressive paralysis of\\nthe brain were sown at this time.\\nOn 15th January, 1844, the day of the opening of\\nthe trial, business was practically suspended in Dub-\\nlin. The Attorney General s announcement that he\\nhad discovered a foul and wicked conspiracy had\\nraised public expectation to the highest pitch. At", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0441.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "35^ Daniel O Connell. [1843-\\nthe Four Courts the crush was so great as to render\\nit necessary to barricade the entrance to the Queen s\\nBench. The quays were Hned with people, and in\\nthe court itself not a seat was to be had for love or\\nmoney. Almost every newspaper in Ireland and\\nEngland was specially represented. On the Bench\\nsat Chief Justice Pennefather, and Justices Cramp-\\nton, Perrin, and Burton. The flower of the Irish Bar\\nwas retained, either for the prosecution or the de-\\nfence. But of more interest to the public than either\\njudges, advocates, or even the accused, was the jury.\\nNever in the annals of jury-packing in Ireland had\\nthe necessity of procuring a conviction led to such\\nan outrageous misuse of the powers reposed in the\\nCrown as on the present occasion. Every art, every\\ntrick, had been practised to secure a jury subservient\\nenough to register the decree of Government. From\\nfirst to last the trial was a bitter satire on the admin-\\nistration of justice in Ireland. The panel was tam-\\npered with, and the name of every Roman Catholic\\nstruck off the list. Counsel for the defendants pro-\\ntested their protest was upheld by Justice Perrin,\\nbut overruled by the three other judges. The\\nopening speech by the Attorney General lasted two\\ndays. It contained no revelations, nothing, indeed,\\nbut what all the world had read in the newspapers.\\nThe interest, so intense at the beginnincr of the trial,\\nspeedily evaporated. Judges, jury, and audience all\\nfell asleep. O Connell himself, who conducted his\\nown defence, spoke listlessly and with less effect than\\nperhaps ever in his whole life. But, none the less,\\nhe did not deceive himself as to what would be the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0442.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 357\\nresult. He foresaw not only that he would be con-\\ndemned, but that the sentence would probably be a\\nheavy one. Fearing lest popular indignation would\\nassume the dimensions of a riot he, two days be-\\nfore the conclusion of the trial, published a letter to\\nthe Roman Catholic bishops, suggesting, with pro-\\nfound humility,\\nThe propriety of directing the clergy of every parish\\nto take care that not the least particle of anger\\nor irritation should exhibit itself among the Catholic\\npeople to stifle every expression of sorrow or of wrong\\nin the recollection that prudence as well as duty per-\\nsonal safety, as well as religion imperatively require\\nthat every part of Ireland should remain in the most\\nperfect order and tranquillity, and in the most profound\\nand undisturbed quiet.\\nOn I2th February, the jury, after a little decent\\ndelay, returned a verdict of guilty of unlawful\\nand seditious conspiracy. Sentence was postponed\\ntill the beginning of next term. In the interval\\nO Connell, after once more appealing to the people\\nnot to allow themselves to be tempted to break the\\npeace, but to act peaceably, quietly, and legally,\\nproceeded to London.\\nThe attack on the Repeal leaders had in Ireland\\nbeen followed by large accessions to-the ranks of the\\nNational movement, amongst the most notable be-\\ning, perhaps, William Smith O Brien, a scion of the\\nancient and noble house of Thomond of whom it\\nwas truly said that he advanced slowly, but, having", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0443.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "35^ Daniel O Connell. [I843-\\nmade up his mind, never took a step backwards a\\ncold, inflexible, vain man, for whom the stern realities\\nof life eventually proved too hard. In England,\\ntoo, the manifest unfairness of the trial had operated,\\nif not indeed to swell the ranks of the Repealers to\\nany perceptible degree, at any rate to promote a\\nmore friendly feeling towards Ireland, which had\\ntaken shape in suggestions for a federal Parliament,\\nholding an occasional session in Dublin. O Connell,\\nwho had always been more or less popular with the\\nRadicals, was warmly welcomed at Manchester,\\nLiverpool, Birmingham, and Coventry. A banquet\\nwas given to him in Covent Garden theatre, which\\nthe Earl of Shrewsbury and Sharman Crawford, for-\\ngetting their old feuds with him, honoured by their\\npresence. When he entered the House of Commons\\nhe was received with an outburst of applause so\\nspontaneous and hearty as must have conveyed to\\nPeel a painful warning of the dangerous ground on\\nwhich he was standing. I am glad, he wrote to\\nFitzpatrick on 17th February, I came over not so\\nmuch on account of the Parliament as of the Eng-\\nlish people. I have certainly met with a kindness\\nand a sympathy which I did not expect, but which I\\nv/ill cheerfully cultivate. On the 23rd, without\\nalluding to his own case he spoke at length on the\\nstate of Ireland, imploring Parliament to reconsider\\nthe relations between the two countries, and by an\\nact of justice to put an end to the constant strife\\nbetween them.\\nJudgment was delivered on 30th May. O Connell\\nhad not been mistaken when he anticipated that the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0444.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation, 359\\npunishment would be a severe one. He was sen-\\ntenced to be imprisoned for twelve months, to pay a\\nfine of ;^2,ooo, and to find security for his good\\nbehaviour during the next seven years, himself in\\n^5,000 and two others each in ;^2,5oo. The same\\nday he and his fellow conspirators were removed\\nto Richmond Bridewell. Here a pleasant surprise\\nawaited them. Except for the restrictions it neces-\\nsarily placed on their personal movements, and the\\nlimited space it afforded for physical recreation, im-\\nprisonment proved far less dreadful than their imag-\\nination had depicted it. Comfortable quarters were\\nassigned to them, the attendance of their own serv-\\nants allowed them, provision made for such as had\\nfamilies living with them, and admission readily\\ngranted to all who wished to visit them. From the\\nfirst day, presents of all sorts monster cakes,\\nfish, venison, game, fruit, and flowers arrived in\\nboundless profusion. They were overwhelmed with\\naddresses; bored with deputations, till Government\\nput a stop to the nuisance complimented on their\\npatriotism by American visitors and, in short, lion-\\nized in every shape and form. They breakfasted\\nand dined together the evenings they spent in their\\nown private apartments with their families and more\\nintimate friends. To while away the time they got\\nup private theatricals, started a Richmond Ga-\\nzette, limited to one copy in manuscript, erected a\\ngymnasium, held mock monsters on a hillock in\\nthe garden, and, in fact, enjoyed themselves as mer-\\nrily as a parcel of schoolboys let out for play. O Con-\\nnell, after the first dread of an insurrection had", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0445.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "360 Daniel O Connell. [1843-\\npassed away, accepted his confinement with equan-\\nimity and even with satisfaction.\\nThere wanted, he said, but this to my career,\\nI have laboured for Ireland refused office, honour, and\\nemolument for Ireland. I have prayed and hoped and\\nwatched for Ireland. There was one thing wanted that\\nI should be in jail for Ireland. That has now been\\nadded to the rest, thanks to our enemies and I cordially\\nrejoice at it.\\nHis health, he protested, was excellent, and he\\ntook every means within his power to preserve it.\\nSeven times round the jail garden, he remarked,\\nis a mile. I walk it three times a day. He pro-\\nposed to occupy himself in writing his own memoirs,\\nbut beyond borrowing a set of the Ajt7tual Register\\nfrom the Association Library he made no attempt\\nto carry out his scheme. At dinner-table he played\\nthe genial and attentive host very much as if he had\\nbeen at home at Darrynane. But there can be no\\ndoubt of the truth of Daunt s observation, that he\\nfretted under the confinement, and began to age\\nvery rapidly.\\nMeanwhile a strenuous effort was being made to\\nreverse the judgment passed upon him by an appeal\\nto the House of Lords. No less than thirty-four\\ngrounds of error were assigned. It was urged that\\nthe offence for which he and his companions were\\ntried was not legally charged in the indictment, that\\nthe jury was not a lawful jury of the country, the\\nverdict was not a lawful verdict, and the judgment\\nof the court bad in law. People laughed at the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0446.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "18471 Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 361\\nappeal. What chance was there, it was asked, of the\\nHouse of Lords acting impartially in the matter?\\nNevertheless, it was the impossible that actually\\nhappened. On 4th September the House of Lords,\\nin the person of its law members, decided that the\\njudgment pronounced in Ireland ought to be re-\\nversed. It has been urged that the decision, not-\\nwithstanding the abstention of the lay Lords was,\\nafter all, a party vote. This is no doubt true; but\\nit is equally true that in assenting to the appeal of\\nLord Wharncliffe, to leave the decision to those of\\ntheir brethren who were learned in the law, the\\nLords achieved a victory over their own prejudices\\ndeserving the high encomium passed upon it by\\nMontalembert. Besides, there can be no question\\nthat Lord Denman s remark, that if such practices\\nas had prevailed in the case were to continue, trial\\nby jury in Ireland would become a mockery, a delu-\\nsion, and a snare, was sound law as well as sound\\nsense. On the other hand, Irishmen were justified\\nin complaining that the process of appeal in criminal\\nlaw resembled the procedure of Rhadamanthus, who\\npunished first and inquired afterwards. The appeal\\ncost the Association ;^5o,ooo but it was money\\nwell spent.\\nWhen the news of their deliverance was com-\\nmunicated to O Connell and the other prisoners in\\nRichmond jail, so incredible did it seem that, for a\\nmoment, it quite stunned them. The revulsion of\\nfeeling was intense. Prisoners, gaolers, and friends\\nalike burst into tears. O Connell, when he recovered\\nhis composure, said reverently: Fitzpatrick, the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0447.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "362 Daniel O Connell. [1843~\\nhand of man is not in this. It is the response given\\nby Providence to the prayers of the faithful, stead-\\nfast, pious people of Ireland. Next day, 7th Sep-\\ntember, seated on a car of imposing structure, drawn\\nby six white horses, he was borne in triumph to his\\nhouse in Merrion Square amid the plaudits of the\\npopulace. As the procession passed through Col-\\nlege Green he pointed significantly to the old Par-\\nliament House, and the crowd responded with a\\nburst of applause.\\nAfter attending a banquet in honour of the politi-\\ncal prisoners, and making a public appearance at the\\nAssociation, O Connell repaired to Darrynane. He\\nlonged for the bracing air of the mountains, for the\\npeace and quietness which, so long as he remained\\nin Dublin, were denied him and, above all, he\\nwanted to ponder over the situation and to mature\\nhis plans for the future. His journey thither was one\\nlong ovation. During his imprisonment, the Federal\\nmovement, to which allusion has been made, had been\\nsteadily gaining ground in influential Conservative\\ncircles as an alternative for Repeal. Several pam-\\nphlets had appeared on the subject, and the matter\\nhad formally and, indeed with his own approbation,\\nbeen brought before the Dublin Corporation by Dr.\\nMaunsell, whose connection with the chief organ of\\nTory opinion in Ireland, the Evening Mail, lent\\nspecial significance to the step. The repeal of the\\nUnion he had always and still regarded as a subject\\non which honest men might differ. For himself,\\nthough he could not, as he wrote to Maunsell, accept\\nhis Federal resolutions as a substitute for repeal, he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0448.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation, 363\\nthought it extremely desirable to have the matter\\nthoroughly discussed. The truth is, he explained\\nto Fitzpatrick, that a strong Federal display made\\nby and with men hitherto Non-Repealers, would in-\\nduce the Ministry to strike, and to canvass the terms\\non which the Irish legislature should be established.\\nPondering the matter quietly over, at Darrynane, he\\ncame to the conclusion that a via 7nedia could and\\nought to be found along which Federalists and Re-\\npealers might march together. He embodied his\\nthoughts in a long public letter addressed to the\\nSecretary of the Association. They had recently,\\nhe argued, won a great, a glorious, and a bloodless\\nvictory. It was their duty to use that victory, not\\nto irritate but to conciliate all classes and persuasions\\nof their fellow-countrymen, and, if possible, to pro-\\ncure the entire Irish nation to join in the struggle to\\nobtain the right of Irishmen to legislate for them-\\nselves. Hitherto idle jealousies and unfounded fears\\nhad prevented such an union. It must be their busi-\\nness to remove these jealousies and fears by assuring\\ntheir Protestant fellow-countrymen that they, the\\nCatholics, desired no civil or ecclesiastical ascend-\\nancy, but only equality. It was perfectly clear\\nas clear to the Conservative Dr. Maunsell as to him-\\nself that things could not remain as they were.\\nThere must be a change of some sort. They had\\narrived at a time when, if Protestant and Catholic\\nNon-Repealers were to abandon their apathy or op-\\nposition and join in the agitation for Repeal, the\\nUnion could be repealed without danger, difficulty,\\ntumult, or force; and without in any way disturbing", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0449.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "364 Daniel O Connell. [1843-\\nthe rights of property or the enjoyments of social\\nHfe. This being the case, why should not Repealers\\nand Federalists hit upon some plan for securing the\\ncommon object they had at heart? For himself, he\\ndisclaimed every species of infallibility, and would\\nyield, for the sake of co-operation, everything but\\nprinciple. He would follow in the track of any\\nman who sought for the restoration to Ireland of\\nthe right of legislation. As to the powers to be en-\\ntrusted to the Irish Parliament, the simple Repeal-\\ners were of opinion that it should have precisely\\nthe same power and authority which the former Irish\\nParliament had. The Federalists had not suggested\\nany definite scheme but, as far as he could gather,\\nthey required more for Ireland than the simple\\nRepealers did for, besides the local Parliament in\\nIreland, having full and perfect local authority, they\\nrequired that there should be for questions of Impe-\\nrial concern, colonial, military, naval, and of foreign\\nalliance and policy a congressional or federative\\nParliament, in which Ireland should have her fair\\nshare and proportion of representation and power.\\nIn this respect he confessed he felt a preference for\\nthe Federative plan, as tending more to the utility\\nof Ireland, and to the maintenance of the connection\\nwith England than the mode of simple Repeal. At\\nthe same time, it was obvious that he could not\\nconsent to commit himself in the matter till some\\ndefinite scheme had been submitted to him by the\\nFederalists.\\nThis letter, which will strike every careful reader\\nof it as a candid and statesmanlike exposition of the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0450.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 365\\nsubject, spread consternation in the ranks of the\\nYoung Ireland party. What better proof, they\\nasked, could be wanted of the incapacity of their\\nleader to lead than was afforded by his determination\\nto abandon Repeal in favour of Federation It is true\\nthe letter said nothing about abandoning Repeal,\\nbut they were convinced, all the same, that this was\\nO Connell s meaning. What was Federation but a\\nstepping-stone to Whiggism It was time to sound\\nthe alarm high time to put a stop to this shilly-\\nshallying on the part of their leader. They had\\nnever forgiven him for what they called his re-\\ntreat at Clontarf; they were beside themselves\\nwith rage at this fresh exhibition of his moderation\\nThe loaf, the whole loaf, or no bread, they shouted.\\nIt is easier to understand their position than to ap-\\nprove of it. O Connell had expressed his belief\\nthat Federalism would tend to draw England and\\nIreland closer together. This was the stone of\\nstumbling. This was exactly what they did not\\nwant. What they wanted was separation a for-\\neign policy for Ireland. But they lacked the cour-\\nage to speak out their meaning. At best, they were\\nbut weak imitations of Tone. No one was more\\nsurprised at the reception accorded his letter than\\nthe author of it. He protested that it would have\\nbeen better to have read it than to have criticised it\\nunread. But the mischief was done. Their shouts\\nhad frightened the Federalists, and, after vainly try-\\ning to repair their blunder, O Connell withdrew his\\noffer.\\nMeanwhile Peel, having failed to put down the", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0451.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "366 Daniel O Connell. [1843-\\nagitation by prosecuting the leaders of it, was en-\\ndeavouring, in more legitimate and statesman-like\\nfashion, to sap the strength of the National movement\\nby measures of legislative redress. In November,\\n1843, ^^d caused a commission to issue, known\\nfrom its chairman, Lord Devon, as the Devon Com-\\nmission,\\nTo inquire into the state of the law and practice in\\nrespect to the occupation of land in Ireland, and in re-\\nspect also to the burdens of county cess and other\\ncharges which fall respectively on the landlord and occu-\\npying tenant and to report as to the amendments, if any,\\nof the existing laws, which, having due regard to the just\\nrights of property, may be calculated to encourage the cul-\\ntivation of the soil, to extend a better system of agricul-\\nture, and to improve the relation between landlord and\\ntenant in that part of the United Kingdom.\\nThe Committee reported on 14th February, 1845,\\nand the preparation of a Bill embodying some, at\\nleast, of its suggestions, was entrusted to Stanley.\\nAt the same time proposals were submitted to Par-\\nliament for increasing and making permanent the\\nannual grant to the Catholic Seminary at Maynooth,\\nand for founding a system of middle-class education\\nby the establishment of secular colleges at Cork,\\nBelfast, and Galway. O Connell strongly favoured\\nthe programme of Government, so far as it related to\\nMaynooth but believing, as he said, that religion\\nought to be the basis of education, he went over to\\nEngland, in June, for the express purpose of oppos-\\ning the establishment of the provincial colleges.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0452.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "THE NAUGHTY BOY.\\nFROM A PRINT IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0453.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0454.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 367\\nSpeaking on the 23rd, he said, Let there be Pres-\\nbyterianism for the Presbyterian, Protestantism for\\nthe Protestant, and Catholicism for the CathoHc. I\\nwant nothing for the Cathoh c which I am not ready\\nto assert for others. Let there be fair play and just-\\nice to all. His opposition was unavailing the\\nthree secular colleges were established but, as he\\npredicted, the Catholics, after a brief trial of them,\\nwithdrew from them under instructions from the\\nPropaganda. Of the third measure, Stanley s Land\\nBill, it is only necessary to say that while its\\nprovisions fell far short of O Connell s demand for\\nfixity of tenure, and absolute right of recom-\\npense for all substantial improvements on the part\\nof the tenant, it encountered such opposition in the\\nLords as led to its being withdrawn.\\nO Connell s criticism of the Bill drew down upon\\nhim the vengeance of the Times. He had insisted\\nthat Government ought to meet the landlords boldly\\nand force them to do their duty. The Times re-\\nplied by sending a commissioner down to Darry-\\nnane to investigate the state of his property. The\\nresult of the inquiry was, as might have been ex-\\npected, not favourable to O Connell. His tenants\\nwere reported to be immersed in the most squalid in-\\ndigence Cahirciveen was depicted as a congregation\\nof wretchedness, its dirty and unpaved streets, and\\nold hat-mended windows, testifying to the neglect in\\nwhich it was held by its proprietor and he himself\\ncharged with remorselessly evicting his tenantry and\\nby imputation with being a participator in the very\\nclearance system he had condemned. The report", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0455.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "368 Daniel O ComielL [1843-\\nwas a tissue of exaggerations and falsehoods from\\nbeginning to end. The very wantonness of the\\ncharges preferred against him defeated the object\\nfor which they were brought, and raised up many\\nfriends for him in unexpected quarters. The man-\\nagement of O Connell s property, wrote the Tory\\nEvening Mail, is excellent, and his tenants are\\ncomfortable and happy. But though he had little\\ndifficulty in rebutting the accusation, the conduct of\\nthe Times irritated him and, added to his other\\ntroubles, told seriously on his health.\\nMeanwhile, the shadow of the Great Famine was\\nstealing slowly but perceptibly over the land. Early\\nin October it was known that the potato crop, on\\nwhich almost one-third of the population depended\\nfor their existence, had rotted in the ground. Over\\nthe whole length and breadth of the land there was\\nhardly a sound field of potatoes to be seen every-\\nwhere nothing but a mass of decaying, stinking veg-\\netable matter. Fortunately the cereal crop was\\nabove the average, and there was every prospect, if\\nGovernment interposed with an embargo on the\\nexportation of grain, that the calamity with which\\nthe nation was menaced might be partially averted.\\nWarnings reached Government from all quarters.\\nO Connell himself was the first to sound the alarm.\\nSpeaking at a public meeting on 28th October,\\nhe insisted on the necessity of closing the ports\\nwithout delay, of taking measures to prevent the\\nprecious grain being misused for purposes of distilla-\\ntion and brewing, and of importing rice from the\\nCarolinas and Indian corn from America. To pay", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0456.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation, 369\\nfor the extra supplies, he suggested a tax of fifty\\nper cent, on the rentals of all absentee landlords,\\nand ten per cent, on all resident ones. For himself,\\nhe at once began to lay up large stores of rice at\\nDarrynane for the benefit of his tenants. Together\\nwith the Duke of Leinster, Lord Cloncurry, and the\\nMayor of Dublin he waited on the Lord Lieutenant,\\nLord Heytesbury, with the object of impressing up-\\non Government the serious nature of the situation.\\nThey were answered that specialists were being sent\\nover from England to investigate the nature of the\\ndisease Meanwhile, the grain was leaving the\\ncountry in larger quantities than usual. According\\nto the Mark Lane Express sixteen thousand quar-\\nters of corn were exported in a single week. The\\nmoral of the situation was pointed out in words of\\nburning indignation by the Nation\\nHeaven, that tempers ill with good, when it smote our\\nwonted food,\\nSent us bounteous growth of grain sent to pauper\\nslaves in vain\\nWe but asked in deadly need, Ye that rule us, let us\\nfeed\\nOn the food that s ours behold adder-deaf and\\nicy cold\\nWere we saints of Heaven were we how we burn to\\nthink it free\\nNot a grain should leave our shore, not for England s\\ngolden store.\\nThey who hunger where it grew: they whom Heaven\\nhas sent it to,\\nThey who reared with sweat of brow they, or none\\nshould have it now.\\n24", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0457.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "370 Daniel O Conneil. [1843-\\nA duke of the blood royal remarked I under-\\nstand that rotten potatoes and sea-weed, or even\\ngrass properly mixed, afford a very wholesome and\\nnutritious food. We all know that Irishmen can live\\nupon anything, and there is plenty of grass in the\\nfields, even if the potato crop should fail. It was\\ndifificult, under the circumstances, to keep one s\\ntemper. As usual, hard in the wake of famine and\\npestilence came agrarian outrage. Once more the\\ncountry was threatened with coercion. Peel was re-\\nminded by the Morning Herald that the railways\\nrecently constructed had brought every part of Ire-\\nland within six hours of the central garrison. The\\nNation retorted that railways could be destroyed,\\nand that Hofer and his Tyroleans could hardly have\\ndesired a deadlier ambush than was afforded by the\\nbrink of a deep cutting upon a railway. The pro-\\nvocation was very great but such language only\\nserved to make matters worse, and O Connell at once\\nprotested against it.\\nBad as things were when Parliament met on 22nd\\nJanuary, 1846, there was still time to alleviate the\\nmisery of the nation. On 17th February O Connell\\nrose to call attention to the state of famine and dis-\\nease in Ireland, and to ask for a committee of the\\nwhole House to devise means to relieve the distress\\nof the Irish people. He was answered by expres-\\nsions of good-will and sympathy but the measures\\nhe suggested as necessary to preserve Ireland from\\nthe horrors of famine and pestilence were too bold\\nfor the timidity of the ministry and the inclination\\nof the House. Once again, instead of the bread he", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0458.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 371\\nasked for, he was offered a stone instead of a fish,\\na scorpion. On 30th March a Coercion Bill of ex-\\ntreme severity was, after having passed the Lords,\\nsubmitted for the approval of the House of Com-\\nmons. O Connell offered it all the opposition in his\\npower. He spoke temperately and persuasively.\\nHe did not, he said, deny the existence of outrages\\nin certain parts of Ireland. But he begged the\\nHouse to look deeper, and to remove the causes of\\nthose outrages. In the county of Tipperary there\\nwas an agrarian law, which was the law of ejectment\\nin the province of Ulster there was a general law,\\ngiving the tenant valuable rights. The remedy he\\nasked for was that the tenant right of Ulster should\\nbe generally adopted throughout Ireland. He wanted\\nthe House to grant a strong, bold, manly, useful, re-\\nmedial measure. The only coercion act required\\nwas one to compel the landlords who would not do\\ntheir duty to compel them to prevent the people\\ndying of hunger. Help came to him from an unex-\\npected quarter. In June the Bill was defeated by a\\ncombination of Whigs, Radicals, and discontented\\nProtectionists. Peel seized the opportunity to re-\\ntire from office, and in July he was succeeded by\\nLord John Russell.\\nThe appointment of Lord Duncannon, now Earl\\nof Bessborough, with whom he had long been on\\nterms of familiar intercourse, as Lord Lieutenant\\ngratified O Connell and, believing that the accession\\nof the Whigs to power would be followed by reme-\\ndial measures for the social grievances under which\\nIreland was groaning, he entered into a cordial alii-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0459.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "372 Da n iel O Connell. w 843-\\nance with them. His poHcy was disapproved of by\\nthe Young Ireland party. They had boasted so long\\nof having prevented him retreating on Federalism\\nthat they thought they could prevent what they\\nregarded as a more disgraceful retreat on Whiggism.\\nBut this time they reckoned without their host. The\\nsituation was too serious for such trifling. O Con-\\nnell not only refused to give way, but insisted on a\\npublic renunciation of their hypothetical physical\\nforce notions. Rather than yield on this point, they\\nseceded in a body from Conciliation Hall. Their\\nsecession was an act of treason, not only against their\\nleader but against their country, more disastrous in\\nits effects than any amount of agrarian outrages on\\nthe part of ignorant Tipperary peasants. Their con-\\nduct mortified and wounded O Connell. It was his\\ndeath-blow. From that day the disease from which\\nhe was suffering made rapid strides. His friends\\nwere alarmed to see how suddenly old and haggard\\nhe had grown. In the autumn he retired to Darry-\\nnane to visit, as it proved for the last time, those\\nscenes once so full of life and joy to him, now de-\\nsolate and dreary beyond description. The recur-\\nrence of the potato famine, intensified this time by a\\ncereal harvest below the average, filled his cup of\\nwretchedness to overflowing. But, feeble and ema-\\nciated though he was in body, his mind was still\\nclear. My dear Friend, he wrote to Fitzpatrick\\non 5th October: It would be the absurdest of all\\nabsurd things to think of a tribute in such times as\\nthese. They are, indeed, more awful than you have\\nany notion of. All our thoughts are engrossed with", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0460.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "DANIEL O CONNELL.\\nFROM THE PAINTING BY T. CARRICK.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0461.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0462.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 373\\ntwo topics endeavouring to keep the people from\\noutbreaks and endeavouring to get food for them.\\nI tell you danger is in our path. May the great God,\\nin His infinite mercy, mitigate the calamity and\\navert the danger!\\nIn December he went up to Dublin to assist at the\\nformation of a central board of Irish landlords, in\\nwhich religious differences would never be heard of,\\nfor providing means to alleviate the general distress.\\nThe attitude of the Young Ireland party, and par-\\nticularly of Smith O Brien, caused him infinite dis-\\ntress, but his efforts at reconciliation proved useless,\\nand so, seeing his country once more drifting into\\nrebellion, he quitted Ireland on 22d January, 1847,\\nfor the last time. On 8th February he appeared in\\nthe House of Commons the mere shadow of his\\nformer self. He had come to plead for the last time\\nfor Ireland. She was in their hands in their power.\\nIf they did not save her she could not save herself.\\nIf they did not come to her help he solemnly called\\non them to recollect that he predicted with the sin-\\ncerest conviction that one-fourth of her population\\nwould perish. He was heard with difficulty the voice\\nonce so resonant had sunk almost to a whisper. He\\nstruggled to exert himself. There never was a\\nperiod, he wrote on 13th February, when more\\nenergy was necessary for the public safety, nor were\\never the prospects more dark and dismal How\\ndifferent would the scene be if we had our own\\nparliament, taking care of our own people\\nBut, even while he wrote, the hand of death was\\nupon him. His physicians spoke hopefully, and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0463.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "374 Daniel 0 ConnelL [1843-\\nrecommended a change of scene and air. But he\\ndid not deceive himself he knew he was dying.\\nHis physical weakness increased daily but his mind\\nwas perfectly clear, though torpid. He found infinite\\nconsolation in the spiritual ministrations of his friend\\nthe Rev. Dr. Miley, whom the kindness of Arch-\\nbishop Murray allowed to attend on him. Occasion-\\nally a faint smile stole over his face when some\\nincident of happier days was recalled to him. But\\ngenerally, wrote Dr. Miley, he is solemn, collected,\\nand given to ejaculatory prayer the autotype, you\\nwould figure to yourself, of one of the ancient\\npatriarchs of whom it is written They walked before\\nGod, and were perfect. On ist March he sent his\\nlast instructions to his faithful friend the best of\\nall his friends, he called him Fitzpatrick. Then a\\ngreat torpor fell upon him he assented listlessly to\\nthe arrangements made for his removal. Before\\nproceeding abroad he spent a little time at Hastings,\\nwhere he was visited by the Earl of Shrewsbury\\nall his old animosities forgotten. On St. Patrick s\\nDay several bunches of shamrock reached him from\\nIreland one from a member of the Beresford family.\\nThe attention touched him. On 22d March he\\ncrossed over from Folkestone to Boulogne, attended\\nby his youngest son Daniel, Dr. Miley and his valet,\\nDugan. The journey through France was slow and\\npainful. At Paris, among those who called to show\\ntheir respect for him were Montalembert and de\\nBerryer. Everywhere the profoundest reverence\\nwas paid him. At Lyons, which was reached on\\nnth April, it was snowing as heavily, Dr. Miley", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0464.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 375\\nwrote, as you ever saw it in Dublin on a Christmas\\nEve. His listlessness grew upon him, and his utter\\nindifference about reaching Rome irritated Dr. Miley.\\nIt was the 6th May before he reached Genoa. His\\nend was drawing perceptibly nearer. Shortly after\\ntwo o clock on Saturday morning, the 15th, while it\\nwas still dark, the Cardinal Archbishop himself\\neighty-eight years old was summoned to administer\\nthe last rites of the Catholic Church to him. All\\nGenoa was praying for him. About half past nine\\non the same day he passed quietly away, with the\\ncalm of an infant that falls off to sleep. His heart\\naccording to his request was embalmed, and, being\\nplaced in a silver urn, was carried to Rome, where it\\nwas received by Pius IX. and placed with imposing\\nsolemnity in the church of St. Agatha. His body\\nwas brought back to Ireland on 5th August, and\\ninterred in Glasnevin cemetery. In 1869 a round-\\ntower 165 feet high was erected to his memory and\\nhis body removed to a crypt at its base.\\nO Connell s death removed from the political stage\\none of the most eminent characters of the century.\\nFor nearly forty years he had been prominently before\\nthe public, and during those forty years there had\\nscarcely been a political meeting of any importance\\nin Ireland at which he had not been the chief\\nspeaker. In the three kingdoms there was hardly a\\nperson to whom he was not familiar, either person-\\nally or through the well-known caricatures of H. B.\\nSlightly under six feet, and broad in proportion, with\\nfeatures which the wonderful charm of his mouth\\nredeemed from coarseness, and a voice at once sweet", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0465.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "3/6 Daniel O ConnelL [1843-\\nand sonorous, he seemed to have been specially\\nframed by nature for the part he played of agitator.\\nAnd this man, who could move millions with his\\neloquence, who held the fate of Ireland in his grasp\\nfor at least a quarter of a century, who at any\\nmoment during that time could, by a single word,\\nhave caused a revolution, the consequence of which\\nit is impossible to forecast what sort of man\\nwas he? What was the secret of the power he\\nwielded What was the lesson his life has to teach\\nus\\nThe scion of an ancient family, of whose traditions\\nhe was perhaps a little inordinately vain, he was in\\nreality a very simple, homely person. Unpretentious\\nin all that concerned himself, he showed himself to\\nmen exactly as he was. His faults were as patent as\\nhis good qualities. His life was an open book, which\\nall men might read a book in which, while there\\nwas much to blame, there was much more to com-\\nmend, and a book which men interpreted generously\\nor illiberally as their own natures were generous or\\nilliberal. Seldom till, in his declining days, knowing\\nwhat it was to be ill, he rejoiced like a healthy\\nschoolboy in the exercise of his physical powers.\\nTo follow his beagles on foot in the dewy freshness\\nof the morning, when the sun was shooting its\\nearliest rays over the Atlantic, was to him the su-\\npremest pleasure in life. Loving nature in all her\\nchanging moods, he was never so entirely happy as\\nwhen at Darrynane. Learned he was not, so far as\\nbook-lore went. Indeed, outside legal literature, of\\nwhich he possessed a competent knowledge, he was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0466.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "4\\nTHE O CONNELL MONUMENT, QLASNEVIN.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0467.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0468.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 2 77\\nneither widely nor deeply read. Even of the history\\nof his own country he was, till he made a special\\nstudy of it for his Repeal agitation, but vaguely and\\ninaccurately informed. His one attempt at writing\\nit A Memoir on Ireland, Native and Saxon is a\\nmediocre production. He liked poetry but his taste\\nwas neither refined nor discriminative. Dickens, he\\nconsidered, for obvious reasons, the greatest novel-\\nist and he followed the story of little Nell as it\\nappeared week by week, with the intensest interest.\\nThough speaking Irish himself, he had no sympathy\\nwith those who wished to preserve the language\\neither to national or philological ends. The Annals\\nof the Four Masters he despised as a wearisome\\nrecord of uninteresting facts. For the rest, the\\nTower of Babel had, in his opinion, worked enough\\nmischief, and English was sufficient for all practical\\npurposes. He spoke French tolerably but when\\napproached to advocate the cause of the Lyons\\nconspirators, in 1835, he declined on the ground of\\nsheer incapacity to perform that duty efficiently in\\nthe French language. His early training had given\\nhim a bent towards theological discussion, which his\\nagitation of the Catholic claims developed, and he\\nmore than once posed on public platforms as the\\nchampion of his creed. But he was only superfi-\\ncially versed in ecclesiastical history, and his points\\nwere rather those of an acute lawyer than of a can-\\ndid critic. Himself a Roman Catholic from convic-\\ntion as well as education, though his creed hardly\\nperhaps in all respects conformed to the canons of\\nstrict orthodoxy, he was entirely tolerant of every", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0469.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "2,yS Dame/ 0 Connell. [1843-\\nform of Christian belief. In truth, he was a man of\\ndeep religious feeling, who in all the relations of life\\ncarried about with him a profound consciousness of\\nthe divine presence. Possessing a broad sense of\\nhumour, which rendered him impatient of the artifi-\\ncial restraints of society, he took an almost wanton\\npleasure in the use of language which, if it some-\\ntimes served the cause of truth, more often than not\\nonly succeeded in wounding people s susceptibilities\\nand rendering himself disliked. To Jeremy Bent-\\nham s remonstrances in this particular he urged that\\nit was right to speak of one s friends and enemies in\\nthe strongest language consistent with truth. But\\nit is difficult to see what truth there was in calling\\nPeel a scented fop, Sir Henry Hardinge a one-\\narmed miscreant, and the Duke of Wellington a\\nstunted corporal. The habit grew upon him in\\nordinary conversation, till such words as rogue,\\nvillain, scoundrel, at last lost all precise signifi-\\ncance for him. Fortunately his language, if it was\\nonly too often abusive, was never feebly malicious.\\nAnger and indignation he reserved for public ques-\\ntions and public men and if he was accustomed to\\nhit hard he never complained when attacked in\\nreturn, while his boundless good humour and inex-\\nhaustible store of mother-wit often enabled him to\\nparry the weapons of his adversaries and turn the\\nlaugh against them. Admirable in all the relations\\nof his private life of husband, father, friend, and\\nmaster he was adored by all who knew him inti-\\nmately. His manner might be lacking in refinement,\\nhis language coarse but the man himself was", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0470.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of tlie Repeal Agitation. 379\\nentirely lovable. His transparent honesty won the\\nconfidence of all who came into contact with him.\\nHerein lay the secret of his power. No one who\\nknew him ever doubted his integrity. His enemies\\nsneered at his patriotism, and caricatured him as\\nbattening on the poverty of the nation he deluded\\nbut his countrymen believed in him, and he never\\ndid anything to forfeit their confidence. But, if his\\nintegrity was the main cause of the influence he\\nwielded, hardly less important in maintaining it was\\nhis sensitiveness to public opinion, and the dexterity\\nwith which he was able to extricate himself from any\\nawkward position into which his sometimes too-\\nprecipitate judgment drove him. Unbending in\\nanything affecting principle, he knew the value of\\nyielding on matters open to discussion, and the\\nfrankness with which he admitted his error, while it\\nconciliated public opinion, served to strengthen his\\nclaim as leader. But neither personal integrity nor\\npolitical dexterity would have raised him to the\\nposition he held had not the condition of things\\nbeen propitious to him. No man, however well\\nqualified to play the part of agitator, can of himself\\ncall an agitation into existence. And if O Connell s\\npower in Ireland was such as, in the opinion of im-\\npartial observers, to menace government and by his\\nown admission such as no man ought to possess, it\\nwas so only because he embodied in his own person\\nthe grievances and aspirations of the great majority\\nof his fellow-countrymen. He was strong because\\nthrough him the demands of a nation struggling for\\nfreedom found articulate expression.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0471.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "380 Daniel O Connell. [1843-\\nAnd this nation, of which he was the representa-\\ntive, is it too much to say that he was also the creator\\nof it? If the Ireland of the middle of the century\\nwas a very different country than the Ireland of the\\nfirst two decades, to what cause, if not to O Connell,\\nwas the change due When he first appeared before\\nthe public to agitate the claims of his fellow\\nCatholics, the bulk of his countrymen were steeped\\nin ignorance and apathy. For long years his voice\\nwas as the voice of one crying in the wilderness.\\nIndifference, worse even than open hostility, met\\nhim on every hand. But the seed he had been sow-\\ning had not all of it fallen into barren soil. Sud-\\ndenly, and almost without warning, came the\\nawakening. From a nation of slaves Irishmen became,\\nif not, indeed, at once a nation of freemen, at any\\nrate a nation in whom the feeling of a longing for\\nfreedom had been revived. Men who had hitherto\\nhardly dared to count their souls their own ceased to\\ncringe beneath the frown of their hereditary tyrant,\\nand, preferring starvation and death to slavery,\\nasserted their rights as human beings. The hatred\\nwith which from this moment O Connell was re-\\ngarded, the abuse lavished upon him, was significant\\nof the terror which he had awakened in the breasts\\nof those whose privileges he had invaded and whose\\ndominion he had curtailed. Nor was the revolution\\nhe had effected any the less profound or lasting\\nbecause it had been accomplished without blood-\\nshed and by the power of opinion alone. To those,\\nindeed, of a younger generation, it only appeared too\\nnatural, and knowing nothing of the obstacles that", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0472.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "1847] Collapse of the Repeal Agitation. 381\\nhad been overcome, they underestimated the victory\\nthat had been won. In the impatience of their\\nardour to rescue their country from the yoke of the\\noppressor, it seemed to them as if nothing had been\\ndone. When O Connell preached moderation and the\\nefficacy of constitutional agitation they laughed him\\nto scorn, and poured ridicule on his doctrine, that\\nno political change was worth the shedding of one\\ndrop of blood. But Wisdom is justified of her\\nchildren. England has never yielded one iota to ter-\\nrorism, and if concession after concession has marked\\nthe progress of the fifty years that have elapsed\\nsince O Connell s death, it is not to the advocates\\nof physical force, but to those who, in season and\\nout of season, have preached and practised O Con-\\nnell s doctrine of constitutional agitation, that the\\nthanks are due. It is easy for the arm-chair politi-\\ncian to preach patience it is not so easy for those\\nwho have suffered grievous personal wrong to prac-\\ntise it. The abuse of power has only too often in\\nIreland furnished an excuse for outrage and violence.\\nNo one knew this better than O Connell; yet no\\none preached patience under suffering more resol-\\nutely than he did. He knew exactly where the shoe\\npinched. Not by acts of Parliament per se, not by\\ncutting the connection with England, not by turning\\nall things topsy-turvy in the hope of a miracle but\\nby cherishing the constitution, by cleansing adminis-\\ntration of its abuses, by peaceful legal agitation, was\\nthe goal of freedom to be reached. Beside the rosy\\nvision of a free and independent republic, strong in\\nits own resources and flourishing in arts and arms,", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0473.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "382\\nDaniel O Connell.\\n[1843-1847\\nas it floated before the imagination of Young Ireland,\\nhis simple ideal of a well-governed state, under the\\nsegis of Great Britain, showed pale and colourless.\\nBut at least it had this merit, that it was capable of\\nrealisation.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0474.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nA\\nAberdeen, I ord, 197\\nAlgerine Act Act suppressing\\nCatholic Association so called\\n(1825), 153\\nAlthorp, Lord, 154, 272, 275\\nintroduces a Church Tempo-\\nralities Bill, 280\\nAlvanley, Lord, challenges\\nO Connell, 302 duel with\\nMorgan O Connell, 303\\nAmerican independence, declar-\\nation of, 4\\nAnglesey, Marquis (Henry Wil-\\nliam Paget), lord lieutenant\\nof Ireland, 197 character of\\nhis government, 215 view of\\nthe state of Ireland (1828),\\n216 advocates concession of\\nCatholic claims, 217 recalled,\\n218 second time viceroy,\\n246 view of the situation,\\n247 opinion regarding O Con-\\nnell, 248 loss of popularity,\\n249; arrests O Connell, 251;\\nremoval demanded, 269 re-\\nsignation of, 286\\nAnti-Union, the, quoted, 71\\nAnti-Union Society for Legisla-\\ntive Relief, suppressed, 245\\nArms Bill (1831), 261 (1843),\\n346\\nAssociation see under Catholic\\nRepeal\\nAttorney-General see under\\nBlackburne, Francis Perrin,\\nLouis; Plunket, Lord; Saurin,\\nWilliam\\nB\\nBallybay, 74; Lawless at, 212\\nBarrett, Richard, editor of The\\nPilot, arrested, 251, 286, 353\\nBathurst, Lord, 197\\nBecket, James, under secretary\\nfor Ireland, 93\\nBelfast, O Connell at, 328\\nBennett, R. N., friend of O Con-\\nnell, 10, 93\\nBeresford, Lord George, M. P.,\\n172, 178, 243\\nBeresford, Henry, Marquis of\\nWaterford: see under Water-\\nford, Marquis of\\nBeresfords, political influence of\\nthe, 172\\nBlackburne, Francis, attorney-\\ngeneral, 255, 294\\nBlaekiuood s Magazine slanders\\nO Connell, 308\\nBolivar, O Connell refers to,\\n146\\nBottle Riot, 126, 171\\nBreadalbane, Marquis of, 271\\nBrougham, Lord, opinion of\\nGoulburn Bill, 150; criticises\\nPeel s Catholic Relief Bill,\\n223\\n383", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0475.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "384\\nIndex.\\nBrunswick Clubs, 195, 216, 232\\nBurdett, Sir Francis, manager\\nof the Catholic business, 152\\nmoves the Catholic claims\\n(1827), 186 (1828), 198 per-\\nsonal hostility towards O Con-\\nnell, 307\\nBurke, William, of Ballyhea,\\n235\\nBushe, Charles Kendal, chief\\njustice of the King s Bench,\\n120\\nByron, Lord, his ^z/ 7/ar quoted,\\n116\\nCahirciveen, 2, 180; a congrega-\\ntion of wretchedness, 367\\nCamden, Lord (John Jeffrey\\nPratt), II, 70\\nCanning, George, moves the\\nCatholic claims (1812), 44 be-\\ncomes prime minister (1827),\\n187 death of, 191\\nCanning clauses, 50\\nCarrick s Post, O Connell s let-\\nters to, 93\\nCarrickshock, tithe riot at, 262\\nCatholics, 28 apathy of, 29\\ndivided on the subject of the\\nveto, 30 disappointment of,\\n43 degradation of, 46 de-\\npression of, 84 position of in\\n1814, 95 in 1823, 131 meet-\\nings of, 192 joy at O Connell s\\nelection (1828), 205, 216 not\\nunduly elated by their victory,\\n226 conflicts with the Orange-\\nmen, 234\\nCatholic Association, The, es-\\ntablished, 132 its objects,\\n134 scanty attendance at, 135;\\nestablishes a Catholic Rent,\\n138 rapid progress of, 144\\nalarms government, 145 sup-\\npressed, 153 reconstituted,\\n161 new Rent, 163 activity\\nof, 192 rapid development,\\n193 effect of O Connell s elec-\\ntion for county Clare on, 207\\nextension of, to Ulster pro-\\nposed, 211 bill to suppress,\\n221 dissolves itself, 221\\nCatholic Bills (1813), 50, 54;\\n(1821), 112 (1825), 154, 159;\\n(1829), 222 receives the royal\\nassent, 223\\nCatholic bishops, pronounce\\nagainst securities, 52 vote of\\nthanks to, 54, 81 condemn\\nPastorini s prophecies, 147\\nletter to, from O Connell, 357\\nCatholic Board, established\\n(1812), 40; divisions in, 47,\\n51 vetoists secede from, 55\\nsuppressed, 84 reorganised,\\nlOI\\nCatholic clergy, 83 state en-\\ndorsement for, 157 influence\\nover the peasantry, 204\\nCatholic Committee, after 1793,\\n35; reconstituted, 36 attacked\\nby government, 39 sup-\\npressed, 40\\nCatholic Petitions, first (1805),\\n27 (1808), 29 (1814), 83\\n(1815), 97;(i8i6), 98; (1817),\\nloi (1819), 103\\nCatholic Relief Acts (1793), 13;\\n(1829), 223 declared by\\nO Connell to be inoperative,\\n233\\nChiswick, O Connell removes to,\\n10\\nClare election (1828), 200\\nCloncurry, Lord (Valentine\\nBrowne Lawless), 251, 253,\\n346, 369\\nClontarf, meeting at, pro-\\nclaimed, 351\\nCoercion Act (1S33), 272 (1846),\\n371\\nColchester, Lord (Charles Ab-\\nbot), remarks on O Connell s\\nexamination in Committee,\\n155\\nConvention Act, 34, 35, 138\\nCook, Dr., of Belfast, leader of\\nthe Orange party there, 328", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0476.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n385\\nCork, O Connell at, 323\\nCornvvallis, Marquis of, 71\\nCostello, Marcus, President of\\nthe Trades Political Union,\\n264\\nCrawford, Sherman, 358\\nCroker, John Wilson, 207\\nCurtis, Patrick, archbishop of\\nArmagh, Wellington s letter\\nto, 217\\nD\\nDarner, Hon. Dawson, 302\\nDarrynane, O Connell inherits,\\n165 description of, 166\\nO Connell at, 235, 266, 268,\\n284, 323, 326, 333, 336, 354,\\n362\\nDaunt, O Neill, friend of O Con-\\nnell, 9, 323, 333, 335\\nDavis, Thomas, 342\\nDawson, Colonel, called Dorry\\nDawson, Peel s brother-in-\\nlaw, effect made on him by\\nO Connell s evidence in Com-\\nmittee, 155 addresses his con-\\nstituents, 210 opposes O Con-\\nnell, 328\\nDenman, Lord, his remark on\\ntrial by jury in Ireland, 361\\nD Esterre, duel with O Connell,\\n86 killed, 88 his widow, 8g\\nDevon Commission, its objects,\\n366\\nDevonshire, Duke of (William\\nGeorge Spencer Cavendish),\\nhis Irish tenants revolt, 176\\nDillon, John, 342\\nDisraeli, Benjamin (Lord Bea-\\nconsfield), quarrel with\\nO Connell, 303\\nDoherty, John, solicitor-gen-\\neral, 235, 239 becomes chief\\njustice of the Common Pleas,\\n248\\nDomestic Nomination, loi\\nDoneraile Conspiracy, 234\\nDouay, O Connell at, 8\\nDownes, William, chief justice\\n25\\nof the King s Bench, his inter-\\npretation of the Convention\\nAct, 39 presides at Magee s\\ntrial, 62\\nDoyle, James Warren, bishop of\\nKildare and Leighlin, sup-\\nports the Catholic Association,\\n142 examination before the\\nparliamentary committees on\\nthe state of Ireland, 157 mis-\\nunderstanding with O Connell,\\n157, i6g reconciled, 170;\\npamphlet on tithes, 257 on\\nthe Newtownbarry mas-\\nsacre, 259 on O Connell s\\npopularity, 261\\nDrummond, Thomas, under\\nsecretary for Ireland, 298\\ncharacter of, 299 death of,\\n322\\nDtiblhi Evening Mail, organ of\\nTory opinion, 362 defends\\nO Connell against the Times,\\n368\\nDublin Evening Post, prosecu-\\ntion of, 60 sqq.; 200\\nDudley, Lord (John William\\nWard), 197\\nDuffy, (Sir) Charles Gavan, ar-\\nrested, 353\\nDugan, O Connell s valet, 374\\nDuigenan, Dr., 53\\nDuncannon, Lord (Earl of Ben-\\nborough), letter of O Connell\\nto, 269 home secretary, 294;\\nletter of O Connell to, 295\\nbecomes lord lieutenant of\\nIreland, 371\\nDwyer, Edward, secretary of\\nthe Catholic Association, 250\\narrested, 251 O Connell s let-\\nter to, 273\\nEldon, Lord (John Scott), 188\\nElections, general (1812), 47\\n(1830), 243; (1832), 2651(1835),\\n295 (1S37), 311", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0477.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "386\\nIndex,\\nEliot, Lord (Earl St. Germans),\\nchief secretary for Ireland,\\nintroduces an Arms Bill (1843),\\n346\\nEmmet, Robert, rebellion of,\\n24\\nEnnis, scenes at, during the\\nClare election, 203 Repeal\\nmeeting at, 325\\nEnsor, George, 257\\nEsmonde, Sir Thomas, 151,\\n187\\nFagan, Mr., a relative of\\nO Connell, 9\\nFederation as an alternative for\\nRepeal, 363\\nFinlay, John, presents a testi-\\nmonial to O Connell, 79\\nFitzgerald, Maurice (Knight of\\nKerry), 107, 188, 233\\nFitzgerald, Vesey, ig8 seeks\\nre-election for county Clare,\\n199 defeated by O Connell,\\n205\\nFitzpatrick, P. V., O Connell s\\nfriend and manager of the\\nTribute, 200, 227; letters\\nto, from O Connell, 286, 288,\\n293, 297, 315, 318, 332, 354,\\n372\\nFitzsimon, Christopher, O Con-\\nnell s son-in-law, 269\\nFitzwilliam, Earl, 11, 172, 181\\nFqx, C. James, becomes prime\\nminister, 27\\nFreeholders, forty-shilling, pro-\\nposed to disfranchise, 156 of\\nWaterford, 174 general re-\\nvolt of, 179; landlord persecu-\\ntion of, 180 measures taken\\nto defend the, 181 disfran-\\nchisement of the, 223, 226\\nFreemasons Tavern, Catholic\\nmeeting in, 154\\nFrench, Lord, 346\\nGeneral Association to prevent\\nillegal meetings, suppressed,\\n249\\nGenoa, O Connell dies at, 375\\nGeorge IV., liaison with Lady\\nHertford, 43 divorce, 108\\nvisits Ireland, 113 enthusias-\\ntic reception of, 114; con-\\nsequences of his visit, 118\\ndoubts the wisdom of prose-\\ncuting O Connell for his Boli-\\nvar speech, 146 inveterate\\nopposition to Catholic eman-\\ncipation, 217 death of, 243\\nGlasnevin cemetery, O Connell\\nburied in, 375\\nGoderich, Viscount (Frederick\\nJohn Robinson), administra-\\ntion of, 191\\nGonsalvi, Cardinal, influence on\\nIrish politics, 98\\nGoulburn, Henry, chief secre-\\ntary for Ireland, iig opinion\\nof the state of Ireland in 1824,\\n145 introduces a Bill for the\\nsuppression of the Catholic\\nAssociation, 151 removed,\\n188\\nGower, Lord Francis Leveson,\\nchief secretary for Ireland,\\n198, 234\\nGrant, Charles (Lord Glenelg),\\n197\\nGrattan, Henry, 5, 11, 28; pre-\\nsents Catholic petition, 29\\nin favour of the veto, 30 de-\\nclines to support the Catholic\\npetition, 83 again advocates\\nthe Catholic claims (18 18),\\nloi presents Catholic peti-\\ntions (1819), 103; his death, 105\\nGrattan, Jr., Henry, 264, 346\\nGray s Inn, O Connell keeps\\none term at, 9\\nGray, (Sir) John, of the Free-\\nman s Journal, arrested, 353\\nGregory, Mr,, under secretary\\nfor Ireland. 188", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0478.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "Index.\\nGrey, Earl, administration of,\\n246 introduces a Coercion\\nBill into the House of Lords,\\n272 resigns office, 294\\nGrey, Thomas Philip, Earl de,\\nlord lieutenant of Ireland\\nH\\n11. B. (John Doyle), caricatures\\nof, 375\\nHabeas Corpus Act suspended,\\n27, 272\\nHardinge, Sir Henry (Viscount\\nHardinge of Lahore), chief\\nsecretary for Ireland, chal-\\nlenges O Connell, 245\\nHarrington, Father, O Connell\\nattends his school at Cove, 6\\nHayes s tavern, meeting at,\\ndispersed, 250\\nHerries, John Charles, ig7\\nHeytesbury, Lord, lord lieu-\\ntenant of Ireland, deputation\\nto, 369\\nHibernian Journal, 74\\nHobhouse, Sir John Cam, 281\\nHousehold Brigade, 269\\nHowth, O Connell addresses a\\nRepeal meeting at, 327\\nHuskisson, William, colonial\\nsecretary, effect of his resigna-\\ntion, 198\\nHutchinson, Christopher Hely,\\n47\\nI\\nIncome tax, O Connell s opinion\\nof, 331\\nIreland, in 1801, 25 in 1828,\\n212 in 1829, 234 administra-\\ntion of justice in, 15 after the\\nUnion, 31; crime in (1S22), 122;\\n(1832), 269 famine in (1818),\\n102 257, 263; (1845), 368,\\n370 travelling in, in 1795, 10\\nMunicipal Reform Bill passed,\\n322\\nJones, Paul, the buccaneer,\\nO Connell s recollections of, 5\\nK\\nKenmare, Lord Valentine\\nBrowne), 13S\\nKeogh, Cornelius, son of John,\\nopposition offered by him to\\nO Connell, 36\\nKeogh, John of Mt. Jerome, his\\nservices to the Catholic cause,\\n28, 200\\nKilleen, Lord, son of the Earl\\nof Fingal, 131, 163\\nKilwarden, Lord Arthur\\nWolfe), killed in Emmet s\\ninsurrection, 24\\nKirwan, Thomas, trial and con-\\nviction of, 40\\nLamb, William: see under Mel-\\nbourne, Viscount\\nLandor, Walter S., letter to,\\nfrom O Connell, 2\\nLawless, John, called Honest\\nJack, censures O Connell s\\nabandonment of the forty-\\nshilling freeholders, 158, 187\\ninvades Ulster, 211 retreats\\nfrom Ballybay, 212 criticises\\nO Connell, 241 is arrested,\\n251\\nLawyers Yeomanry Corps,\\nO Connell a member of, 12\\nLees, Sir Harcourt, an Orange-\\nman prosecuted for seditious\\nlanguage, 147\\nLiberal clubs, origin of, 194\\nLiberators, Order of, established\\nby O Connell, 181\\nLichfield House Compact,\\n296\\nLidwill, George, O Connell s\\nsecond, 92", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0479.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "388\\nIndex.\\nLittleton, Edward J. (Lord\\nHatherton), chief secretary\\nfor Ireland, 281 compromise\\nwith O Connell, 293\\nLiverpool, Lord, prime minister,\\n90, 159 resignation of (1S27),\\n187\\nLords, House of, agitation\\nagainst the, 309 reverses\\njudgment passed on O Con-\\nnell, 361\\nLouis XVI,, execution of 8\\nLyndhurst, Lord, 197\\nM\\nMacnamara, Major, 199\\nMagee, John, proprietor of the\\nDublin Evening Post, prose-\\ncuted for publishing a libel on\\nthe Duke of Richmond, 60\\nfound guilty, 76 repudiates\\nO Connell, 78 punishment\\nof, 78\\nMahon, O Gorman, 199, 221\\nMahony, David, a hedge-school\\nteacher, 5\\nManners, Lord, 188\\nMark La7ie Express on the ex-\\nportation of grain from Ire-\\nland, 369\\nMartin, Peter, 352\\nMastership of the Rolls de-\\nclined by O Connell, 315\\nMathew, Theobald, apostle of\\ntemperance, 340\\nMaunsell, Dr., a Federalist, 362\\nMaynooth, grant increased, 366\\nMelbourne, Viscount (William\\nLamb), chief secretary for\\nIreland, 188 retains office\\nunder Wellington, 197;\\nprime minister, 294, 297 his\\nadministration, 299, 309, 315,\\n329\\nMiley, Dr. John, O Connell s\\nchaplain, 374\\nMilner, John, bishop of Casta-\\nbala. Catholic deputation call\\non, 152\\nMorpeth, Viscount, chief secre-\\ntary for Ireland, 297\\nMount Melleray, Cistercian\\nmonastery at, 316\\nMoylan, Francis, bishop of\\nCork, 138\\nMulgrave, Lord (Constantine\\nH.Phipps, afterwards Marquis\\nof Normanby), lord lieu-\\ntenant of Ireland, 297 offers\\nto make O Connell Chief\\nBaron of the Exchequer, 315\\nMusgrave, Sir Richard, 346\\nN\\nNation, the, organ of the Young\\nIreland party, 340 impetus\\ngiven by, to the Repeal move-\\nment, 342 on the great\\nfamine, 369; preaches sedition,\\n370\\nNational Political Union, 264,\\n268\\nNewtownbarry, massacre at,\\n259\\nNorbury, Lord (John Toler),\\nchief justice of the Common\\nPleas, character of, 15\\nNorthumberland, Duke of, lord\\nlieutenant of Ireland, 234\\nsuppresses the Society of the\\nFriends of Ireland, 241\\nO\\nO Brien, William Smith, duel\\nwith Tom Steele, 232; 346\\ncharacter of, 357 secedes\\nfrom Conciliation Hall, 373\\nO Conor Don, letters to, from\\nO Connell, 104, 112\\nO Connell, Catherine, mother of\\nDaniel, 4, 5\\nO Connell, Charles, of Bahoss,\\nson-in-law of Daniel, 269\\nO Connell, Daniel, the Libera-\\ntor, birth, 4 early recollec-\\ntions, 5 school days, 6\\ncollege life at St. Omer and", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0480.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n389\\nO Connell, Daniel Continued\\nDouay, 7 at Lincoln s Inn,\\n9 legal studies and ambition,\\n10; returns to Ireland, 11\\nbecomes a United Irishman,\\n12 called to the Irish Ear,\\n12 illness and recovery, 13\\njoins the Munster circuit, 13\\nhis first brief, 14 progress in\\nhis profession, 15 legal abil-\\nity, 17 first political speech,\\n18 marries, 20 condemns\\nEmmet s rebellion, 24 signs\\nthe Catholic petition, 27\\nopinion of Keogh, 29 peti-\\ntions for the repeal of the\\nUnion (18 10), 33 reconsti-\\ntutes the Catholic Committee,\\n35 his energy, 37 opinion\\nof Perceval, 42 advocates\\nSimple Repeal, 45 pleads\\nfor unanimity, 47 opposes\\nsecurities, 51 moves a vote of\\nthanks to the Catholic bishops,\\n53 on the prospect of Catho-\\nlic emancipation, 55 memor-\\nable speech, 57 defends\\nMagee, 63 speech for the de-\\nfence, 63-75 scene with\\nSaurin, 77 Magee disavows\\nhis speech, 78 testimonial to,\\n79 repudiates the temporal\\nauthority of the Pope, 83 de-\\nnounces the Dublin Corpora-\\ntion, 86 duel with D Esterre,\\n87 his remorse and vow, 89\\nquarrel with Peel, 91 duel\\nprevented, 93 apologises to\\nPeel, 94 complains of Grat-\\ntan, 96 remonstrance to the\\nPope, 97 professional energy,\\n100 interested in parliamen-\\ntary reform, 103 eulogy on\\nGrattan, 106 advocates re-\\nform (1821), 108 controversy\\nwith Sheil, 109 objections to\\nPlunket s Bills, in; joy at the\\nKing s visit, 113 founds a\\nLoyal Union club, 116;\\nreproached, 117; defends his\\nconduct, 118 demands im-\\npartial administration of the\\nlaws, 123 goes to France,\\n124 on the cause of crime in\\nIreland, 128 founds the\\nCatholic Association, 132 in-\\nstitutes the Rent, 138 suc-\\ncess of his scheme, 141 his\\npopularity, 143 prosecuted\\nfor seditious language, 146\\nacquitted, 149 accompanies\\nCatholic deputation to Lon-\\ndon, 151 examined on the\\nstate of Ireland, 154 assists\\nin drafting a Catholic Relief\\nBill, 155 his opinion of the\\nforty-shilling freeholders, 156;\\nmisunderstanding with Dr.\\nDoyle, 157 attacked by\\nLawless, 158 reconstructs\\nthe Catholic Association on a\\nnew basis, 161 medal struck\\nin his honour, 164 inherits\\nDarrynane, 165 reconciled to\\nDr. Doyle, 170 election agent\\nto Villiers Stuart, 172 sur-\\nprised at the moral courage of\\nthe forty-shilling freeholders,\\n179 founds the Order of\\nLiberators, 181 disappoint-\\ned at the rejection of Bur-\\ndett s motion (1827), 186;\\nbroaches the repeal of the\\nUnion, 187 offers to suspend\\nhis agitation on condition of\\nimpartial administration of\\nthe laws, 189 distress at Can-\\nning s death, 191; recommences\\nhis agitation, 192 opposes\\nVesey Pltzgerald, 200 elected\\nM. P. for county Clare, 205\\napproves the extension of the\\nCatholic propaganda into Ul-\\nster, 211 imprudent speech\\nat Clonmel, 213 addresses\\nthe Association for the last\\ntime, 220 expresses his ap-\\nproval of Peel s Catholic Re-\\nlief Bill, 222 opposes the\\ndisfranchisement of the forty-", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0481.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "390\\nIndex.\\nO Connell, Daniel Continued\\nshilling freeholders, 223;\\nnational testimonial to, 227\\nrefused admission to sit in the\\nHouse of Commons, 228 re-\\nelected, 232 defends the\\nDoneraile Conspirators,\\n235 takes his seat in the\\nHouse of Commons, 238 a\\nbroguing Irish fellow, 240\\nagitates Reform and Repeal,\\n244 quarrel with Sir Henry\\nHardinge, 245 attempt to\\nbribe him, 247 arrested, 251;\\ndefeats the attorney-general,\\n255 liberated, 256 approves\\nthe abolition of tithes 25S\\nill-health, 261 pronounces\\nagainst poor-laws, 263 re-\\nnews his agitation, 265 in-\\nsists on his followers taking a\\nRepeal pledge, 26S de-\\nnounces the Speech from the\\nThrone as brutal and\\nbloody, 271 opposes Coer-\\ncion, 275 offers to submit to\\nbanishment, 276 wishes to\\npostpone the Repeal debate,\\n281 his hand forced by Fear-\\ngus O Connor, 282 quarrel\\nwith the Times, 283 very\\nnervous, 286 his Repeal\\nspeech, 289 consents to a\\ncompromise, 293 determines\\nto support the Whigs, 295\\ndeclines the Mastership of the\\nRolls, 297 unseated at Dub-\\nlin, 300 heavy election ex-\\npenses, 301 challenged by\\nLord Alvanley, 302 by Dis-\\nraeli, 303 controversy with\\nRaphael, 305 attacked by the\\nTimes, 306 his reply to Sir\\nF. Burdett, 307 death of his\\nwife, 30S founds a General\\nAssociation for Ireland, 310;\\ndefies the Spottiswoode\\nGang, 312 reprimanded by\\nthe Speaker, 313 loss of pop-\\nularity, 314 in retreat,\\n316 starts a Precursor So-\\nciety, 317 founds the Re-\\npeal Association, 319 hunt-\\ning at Darrynane, 323 visit\\nto Belfast, 328 elected lord\\nmayor of Dublin, 330 sus-\\npends his agitation, 331 in-\\naugurates the Corporation de-\\nbate, 336 effect of his speech\\non Repeal, 339 acknowledges\\nhis obligations to Father\\nMathew, 341 regards the\\nYoung Ireland movement with\\nsuspicion, 343 denounces\\nphysical force, 345 holds a\\nmonster meeting at Tara Hill,\\n347 announces a meeting at\\nClontarf, 351 countermands\\nit, 352 arrested, 353 trial,\\n356 imprisonment, 359 re-\\nleased, 362 letter on Feder-\\nalism as an alternative for\\nRepeal, 363 censured by the\\nYoung Ireland party, 365\\ndisapproves of secular college,\\n366 moves for a committee\\nto devise means to alleviate the\\ndistress in Ireland, 370 new\\nalliance with the Whigs, 371\\nbreaks with the Young Ire-\\nland party, 372 last appeal\\nto the House of Commons,\\n373 leaves England, 374\\ndies at Genoa, 375 personal\\nappearance and character, 376;\\nthe secret of his influence,\\n379 his services to Ireland,\\n380; the lesson of his life, 381\\nO Connell, Daniel, youngest son\\nof the Liberator, 374\\nO Connell, John, son of Daniel,\\n269, 323, 333, 335, 353\\nO Connell, Mary, wife of Daniel,\\ncharacter of, 20 93, 167, 179;\\ndeath of, 308\\nO Connell, Maurice, of Darry-\\nnane, uncle of Daniel, 6, 7\\naverse to his nephew s mar-\\nriage, 20 subscribes to the\\nRent, 165 death of, 165", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0482.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "Index,\\n391\\nO Connell, Maurice, son of\\nDaniel, 269\\nO Connell, Morgan, father of\\nDaniel, 4\\nO Connell, M o r g a n, son of\\nDaniel, 269 duel with Al-\\nvanley, 302 declines to fight\\nDisraeli, 304\\nO Connell, Richard, description\\ngiven by, of O Connell at the\\nBar of the House of Commons,\\n229\\nO Connells, a shrewd race, 2\\nO Connor, Feargus, 282\\nO Gorman, Purcell, secretary\\n{^pro tevi.) to the Catholic As-\\nsociation, 82, 137, 221, 248\\nO Loghlen, Michael, solicitor-\\ngeneral, 297\\nO Neill, John, of Fitzwilliam\\nSquare, presides at the\\nfoundation of the Repeal As-\\nsociation, 320\\nOrangemen, 112, 113, 120, 123\\ninsult the Marquis of Welles-\\nley, 125; 195, 219, 234, 300,\\n328\\nPalmerston, Viscount, 197\\nParnell, Sir Henry, presents\\nCatholic petition, 97, 98, 154,\\n261\\nPastorini, prophecies of, 147\\nPeel, Sir Robert, chief secretary\\nfor Ireland, 74, 90, 91, 154,\\n188, 197, 221 his Catholic\\nRelief Bill, 222, 227, 240,\\n345, 366, 371\\nPennefather, Richard, chief\\nbaron of the Exchequer, 89,\\n235, 356\\nPerceval, Spencer, prime minis-\\nter, assassinated, 42\\nPerrin, Louis, attorney-general,\\n297, 356\\nPilots the, Barrett s newspaper,\\nprosecuted, 286\\nPitt, William, 24\\nPius VII., 48, 81\\nPius IX., 375\\nPlunket, Lord (William Con-\\nyngham Plunket), receives\\nthe Catholic deputation, 107\\nintroduces a Catholic Bill into\\nthe House of Commons, in\\ncreated attorney-general, 120\\nPole, William Wellesley: see\\nunder Wellesley-Pole, William\\nPolitical Breakfasts, 245\\nPoor-Laws, 258\\nPrecursor Society, objects of,\\n317\\nProvincial colleges, 366\\nProvincial meetings, 171\\nQ\\nQuarantotti, Monsignor, secre-\\ntary to the Propaganda, 81\\nRaphael, Alexander, dispute\\nwith O Connell, 305\\nRay, T. M., secretary of the\\nRepeal Association, 323, 333,\\n335, 339, 353\\nRebellion of 98, 13\\nRebellion, Emmet s, 24\\nReform Bill (1832) passed, 265\\nRepeal Association, founded,\\n319 constitution of, 321\\nmeets in the Corn Exchange,\\n331 rapid growth of, 339\\nRepeal debate (1834), 289\\nRevolution, French, 9\\nRibbonmen, 234\\nRice, Thomas Spring (Lord\\nMountleigh), examines O Con-\\nnell in Committee, 154 re-\\nplies to O Connell s Repeal\\nspeech, 289\\nRichmond Bridewell, Dublin,\\nO Connell imprisoned in, 359\\nRichmond, Duke of (Charles\\nL e n n o x), lord lieutenant of\\nIreland, 37 libel against, 61", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0483.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "392\\nIndex.\\nRiddall, Sir James, high sheriff\\nof Dublin, 32\\nRoe, Alderman George, succeeds\\nO Connell as lord mayor of\\nDublin, 335\\nRome, O Connell dies on his way\\nto, 375\\nRoose, Sir David, high sheriff of\\nDublin, 200\\nRussell, Lord John, introduces\\nReform Bill, 256 moves\\nO Connell s words be taken\\ndown, 272 on the Lichfield\\nHouse Compact, 296;\\nprime minister, 371\\nSaunders s News-Letter, 146\\nSaurin, William, attorney-gen-\\neral, character of, 61 attacks\\nO Connell, 76 suppresses the\\nCatholic Board, 84 removed\\nfrom office, 120, 188\\nSaxton, Sir Charles, Peel s\\nsecond, 92, 94\\nScully, Dennis, libels the Duke\\nof Richmond, 61\\nSecurities question, 50, 51, 55,\\n81, III\\nSheares, John, anecdote of, 8\\nShell, Richard Lalor, 95, 109,\\n113, 179, 192, 214, 222\\nSheridan, Edward, prosecution\\nof, 39\\nShrewsbury, Earl of, 358\\nSibthorp, Colonel, 302\\nSociety of Irish Volunteers for the\\nRepeal of the Union, 245\\nSociety of the Friends of Ireland,\\n240, 241\\nSolicitor- general see tinder\\nDoherty, John O Loghlen,\\nMichael\\nSpottiswoode Gang, 312\\nSt. Agatha, Rome, O Connell s\\nheart buried in the church\\nof, 375\\nStanley, Edward (Earl of Derby),\\nchief secretary for Ireland,\\n246, 260, 262, 269 great\\nspeech on the Coercion Bill\\n(1833), 275; appointed colonial\\nsecretary, 281 his Land Bill\\ncondemned by O Connell, 367\\nStapleton, Dr. Gregory, princi-\\npal of St. Omer s, 7\\nStaunton, Michael, Editor of the\\nRegister, 244\\nSteele, Tom, head pacificator,\\n199, 221 fights a duel with\\nSmith O Brien, 232 arrested,\\n251, 333, 353\\nSt. Omer, O Connell at, 7\\nStourton, Lord, dinner given by,\\nto O Connell, 154\\nStuart, H. Villiers, contests\\ncounty Waterford, 172, 174\\nSugrue, Charles, cousin of O Con-\\nnell, 222, 225\\nSussex, Duke of, 154\\nTalbot, Lord, lord lieutenant of\\nIreland, 119\\nTara Hill, monster meeting at,\\n348\\nTemperance movement, influ-\\nence on Repeal agitation, 341\\nTi?)ies, the, 283, 306, 367\\nTipperary, peasantry in county\\nof, 212; riots in, 213; agrarian\\ndisturbances in, 234\\nTithes question, 258, 267\\nTone, Theobald Wolfe, 12, 207,\\n290 influence of, on the\\nYoung Ireland movement, 343\\nTrades Political Union, 264\\nTrades-Unionism, 314\\nTuam, archbishop of, joins the\\nRepeal agitation, 322\\nU\\nUlster called the Black North,\\n207\\nUnion, Act of, 18 petition for\\nrepeal of, 23, 26 baneful\\ne f f e c ts o f 3 1 r e p e a I of", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0484.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "Index.\\n393\\nbroached by O Connell (1827),\\n187 significance of, igo\\nagitation for the repeal of the,\\n241, 282, 2go\\nUnited Irishmen, 12\\nVeto, the, 30, 50\\nVictoria, Queen, O Connell s\\nenthusiasm for, 311\\nW\\nWaterford, county of, represen-\\ntation of, 172, 17S\\nWaterford, Marquis of (Henry\\nBeresford), creates forty-shil-\\nling freeholders, 170 opposi-\\ntion to, 172 distressed at the\\ndefection of his tenants, 179\\nWeekly Register, organ of the\\nCatholic Association, 193\\nWellesley, Marquis of, lord\\nlieutenant of Ireland, iig\\nOrange insult to, 126 expres-\\nsion of public sympathy with,\\n127 his manner of adminis-\\ntrating the laws, 148 lord\\nlieutenant a second time, 286\\nWellesley Pole, William (Earl\\nof Mornington) chief sec-\\nretary for Ireland, his circular\\nletter, 36\\nWellington, Duke of, view of\\nthe Catholic question, 145,\\n188 his administration, 191,\\n197 disinclined to concede\\nEmancipation, 217 letter to\\nthe archbishop of Armagh,\\n218 resignation of, 246 ex-\\npects a civil war, 352\\nWestmoreland, Earl of, govern-\\nment of, 69\\nWharncliffe, Lord, his appeal to\\nthe House of Lords, 361\\nWhiteboyism, revival of, 269, 274\\nWilliam IV., death of, 311\\nWings, the. Bills for dis-\\nfranchising the foiity shilling\\nfreeholders and endowing the\\nCatholic clergy so called, 168\\nWitchery resolutions, 43\\nWyse, Thomas, historian of the\\nCatholic Association, 194\\nYork, Duke of, No Popery\\nspeech of the, 159\\nYoung Ireland, 343, 353, 365, 373", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0485.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0486.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "Heroes of the Nations.\\nEDITED BY\\nEVELYN ABBOTT, M.A.,\\nFellow of Balliol College, Oxford.\\nA Series of biographical studies of the lives and work\\nof a number of representative historical characters about\\nwhom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations\\nto which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in\\nmany instances, as types of the several National ideals.\\nWith the life of each typical character will be presented\\na picture of the National conditions surrounding him\\nduring his career.\\nThe narratives are the work of writers who are recog-\\nnized authorities on their several subjects, and, while\\nthoroughly trustworthy as history, will present picturesque\\nand dramatic stories of the Men and of the events con-\\nnected with them.\\nTo the Life of each Hero will be given one duo-\\ndecimo volume, handsomely printed in large type, pro-\\nvided with maps and adequately illustrated according to\\nthe special requirements of the several subjects. The\\nvolumes will be sold separately as follows\\nLarge 12\u00c2\u00b0, cloth extra $1 5\u00c2\u00b0\\nHalf morocco, uncut edges, gilt top I 75", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0487.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "HEROES OF THE NATIONS.\\nA series of biographical studies of the lives and work, of\\ncertain representative historical characters, about whom have\\ngathered the great traditions of the Nations to which they\\nbelonged, and who have been accepted, in many instances, as\\ntypes of the several National ideals.\\nThe volumes will be sold separately as follows cloth extra,\\n$1.50 half leather, uncut edges, gilt top, $1.75.\\nThe following are now ready\\nNELSON. By W, Clark Russell.\\nGUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C.\\nR. L. Fletcher.\\nPERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott.\\nTHEODORIC THE GOTH. By\\nThomas Hodgkin.\\nSIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By. H. R.\\nFox-Bourne.\\nJULIUS CiESAR. By W. Warde\\nFowler.\\nWYCLIF. By Lewis Sergeant.\\nNAPOLEON. By W. O Connor Mor-\\nris.\\nHENRY OF NAVARRE. By P. F.\\nA^illert.\\nCICERO. By J. L. Strachan-David-\\nson.\\nABRAHAM LINCOLN. By Noah\\nBrooks.\\nPRINCE HENRY (OF PORTUGAL)\\nTHE NAVIGATOR. By C. R.\\nBeazley.\\nJULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER.\\nBy Alice Gardner.\\nLOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassall.\\nCHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet Bain.\\nLORENZO DE MEDICI. By Ed-\\nward Armstrong.\\nJEANNE D ARC. By Mrs. Oliphant.\\nCHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. By\\nWashington Irving.\\nROBERT THE BRUCE. By Sir\\nHerbert Maxwell.\\nHANNIBAL. By W. O Connor Mar-\\nris.\\nULYSSES S. GRANT. By William\\nConant Church.\\nROBERT E. LEE. By Henry Alex-\\nander White.\\nTHE CID CAMPEADOR. By H.\\nButler Clarke.\\nSALADIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole.\\nBISMARCK. By J. W. Headlam.\\nALEXANDER THE GREAT. By\\nBenjamin I. Wheeler.\\nCHARLEMAGNE. By H. W. C\u00c2\u00bb\\nDavis.\\nOLIVER CROMWELL. By Charles\\nFirth.\\nRICHELIEU. By James B. Perkins.\\nDANIEL O CONNELL. By Robert\\nDunlop.\\nSAINT LOUIS (Louis IX., of France).\\nBy Frederick Perry.\\nLORD CHATHAM. By Walford\\nDavis Green.\\nOther volumes in preparation are\\nMOLTKE. By spencer W^ilkinson.\\nJUDAS MACCABiEUS. By Israel\\nAbrahams.\\nHENRY V. By Charles L. Kings-\\nford.\\nSOBIESKI. By F. A. Pollard.\\nALFRED THE TRUTHTELLER.\\nBy Frederick Perry.\\nFREDERICK II. By A. L. Smith.\\nMARLBOROUGH. By C. W. C\\nOman.\\nRICHARD THE LION-HEARTED.\\nBy T. A. Archer.\\nWILLIAM THE SILENT. By Rutl\\nPutnam.\\nJUSTINIAN. By Edward Jenks.\\nG. P. PUTNAM S SONS, Publishers, New York and London.", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0488.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "The Story of the Nations.\\nMessrs. G. P. PUTNAM S SONS take pleasure in\\nannouncing that they have in course of publication, in\\nco-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London, a\\nseries of historical studies, intended to present in a graphic\\nmanner the stories of the different nations that have\\nattained prominence in history.\\nIn the story form the current of each national life is\\ndistinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy\\nperiods and episodes are presented for the reader in their\\nphilosophical relation to each other as well as to universal\\nhistory.\\nIt is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to\\nenter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them\\nbefore the reader as they actually lived, labored, and\\nstruggled as they studied and wrote, and as they amused\\nthemselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with\\nwhich the history of all lands begins, will not be over-\\nlooked, though these will be carefully distinguished from\\nthe actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted\\nhistorical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions.\\nThe subjects of the different volumes have been planned\\nto cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive\\nepochs or periods, so that the set when completed will\\npresent in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in\\nthe great Story OF THE NATIONS but it is, of course,\\nnot always practicable to issue the several volumes in\\ntheir chronological order", "height": "3488", "width": "2290", "jp2-path": "danieloconnellre01dunl_0489.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "THE STORY OF THE NATIONS.\\nThe Stories are printed in good readable type, and in\\nhandsome i2mo form. They are adequately illustrated and\\nfurnished with maps and indexes. Price per vol., cloth, $1.50\\nhalf morocco, gilt top, $1.75.\\nThe following are now ready\\nGREECE. Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.\\nROME. Arthur Oilman.\\nTHE JEWS. Prof. James K.Hosmer.\\nCHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin.\\nGERMANY. S. Baring-Gould.\\nNORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen.\\nSPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale.\\nHUNGARY. Prof. A. Vdmbery.\\nCARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church.\\nTHE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman.\\nTHE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley\\nLane-Poole.\\nTHE NORMANS. Sarah OrneJewett.\\nPERSIA. S. G. W^. Benjamin.\\nANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Raw-\\nlinson.\\nALEXANDER S EMPIRE. Prof. J.\\nP. Mahaffy.\\nASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin.\\nTHE GOTHS. Henry Bradley.\\nIRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless.\\nTURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole.\\nMEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA.\\nZ. A. Ragozin.\\nMEDIEVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gus-\\ntave Masson.\\nHOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers.\\nMEXICO. Susan Hale.\\nPHCENICIA. Geo. Rawlinson,\\nTHE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zim-\\nmern.\\nEARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J.\\nChurch.\\nTHE BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stan-\\nley Lane-Pool.\\nRUSSIA. W. R. Morfill.\\nTHE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D.\\nMorrison.\\nSCOTLAND. John Mackintosh.\\nSWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs.\\nA. Hug.\\nPORTUGAL. H.Morse-Stephens.\\nTHE BYZANTINEEMPIRE. C. W.\\nC. Oman.\\nSICILY. E. A. Freeman.\\nTHE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella\\nDuffy.\\nPOLAND.\\nPARTHIA.\\nW. R. Morfill.\\nGeo. Rawlinson.\\nJAPAN. David Murray.\\nTHE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF\\nSPAIN. H. E. Watts.\\nAUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregar-\\nthen.\\nSOUTHERN AFRICA. Geo. Mc\\nTheal.\\nVENICE. AletheaWiel.\\nTHE CRUSADES. T. S. Archer and\\nC. L. Kingsford.\\nVEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin.\\nBOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice.\\nCANADA. J. G. Bourinot.\\nTHE BALKAN STATES. William\\nMiller.\\nBRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. W.\\nFrazer.\\nMODERN FRANCE. Andr6 LeBon.\\nTHE BUILDINGOF THE BRITISH\\nEMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. Two\\nvols.\\nTHE FRANKS. Lewis Sergeant.\\nTHE WEST INDIES. Amos K.\\nFiske.\\nTHE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND IN\\nTHE 19TH CENTURY. Justin\\nMcCarthy, M.P. Two vols.\\nAUSTRIA, THE HOME OF THE\\nHAPSBURG DYNASTY, FROM\\n1282 TO THE PRESENT DAY.\\nSidney W^hitman.\\nCHINA. Robt. K. Douglass.\\nMODERN SPAIN. Major Martin Ac\\nS. Hume.\\nMODERN ITALY. Pietro Orsi.\\nOther volumes in preparation are\\nTHE UNITED STATES, 1775 1897.\\nProf. A. C. McLaughlin. Two\\nvols.\\nBUDDHIST INDIA. Prof. T. W.\\nRhys-Davids.\\nMOHAMMEDAN INDIA. Stanley\\nLane-Poole.\\nTHE THIRTEEN COLONIES\\nHelen A. Smith.\\nWALES AND CORNWALL. Owes\\nM. 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