{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3106", "width": "2000", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class P\\\\42d=.", "height": "2842", "width": "1810", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3000", "width": "1968", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1842", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nBY\\nJOHN MORLEY, M.P.\\nFULLY ILLUSTRATED WITH CAREFULLY AUTHEN-\\nTICATED PORTRAITS IN PUBLIC AND PRIVATE\\nGALLERIES, AND WITH REPRODUCTIONS OF\\nCONTEMPORANEOUS PRINTS IN THE BRITISH\\nMUSEUM AND THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.\\nNEW YORK\\nTHE CENTURY CO.\\n1900", "height": "3000", "width": "1884", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": ".ibrury Of conoi::;;;!\\nj OCT 10 1900\\nI bcTf^NP cop/\\nCopyright, 1899, 1900, by\\nThe Century Co.\\nThe DeVinne Press.", "height": "2990", "width": "1842", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFacing page\\nELIZABETH CROMWELL, DAUGHTER OF SIR THOMAS\\nSTEWARD OF ELY, WIFE OF ROBERT CROMWELL,\\nAND MOTHER OF OLIVER CROMWELL 428\\nFrom the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frank-\\nland-Russell- Astley.\\nJOHN CLA YPOLE 430\\nFrom the portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Franlcland-\\nRussell-Astley.\\nCARDINAL JULES MAZARIN 444\\nFrom a carbon print by Braun, Clement Co. of the portrait by Phillipe de\\nChampaigne at ChantiUy.\\nMARY CROMWELL (LADY FAUCONBERG) 454\\nFrom the original portrait by Cornelius Janssen at Chequers Court, by per-\\nmission of Mrs. Frankland-Russell- Astley.\\nFRANCES CROMWELL (MRS. RICH, AFTERWARD LADY\\nRUSSELL) 460\\nFrom the original portrait by John Riley, by permission of the Rev. T.\\nCromwell Bush.\\nELIZABETH CROMWELL (MRS. CLAYPOLE) 464\\nFrom a miniature by Crosse at Windsor Castle, by special permission of\\nHer Majesty the Queen.\\nOLIVER CROMWELL AT THE AGE OF FIFTY-ONE 468\\nDrawn by George T. Tobin from the portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the Pitti\\nGallery, Florence.", "height": "3000", "width": "1884", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1842", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CPvOMWELL", "height": "3000", "width": "1884", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "4 THE J;\\n2SOU L DIERSI\\nPoeket Bible fe\\nContaiuiiig the moftCif not all^thofc\\np zces coruamed in holy Scripture, \u00c2\u00a73\\nwhich ioe flicv/ the qualifications of his |3\\ninner man, that is a fir Souldier to fight |3\\nthe Lords Battels, bothbsfore he fight,\\nf**^ inthefig!K,ahdafir :rthefigfit; 4o\\nWhich Scrbturesare reduced co (c- 1*\\nvcraJl hfads, and fitly applycd to the\\nSooldiers feverall occafion?, and To may\\n{iipply the vant of the whole Bible*, ^i^\\nwhich a Souldier cannot conveniently\\ncarry about him: fp\u00c2\u00bb\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2t4And may bee aMb ufefull for any\\n0 Chriftian to medicate upon, novia sZ\\nthis mifciablc time of VVacre. V^\\n4\\nImprimatur, Edtn. Calami: i*\\n-^g :i\\nJc/IiS. This Book.of the Lav/ fluJl no: (tepaic out\\n05 of tliymoutli.but thou fiult meditate tlicrcia diy w^\\nand night, thit thou niaift obfctvc tc doeaccor-\\nJ^ ding to all thit is -tvrittcn thercju, for then thrji Ssj\\n*g flult mikc thy way ptofpcrous, and have goo\u00c2\u00ab i^\\nfucccOc.\\n4\\n^1 Printed at Lmdon by C3. and ^;r. for \u00c2\u00a73*\\nTITLE-PAGE OF THE SOLDIERS POCKET-BIBLE, A\\nCOPY OF WHICH WAS CARRIED BY EVERY\\nSOLDIER IN CROMWELL S ARMY.", "height": "3031", "width": "1722", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "OLIVER CROMWELL\\nPROLOGUE\\nTHE figure of Cromwell has emerged from the\\nfloating mists of time in many varied semblances,\\nfrom blood-stained and hypocritical usurper up to\\ntranscendental hero and the liberator of mankind. The\\ncontradictions of his career all come over again in the\\nfluctuations of his fame. He put a king to death, but\\nthen he broke up Parliament after Parliament. He\\nled the way in the violent suppression of bishops, he\\ntrampled on Scottish Presbytery, and set up a state\\nsystem of his own yet he is the idol of voluntary con-\\ngregations and the free churches. He had little com-\\nprehension of that government by discussion which is\\nnow counted the secret of liberty. No man that ever\\nlived was less of a pattern for working those constitu-\\ntional charters that are the favorite guarantees of\\npublic rights in our century. His rule was the rule\\nof the sword. Yet his name stands first, half warrior,\\nhalf saint, in the calendar of English-speaking democ-\\nracy.\\nA foreign student has said that the effect that a\\nwritten history is capable of producing is nowhere seen\\nmore strongly than in Clarendon s story of the Rebel-\\nlion. The view of the event and of the most conspic-", "height": "3000", "width": "1884", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "2 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nuoiis actors was for many generations fixed by that\\nfamous work. Not always accurate in every detail,\\nand hardly pretending to be impartial, yet it presented\\nthe great drama with a living vigor, a breadth, a grave\\nethical air, that made a profound and lasting impres-\\nsion. To Clarendon Cromwell was a rebel and a\\ntyrant, the creature of personal ambition, using relig-\\nion for a mask of selfish and perfidious designs. For\\nseveral generations the lineaments of Oliver thus por-\\ntrayed were undisturbed in the mind of Europe. After\\nthe conservative of the seventeenth century came the\\ngreater conservative of the eighteenth. Burke, who\\ndied almost exactly two centuries after Cromwell was\\nborn, saw in him one of the great bad men of the old\\nstamp, like Medici at Florence, like Petrucci at Siena,\\nwho exercised the power of the state by force of char-\\nacter and by personal authority. Cromwell s virtues,\\nsays Burke, were at least some correctives of his crimes.\\nHis government was military and despotic, yet it was\\nregular; it was rigid, yet it was no savage tyranny.\\nAmbition suspended but did not wholly suppress the\\nsentiment of religion and the love of an honorable\\nname. Such was Burke s modification of the dark\\ncolors of Clarendon. As time went on, opinion slowly\\nwidened. By the end of the first quarter of this cen-\\ntury reformers like Godwin, though they could not\\nforgive Cromwell s violence and what they thought\\nhis apostacy from old principles and old allies, and\\nthough they had no sympathy with the biblical religion\\nthat was the mainspring of his life, yet they were in-\\nclined to place him among the few excellent pioneers\\nthat have swayed a scepter, and they almost brought\\nthemselves to adopt the glowing panegyrics of Milton.\\nThe genius and diligence of Carlyle, aided by the\\nfirm and manly stroke of Macaulay, have finally", "height": "3021", "width": "1732", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nBoo\\\\\\\\ \u00c2\u00a9lie\\nCHAPTER\\nI Early Life\\nII The State and its Leaders\\nIII Puritanism and the Double Issue\\nIV The Interim\\nV The Long Parliament\\nVI The Eve of the War\\nVII The Five Members the Call to Arms\\nI Cromwell in the Field\\nII Marston Moor\\nIII The Westminster Assembly and the Con-\\nflict of Ideals\\nIV The New Model\\nv The Day of Naseby\\nPAGE\\n9\\n21\\n42\\n61\\n71\\n?5\\n100\\n115\\n130\\n144\\n163\\n176\\n:Boo\\\\i XTbree\\nI The King a Prisoner\\nII The Crisis of 1647 -^oo\\nHI The Officers as Politicians 21Q", "height": "3000", "width": "1884", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nCHAPTER PAGE\\nIV The King s Flight 233\\nV Second Civil War Cromwell at Preston 241\\nVI Final Crisis Cromwell s Share in it -253\\nVII The Death of the King 262\\nBooft ifour\\nI The Commonwealth\\nII Cromwell in Ireland\\nIII In Scotland\\nIV From Dunbar to Worcester\\nV Civil Problems and the Soldier\\nVI The Breaking of the Long Parliament\\nVII The Reign of the Saints\\n277\\n286\\n300\\n310\\n318\\n329\\n342\\n3Booft jftve\\nI First Stage of the Protectorate\\nII .A Quarrel with Parliament\\nIII The Military Dictatorship\\nIV The Reaction\\nv A Change of Tack\\nVI Kingship\\nVII Personal Traits\\nVIII Foreign Policy\\nIX Growing Embarrassments\\nX The Close\\nIndex\\n355\\n372\\n381\\n393\\n401\\n415\\n426\\n434\\n449\\n459\\n473", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFacing page\\nJOHN BRADSHAW 268\\nFrom Clarendon s History of the Civil War, in the Hope collection,\\nBodleian Library, by permission of the University of Oxford.\\nCHARI.es I 272\\nFrom a carbon print by Braun, Clement Co. of the original portrait by\\nVan Dyck in the Louvre (detail).\\nJAMES BUTLER, TWELFTH EARL AND FIRST DUKE OF\\nORMONDE 284\\nFrom a pastel portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the Irish National Portrait\\nGallery, by permission of the Director.\\nDAVID LESLIE, FIRST LORD NEWARK 304\\nFrom a print in the British Museum of a portrait by Sir Peter Lely, in the\\ncollection of the Duke of Hamilton.\\nGENERAL JOHN LAMBERT 308\\nFrom the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs.\\nFrankland-Russell- Astley\\nMAJOR-GENERAL CHARLES FLEETWOOD 316\\nFrom a miniature on ivory in the collection of Sir Richard Tangye.\\nGENERAL GEORGE MONK, FIRST DUKE OF ALBEMARLE 324\\nFrom a miniature by S. Cooper at Windsor Castle, by special permission of\\nHer Majesty the Queen.\\nMASK OF OLIVER CROMWELL, SAID TO HAVE BEEN\\nTAKEN DURING LIFE 332\\nFrom the collection of Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley at Chequers Court.\\nJOHN MILTON 35^\\nFrom the original miniature by Samuel Cooper at Montagu House, by per-\\nmission of the Duke of Buccleuch.\\nRICHARD CROMWELL 368\\nFrom a miniature by J. Hoskins at Windsor Castle, by special permission\\nof Her Majesty the Queen.\\nHENRY CROMWELL 376\\nFrom the portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frankland-\\nRussell-Astley.\\nJOHN THURLOE, SECRETARY TO OLIVER CROMWELL 388\\nFrom the portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frankland-\\nRussell-Astley.\\nGEORGE FOX 408\\nDrawn by George T. Tobin from the original portrait by Sir Peter Lely at\\nSwarthmore College.\\nSAMUEL DESBOROUGH 420\\nFrom the original portrait in possession of Miss Disbrowe.", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFacing page\\nGEORGE, LORD GORING 140\\nFrom the miniature at Windsor Castle, by special permission of Her Majesty\\nthe Queen.\\nSIR WILLIAM WALLER 164\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the original portrait in the\\nNational Portrait Gallery.\\nJAMES GRAHAM, FIFTH EARL AND FIRST MARQUIS OF\\nMONTROSE. 172\\nDrawn by George T. Tobin after a portrait by Van Dyck (ascribed also to\\nWilliam Dobson), by permission of the Countess of Warwick.\\nSIR JACOB ASTLEY, AFTERWARD LORD ASTLEY 180\\nFrom a print in the British Museum.\\nPRINCE RUPERT 184\\nFrom the original portrait by Van Dyck at Hinchinbrook, by parmission of\\nthe Earl of Sandwich.\\nJOHN PAWLET, MARQUIS OF WINCHESTER 188\\nDrawn by George T. Tobin after a print in the British Museum of the por-\\ntrait by Peter Oliver.\\nSIR EDWARD COKE 196\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the portrait by C. Janssen in the\\nNational Portrait Gallery.\\nBRIDGET CROMWELL (MRS. IRETON, AND LATER MRS.\\nFLEETWOOD) 200\\nFrom a miniature by Crosse at Windsor Castle, by special permission of Her\\nMajesty the Queen.\\nALGERNON SIDNEY 204\\nFrom the original miniature by John Hoskins, at Montagu House, by permis-\\nsion of the Duke of Buccleuch.\\nCORNET GEORGE JOYCE 216\\nFrom the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frank-\\nland-Russell- Astley.\\nGENERAL HENRY IRETON 228\\nFrom the portrait by William Dobson at Hinchinbrook House, by permission\\nof the Earl of Sandwich.\\nSIR MARMADUKE LANGDALE, FIRST LORD LANGDALE 236\\nFrom a print in the British Museum.\\nJAMES, FIRST DUKE OF HAMILTON 244\\nFrom the original portrait at Hamilton Place.\\nARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, FIRST MARQUIS OF ARGYLL.. 248\\nFrom the original portrait in the collection of the Marquis of Lothian at\\nNewbattle Abbey, Dalkeith.\\nTHE TRIAL OF CHARLES I 264\\nFrom Clarendon s History of the Civil War, in the British Museum.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS\\nFacing page\\nEDWARD HYDE, FIRST EARL OF CLARENDON 72\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the portrait by Gerard Soest in\\nthe National Portrait Gallery.\\nGEORGE DIGBY, EARL OF BRISTOL 72\\nAfter a portrait by Van Dyck.\\nLUCIUS CARY, VISCOUNT FALKLAND 72\\nFrom the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frank-\\nland-RusseU-Astley.\\nJOHN SELDEN 72\\nAfter a portrait by Lely, engraved by Vertue.\\nTHOMAS WENTWORTH, EARL OF STRAFFORD 76\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the copy in the National Por-\\ntrait Gallery of the original portrait by Van Dyck.\\nTHE TRUE MANER OF THE SITTING OF THE LORDS\\nAND COMMONS OF BOTH HOWSES OF PARLIAMENT\\nUPON THE TRYAL OF THOMAS EARLE OF STRAFFORD,\\nLORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND, 1641 80\\nFrom a contemporary print in the British Museum of a copperplate designed\\nand engraved by Hollar.\\nWILLIAM JUXON, D.C.L 88\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the original portrait in the\\nNational Portrait Gallery.\\nJAMES USSHER, D.D. (AGE 74) 88\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the original portrait by Sir Peter\\nLely in the National Portrait Gallery.\\nWILLIAM LENTHALL, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF\\nCOMMONS 104\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the original portrait in the\\nNational Portrait Gallery.\\nRALPH, LORD HOPTON, OF STRATTON, K. B 108\\nFrom a photograph by Walker Boutall of the original portrait in the\\nNational Portrait Gallery.\\nROBERT DEVEREUX, EARL OF ESSEX 120\\nFrom a miniature by Cooper at Windsor Castle, by special permission of\\nHer Majesty the Queen.\\nWILLIAM CAVENDISH, DUKE (PREVIOUSLY EARL) OF\\nNEWCASTLE 128\\nAfter the portrait by Van Dyck.\\nTHOMAS, THIRD LORD FAIRFAX 136\\nFrom the miniature at Windsor Castle, by special permission of Her\\nMajesty the Queen.\\nFERDINAND, SECOND LORD FAIRFAX 136\\nFrom the obverse and reverse of a medal in the British Museum.", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "1\\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\\nOLIVER CROMWELL Frontispiece.\\nFrom the portrait by Samuel Cooper, in Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge,\\nEngland.\\nFacing page\\nTITLE-PAGE OF THE SOLDIERS POCKET-BIBLE, A COPY\\nOF WHICH WAS CARRIED BY EVERY SOLDIER IN\\nCROMWELL S ARMY i\\nFrom an original copy in the possession of the Rev. T. Cromwell Bush.\\nROBERT CROMWELL, FATHER OF OLIVER 12\\nFrom the original portrait by Robert Walker at Hinchinbrook, by permission\\nof the Earl of Sandwich.\\nELIZABETH CROMWELL, MOTHER OF OLIVER 12\\nFrom the original portrait by Robert Walker at Hinchinbrook, by permission\\nof the Earl of Sandwich.\\nELIZABETH, DAUGHTER OF SIR JAMES BOURCHIER, AND\\nWIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL 16\\nFrom the portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the collection of the Rev. T. Cromwell\\nBush.\\nKING CHARLES I 24\\nFrom a photograph by Franz Hanfstaengl of the original portrait by Van\\nDyck at Windsor Castle.\\nQUEEN HENRIETTA MARIA 32\\nFrom a photograph by Franz Hanfstaengl of the original portrait by Van\\nDyck at Windsor Castle.\\nWILLIAM LAUD, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY 48\\nFrom the portrait at Hinchinbrook, by Stone, after Van Dyck, by permission\\nof the Earl of Sandwich.\\nSIR HARRY VANE 64\\nAfter a portrait by Sir Peter Lely.\\nJOHN HAMPDEN 64\\nAfter an old print in the collection of the Art for Schools Association.\\nJOHN PYM 64\\nAfter a portrait by C. Janssen in the South Kensington Museum.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "3^ =^^^^^^l^^ S:=2 fe 5 ^=P#i ^g^:^^^", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "NOTE\\nEverybody who now writes about Cromwell must,\\napart from old authorities, begin by grateful acknow-\\nledgment of his inevitable debt to the heroic labors of\\nMr. Gardiner, our great historian of the seventeenth\\ncentury; and hardly less to the toil and discernment\\nof Mr. Firth, whose contributions to the Dictionary\\nof National Biography show him, besides much else,\\nto know the actors and the incidents of the civil wars\\nwith a minute intimacy commonly reserved for the\\nthings of the time in which a man actually lives.\\nIf I am asked why, then, I need add a new study of\\nOliver to the lives of him now existing from those two\\nmost eminent hands, my apology must be that I was\\ncommitted to the enterprise (and I rather think that\\nsome chapters had already appeared) before I had any\\nidea that these giants of research were to be in the\\nbiographic field. Finding myself more than half way\\nacross the stream, I had nothing for it but to persevere,\\nwith as stout a stroke as I could, to the other shore.\\nThen there is the brilliant volume of my friend of a\\nlifetime, Mr. Frederic Harrison. By him my trespass\\nwill, I know, be forgiven on easy terms; for the wide", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "compass of his attainments as historian and critic, no\\nless than his close observation of the world s affairs,\\nwill have long ago discovered to him that any such\\ncareer and character as Cromwell s, like one of the\\ngreat stock arguments of old-world drama, must still\\nbe capable of an almost endless range of presentment\\nand interpretation.\\nJ. M.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "ir\\nOLIVER CROMWELL", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "PROLOGUE 3\\nshaken down the Clarendonian tradition. The re-\\naction has now gone far. Cromwell, we are told by\\none of the most brilliant of living political critics, was\\nabout the greatest human force ever directed to a\\nmoral purpose, and in that sense about the greatest man\\nthat ever trod the scene of history. Another powerful\\nwriter, of a different school, holds that Oliver stands\\nout among the very few men in all history who, after\\noverthrowing an ancient system of government, have\\nproved themselves with an even greater success to be\\nconstructive and conservative statesmen. Then comes\\nthe honored historian who has devoted the labors of a\\nlife to this intricate and difficult period, and his verdict\\nis the other way. Oliver s negative work endured,\\nsays Gardiner, while his constructive work vanished;\\nand his attempts to substitute for military rule a better\\nand surer order were no more than a tragedy, a glor-\\nious tragedy. As for those impatient and impor-\\ntunate deifications of Force, Strength, Violence, Will,\\nwhich only show how easily hero-worship may glide\\ninto effrontery, of them I need say nothing. History,\\nafter all, is something besides praise and blame. To\\nseek measure, eqyity, and balance is not necessarily\\nthe sign of a callous heart and a mean understanding.\\nFor the thirst after broad classifications works havoc\\nwith truth and to insist upon long series of unqualified\\nclenchers in history and biography only ends in con-\\nfusing questions that are separate, in distorting per-\\nspective, in exaggerating proportions, and in falsify-\\ning the past for the sake of some spurious edification\\nof the present.\\nOf the historic sense it has been truly said that its\\nrise indicates a revolution as great as any produced by\\nthe modern discoveries of physical science. It is not,\\nfor instance, easy for us who are vain of living in an", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "4 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nage of reason, to enter into the mind of a mystic of the\\nseventeenth century. Yet by virtue of that sense even\\nthose who have moved furthest away in behef and\\nfaith from the books and the symbols that lighted the\\ninmost soul of Oliver, should still be able to do jus-\\ntice to his free and spacious genius, his high heart, his\\nsingleness of mind. On the political side it is the\\nsame. It may be that a man s noblest mistake is to\\nbe before his time. Yet historic sense forbids us to\\njudge results by motive, or real consequences by the\\nideals and intentions of the actor w^ho produced them.\\nThe first act of the revolutionary play cannot be\\nunderstood until the curtain has fallen on the fifth.\\nTo ignore the Restoration is to misjudge the Rebellion.\\nFrance, a century and more after, marched along a\\nblood-stained road in a period that likewise extended\\nnot very much over twenty years, from the calling of\\nthe States-General, in 1789, through consulate and\\nempire to Moscow and to Leipsic. Only time tells\\nall. In a fine figure the sublimest of Roman poets\\npaints the struggle of warrior hosts upon the plain,\\nthe gleam of burnished arms, the fiery wheeling of the\\nhorse, the charges that thunder on the ground. But\\nyet, he says, there is a tranquil spot on the far-of\u00c2\u00a5\\nheights whence all the scouring legions seem as if they\\nstood still, and all the glancing flash and confusion of\\nbattle as though it were blended in a sheet of steady\\nflame.^ So history makes the shifting things seem\\nfixed. Posterity sees a whole. With the states-\\nman in revolutionary times it is different. Through\\ndecisive moments that seemed only trivial, and by\\ncritical turns that seemed indifferent, he explores dark\\nand untried paths, groping his way through a jungle\\nof vicissitude, ambush, strategem, expedient; a match\\n1 Lucretius, ii. 323-332.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "PROLOGUE 5\\nfor Fortune in all her moods; lucky if now and again\\nhe catch a glimpse of the polar star. Such is the case\\nof Cromwell. The effective revolution came thirty\\nyears later, and when it came it was no Cromwellian\\nrevolution; it was aristocratic and not democratic,\\nsecular and not religious, parliamentary and not mili-\\ntary, the substitution for the old monarchy of a terri-\\ntorial oligarchy supreme alike in Lords and Commons.\\nNor is it true to say that the church became a mere\\nshadow of its ancient form after the Restoration. For\\ntwo centuries, besides her vast influence as a purely\\necclesiastical organization, the church was supreme\\nin the universities, those powerful organs in English\\nnational life, she was supreme in the public schools\\nthat fed them. The directing classes of the country\\nwere almost exclusively her sons. The land was\\ntheirs. Dissidents were tolerated; they throve and\\nprospered; but they had little more share in the gov-\\nernment of the nation than if Cromwell had never\\nbeen born. To perceive all this, to perceive that Crom-\\nwell did not succeed in turning aside the destinies of\\nhis people from the deep courses that history had pre-\\nappointed for them, into the new channels which he\\nfondly hoped that he was tracing with the point of his\\nvictorious sword, implies no blindness either to the\\ngifts of a brave and steadfast man, or to the grandeur\\nof some of his ideals of a good citizen and a well-gov-\\nerned state.\\nIt is hard to deny that wherever force was useless\\nCromwell failed or that his example would often lead\\nin what modern opinion firmly judges to be false direc-\\ntions; or that it is in Milton and Bunyan rather than\\nin Cromwell that we seek what was deepest, loftiest,\\nand most abiding in Puritanism. We look to its\\napostles rather than its soldier. Yet Oliver s large-", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nness of aim, his freedom of spirit, and the energy that\\ncomes of a free spirit; the presence of a burning light\\nin his mind, though the Hght to our later times may\\nhave grown dim or gone out his good faith, his valor,\\nhis constancy, have stamped his name, in spite of some\\nexasperated acts that it is pure sophistry to justify,\\nupon the imagination of men over all the vast area of\\nthe civilized world where the English tongue prevails.\\nThe greatest names in history are those who, in a full\\ncareer and amid the turbid extremities of political\\naction, have yet touched closest and at most points the\\nwide, ever-standing problems of the world, and the\\nthings in which men s interest never dies. Of this far-\\nshining company Cromwell was surely one.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "BOOK ONE", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "Bool^ Qnc\\nCHAPTER I\\nEARLY LIFE\\nI WAS by birth a gentleman, living neither in any\\nconsiderable height nor yet in obscurity. Such\\nwas Cromwell s account of himself. He was the de-\\nscendant in the third degree of Richard Cromwell,\\nwhose earlier name was Richard Williams, a Welsh-\\nman from Glamorganshire, nephew and one of the\\nagents of Thomas Cromwell, the iron-handed servant\\nof Henry VHI, the famous sledge-hammer of the\\nmonks. Cromwell s sister was married to Morgan\\nWilliams, the father of Richard, but when the greater\\nname was assumed seems uncertain. In the deed of\\njointure on his marriage the future Protector is de-\\nscribed as Oliver Cromwell alias Williams. Hence\\nthose who insist that what is called a Celtic strain is\\nneeded to give fire and speed to an English stock, find\\nCromwell a case in point.\\nWhat is certain is that he was in favor with\\nThomas Cromwell and with the king after his patron s\\nfall, and that Henry VHI gave him, among other\\nspoils of the church, the revenues and manors belong-\\ning to the priory of Hinchinbrook and the abbey of\\nRamsey, in Huntingdonshire and the adjacent coun-\\nties. Sir Richard left a splendid fortune to an eldest\\nson, whom Elizabeth made Sir Henry. This, the\\nGolden Knight, so called from his profusion, was the\\n9", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "lo OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfather of Sir Oliver, a worthy of a prodigal turn like\\nhimself. Besides Sir Oliver, the Golden Knight had\\na younger son, Robert, and Robert in turn became the\\nfather of the mighty Oliver of history, who was thus\\nthe great-grandson of the first Richard.\\nRobert Cromwell married (1591) a young widow,\\nElizabeth Lynn. Her maiden name of Stew^ard is\\nonly interesting because some of her stock boasted\\nthat if one should climb the genealogical tree high\\nenough, it would be found that Elizabeth Steward and\\nthe royal Stewarts of Scotland had a common ancestor.\\nMen are pleased when they stumble on one of Fortune s\\ntricks, as if the regicide should himself turn out to\\nbe even from a far-off distance of the kingly line. The\\nbetter opinion seems to be that Steward was not Stew-\\nart at all, but only Norfolk Styward.\\nThe story of Oliver s early life is soon told. He\\nwas born at Huntingdon on April 25, 1599. His\\nparents had ten children in all Oliver was the only\\nson who survived infancy. Homer has a line\\nthat has been taken to mean that it is bad for char-\\nacter to grow up an only brother among many sisters\\nbut Cromwell at least showed no default in either the\\nbold and strong or the tender qualities that belong to\\nmanly natures. He was sent to the public school of\\nthe place. The master was a learned and worthy\\ndivine, the preacher of the word of God in the town of\\nHuntingdon the author of some classic comedies of\\na proof in two treatises of the well-worn proposition\\nthat the Pope is Antichrist and of a small volume\\ncalled The Theater of God s Judgments, in which\\nhe collects from sacred and profane story examples of\\nthe justice of God against notorious sinners both great\\nand small, but more especially against those high per-\\nsons of the world whose power insolently bursts the", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE ir\\nbarriers of mere human justice. The youth of Hunt-\\ningdon therefore drank of the pure milk of the stern\\nword that bade men bind their kings in chains and\\ntheir nobles in links of iron.\\nHow long Oliver remained under Dr. Beard, what\\nproficiency he attained in study and how he spent his\\nspare time, we do not know, and it is idle to guess.\\nIn 1616 (April 23), at the end of his seventeenth year,\\nhe went to Cambridge as a fellow-commoner of Sidney\\nSussex College. Dr. Samuel Ward, the master, was\\nan excellent and conscientious man and had taken part\\nin the version of the Bible so oddly associated with the\\nname of King James I. He took part also in the\\nfamous Synod of Dort (1619), where Calvinism\\ntriumphed over Arminianism. His college was de-\\nnounced by Archbishop Laud as one of the nurseries of\\nPuritanism, and there can be no doubt in what sort of\\natmosphere Cromwell passed those years of life in\\nwhich the marked outlines of character are unalterably\\ndrawn.\\nAfter little more than a year s residence in the uni-\\nversity, he lost his father (June, 1617). Whether he\\nwent back to college we cannot tell, nor whether there\\nis good ground for the tradition that after quitting\\nCambridge he read law at Lincoln s Inn. It was the\\nfashion for young gentlemen of the time, and Crom-\\nwell may have followed it. There is no reason to sup-\\npose that Cromwell was ever the stuff of which the\\nstudious are made. Some faint evidence may be\\ntraced of progress in mathematics that he knew some\\nof the common tags of Greek and Roman history; that\\nhe was able to hold his own in surface discussion on jur-\\nisprudence. In later days when he was Protector, the\\nDutch ambassador says that they carried on their con-\\nversation together in Latin. But, according to Burnet,", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "12 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nOliver s Latin was vicious and scanty, and of other\\nforeign tongues he had none. There is a story about\\nhis arguing upon regicide from the principles of Mari-\\nana and Buchanan, but he may be assumed to have\\nderived these principles from his own mother-wit, and\\nnot to have needed text-books. He had none of the\\ntastes or attainments that attract us in many of those\\nwho either fought by his side or who fought against\\nhim. The spirit of the Renaissance was never\\nbreathed upon him. Cromwell had none of the fine\\njudgment in the arts that made King Charles one of\\nthe most enthusiastic and judicious collectors of paint-\\nings known in his time. We cannot think of Cromwell\\nas Sir John Eliot, beguiling his heavy hours in the\\nTower with Plato and Seneca or Hampden, ponder-\\ning Davila s new History of the Civil Wars in\\nFrance or Milton forsaking the quiet air of delight-\\nful studies to play a man s part in the confusions of\\nhis time; or Falkland, in whom the Oxford men in\\nClarendon s immortal picture found such an im-\\nmenseness of wit and such a solidity of judgment, so\\ninfinite a fancy bound in by a most logical ratioci-\\nnation, such a vast knowledge that he was not ignorant\\nin anything, yet such an excessive humility as if he had\\nknown nothing, that they frequently resorted and dwelt\\nwith him, as in a college situated in a purer air.\\nCromwell was of another type. Bacon said about Sir\\nEdward Coke that he conversed with books and not\\nwith men, who are the best books. Of Cromwell the\\nreverse is true for him a single volume comprehended\\nall literature, and that volume was the Bible.\\nMore satisfactory than guesses at the extent of\\nOliver s education is a sure glimpse of his views\\nupon education, to be found in his advice when the\\ntime came, about an eldest son of his own. I would", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 13\\nhave him mind and understand business, he says.\\nRead a little history; study the mathematics and cos-\\nmography. These are good with subordination to\\nthe things of God. These fit for public services,\\nfor which man is born. Take heed of an unactive,\\nvain spirit. Recreate yourself with Sir Walter\\nRaleigh s History it s a body of History, and will add\\nmuch more to your understanding than fragments of\\nstory. The tree of knowledge, Oliver exhorts\\nRichard to bear in mind, is not literal or speculative,\\nbut inward, transforming the mind to it.\\nThese brief hints of his riper days make no bad text\\nfor an educational treatise. Man is born for public\\nservice, and not to play the amateur; he should mind\\nand understand business, and beware of an unactive\\nspirit; the history of mankind is to be studied as a\\nwhole, not in isolated fragments true knowledge is\\nnot literal or speculative, but such as builds up coher-\\nent character and grows a part of it, in conscious\\nharmony with the Supreme Unseen Powers. All this\\nis not full nor systematic like Ascham or Bacon or\\nMilton or Locke; but Oliver s hints have the root of\\nthe matter in them, and in this deep sense of education\\nhe was himself undoubtedly bred.\\nHis course is very obscure until we touch solid\\nground in what is usually one of the most decisive\\nacts of life. In August, 1620, being his twenty-sec-\\nond year, he was married to Elizabeth Bourchier at\\nthe Church of St. Giles in Cripplegate, London, where,\\nfifty-four years later, John Milton was buried. Her\\nfather was a merchant on Tower Hill, the owner of\\nland at Felsted in Essex, a knight, and a connection\\nof the family of Hampden. Elizabeth Cromwell\\nseems to have been a simple and affectionate character,\\nfull of homely solicitudes, intelligent^ modest, thrifty.", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "14 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand gentle, but taking no active share in the fierce\\nstress of her husband s hfe. Marriage and time hide\\nstrange surprises the Httle bark floats on a summer\\nbay, until a tornado suddenly sweeps it out to sea and\\nwashes it over angry waters to the world s end. When\\nall was over, and Charles II had come back to White-\\nhall, a paper reached the Council Office, and was\\ndocketed by the Secretary of State, Old Mrs. Crom-\\nwell, Noll s wife s petition. The sorrowful woman\\nwas willing to swear that she had never intermeddled\\nwith any of those public transactions which had been\\nprejudicial to his late or present Majesty, and she was\\nespecially sensitive of the unjust imputation of detain-\\ning jewels belonging to the king, for she knew of none\\nsuch. But this was not for forty years.\\nThe stories about Oliver s wicked youth deserve not\\nan instant s notice. In any case the ferocity of party\\npassion was certain to invent them. There is no cor-\\nroborative evidence for them. Wherever detail can\\nbe tested, the thing crumbles away, like the more harm-\\nless nonsense about his putting a crown on his head at\\nprivate theatricals, and having a dream that he should\\none day be King of England or about a congenial\\nfigure of the devil being represented on the tapestry\\nover the door of the room in which Oliver was born.\\nThere is, indeed, one of his letters in which anybody\\nwho wishes to believe that in his college days Oliver\\ndrank, swore, gambled, and practised uncontrolled\\ndebaucheries, may if he chooses find what he seeks.\\nYou know what my manner of life hath been, he\\nwrites to his cousin, the wife of Oliver St. John, in 1638.\\nOh, I lived in darkness and hated light; I was the\\nchief of sinners. This is true; I hated Godliness, yet\\nGod had mercy on me.\\nSeriously to argue from such language as this that", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 15\\nCromwell s early life was vicious, is as monstrous as\\nit would be to argue that Bunyan was a reprobate from\\nthe remorseful charges of Grace Abounding. From\\nother evidence we know that Cromwell did not escape,\\nnor was it possible that he should, from those painful\\nstruggles with religious gloom that at one time or\\nanother confront nearly every type of mind endowed\\nwith spiritual faculty. They have found intense ex-\\npression in many keys from Augustine down to Cow-\\nper s Castaway. Some they leave plunged in gulfs\\nof perpetual despair, while stronger natures emerge\\nfrom the conflict with all the force that is in them puri-\\nfied, exalted, fortified, illumined. Oliver was of the\\nmelancholic temperament, and the misery was heavy\\nwhile it lasted. But the instinct of action was born in\\nhim, and when the summons came he met it with all\\nthe vigor of a strenuous faith and an unclouded soul.\\nAfter his marriage Cromwell returned to his home\\nat Huntingdon, and there for eleven years took care\\nof the modest estate that his father had left. For the\\ncommon tradition of Oliver as the son of a brewer\\nthere is nothing like a sure foundation. We may ac-\\ncept or reject it with tolerable indifference. Robert\\nCromwell undoubtedly got his living out of the land,\\nthough it is not impossible that he may have done occa-\\nsional brewing for neighbors less conveniently placed\\nfor running water. The elder branch of his family\\nmeanwhile slowly sank down in the world, and in 1627\\nHinchinbrook was sold to one of the house of Mon-\\ntagu, father of the admiral who in days to come helped\\nto bring back Charles II, and an uncle of that Earl of\\nManchester by whose side Oliver was drawn into\\nsuch weighty dispute when the storms of civil war\\narose. Decline of family interest did not impair\\nOliver s personal position in this town, for in the", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "i6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nbeginning of 1628 he was chosen to represent Hunting-\\ndon in ParHament.\\nThis was the third Parliament of the reign, the great\\nParHament that fought and carried the Petition of\\nRight, the famous enactment which recites and con-\\nfirms the old instruments against forced loan or tax;\\nwhich forbids arrest or imprisonment save by due pro-\\ncess of law, forbids the quartering of soldiers or sail-\\nors in men s houses against their will, and shuts out\\nthe tyrannous decrees called by the name of martial\\nlaw. Here the new member, now in his twenty-ninth\\nyear, saw at their noble and hardy task the first gener-\\nation of the champions of the civil rights and parlia-\\nmentary liberties of England. He saw the zealous\\nand high-minded Sir John Eliot, the sage and intrepid\\nPym, masters of eloquence and tactical resource. He\\nsaw the first lawyers of the day Coke, now nearing\\neighty, but as keen for the letter of the law now that it\\nwas for the people, as he had been when he took it to\\nbe on the side of authority; Glanvil, Selden, the\\nchief of men reputed in this land all conducting the\\nlong train of arguments legal and constitutional for\\nold laws and franchises, with an erudition, an acute-\\nness, and a weight as cogent as any performances ever\\nwitnessed within the walls of the Commons House.\\nBy his side sat his cousin John Hampden, whose\\nname speedily became, and has ever since remained, a\\nstanding symbol for civil courage and lofty love of\\ncountry. On the same benches still sat Wentworth,\\nin many respects the boldest and most powerful politi-\\ncal genius then in England, now for the last time\\nusing his gifts of ardent eloquence on behalf of the\\npopular cause.\\nAll the stout-hearted struggle of that memorable\\ntwelvemonth against tyrannical innovation in civil", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "From the portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the collection of the Rev. T. Cromwell Bush.\\nELIZABETH, DAUGHTER OF SIR JAMES BOURCHIER,\\nAND WIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL.", "height": "2995", "width": "1920", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 17\\nthings and rigorous reaction in things spiritual Crom-\\nwell witnessed, down to the ever-memorable scene\\nof English history where Holies and Valentine held\\nthe Speaker fast down in his chair, to assert the right\\nof the House to control its own adjournment, and to\\nlaunch Eliot s resolutions in defiance of the king.\\nCromwell s first and only speech in this Parliament\\nwas the production of a case in which a reactionary\\nbishop had backed up a certain divine in preaching flat\\npopery at St. Paul s Cross, and had forbidden a Puri-\\ntan reply. The Parliament was abruptly dissolved\\n(March, 1629) and for eleven years no other was\\ncalled together.\\nThere is no substance in the fable, though so circum-\\nstantially related, that in 1636 in company with his\\ncousin Hampden, despairing of his country, he took\\nhis passage to America, and that the vessel was stopped\\nby an order in Council. All the probabilities are\\nagainst it, and there is no evidence for it. What is\\ncredible enough is Clarendon s story that five years\\nlater, on the day when the Great Remonstrance was\\npassed, Cromwell whispered to Falkland that if it had\\nbeen rejected he would have sold all he had the next\\nmorning, and never have seen England more, and he\\nknew there were many other honest men of the same\\nresolution. So near, the Royalist historian reflects,\\nwas this poor kingdom at that time to its deliverance.\\nHis property meanwhile had been increased by a\\nfurther bequest of land in Huntingdon from his uncle\\nRichard Cromwell. Two years after his return from\\nWestminster (1631) he sold his whole Huntingdon\\nproperty for eighteen hundred pounds, equivalent to\\nbetween five and six thousand to-day. With this cap-\\nital in hand he rented and stocked grazing-lands at the\\neast end of St. Ives, some five miles down the river, and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "1 8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhere he remained steadily doing his business and\\nwatching the black clouds slowly rise on the horizon\\nof national affairs. Children came in due order, nine\\nof them in all. He went to the parish church, gener-\\nally with a piece of red flannel round his neck, as he\\nwas subject to an inflammation in his throat. He\\nhad his children baptized like other people, and for one\\nof them he asked the vicar, a fellow of St. John s at\\nCambridge, to stand godfather. He took his part in\\nthe affairs of the place. At Huntingdon his keen pub-\\nlic spirit and blunt speech had brought him into\\ntrouble. A new charter in which, among other pro-\\nvisions, Oliver was made a borough justice, trans-\\nformed an open and popular corporation into a close\\none. Cromwell dealt faithfully with those who had\\nprocured the change. The mayor and aldermen com-\\nplained to the Privy Council of the disgraceful and\\nunseemly speeches used to them by him and another\\nperson, and one day a messenger from the Council\\ncarried the two offenders under arrest to London No-\\nvember, 1630). There was a long hearing with many\\ncontradictory asseverations. We may assume that\\nCromwell made a stout defense on the merits, and he\\nappears to have been discharged of blame, though he\\nadmitted that he had spoken in heat and passion and\\nbegged that his angry words might not be remembered\\nagainst him. In 1636 he went from St. Ives to Ely,\\nhis old mother and unmarried sisters keeping house\\nwith him. This year his maternal uncle died and left\\nto him the residuary interest under his will. The\\nuncle had farmed the cathedral tithes of Ely, as his\\nfather had farmed them before him, and in this\\nposition Oliver had succeeded him. Ely was the home\\nof Cromwell and his family until 1647.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "EARLY LIFE 19\\nHe did not escape the pang of bereavement his\\neldest son, a youth of good promise, died in 1639.\\nLong afterward OHver lying ill at Hampton Court\\ncalled for his Bible, and desired an honorable and\\ngodly person present to read aloud to him a passage\\nfrom Philippians Not that I speak in respect of\\nwant for I have learned, in whatsoever state I am\\ntherewith to be content. I know both how to be\\nabased, and I know how to abound everywhere and in\\nall things I am instructed both to be full and to be\\nhungry, both to abound and to suffer need. I can do\\nall things through Christ which strengtheneth me.\\nAfter the verses had been read, This scripture, said\\nCromwell, then nearing his own end, did once save my\\nlife when my eldest son died, which went as a dagger\\nto my heart, indeed it did. It was this spirit, praised\\nin Milton s words of music as his faith and matchless\\nfortitude, that bore him through the years of battle\\nand contention lying predestined in the still sealed\\nscroll before him.\\nCromwell s first surviving letter is evidence alike\\nin topic and in language of the thoughts on which his\\nheart was set. A lecturer was a man paid by private\\nsubscribers to preach a sermon after the official parson\\nhad read the service, and he was usually a Puritan.\\nCromwell presses a friend in London for aid in keeping\\nup a lecturer in St. Ives 1635). ^he best of all good\\nworks, he says, is to provide for the feeding of souls.\\nBuilding of hospitals provides for men s bodies; to\\nbuild material temples is judged a work of piety; but\\nthey that procure spiritual food, they that build up\\nspiritual temples, they are the men truly charitable,\\ntruly pious. About the same time (1635) Oliver s\\nkinsman John Hampden was consulting his other kins-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "20 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nman, Oliver St. John, as to resisting the writ of ship-\\nmoney. Laud, made Archbishop of Canterbury in\\n1633, was busy in the preparation of a new prayer-\\nbook for the regeneration of stubborn Scotland. Went-\\nworth was fighting his high-handed battle for a better\\norder in Ireland.", "height": "3011", "width": "1878", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nTHE STATE AND ITS LEADERS\\nSTUDENTS of the struggle between monarchy and\\nParliament in the seventeenth century have worked\\nhard upon black-letter; on charter, custom, franchise,\\ntradition, precedent, and prescription, on which the\\nCommons defended their privileges and the king de-\\nfended his prerogatives. How much the lawyers\\nreally founded their case on the precedents for which\\nthey had ransacked the wonderful collections of Sir\\nRobert Cotton, or how far, on the other hand, their\\npedantry was a mask for a determination that in\\ntheir hearts rested on very different grounds, opens a\\ndiscussion into which we need not enter here. What the\\nelective element in the old original monarchy amounted\\nto, and what the popular element in the ancient deliber-\\native council amounted to; what differences in power\\nand prerogative marked the office of a king when it\\nwas filled by Angevin, by Plantagenet, or by Tudor,\\nhow the control of Parliament over legislation and tax-\\nation stood under the first three Edwards and under\\nthe last three Henrys whether the popular champions\\nin the seventeenth century were abandoning both the\\naccustomed theory and the practice of Parliament from\\nEdward I to the end of Elizabeth; whether the real\\nconservative on the old lines of the constitution was\\n21", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "22 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nnot King Charles himself all these and the kindred\\nquestions, profoundly interesting as they are, fill little\\nspace in the story of Cromwell. It was not until the\\nday of the lawyers and the constitutionalists had\\npassed that Cromwell s hour arrived, and the meager,\\nstale, forbidding ways of custom, law, and statute\\nvanished from men s thoughts.\\nTo a man of Cromwell s political mind the ciuestions\\nwere plain and broad, and could be solved without\\nmuch history. If the estates of the crown no longer\\nsufficed for the public service, could the king make\\nthe want good by taxing his subjects at his own good\\npleasure? Or was the charge to be exclusively im-\\nposed by the estates of the realm? Were the estates\\nof the realm to have a direct voice in naming agents\\nand officers of executive power, and to exact a full\\nresponsibility to themselves for all acts done in the\\nname of executive power? Was the freedom of the\\nsubject to be at the mercy of arbitrary tribunals, and\\nwere judges to be removable at the king s pleasure?\\nWhat was to be done and this came closest home of\\nall to put down cruel assumptions of authority by the\\nbishops, to reform the idleness of the clergy, to provide\\ngodly and diligent preachers, and sternly to set back\\nthe rising tide of popery, of vain ceremonial devices,\\nand pernicious Arminian doctrine? Such was the\\nsimple statement of the case as it presented itself to\\nearnest and stirring men. Taxation and religion have\\never been the two prime movers in human revolutions\\nin the civil troubles in the seventeenth century both\\nthese powerful factors were combined.\\nII\\nIn more than one important issue the king undoubt-\\nedly had the black-letter upon his side, and nothing is", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 23\\neasier than to show that in some of the transactions,\\neven before actual resort to arms, the Commons defied\\nboth letter and spirit. Charles was not an English-\\nman by birth, training, or temper, but he showed him-\\nself at the outset as much a legalist in method and\\nargument as Coke, Selden, St. John, or any English-\\nman among them. It was in its worst sense that he\\nthus from first to last played the formalist, and if to\\nbe a pedant is to insist on applying a stiff theory to\\nfluid fact, no man ever deserved the name better.\\nBoth king and Commons, however, were well aware\\nthat the vital questions of the future could be decided\\nby no appeals to an obscure and disputable past.\\nThe manifest issue was whether prerogative was to\\nbe the basis of the government of England. Charles\\nheld that it had been always so, and made up his mind\\nthat so it should remain. He had seen the Court of\\nParis, he had lived for several months in the Court of\\nMadrid, and he knew no reason why the absolutism of\\nFrance and of Spain should not flourish at Whitehall.\\nMore certain than vague influences such as these, was\\nthe rising tide of royalism in high places in the church.\\nIf this was the mind of Charles, Pym and Hamp-\\nden and their patriot friends were equally resolved\\nthat the base of government should be in the Parlia-\\nment and in the Commons branch of the Parliament.\\nThey claimed for Parliament a general competence in\\nmaking laws, granting money, levying taxes, super-\\nvising the application of their grants, restricting\\nabuses of executive power, and holding the king s ser-\\nvants answerable for what they did or failed to do.\\nBeyond all this vast field of activity and power, they\\nentered upon the domain of the king as head of the\\nchurch, and England found herself plunged into the\\nvortex of that religious excitement which, for a whole\\ncentury and almost without a break, had torn the Chris-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "24 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ntian world and distracted Europe with bloodshed and\\nclamor that shook thrones, principalities, powers, and\\nstirred the souls of men to their depths.\\nThis double and deep-reaching quarrel, partly re-\\nligious, partly political, Charles did not create. He\\ninherited it in all its sharpness along with the royal\\ncrown. In nearly every country in Europe the same\\nbattle between monarch and assembly had been fought,\\nand in nearly every case the possession of concentrated\\nauthority and military force, sometimes at the expense\\nof the nobles, sometimes of the burghers, had left the\\nmonarch victorious. Queen Elizabeth of famous\\nmemory we need not be ashamed to call her so,\\nsaid Cromwell carried prerogative at its highest. In\\nthe five-and-forty years of her reign only thirteen ses-\\nsions of Parliament were held, and it was not until near\\nthe close of her life that she heard accents of serious\\ncomplaint. Constitutional history in Elizabeth s time\\nthe momentous institution of the Church of Eng-\\nland alone excepted is a blank chapter. Yet in spite\\nof the subservient language that was natural toward\\nso puissant and successful a ruler as Elizabeth, signs\\nwere not even then wanting that, when the stress of\\nnational peril should be relaxed, arbitrary power\\nwould no longer go unquestioned. The reign of James\\nwas one long conflict. The struggle w^ent on for\\ntwenty years, and for every one of the most obnoxious\\npretensions and principles that were afterward sought\\nto be established by King Charles, a precedent had\\nbeen set by his father.\\nNeither the temperament with which Charles I was\\nborn, nor the political climate in which he was reared,\\npromised a good deliverance from so dangerous a\\nsituation. In the royal council-chamber, in the church,\\nfrom the judicial bench, these three great centers", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 25\\nof organized government, in all he saw prevailing\\nthe same favor for arbitrary power, and from all he\\nlearned the same oblique lessons of practical statecraft.\\nOn the side of religion his subjects noted things of\\ndubious omen. His mother, Anne of Denmark,\\nthough her iirst interests were those of taste and plea-\\nsure, was probably at heart a Catholic. His grand-\\nmother, Mary Queen of Scots, had been the renov^ned\\nrepresentative and champion of the Catholic party in\\nthe two kingdoms. From her and her mother, Mary\\nof Guise, Charles had in his veins the blood of that\\npotent house of Lorraine who were in church and state\\nthe standard-bearers of the Catholic cause in France.\\nA few weeks after his accession he married (May,\\n1625) the sister of the King of France and daughter\\nof Henry of Navarre. His wife, a girl of fifteen at\\nthe time of her marriage, was a Bourbon on one side\\nand a Medici on the other, an ardent Catholic, and a\\ndevoted servant of the Holy See. That Charles was\\never near to a change of faith there is no reason what-\\never to suppose. But he played with the great con-\\ntroversy vvhen the papal emissaries round the queen\\ndrew him into argument, and he was as bitterly averse\\nfrom the Puritanic ideas, feelings, and aspirations of\\neither England or Scotland, as Mary Stuart had ever\\nbeen from the doctrines and discourses of John Knox.\\nIt has been said that antagonism between Charles\\nand his Parliament broke out at once as a historical\\nnecessity. The vast question may stand over, how far\\nthe working of historical necessity is shaped by char-\\nacter and motive in given individuals. Suppose that\\nCharles had been endowed with the qualities of Oliver,\\nhis strong will, his active courage, his powerful\\ncomprehension, above all his perception of immovable\\nfacts, how might things have gone? Or suppose", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "26 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nOliver the son of King James, and that he had in-\\nherited such a situation as confronted Charles? In\\neither case the English constitution, and the imitations\\nof it all over the globe, might have been run in another\\nmold. As it was, Charles had neither vision nor\\ngrasp. It is not enough to say that he was undone by\\nhis duplicity. There are unluckily far too many awk-\\nward cases in history where duplicity has come off tri-\\numphant. Charles was double, as a man of inferior\\nunderstanding would be double who had much studied\\nBacon s essay on Simulation and Dissimulation, with-\\nout digesting it or ever deeply marking its first sen-\\ntence, that dissimulation is but a faint kind of policy\\nor wisdom, for it asketh a strong wit and a strong\\nheart to know when to tell truth and to do it therefore\\nit is the worst sort of politicians that are the great dis-\\nsemblers. This pregnant truth Charles never took\\nto heart. His fault and no statesman can have a\\nworse was that he never saw things as they were.\\nHe had taste, imagination, logic, but he was a dreamer,\\nan idealist, and a theorizer, in which there might have\\nbeen good rather than evil if only his dreams, theories,\\nand ideals had not been out of relation with the hard\\nduties of a day of storm. He was gifted with a fine\\ntaste for pictures, and he had an unaffected passion\\nfor good literature. When he was a captive he\\ndevoted hours daily not only to Bishop Andrewes\\nand the Ecclesiastical Polity of Hooker, but to\\nTasso, Ariosto, the Faerie Queene, and above all to\\nShakspere.\\nHe was not without the more mechanical qualities\\nof a good ruler he was attentive to business, method-\\nical, decorous, as dignified as a man can be without\\nindwelling moral dignity, and a thrifty economist\\nmeaning well by his people. His manners, if not", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 2^\\nactually ungracious, were ungenial and disobliging.\\nHe was so constituted by nature, said the Venetian\\nambassador, that he never obliges anybody either by\\nw ord or by act. In other words, he was the royal\\negotist without the mask. Of gratitude for service,\\nof sympathy, of courage in friendship, he never\\nshowed a spark. He had one ardent and constant\\nsentiment, his devotion to the queen.\\nOne of the glories of literature is the discourse in\\nwhich the mightiest of French divines commemorates\\nthe strange vicissitudes of fortune the glittering\\nexaltation, the miseries, the daring, the fortitude, and\\nthe unshaken faith of the queen of Charles I. As the\\ndelineation of an individual it is exaggerated and\\nrhetorical, but the rhetoric is splendid and profound.\\nBossuet, more than a divine, was moralist, statesman,\\nphilosopher, exploring with no mere abstract specu-\\nlative eye the thread of continuous purpose in the his-\\ntory of mankind, but using knowledge, eloquence, and\\nart to mold the walls of men. His defense of estab-\\nlished order has been called the great spectacle of the\\nseventeenth century. It certainly was one of them,\\nand all save narrow^ minds w411 care to hear how the\\nspectacle in England moved this commanding genius.\\nTaking a text that was ever present to him, Be wise\\nnow therefore, O ye kings be instructed, ye judges of\\nthe earth, Bossuet treated that chapter of history in\\nwhich the life of Henrietta Maria was an episode, as a\\nlofty drama with many morals of its own. I am not\\na historian. he says, to unfold the secrets of cabinets,\\nor the ordering of battle-fields, or the interests of\\nparties; it is for me to raise myself above man, to make\\nevery creature tremble under the judgments of Al-\\nmighty God. Xot content with the majestic com-\\nmonplaces so eternally true, so inexorably apt, yet so", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "28 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nincredulously heard, about the nothingness of human\\npomp and earthly grandeur, he extracts special lessons\\nfrom the calamities of the particular daughter of St.\\nLouis whose lot inspired his meditations. What had\\ndrawn these misfortunes on the royal house in Eng-\\nland? Was it inborn libertinism in English character\\nthat brought the Rebellion about? Nay, he cries;\\nwhen we look at the incredible facility with which\\nreligion was first overthrown in that country, then\\nrestored, then overthrown again, by Henry VIII, by\\nEdward VI, by Mary, by Elizabeth, so far from\\nfinding the nation rebellious, or its Parliament proud\\nor factious, we are driven to reproach the English\\npeople with being only too submissive. For did they\\nnot place their very faith, their consciences, their souls,\\nunder the yoke of earthly kings The fault was with\\nthe kings themselves. They it was who taught the\\nnations that their ancient Catholic creed was a thing\\nto be lightly flung away. Subjects ceased to revere\\nthe maxims of religion when they saw them wantonly\\nsurrendered to the passions or the interests of their\\nprinces. Then the great orator, with a command of\\npowerful stroke upon stroke that Presbyterians in their\\nwar with Independents might well have envied, drew a\\npicture of the mad rage of the English for disputing\\nof divine things without end, without rule, without\\nsubmission, men s minds falling headlong from ruin\\nto ruin. Who could arrest the catastrophe but the\\nbishops of the church And then turning to reproach\\nthem as sternly as he had reproached their royal mas-\\nters, it was the bishops, he exclaimed, who had brought\\nto naught the authority of their own thrones by openly\\ncondemning all their predecessors up to the very source\\nof their consecration, up to St. Gregory the Pope and\\nSt. Augustine the missionary monk. By skilfully", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 29\\nworded contrast with these doings of apostate kings\\nand prelates, he glorified the zeal of Henrietta Maria;\\nboasted how many persons in England had abjured\\ntheir errors under the influence of her almoners; and\\nhow the zealous shepherds of the afflicted Catholic\\nflock of whom the world was not worthy, saw with\\njoy the glorious symbols of their faith restored in the\\nchapel of the Queen of England; and the persecuted\\nchurch that in other days hardly dared so much as to\\nsigh or weep over its past glory, now sang aloud the\\nsong of Zion in a strange land.\\nAll this effulgence of words cannot alter the fact\\nthat the queen was the evil genius of her husband, and\\nof the nation over whom a perverse fate had appointed\\nhim to rule. Men ruefully observed that a French\\nqueen never brought happiness to England. To suffer\\nwomen of foreign birth and alien creed to meddle with\\nthings of state, they reflected, had ever produced griev-\\nous desolation for our realm. Charles had a fancy to\\ncall her Marie rather than Henrietta, and even Puri-\\ntans had superstition enough to find a bad omen in a\\nwoman s name that was associated with no good luck\\nto England. Of the many women, good and bad, who\\nhave tried to take part in affairs of state from Cleo-\\npatra or the Queen of Sheba downward, nobody by\\ncharacter or training was ever worse fitted than the\\nwife of Charles I for such a case as that in which she\\nfound herself. Henry IV, her father, thought that to\\nchange his Huguenot faith and go to mass was an easy\\nprice to pay for the powerful support of Paris. Her\\nmother came of the marvelous Florentine house that\\nhad given to Europe such masters of craft as Cosmo\\nand Lorenzo, Leo X and Clement VII, and Catherine\\nof the Bartholomew massacre. But the queen had\\nnone of the depth of these famous personages. To", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "30 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nher, alike as Catholic and as queen seated on a shaking\\nthrone, the choice between bishop and presbyter within\\na Protestant communion was matter for contemptuous\\nindifference. She understood neither her husband s\\nscruples, nor the motives of his rebellious adversaries.\\nThe sanctity of law and immemorial custom, rights of\\ntaxation, Parliamentary privilege. Magna Charta,\\nhabeas corpus, and all the other symbols of our civil\\nfreedom, were empty words without meaning to her\\npetulent and untrained mind. In Paris by the side of\\nthe great ladies whose lives were passed in seditious\\nintrigues against Richelieu or Mazarin, Henrietta\\nMaria would have been in her native element. She\\nwould have delighted in all the intricacies of the web\\nof fine-spun conspiracy in which Maria de Medici, her\\nmother, and Anne of Austria, her sister-in-law, and\\nMme. de Chevreuse, her close friend and comrade, first\\none and then the other spent their restless days. Hab-\\nits and qualities that were mischievous enough even\\nin the galleries of the Louvre, in the atmosphere of\\nWestminster and Whitehall were laden with immedi-\\nate disaster. In intrepidity and fortitude she was a\\ntrue daughter of Henry of Navarre. Her energy was\\nunsparing, and her courage. Nine times she crossed\\nthe seas in storm and tempest. When her waiting-\\nwomen were trembling and weeping, she assured them,\\nwith an air of natural serenity that seemed of itself to\\nbring back calm, that no queen was ever drowned.\\nD Ewes has left a picture of the queen as he saw her\\nat dinner at Whitehall, long after her marriage I\\nperceived her to be a most absolute delicate lady, after\\nI had exactly surveyed all the features of her face,\\nmuch enlivened by her radiant and sparkling black\\neyes. Besides, her deportment among her women was\\nso sweet and humble, and her speech and looks to her\\nother servants so mild and gracious, as I could not", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 31\\nabstain from divers deep- fetched sighs, to consider that\\nshe wanted the knowledge of the true rehgion. The\\nqueen, says Burnet, was a woman of great vivacity\\nin conversation, and loved all her life long to be in in-\\ntrigues of all sorts, but was not so secret in them as\\nsuch times and affairs required. She was a woman of\\nno manner of judgment; she was bad at contrivance,\\nand much worse in execution but by the liveliness of\\nher discourse she made always a great impression on\\nthe king.\\nIll\\nJust as the historic school has come to an end that\\ndespatched Oliver Cromwell as a hypocrite, so we are\\nescaping from the other school that dismissed Charles\\nas a tyrant. Laud as a driveller and a bigot, and Went-\\nworth as an apostate. That Wentworth passed over\\nfrom the popular to the royalist side, and that by the\\nsame act he improved his fortunes and exalted his\\ninfluence is true. But there is no good reason to con-\\ndemn him of shifting the foundation of his view^s of\\nnational policy. He was never a Puritan, and never a\\npartizan of the supremacy of Parliament. By tem-\\nperament and conviction he was a firm believer in or-\\nganized authority; though he began in opposition, his\\ninstincts all carried him toward the side of govern-\\nment; and if he came round to the opinion that a single\\nperson, and not the House of Commons, was the vital\\norgan of national authority, this was an opinion that\\nCromwell himself in some of the days to come was\\ndestined apparently to share and to exemplify. Went-\\nworth s ideal was centered in a strong state, exerting\\npower for the common good and the mainspring of\\na strong state must be a monarch, not Parliament. It\\nwas the idea of the time that governing initiative must", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "32 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncome from the throne, with or without a check in the\\npeople. Happily for us, men of deeper insight than\\nWentworth perceived that the assertion of the popular\\ncheck was at this deciding moment in English history-\\nmore important than to strengthen executive power in\\nthe hands of the king. Wentworth, with all the bias\\nof a man born for government and action, may easily\\nhave come to think otherwise. That he associated the\\nelevation of his own personality with the triumph of\\nwhat he took for the right cause, is a weakness, if\\nweakness it be, that he shares with some of the most\\nupright reformers that have ever lived. It is a chaste\\nambition if rightly placed, he said at his trial, to have\\nas much power as may be, that there may be power to\\ndo the more good in the place where a man lives. The\\nactual possession of power stimulated this natural\\npassion for high principles of government. His judg-\\nment was clear, as his wit and fancy were quick. He\\nwas devoted to friends, never weary of taking pains\\nfor them, thinking nothing too dear for them. If he\\nwas extremely choleric and impatient, yet it was in a\\nlarge and imperious way. He had energy, baldness,\\nunsparing industry and attention, long-sighted conti-\\nnuity of thought and plan, lofty flight, and as true a\\nconcern for order and the public service as Pym or\\nOliver or any of them.\\nOne short scene may suffice to bring him in act and\\nlife before us. The convention of the Irish clergy met\\nto discuss the question of bringing their canons into\\nconformity with those of the English Church. Went-\\nworth writes from Dublin to Laud (1634)\\nThe popish party growing extreme perverse in the Com-\\nmons House, and the parliament thereby in great danger to\\nhave been lost in a storm, had so taken up my thoughts and\\nendeavours, that for five or six days it was not almost possible", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait by Van Dyck at Windsor Castle.\\nQUEEN HENRIETTA MARIA.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 33\\nfor me to take an account how business went amongst them\\nof the clergy. At length I got a little time, and that most\\nhappily, to inform myself of the state of those papers, and\\nfound (that they had done divers things of great inconvenience\\nwithout consultation with their bishops). I instantly sent for\\nDean Andrews, that reverend clerk who sat forsooth in the\\nchair of this committee, requiring him to bring along the afore-\\nsaid book of canons. When I came to open the book\\nand run over their deliberandtans in the margin, I confess I\\nwas not so much moved since I came into Ireland. I told\\nhim, certainly not a dean of Limerick, but Ananias had sat in\\nthe chair of that committee however sure I was Ananias had\\nbeen there in spirit, if not in body, with all the fraternities and\\nconventicles of Amsterdam that I was ashamed and scan-\\ndalised with it above measure. I therefore said he should\\nleave the book with me, and that I did command him that he\\nshould report nothing to the House until he heard again from\\nme. Being thus nettled, I gave present directions for a meet-\\ning, and warned the primate (certain bishops, etc.) to be with\\nme the next morning. Then I publicly told them how unlike\\nclergymen, that owed canonical obedience to their superiors,\\nthey had proceeded in their committee how unheard of a\\npart it was for a few petty clerks to presume to make articles\\nof faith. But those heady and arrogant courses, they must\\nknow, I was not to endure but if they were disposed to be\\nfrantic in this dead and cold season of the year, would I suffer\\nthem to be heard either in convocation or in their pulpits.\\n(Then he gave them five specific orders.) This meeting then\\nbroke off; there were some hot spirits, sons of thunder,\\namongst them, who moved that they should petition me for a\\nfree synod. But, in fine, they could not agree among them-\\nselves who should put the bell about the cat s neck, and so\\nthis likewise vanished.\\nAll this marks precisely the type of man required to\\ndeal with ecclesiastics and rapacious nobles alike. The\\n3", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "34 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nEnglish colonist and his ecclesiastical confederate and\\nally were the enemy, and nobody has ever seen this so\\neffectually as Strafford saw it. Bishops were said to\\nbe displaced with no more ceremony than excisemen.\\nThe common impression of Wentworth is shown in an\\nanecdote about Williams, afterward Archbishop of\\nYork. When the court tried to pacify Williams with\\nthe promise of a good bishopric in Ireland, he replied\\nthat he had held out for seven years against his ene-\\nmies in England, but if they sent him to Ireland he\\nwould fall into the hands of a man who within seven\\nmonths would find out some old statute or other to cut\\noff his head.\\nThe pretty obvious parallel has often been suggested\\nbetween Strafford and Richelieu but it is no more\\nthan superficial. There is no proportion between the\\nvast combinations, the immense designs, the remorse-\\nless rigors, and the majestic success with which the\\ngreat cardinal built up royal power in France and sub-\\njugated reactionary forces in Europe, and the petty\\nscale of Wentworth s eight years of rule in Ireland.\\nTo frighten Dean Andrews or Lord Mountnorris out\\nof their wits was a very different business from bring-\\ning Montmorencys, Chalais, Marillacs, Cinq-Mars, to\\nthe scaffold. It is true that the general aim was not\\nvery different. Richelieu said to the king I prom-\\nised your Majesty to employ all my industry and all\\nthe authority that he might be pleased to give me to\\nruin the Huguenot party, to beat down the pride of the\\ngreat, to reduce all subjects to their duty, and to raise\\nup his name among other nations to the height at\\nwhich it ought to be. Strafford would have said much\\nthe same. He, too, aspired to make his country a lead-\\ning force in the counsels of Europe, as Elizabeth had\\ndone, and by Elizabeth s patient and thrifty policy.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 35\\nUnlike his master of flighty and confused brain he per-\\nceived the need of system and a sure foundation.\\nStrafford s success would have meant the transforma-\\ntion of the state within the three kingdoms, not into\\nthe monarchy of the Restoration of 1660 or of the\\nRevolution of 1688, but at best into something like the\\nqualified absolutism of modern Prussia.\\nAs time went on. and things grew hotter, his ardent\\nand haughty genius drew him into more energetic\\nantagonism to the popular claim and its champions.\\nIn his bold and imposing personality they recognized\\nthat all those sinister ideas, methods, and aims which\\nit was the business of their lives to overthrow, were\\ngathered up. The precise date is not easily fixed at\\nwhich Wentworth gained a declared ascendancy in the\\nroyal counsels, if ascendancy be the right word for a\\nchief position in that unstable chamber. In 1632 he\\nwas made lord-deputy in Ireland, he reached Dublin\\nCastle in the following year, and for seven years he\\ndevoted himself exclusively to Irish administration.\\nHe does not seem to have been consulted upon general\\naffairs before 1637, and it was later than this when\\nCharles began to lean upon him. It was not until\\n1640 that he could prevail upon the king to augment\\nhis political authority by making him lord-lieutenant\\nand Earl of Strafford.\\nIf Strafford was a bad counselor for the times, and\\nthe queen a worse, Laud, who filled the critical station\\nof Archbishop of Canterbury, was perhaps the worst\\ncounselor of the three. Still let us save ourselves\\nfrom the extravagances of some modern history.\\nHis memory, writes one, is still loathed as the\\nmeanest, the most cruel, and the most narrow-minded\\nman who ever sat on the episcopal bench (Buckle).\\nWe entertain more unmitigated contempt for him,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "S6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsays another, than for any character in history\\n(Macaulay). It is pretty safe to be sure that these\\nslashing superlatives are never true. Laud was no\\nmore the simpleton and the bigot of Macaulay, than he\\nw^as the saint to whom in our day Anglican high-fliers\\ndedicate painted windows, or who describe him as New-\\nman did, as being cast in a mold of proportions that\\nare much above our own, and of a stature akin to the\\nelder days of the church. Burnet, who was no\\nLaudian, says that he was a learned, a sincere and\\nzealous man, regular in his own life, and humble in his\\nprivate deportment; but he was a hot, indiscreet man,\\neagerly pursuing some matters that were either very\\ninconsiderable or mischievous, such as setting the com-\\nmunion-table by the east wall of churches, bowing\\nto it and calling it the altar, the breaking of lectures,\\nthe encouraging of sports on the Lord s day\\nand yet all the zeal and heat of that time was laid out\\non these. The agent of the Vatican described him as\\ntimid, ambitious, inconstant, and therefore ill equipped\\nfor great enterprises. Whitelocke tells us that his\\nfather was anciently and thoroughly acquainted with\\nLaud, and used to say of him that he was too full of\\nfire, though a just and good man and that his want of\\nexperience in state matters, and his too much zeal for\\nthe church, and heat if he proceeded in the way he was\\nthen in, would set this nation on fire.\\nIt was indeed Laud who did most to kmdle the blaze.\\nHe was harder than anybody else both in the Star\\nChamber and the High Commission. He had a rest-\\nless mind, a sharp tongue, and a hot temper; he took\\nno trouble to persuade, and he leaned wholly on the\\nlaw of the church and the necessity of enforcing obedi-\\nence to it. He had all the harshness that is so com-\\nmon in a man of ardent convictions, who happens not", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS n\\nto have intellectual power enough to defend them.\\nBut he was no harder of heart than most of either his\\nvictims or his judges. Prynne was more malicious, vin-\\ndictive, and sanguinary than Laud and a Scottish\\npresbyter could be as arrogant and unrelenting as the\\nEnglish primate. Much of Laud s energy was that of\\ngood stewardsliip. The reader who laughs at his\\ninjunction that divines should preach in gowns and not\\nin cloaks, must at least applaud when in the same docu-\\nment avaricious bishops are warned not to dilapidate\\nthe patrimony of their successors by making long\\nleases, or taking heavy fines on renewal, or cutting\\ndown the timber. This was one side of that love of\\nexternal order, uniformity, and decorum, which, when\\napplied to rites and ceremonies, church furniture,\\nchurch apparel, drove English Puritanism frantic.\\nIt is called superstition nowadays, Laud complained,\\nfor any man to come with more reverence into a\\nchurch, than a tinker and his dog into an ale-house.\\nThat he had any leaning toward the Pope is cer-\\ntainly untrue and his eagerness to establish a branch\\nof the Church of England in all the courts of Christen-\\ndom, and even in the cities of the Grand Turk, points\\nrather to an exalted dream that the Church of Eng-\\nland might one day spread itself as far abroad as the\\nChurch of Rome. Short of this, he probably aspired\\nto found a patriarchate of the three kingdoms, with\\nCanterbury as the metropolitan center. He thought\\nthe Puritans narrow, and the Pope s men no better.\\nChurchmen in all ages are divided into those on the one\\nhand who think most of institutions, and those on the\\nother who think most of the truths on which the insti-\\ntutions rest, and of the spirit that gives them life.\\nLaud was markedly of the first of these two types, and\\neven of that doctrinal zeal that passed for spiritual", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "38 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nunction in those hot times he had Httle. Yet it is\\nworth remembering that it was his influence that over-\\ncame the reluctance of the pious and devoted George\\nHerbert to take orders. This can hardly have been\\nthe influence of a mean and cruel bigot. Jeremy Tay-\\nlor, whose Liberty of Prophesying is one of the\\nlandmarks in the history of toleration, was the client\\nand disciple of Laud. His personal kindness to Chill-\\ningworth and to John Hales has been taken as a proof\\nof his tolerance of latitudinarianism, and some pas-\\nsages in his own works are construed as favoring lib-\\neral theology. That liberal theology would have quickly\\nprogressed within the church under Laud s rule, so\\nlong as outer uniformity was preserved, is probably\\ntrue, and an important truth in judging the events of\\nhis epoch. At the same time Laud was as hostile as\\nmost contemporary Puritans to doubts and curious\\nsearch, just as he shared with his Presbyterian enemies\\ntheir hatred of any toleration for creed or church out-\\nside of the established fold. He was fond of learning\\nand gave it munificent support, and he had the merit of\\ndoing what he could to found his cause upon reason.\\nBut men cannot throw off the spirit of their station,\\nand after all his sheet-anchor was authority. His\\nideal has been described as a national church, governed\\nby an aristocracy of bishops, invested with certain\\npowers by divine right, and closely united with the\\nmonarchy. Whether his object was primarily doc-\\ntrinal, to cast out the Calvinistic spirit, or the restor-\\nation of church ceremonial, it would be hard to decide;\\nbut we may be sure that if he actively hated heresies\\nabout justification or predestination, it was rather as\\nbreaches of order than as either errors of intellect or\\ncorruptions of soul.\\nHe had few vulgar or private vices, says a con-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 39\\ntemporary, and, in a word, was not so much to be\\ncalled bad as unfit for the state of England. He was\\nunfit for the state of England, because, instead of meet-\\ning a deep spiritual movement with a missionary in-\\nspiration of his own, he sought no saintlier weapons\\nthan oppressive statutes and persecuting law-courts.\\nIt may be at least partially true that the nation had\\nbeen a consenting party to the Tudor despotism, from\\nwhich both statute and court had come down. Per-\\nsecution has often won in human history; often has a\\nviolent hand dashed out the lamp of truth. But the\\nPuritan exodus to New England was a signal, and no\\nstatesman ought to have misread it, that new forces\\n.were arising and would require far sharper persecution\\nto crush them than the temper of the nation was likely\\nto endure.\\nIn the early stages of the struggle between Parlia-\\nment and king, the only leader on the popular side on\\na level in position with Strafford and Laud was John\\nPym, in many ways the foremost of all our Parlia-\\nmentary worthies. A gentleman of good family and\\nbred at Oxford, he had entered the House of Com-\\nmons eleven years before the accession of Charles.\\nHe made his mark early as one who understood the\\npublic finances, and. what was even more to the point,\\nas a determined enemy of popery. From the first, in\\nthe words of Clarendon, he had drawn attention for\\nbeing concerned and passionate in the jealousies of re-\\nligion, and much troubled with the countenance gi\\\\ en\\nto the opinions of Arminius. He was a Puritan in the\\nwidest sense of that word of many shades. That is\\nto say, in the expression of one who came later, he\\nthought it part of a man s religion to see that his coun-\\ntry be well governed, and by good government he\\nmeant the rule of righteousness both in civil and in", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "40 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsacred things. He wished the monarchy to stand, and\\nthe Church of England to stand; nor was any man\\nbetter grounded in the maxims and precedents that\\nhad brought each of those exahed institutions to be\\nwhat it was.\\nBesides massive breadth of judgment, Pym had one\\nof those himinous and discerning minds that have the\\nrare secret in times of high contention of singhng out\\nthe central issues and choosing the best battle-ground.\\nEarly he perceived and understood the common im-\\npulse that was uniting throne and altar against both\\nancient rights and the social needs of a new epoch. He\\nwas no revolutionist either by temper or principle. A\\nsingle passage from one of his speeches is enough to\\nshow us the spirit of his statesmanship, and it is well\\nworth quoting. The best form of government, he\\nsaid, is that which doth actuate and dispose every part\\nand member of a state to the common good; for as\\nthose parts give strength and ornament to the whole,\\nso they receive from it again strength and protection\\nin their several stations and degrees. H, instead of\\nconcord and interchange of support, one part seeks to\\nuphold an old form of government, and the other part\\nintroduce a new, they will miserably consume one an-\\nother. Histories are full of the calamities of entire\\nestates and nations in such cases. It is, nevertheless,\\nequally true that time must needs bring about some\\nalterations. Therefore have those common-\\nwealths been ever the most durable and perpetual\\nwhich have often reformed and recomposed themselves\\naccording to their first institution and ordinance. By\\nthis means they repair the breaches, and counterwork\\nthe ordinary and natural effects of time.\\nThis was the English temper at its best. Sur-\\nrounded by men who were often apt to take narrow", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE STATE AND ITS LEADERS 41\\nviews, Pym, if ever English statesman did, took broad\\nones and to impose broad views upon the narrow is\\none of the things that a party leader exists for. He\\nhad the double gift, so rare even among leaders in\\npopular assemblies, of being at once practical and ele-\\nvated a master of tactics and organizing arts, and yet\\nthe inspirer of solid and lofty principles. How can\\nwe measure the perversity of a king and counselors\\nwho forced into opposition a man so imbued with the\\ndeep instinct of government, so whole-hearted, so keen\\nof sight, so skilful in resource as Pym.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "m\\nCHAPTER III\\nPURITANISM AND THE DOUBLE ISSUE\\nNIVERSAL history has been truly said to make\\na large part of every national history. The lamp\\nthat lights the path of a single nation, receives its\\nkindling flame from a central line of beacon-fires that\\nmark the onward journey of the race. The English\\nhave never been less insular in thought and interest\\nthan they were in the seventeenth century. About the\\ntime when Calvin died (1564) it seemed as if the\\nspiritual empire of Rome would be confined to the two\\npeninsulas of Italy and Spain. North of the Alps\\nand north of the Pyrenees the Reformation appeared to\\nbe steadily sweeping all before it. Then the floods\\nturned back; the power of the papacy revived, its\\nmoral ascendancy was restored the Counter-Reforma-\\ntion or the Catholic reaction by the time when Crom-\\nwell and Charles came into the world, had achieved\\nstartling triumphs. The indomitable activity of the\\nJesuits had converted opinion, and the arm of flesh\\nlent its aid in the holy task of reconquering Christen-\\ndom. What the arm of flesh meant the English could\\nsee with the visual eye. They never forgot Mary\\nTudor and the Protestant martyrs. In 1567 Alva set\\nup his court of blood in the Netherlands. In 1572 the\\n42", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 43\\npious work in France began with the massacre of St.\\nBartholomew. In 1588 the Armada appeared in the\\nBritish Channel for the subjugation and conversion of\\nEngland. In 1605 Guy Fawkes and his powder-bar-\\nrels were found in the vault under the House of Lords.\\nThese were the things that explain that endless angry\\nrefrain against popery, that rings through our seven-\\nteenth century with a dolorous monotony at which\\nmodern indifference may smile and reason and toler-\\nance may groan.\\nBritain and Holland were the two Protestant strong-\\nholds, and it was noticed that the Catholics in Holland\\nwere daily multiplying into an element of exceeding\\nstrength, while in England, though the Catholics had\\nundoubtedly fallen to something very considerably less\\nthan the third of the whole population, which was their\\nproportion in the time of Elizabeth, still they began\\nunder James and Charles to increase again. People\\ncounted with horror in Charles s day some ninety\\nCatholics in places of trust about the court, and over\\none hundred and ninety of them enjoying property and\\nposition in the English counties. What filled England\\nwith dismay filled the pertinacious Pope Urban VIII\\nwith the hope of recovering here some of the ground\\nthat he had lost elsewhere, and he sent over first Pan-\\nzani, then Cuneo, then Rossetti, to work for the recon-\\nquest to Catholicism of the nation whom another pope\\na thousand years before had first brought within the\\nChristian fold. The presence of the Roman agents at\\nWhitehall only made English Protestantism more vio-\\nlently restive. A furious struggle was raging on the\\ncontinent of Europe. The Thirty Years War (1618-\\n1648) was not in all its many phases a contest of Pro-\\ntestant and Catholic, but that tremendous issue was\\nnever remote or extinct and even apart from the im-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "44 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nportant circumstance that the Elector Palatine had es-\\npoused the daughter of James I, its fluctuations kept\\nup a strong and constant under-current of feeling and\\nattention in England.\\nII\\nThe greatest liberty of our kingdom is religion, said\\nPym, and Cromwell s place in history is due to the\\nbreadth with which he underwent this mastering im-\\npression of the time, and associated in his own person\\nthe double conditions, political and moral, of national\\nadvance. Though the conditions were twofold, relig-\\nion strikes the key-note. Like other movements, the\\ncourse of the Reformation followed the inborn differ-\\nences of human temperament, and in due time divided\\nitself into a right wing and a left. Passion and logic,\\nthe two great working elements of revolutionary\\nchange, often over-hot the one, and narrow and sophis-\\nticated the other, carry men along at different rates\\naccording to their natural composition, and drop them\\nat different stages. Most go to fierce extremes; few\\nhold on in the quiet flow of truths that soften hatred,\\ntemper strife and for these chosen spirits there is no\\nplace in the hour of conflagration. In England the\\nleft wing of Protestantism was Puritanism, and Puri-\\ntanism in its turn threw out an extreme left with a\\nhundred branches of its own. The history of Crom-\\nwell almost exactly covers this development from the\\nsteady-going doctrinal Puritanism that he found pre-\\nvailing when he first emerged upon the public scene,\\ndown to the faiths of the hundred and seventy enthusi-\\nastic sects whom he still left preaching and praying\\nand warring behind him when his day was over.\\nIn this long process, so extensive and so compli-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 45\\ncated, an inter-related evolution of doctrine, disci-\\npline, manners, ritual, church polity, all closely linked\\nwith corresponding changes in affairs of civil govern-\\nment, it is not easy to select a leadmg clue through\\nthe labyrinth. It is not easy to disentangle the double\\nplot in church and state, nor to fix in a single formula\\nthat wide twofold impulse, religious and political,\\nunder which Cromwell s age and Cromwell the man\\nof his age, marched toward their own ideals of purified\\nlife and higher citizenship. It is enough here to say in\\na word that in the Cromwellian period, when the fer-\\nment at once so subtle and so tumultuous had begun\\nto clear, it was found that, though by no direct and far-\\nsighted counsel of Cromwell s own, two fertile princi-\\nples had struggled into recognized life upon English\\nsoil the principle of Toleration, and the principle of\\nfree or voluntary churches. These might both of them\\nhave seemed to be of the very essence of the Reforma-\\ntion, but as everybody knows Free Inquiry and Free\\nConscience, the twin pillars of Protestantism in its fun-\\ndamental theory, were in practise hidden out of sight and\\nmemory, and as we shall see even Cromwell and his\\nIndependents shrank from the full acceptance of their\\nown doctrines. The advance from the early to the\\nlater phases of Puritanism was not rapid. Heated as\\nthe effervescence was, its solid products were slow to\\ndisengage themselves. Only by steps did the new\\nprinciples of Toleration and the Free Church find a\\nplace even in the two most capacious understandings\\nof the time in the majestic reason of Milton and the\\nvigorous and penetrating practical perceptions of\\nCromwell.\\nPuritanism meanwhile profited by the common ten-\\ndency among men of all times to set down whatever\\ngoes amiss to something wrong in government. It is", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "46 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nin vain for the most part that sage observers like\\nHooker try to persuade us that these stains and blem-\\nishes, springing from the root of human frailty and\\ncorruption, will remain until the end of the world,\\nwhat form of government soever take place. Man-\\nkind is by nature too restless, too readily indignant,\\ntoo hopeful, too credulous of the unknown, ever to ac-\\nquiesce in this. But the English Revolution of the\\nseventeenth century was no mere ordinary case of a\\npolitical opposition. The Puritans of the Cromwellian\\ntime were forced into a brave and energetic conflict\\nagainst misgovernment in church and state. But it\\nis to the honor of Puritanism in all its phases that it\\nstrove with unending constancy, by the same effort to\\npierce inward to those very roots of human frailty\\nand corruption which are always the true cause of\\nthe worst mischiefs of an unregenerate world. Puri-\\ntanism came from the deeps. It was, like Stoicism,\\nMonasticism, Jansenism, even Mohammedanism, a\\nmanifestation of elements in human nature that are\\nindestructible. It flowed from yearnings that make\\nthemselves felt in Eastern world and Western; it\\nsprang from aspirations that breathe in men and\\nwomen of many communions and faiths it arose in\\ninstincts that seldom conquer for more than a brief sea-\\nson, and yet are never crushed. An ascetic and un-\\nworldly way of thinking about life, a rigorous moral\\nstrictness, the subjugation of sense and appetite, a cold-\\nness to every element in worship and ordinance exter-\\nnal to the believer s own soul, a dogma unyielding as\\ncast-iron all these things satisfy moods and sensibil-\\nities in man that are often silent and fleeting, are easily\\ndrowned in reaction, but are readily responsive to the\\nawakening voice.\\nHistory, as Dollinger has said, is no simple game", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 47\\nof abstractions; men are more than doctrines. It is\\nnot a certain theory of grace that makes the Reforma-\\ntion; it is Luther, it is Calvin. Calvin shaped the\\nmold in which the bronze of Puritanism was cast.\\nThat commanding figure, of such vast power yet some-\\nhow with so little luster, by his unbending will, his\\npride, his severity, his French spirit of system, his gift\\nfor government, for legislation, for dialectic in every\\nfield, his incomparable industry and persistence, had\\nconquered a more than pontifical ascendancy in the\\nProtestant world. He meets us in England, as in\\nScotland, Holland, France, Switzerland, and the rising\\nEngland across the Atlantic. He was dead (1564) a\\ngeneration before Cromwell was born, but his influence\\nwas still at its height. Nothing less than to create in\\nman a new nature was his far-reaching aim, to regen-\\nerate character, to simplify and consolidate religious\\nfaith. Men take a narrow view of Calvin when they\\nthink of him only as the preacher of justification by\\nfaith, and the foe of sacerdotal mediation. His scheme\\ncomprehended a doctrine that went to the very root of\\nman s relations with the scheme of universal things a\\nchurch order as closely compacted as that of Rome a\\nsystem of moral discipline as concise and as imperative\\nas the code of Napoleon. He built it all upon a certain\\ntheory of the government of the universe, which by\\nhis agency has exerted an amazing influence upon the\\nworld. It is a theory that might have been expected\\nto sink men crouching and paralyzed into the blackest\\nabysses of despair, and it has in fact been answerable\\nfor much anguish in many a human heart. Still Cal-\\nvinism has proved itself a famous soil for rearing\\nheroic natures. Founded on St. Paul and on Augustine,\\nit was in two or three centuries this Before the\\nfoundations of the world were laid, it was decreed by", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "48 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncounsel secret to us that some should be chosen out of\\nmankind to everlasting salvation, and others to curse\\nand damnation. In the figure of the memorable pas-\\nsage of the Epistle to the Romans, as the potter has\\npower over the clay, so men are fashioned by ante-\\nmundane will, some to be vessels of honor and of\\nmercy, others to be vessels of dishonor and of wrath.\\nThen the Potter has mercy on whom he will have\\nmercy, and whom he will he hardeneth. On this black\\ngranite of Fate, Predestination, and Foreknowledge\\nabsolute, the strongest of the Protestant fortresses all\\nover the world were founded. Well might it have\\nbeen anticipated that fatalism as unflinching as this\\nwould have driven men headlong into desperation\\nand wretchlessness of most unclean living. Yet that\\nwas no more the actual effect of the fatalism of St.\\nPaul, Augustine, and Calvin than it was of the fatal-\\nism of the Stoics or of Mohammed. On the contrary,\\nCalvinism exalted its votaries to a pitch of heroic\\nmoral energy that has never been surpassed and men\\nwho were bound to suppose themselves moving in\\nchains inexorably riveted, along a track ordained by a\\ndespotic and unseen Will before time began, have yet\\nexhibited an active courage, a resolute endurance, a\\ncheerful self-restraint, an exulting self-sacrifice, that\\nmen count among the highest glories of the human\\nconscience.\\nIt is interesting to think what is the secret of this\\nstrange effect of the doctrine of fatality; for that was\\nthe doctrine over which Cromwell brooded in his hours\\nof spiritual gloom, and on which he nourished his for-\\ntitude in days of fierce duress, of endless traverses and\\ntoils. Is it, as some have said, that people embraced a\\nrigorous doctrine because they were themselves by na-\\nture austere, absolute, stiff, just rather than merciful?", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "From the portrait atHinchinlirook, by Stone, after Van Dyck,\\nby permission of the Earl of Sandwich.\\nWILLIAM LAUD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBL RY.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 49\\nIs it, in other words, character that fixes creed,\\nor creed that fashions character? Or is there a brac-\\ning- and an exalting effect in the unrewarded moraHty\\nof Calvinism; in the doctrine that good works done in\\nview of future recompense have no merit in that obe-\\ndience to duty for its own sake which, in Calvin as in\\nKant, has been called one of the noblest efforts of hu-\\nman conscience toward pure virtue? Or, again, is\\nthere something invigorating and inspiring in the\\nthought of acting in harmony with eternal law, how-\\never grim of being no mere link in a chain of mechan-\\nical causation, but a chosen instrument in executing\\nthe sublime decrees of invincible power and infinite\\nintelligence? However we may answer all the in-\\nsoluble practical enigmas that confronted the Calvin-\\nist, just as for that matter they confront the philo-\\nsophic necessarian or determinist of to-day, Calvinism\\nwas the general theory through which Cromwell\\nlooked forth upon the world. That he ever argued it\\nout, or was of a turn of mind for arguing it out, we\\nneed not suppose. Without ascending to those clouded\\nand frowning heights, he established himself on the\\nsolid rock of Calvinistic faith that made their base.\\nSimplification is the key-word to the Reformation,\\nas it is to every other revolution with a moral core.\\nThe vast fabric of belief, practice, and w^orship w^hich\\nthe hosts of popes, doctors, schoolmen, founders of\\norders, the saints and sages in all their classes and\\ndegrees, had with strong brains and devout hearts\\nbuilt up in the life and imagination of so many cen-\\nturies, was brought back to the ideal of a single simpli-\\nfied relation God, the Bible, the conscience of the in-\\ndividual man, and nothing more nor beyond. The\\nsubstitution of the book for the church was the essence\\nof the Protestant revolt, and it was the essence of\\n4", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "50 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nCromwell s whole intellectual being. Like the Chris-\\ntian Cicero, twelve centuries before, he said We\\nwho are instructed in the science of truth by the Holy\\nScriptures know the beginning of the world and its\\nend.\\nCromwell s Bible was not what the Bible is to-day.\\nCriticism comparative, chronological, philological,\\nhistorical had not impaired its position as the direct\\nword of God, a single book, one and whole, one page\\nas inspired as another, one text as binding as another.\\nFaith in the literal construction of the word was pushed\\nto an excess as much resembling a true superstition or\\nover-belief, as anything imputed to the Catholics.\\nScience had set up no reign of law, nor hinted a doubt\\non the probabilities of miraculous intervention. No\\nphysical theories had dimmed faith in acts of specific\\ncreation, the aerial perspective and vistas of time were\\nvery primitive. Whatever happened, great or small,\\nwas due to wrath or favor from above. When an\\norgan was burned down in the new French church at\\nthe Hague, it was an omen of the downfall of popery\\nand prelacy. When the foreman superintending the\\nbuilding of a castle for the Queen at Bristol, fell from\\na ladder and broke his neck, it was a stupendous testi-\\nmony against the Scarlet Woman. Tiverton by hold-\\ning its market on a Monday made occasion for profan-\\ning the Lord s Day, and so the town was burned to the\\nground. Fishermen one Sabbath morning, the sun\\nshining hot upon the water, and a great company of\\nsalmon at play, were tempted to put forth, and they\\nmade a great draft, but God s judgment did not halt,\\nfor never more were fish caught there, and the neigh-\\nboring town was half ruined. People were tormented\\nby no misgivings, as Ranke says, how the secrets of\\ndivine things could be brought into such direct con-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 51\\nnection with the complications of human affairs.\\nThe God to whom Cromwell in heart as in speech ap-\\npealed was no stream of tendency, no super-naturalis-\\ntic hypothesis, no transcendental symbol or synthesis,\\nbut the Lord of Hosts of the Old Testament. The\\nsaints and Puritans were the chosen people. All the\\ndenunciations of the prophets against the oppressors\\nof Israel were applied to the letter against bishops and\\nprinces. And Moses and Joshua, Gideon and Barak,\\nSamson and Jephthah, were the antitypes of those who\\nnow in a Christian world thought themselves called,\\nlike those heroes of old time, to stop the mouths of\\nlions and turn to flight the armies of the aliens.\\nCromwell is never weary of proclaiming that the\\nthings that have come to pass have been the wonderful\\nworks of God, breaking the rod of the oppressor.\\nGreat place and business in the world, he says, is not\\nworth looking after he does not seek such things he\\nis called to them, and is not without assurance that the\\nLord will enable his poor worm to do his will and ful-\\nfil His generation. The vital thing is to fear unbelief,\\nself-seeking, confidence in the arm of flesh, and opin-\\nion of any instruments that they are other than as dry\\nbones. Of dogma he rarely speaks. Religion to him\\nis not dogma, but communion with a Being apart from\\ndogma. Seek the lord and his face continually, he\\nwrites to Richard Cromwell, his son; let this be the\\nbusiness of your life and strength, and let all things\\nbe subservient and in order to this. To Richard\\nMayor, the father of his son s wife, he says Truly\\nour work is neither from our own brains nor from our\\ncourage and strength but we follow the Lord who\\ngoeth before, and gather what he scattereth, that so\\nall may appear to be from him. Such is ever the re-\\nfrain, incessantly repeated, to his family, to the Parlia-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "52 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nment, on the homely occasions of domestic Hfe, in the\\ntime of public peril, in the day of battle, in the day of\\ncrowning victory this is the spirit by which his soul is\\npossessed. All work is done by a divine leading. He\\nexpresses lively indignation with the Scottish minis-\\nters, because they dared to speak of the battle of Dun-\\nbar, that marvelous dispensation, that mighty and\\nstrange appearance of God s, as a mere event. So.\\ntoo, he warns the Irish that if they resist they must ex-\\npect what the providence of God will cast upon them,\\nin that which is falsely called the Chance of War.\\nIll\\nTo displace Calvinism the aims of Laud and of wiser\\nmen than Laud required a new spiritual basis, and this\\nwas found in the doctrines of the Dutch Arminius.\\nThey had arisen in Holland at the beginning of the\\ncentury, marking there a liberal and rationalist reac-\\ntion against Calvinist rigor, and they were now wel-\\ncomed by the Laudians as bringing a needed keystone\\nto the quaking double arch of church and state. Ar-\\nminianism had been condemned at the Synod of Dort\\n(1619) but as a half-way house between Catholicism\\non the one hand and Calvinism on the other, it met a\\nwant in the minds of a rising generation in England\\nwho disliked Rome and Geneva equally, and sought to\\nfound an Anglo-Catholic school of their own. Laud\\nconcerned himself much less with the theology than\\nwith the latent politics of Arminianism. and in fact he\\nusually denied that he was an Arminian. He said, as\\nin truth many others in all times and places might have\\nsaid, that the question was one beyond his faculties.\\nIt was as statesman rather than as keeper of the faith", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 53\\nthat he discerned the bearings of the great Dutch\\nlieresy, which was to permeate the Church of England\\nfor many a generation to come. In Arminianism Pre-\\ndestination was countered by Free Will implacable\\nNecessity by room for merciful Contingency; Man the\\nMachine by Man the self-determining Agent, using\\nmeans, observing conditions. How it is that these\\nstrong currents and cross-currents of divinity land\\nmen at the two antipodes in politics, which seem out\\nof all visible relation with divinity, we need not here\\nattempt to trace. Unseen, non-logical, fugitive, and\\nsubtle are the threads and fine filaments of air that draw\\nopinion to opinion. They are like the occult affinities\\nof the alchemist, the curious sympathies of old phy-\\nsicians, or the attraction of hidden magnets. All his-\\ntory shows us how theological ideas abound in political\\naspects to match, and Arminianism, which in Holland\\nitself had sprung into vogue in connection with the\\npolitical dispute between Barneveldt and Prince Mau-\\nrice, rapidly became in England the corner-stone of\\nfaith in a hierarchy, a ceremonial church, and a mon-\\narchy. This is not the less true because in time the\\ncourse of events drew some of the Presbyterian pha-\\nlanx further away from Calvinism than they would\\nhave thought possible in earlier days, when, like other\\nPuritans, they deemed Arminianism no better than a\\nfore-court of popery, atheism, Socinianism, and all the\\nother unholy shrines. To the student of opinions\\nviewing the theological controversy of Cromwell s\\ntime with impartial eye, it is clear that, while Calvin-\\nism inspired incomparable energy, concentration, reso-\\nlution, the rival doctrine covered a wider range of\\nhuman nature, sounded more abiding depths, and com-\\nprehended better all the many varied conditions under\\nwhich the poor worm of Calvin and of Cromwell", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "54 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nstrives to make the best of itself and to work out the\\ndestinies of its tiny day. Truth, said Arminius,\\neven theological truth, has been sunk in a deep v^ell,\\nwhence it cannot be drawn forth without much effort.\\nThis the wise world has long found out. But these\\npensive sayings are ill suited for a time when the naked\\nsword is out of its sheath. Each side believed that it\\nwas the possessor at least of truth enough to fight for\\nand what is peculiar in the struggle is that each party\\nand sub-division of a party from King Charles down\\nto the Leveler and the Fifth Monarchy Man, held his\\nideal of a church inseparably bound up with his ideal\\nof the rightly ordered state.\\nIV\\nIn the sardonic dialogue upon these times which he\\ncalled Behemoth, Hobbes savs that it is not points\\nnecessary to salvation that have raised all the quarrels,\\nbut questions of authority and power over the church,\\nor of profit and honor to churchmen. In other words,\\nit has always been far less a question of what to be-\\nlieve, than of whom to believe. All human questions,\\neven those of theologians, have secret motives in the\\nconduct and character of those who profess them\\nNisard Hobbes view may be thought to lower the\\ndignity of conscience, yet he has many a chapter of\\nWestern history on his side. Disputes between ortho-\\ndox and heretic have mixed up with mysteries of the\\nfaith all the issues of mundane policy and secular in-\\nterest, all the strife of nationality, empire, party, race,\\ndynasty. A dogma becomes the watchword of a fac-\\ntion a ceremonial rite is made the ensign for the am-\\nbition of statesmen. The rival armies manceuver on", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 55\\nthe theological or the ecclesiastical field, but their im-\\npulse like their purpose is political or personal. It\\nwas so in the metaphysical conflicts that tore the world\\nin the third and fourth centuries of the Christian era,\\nand so it was in the controversies that swept over the\\nsixteenth century and the seventeenth.\\nThe center of the storm in England now came to be\\nthe question that has vexed Western Europe for so\\nmany generations down to this hour, the cjuestion who\\nis to control the law and constitution of the church.\\nThe Pope and the Councils, answered the Guelph; the\\nemperor answered the Ghibelline. This was in the\\nearly middle age. In England and France the ruling\\npower adopted a different line. There kings and law-\\nyers insisted that it was for the national or local gov-\\nernment to measure and limit the authority of the\\nnational branch of the church universal. The same\\nprinciple was followed by the first reformers in Ger-\\nmany and Switzerland, and by Henry VIII and Cran-\\nmer. Then came a third view, not Guelph, nor Ghib-\\nelline, nor Tudor. The need for concentration in\\nreligion had not disappeared it had rather become\\nmore practically urgent, for schism was followed by\\nheresy and theological libertinism. Calvin at Geneva\\na generation after Luther, claimed for the spiritual\\npower independence of the temporal, just as the Pope\\ndid, but he pressed another scheme of religious organi-\\nzation. Without positively excluding bishops, he\\nfavored the system by which the spiritual power was\\nto reside in a council of presbyters, partly ministers,\\npartly laymen. This was the scheme that the strenu-\\nous and powerful character of John Knox had suc-\\nceeded in stamping upon Scotland. It was also the\\nscheme that in England was the subject of the dispute\\nin Elizabeth s time between Cartwright and Whitgift,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "56 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand the main contention of that famous admonition of\\n1572 in which Puritanism is usually supposed to have\\nfirst taken definite shape. During the years when\\nCromwell was attending to his husiness at St. Ives, this\\nreorganization of the church upon the lines of the\\nPresbyterian churches abroad, marked the direction\\nin which serious minds were steadily looking. But\\nwith no violently revolutionary sense or intention.\\nThat slowly grew up with events. Decentralization was\\nthe key in church reform as in political reform; the\\nassociation of laity with bishops, as of commonalty\\nwith the king. Different church questions hovered in\\nmen s minds, sometimes vaguely, sometimes with pre-\\ncision, rising into prominence one day, dwindling away\\nthe next. Phase followed phase, and we call the whole\\nthe Puritan revolution, just as we give the name of\\nPuritan alike to Baxter and Hugh Peters, to the ugly\\nsuperstition of Nehemiah Wallington and the glory of\\nJohn Milton men with hardly a single leading trait in\\ncommon. The Synod of Dort (1619), which some\\ncount the best date for the origin of Puritanism, was\\ntwofold in its action it ratified election by grace, and\\nit dealt a resounding blow to episcopacy. Other topics\\nof controversy indeed abounded as time went on.\\nVestment and ceremonial, the surplice or the gown,\\nthe sign of the cross at baptism, altar or table, sitting\\nor kneeling, no pagan names for children, no anointing\\nof kings or bishops all these and similar things were\\nmatter of passionate discussion, veiling grave differen-\\nces of faith under what look like mere triflings about\\nindifferent form. But the power and station of the\\nbishop, his temporal prerogative, his coercive jurisdic-\\ntion, his usurping arrogance, his subserviences to the\\ncrown, were what made men s hearts hot within them.\\nThe grievance was not speculative but actual, not a", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE -:,7\\nthing of opinion but of experience and visible circum-\\nstance.\\nThe Reformation had barely touched the authority\\nof the ecclesiastical courts though it had rendered that\\nauthority dependent on the civic power. Down to the\\ncalling of the Long Parliament, the backslidings of the\\nlaity no less than of the clergy, in private morals no less\\nthan in public observance, were by these courts vigi-\\nlantly watched and rigorously punished. The penalties\\nwent beyond penitential impressions on mind and con-\\nscience, and clutched purse and person. The arch-\\ndeacon is the eye of the bishop, and his court was as\\nbusy as the magistrate at Bow Street. In the twelve\\nmonths ending at the date of the assembly of the Long\\nParliament, in the archdeacon s court in London no\\nfewer than two thousand persons were brought up for\\ntippling, sabbath-breaking, and incontinence. This\\nMoral Police of the Church, as it was called, and the\\nenergy of its discipline, had no small share in the un-\\npopularity of the whole ecclesiastical institution.\\nClarendon says of the clergymen of his day in well-\\nknown words, that they understand the least, and\\ntake the worst measure of human affairs, of all man-\\nkind that can write and read. In no age have they\\nbeen admired as magistrates or constables. The juris-\\ndiction of the court of bishop or archdeacon did not\\nexceed the powers of a Scottish kirk-session, but there\\nwas the vital difference that the Scotch court was\\ndemocratic in the foundation of its authority, while\\nthe English court was a privileged annex of monarchy.\\nIn loftier spheres the same aspirations after ecclesi-\\nastical control in temporal affairs waxed bold. An\\narchbishop was made chancellor of Scotland. Juxon,\\nthe Bishop of London, was made Lord High Trea-\\nsurer of England. No churchman, says Laud com-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "58 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nplacently, has had it since the time of Henry the\\nSeventh. The Chief Justice goes down to the assizes\\nin the west, and issues an injunction to the clergy to\\npubHsh certain judicial orders against feasts and\\nwakes. He is promptly called up by Laud for en-\\ncroaching on church jurisdiction. The king com-\\nmands the Chief Justice to recall the orders. He\\ndisobeys, and is again brought before the council,\\nwhere Laud gives him such a rating that he comes out\\nin tears.\\nf The issue was raised in its most direct form (No-\\nvember, 1628) in the imperious declaration that stands\\nprefixed to the thirty-nine articles in the Prayer Book\\nof this day. The church-goer of our time, as in a list-\\nless moment he may hit upon this dead page, should\\nknow what indignant fires it once kindled in the breasts\\nof his forefathers. To them it seemed the signal for\\nquenching truth, for silencing the inward voice, for\\nspreading darkness over the sanctuary of the soul.\\nThe king announces that it is his duty not to suffer un-\\nnecessary disputations or questions to be raised. He\\ncommands all further curious search beyond the true,\\nusual, literal meaning of the articles to be laid aside.\\nAny university teacher who fixes a new sense to one of\\nthe articles, will be visited by the displeasure of the\\nking and the censure of the church; and it is for the\\nconvocation of the bishops and clergy alone, with\\nlicense under the king s broad seal, to do whatever\\nmight be needed in respect of doctrine and discipline.\\nShortly before the accession of Charles the same\\nspirit of the hierarchy had shown itself in notable\\ninstructions. Nobody under a bishop or a dean was\\nto presume to preach in any general auditory the deep\\npoints of predestination, election, reprobation, or of\\nthe universality, resistibility, or irresistibility of divine", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "PURITANISM AND THE STATE 59\\ngrace. But then these were the very points that\\nthinking men were interested in. To remove them out\\nof the area of pnbhc discussion, while the declaration\\nabout the articles was meant in due time to strip them\\nof their Calvinistic sense, was to assert the royal su-\\npremacy in its most odious and intolerable shape. The\\nresult was what might have been expected. Sacred\\nthings and secular became one interest. Civil politics\\nand ecclesiastical grew to be the same. Tonnage and\\npoundage and predestination, ship-money and election,\\nhabeas corpus and justification by faith, all fell into\\nline. The control of Parliament over convocation was\\nas cherished a doctrine as its control over the ex-\\nchequer. As for toleration, this had hardly yet come\\ninto sight. Of respect for right of conscience as a\\nconviction, and for free discussion as a principle, there\\nwas at this stage hardly more on one side than on the\\nother. Without a qualm the very Parliament that\\nfought with such valor for the Petition of Right\\n(March, 1629) declared that anybody who should be\\nseen to extend or introduce any opinion, whether papis-\\ntical, Arminian, or other, disagreeing from the true\\nand orthodox church, should be deemed a capital\\nenemy of the kingdom and commonwealth.\\nIt was political and militar} events that forced a\\nrevolution in ecclesiastical ideas. Changing needs\\ngradually brought out the latent social applications of\\na Puritan creed, and on the double base rose a demo-\\ncratic party in a modern sense, the first in the history\\nof English politics. Until the middle of the seven-\\nteenth century independency was a designation hardly\\nused, and Cromwell himself at first rejected it, per-\\nhaps with the wise instinct of the practical statesman\\nagainst being too quick to assume a compromising\\nbadge before occasion positively forces. He was never", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "6o OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmuch of a democrat, but the same may be said of\\nmany, if not most, of those whom democracy has used\\nto do its business. Calvinism and Jacobinism sprang\\nahke from France, from the same land of absolute\\nideals, and Cromwell was in time already to hear in\\nfull blast from the grim lips of his military saints the\\nright of man as all the world knew them so well a hun-\\ndred and fifty years later.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE INTERIM\\nWENTWORTH said in his early days that it was\\nill contending with the king outside of Parha-\\nment. Acting on this maxim, the popular leaders,\\nwith the famous exception of Hampden, watched the\\nking s despotic courses for eleven years (1629-40)\\nwithout much public question. Duties were levied\\nby royal authority alone. Monopolies were extended\\nover all the articles of most universal consumption.\\nThe same sort of inquisition into title that Wentworth\\nhad practised m Ireland was applied in England, under\\ncircumstances of less enormity yet so oppressively that\\nthe people of quality and honor, as Clarendon calls\\nthem, upon whom the burden of such proceedings\\nmainly fell, did not forget it when the day of reckon-\\ning came. The Star Chamber, the Council, and the\\nCourt of High Commission, whose province affected\\naft airs ecclesiastical, widened the area of their arbi-\\ntrary jurisdiction, invaded the province of the regular\\ncourts, and inflicted barbarous punishments. Every-\\nbody knows the cases of Leighton, of Lilburne, of\\nPrynne, Burton, and Bastwick how for writing books\\nagainst prelacy, or play-acting, or Romish innovations\\nby church dignitaries, men of education and learned\\n61", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "62 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nprofessions were set in the pillory, had their ears cut\\noff, their noses slit, their cheeks branded, were heavily\\nfined, and flung into prison for so long as the king\\nchose to keep them there.\\nEven these gross outrages on personal right did less\\nto rouse indignation than the exaction of ship-money;\\nnor did the exaction of the impost itself create so much\\nalarm as the doctrines advanced by servile judges in\\nits vindication, using a logic that left no man any-\\nthing that he might call his own. The famous Italian\\nwho has earned so bad a name in the world for lower-\\ning the standards of public virtue and human self-\\nesteem, said that men sooner forget the slaying of a\\nfather than the taking of their property. But Charles,\\nwith the best will to play the Machiavellian if he had\\nknown how, never more than half learned the lessons\\nof the part.\\nThe general alarms led to passive resistance in\\nEssex, Devonshire, Oxfordshire. A stout-hearted\\nmerchant of the City of London brought the matter on\\na suit for false imprisonment before the King s Bench.\\nHere one of the judges actually laid down the doctrine\\nthat there is a rule of law and a rule of government, and\\nthat many things which might not be done by the rule\\nof law maybe done by the rule of government. In other\\nwords, law must be tempered by reason of state, which\\nis as good as to say no law. With more solemnity\\nthe lawfulness of the tax was argued in the famous\\ncase of John Hampden for a fortnight (1637) before\\nthe twelve judges in the Exchequer Chamber. The\\nresult was equally fatal to that principle of no taxation\\nwithout assent of Parliament, to which the king had\\nformally subscribed in passing the Petition of Right.\\nThe decision against Hampden contained the startling\\npropositions that no statute can bar a king of his", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE INTERIM 63\\nregality; that statutes taking away his royal power in\\ndefense of his kingdom are void and that the king has\\nan absolute authority to dispense with any law in cases\\nof necessity, and of this necessity he must be the judge.\\nThis decision has been justly called one of the great\\nevents of English history.\\nBoth the system of government and its temper\\nwr^re designated by Strafford and Laud under the cant\\nwatchword of Thorough. As a system it meant per-\\nsonal rule in the state, and an authority beyond the law\\ncourts in the church. In respect of political temper it\\nmeant the prosecution of the system through thick and\\nthin, without fainting or flinching, without half-meas-\\nures or timorous stumbling; it meant vigilance, dex-\\nterity, relentless energy. Such was Thorough. The\\ncounter-watchword w as as good. If this was the bat-\\ntle-cry of the court, Root-and^Branch gradually be-\\ncame the inspiring principle of reform as it un-\\nconsciously drifted into revolution. Things w-ent\\ncuriously slowly. The country in the face of this con-\\nspiracy against law and usage lay to all appearance\\nprofoundly still. No active resistance was attempted,\\nor even w^hispered. Pym kept unbroken silence. Of\\nCromwell we have hardly a glimpse, and he seems to\\nhave taken the long years of interregnum as patiently\\nas most of his neighbors. After some short unquiet-\\nness of the people, says Clarendon, there quickly fol-\\nlowed so excellent a composure throughout the whole\\nkingdom that the like peace and tranquillity for ten\\nyears was never enjoyed by any nation. As we shall\\nsee, when after eleven years of misgovernment a Par-\\nliament was chosen, it was found too moderate for its\\nwork.\\nIt was in his native country that Charles first came\\ninto direct conflict with the religious fervor that was", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "64 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nto destroy him. It only needed a spark to set in flames\\nthe fabric that king and archbishop were striving to\\nrear in England. This spark flew over the border\\nfrom Scotland, where Charles and Laud played with\\nfire. In Scotland the Reformation had been a popular\\nmovement, springing from new and deepened religious\\nexperience and sense of individual responsibility in the\\nhearts and minds of the common people. Bishops had\\nnot ceased to exist, but their authority was little more\\nthan shadow. By the most fatal of the many infatu-\\nations of his life, Charles tried (1637) to make the\\nshadow substance, and to introduce canons and a ser-\\nvice-book framed by Laud and his friends in England.\\nInfatuation as it was, policy was the prompter.\\nCharles, Strafford, and Laud all felt that the bonds\\nbetween the three kingdoms were dangerously loose,\\nslender, troublesome, and uncertain. As Cromwell\\ntoo perceived when his time came, so these three\\nunderstood the need for union on closer terms between\\nEngland, Scotland, and Ireland, and in accordance\\nwith the mental fashion of the time they regarded\\necclesiastical uniformity as the key to political unity.\\nSome Scottish historians have held that the royal in-\\nnovations might have secured silent and gradual acqui-\\nescence in time, if no compulsion had been used. Pa-\\ntience, alas, is the last lesson that statesmen, rulers, or\\npeoples can be brought to learn. As it was the rugged\\nScots broke out in violent revolt, and it spread like\\nflame through their kingdom. Almost the whole\\nnation hastened to subscribe that famous National\\nCovenant (February 27, 1638), which, even as we\\nread it in these cool and far-off days, is still vibrating\\nand alive with all the passion, the faithfulness, the\\nwrath, that inspired the thousands of stern fanatics", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE INTERIM 65\\nwho set their hands to it. Its fierce enumeration of\\nthe ahhorrecl doctrines and practices of Rome, its scorn-\\nful maledictions on them, are hot with the same lurid\\nflame as glows in the retaliatory lists of heresy issued\\nfrom age to age from Rome itself. It is in this Na-\\ntional Covenant of 1638 that we find ourselves at the\\nheart and central fire of militant Puritanism of the\\nseventeenth century.\\nIt is a curious thing that people in England were so\\nlittle alive to what was going on in Scotland until\\nthe storm broke. Nobody cared to know anything\\nabout Scotland, and they were both more interested\\nand better informed as to what was passing in Ger-\\nmany or Poland than what happened across the border.\\nThe king handled Scotch affairs himself, with two or\\nthree Scotch nobles, and things had come to extrem-\\nities before he opened them either to his counselors or\\nto the public in England. An armed force of coven-\\nanted Scots was set in motion toward the border. The\\nking advanced to York, and there heard such news of\\nthe obstinacy of the rebels, of the disaffection of his\\nown men to the quarrel, and of mischief that might\\nfollow from too close intercourse between Scots and\\nEnglish, that in his bewilderment he sanctioned the\\npacification of Berwick (June, 1639). Disputes arose\\nupon its terms; the Scots stubbornly extended their\\ndemands; Richelieu secretly promised help. Charles\\nsummoned Strafford to his side from Ireland, and that\\nhaughty counselor told him that the Scots must be\\nv/hipped into their senses again. Then (March, 1640)\\nhe crossed back to Ireland for money and troops. War\\nbetween the king and his Scots was certain, and it was\\nthe necessities of this war that led to the first step in\\nsaving the freedom of England.\\n5", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "66 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nII\\nThe king, in straits that left him no choice, sought\\naid from ParHament. The Short ParHament, that\\nnow assembled, definitely opens the first great chapter\\nof the Revolution. After twenty years the Restor-\\nation closed it. Eighteen of these years are the public\\nlife of Cromwell. The movement, it is true, that\\nseemed to begin in 1640, itself flowed from forces that\\nhad been slowly gathering since the death of Elizabeth,\\njust as the Restoration closing one chapter prepared\\nanother that ended in 1688. But the twenty years\\nfrom 1640 to 1660 mark a continuous journey, with\\ndefinite beginning and end.\\nCromwell was chosen one of the two members for\\nthe borough of Cambridge, the greatest part of the\\nburgesses being present in the hall. The Short Par-\\nliament sat only for three weeks (April 13 to May 5),\\nand its first proceeding disclosed that eleven years had\\nnot cooled the quarrel. But the new Parliament was\\nessentially moderate and loyal, and this, as I have said,\\nis another proof how little of general exasperation the\\neleven years of misrule without a Parliament had pro-\\nduced. The veteran Coke was dead. Wentworth\\nfrom firm friend had turned fierce enemy. Sir John\\nEliot was gone. The rigors of his prison-house in the\\nTower could not break that dauntless spirit, but they\\nkilled him. The king knew well what he was doing,\\nand even carried his vindictiveness beyond death.\\nEliot s young son petitioned the king that he might\\ncarry the remains to Cornwall to lie with those of his\\nancestors. Charles wrote on the petition Let Sir\\nJohn Eliot s body be buried in the parish of that church\\nwhere he died and his ashes lay unmarked in the\\nchapel of the Tower.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE INTERIM ^j\\nEliot s comrades were left with Pyin at their head,\\nand before long they warned the king in words des-\\ntined to bear a terrible meaning that Eliot s blood still\\ncried for vengeance or for repentance. The case had\\nto some extent passed out of the hands of lawyers like\\nSelden and antiquaries like Cotton. Burke, in deal-\\ning with the American Revolution, makes some\\nweighty comments upon the fact that the greater num-\\nber of the deputies sent to the first Revolutionary Con-\\ngress were lawyers and the legal character of the\\nvindication of civil freedom from the accession of\\nJames I or earlier, was not wholly lost at Westminster\\nuntil the death of Charles I. But just as the lawyers\\nhad eclipsed the authority of the churchmen, so now\\nthey were themselves displaced by country gentlemen\\nwith gifts of Parliamentary statesmanship. Of this\\nnew type Pym was a commanding instance. Pym was\\nnot below Eliot in zeal, and he was better than Eliot\\nin measure, in judgment, and in sagacious instinct for\\naction. He instantly sounded the note. The redress\\nof grievances must go before the grant of a shilling\\neither for the Scotch war or anything else. The claim\\nof Parliament over prerogative was raised in louder\\ntones than had ever been heard in English constitu-\\ntional history before. The king supposed that his\\nproof that the Scots were trying to secure aid from\\nFrance would kindle the flame of old national antipa-\\nthies. England loved neither Frenchmen nor Scots.\\nNations, for that matter, do not often love one another.\\nBut the English leaders knew the emergency, knew\\nthat the cause of the Scots was their own, and were as\\nready to seek aid from Frenchmen as their successors a\\ngeneration later were to seek aid from Dutchmen.\\nThe perception every hour became clearer that the\\ncause of the Scots was the cause of England, and with", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "68 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwise courage the patriots resolved to address the king\\nagainst a war with his Scottish subjects. When this\\nintention reached his ears, though he must have fore-\\nseen a move so certain to fit the ParHamentary tactics\\nof the hour, Charles flew into a passion, called a coun-\\ncil for six o clock the next morning, and apparently\\nwith not more than the hesitating approval of Straf-\\nford, hurriedly determined to dissolve the Parliament.\\nAs usual with him this important decision was due to\\nlevity, and not to calculation. Before night he found\\nout his mistake, and was impatiently asking whether\\nhe could not recall the body that he had just dismissed.\\nThe spirits of his opponents rose. Things, they\\nargued, must be worse before they could be better.\\nThis Parliament, they said, would never have done\\nwhat was necessary to be done. Another Parliament\\nwas inevitable then their turn at last would come\\nthen they would meet the king and his ministers with\\ntheir own daring watchword; then in good earnest\\nthey would press on for Thorough with another and\\nan unexpected meaning. For six months the king s\\nposition became every day more desperate. All the\\nwheels of prerogative were set in motion to grind out\\ngold. The sheriffs and the bailiffs squeezed only\\ndriblets of ship-money. Even the judges grew un-\\neasy. Charles urged the City for loans, and threw\\naldermen into prison for refusing but the City was the\\nPuritan stronghold, and was not to be frightened.\\nHe begged from France, from Spain, from the\\nmoneyed men of Genoa, and even from the Pope of\\nRome. But neither pope nor king nor banker would\\nlend to a borrower who had no security, financial,\\nmilitary, or political. He tried to debase the coinage,\\nbut people refused in fury to take copper for silver or\\nthreepence for a shilling.\\nIt was idle for Strafford to tell either the London", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE INTERIM 69\\ncitizens or the Privy Council of the unsparing devices\\nby which the King of France filled his treasury.\\nWhether, if Charles had either himself possessed the\\niron will, the capacious grasp, the deep craft and policy\\nof Richelieu, or had committed himself wholly into the\\nhands of Strafford, who was endowed with some of\\nRichelieu s essentials of mastery, the final event would\\nhave been different, is an interesting problem for his-\\ntoric rumination. As it was, the whole policy of\\nThorough fell into ruins. The trained bands were\\ncalled out and commissions of array were issued, but\\nthey only spread distraction. The convocation of the\\nclergy heightened the general irritation, not only by\\ncontinuing against the constitution to sit after the\\nParliament had disappeared, but by framing new\\ncanons about the eastern position and other vexed\\npoints of ceremony by proclaiming the order of kings\\nto be sacred and of divine right and finally by winding\\nup their unlawful labors with the imposition upon\\nlarge orders of important laymen of an oath never to\\nassent to alter the government of the church by arch-\\nbishops, bishops, deans, etc. an unhappy and ran-\\ndom conclusion that provoked much rude anger and\\nderision. This proceeding raised in its most direct\\nform the central question whether under cover of the\\nroyal supremacy the clergy were to bear rule indepen-\\ndent of Parliament. Even Laud never carried impolicy\\nfurther. Rioters threatened the palace at Lambeth,\\nand the archbishop, though no coward, was forced to\\nflee for refuge to Whitehall. Meanwhile the king s\\nmilitary force, disaffected, ill disciplined, ill paid, and\\nill accoutred, w^as no match for the invaders. The\\nScots crossed the Tyne, beat the English at Newburn\\n(August 28), occupied Newcastle, and pushed on to\\nDurham and the Tees. There seemed to be nothing\\nto hinder their march to London, wrote an observer;", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a2JO OLIVER CROMWELL\\npeople were distracted as if the day of judgment were\\nhourly expected.\\nCharles again recalled Strafford from Ireland, and\\nthat courageous genius acquired as much ascendancy\\nas the levity of the king would allow. Never came\\nany man, he says, to so lost a business the army alto-\\ngether unexercised and unprovided of all necessaries,\\nthe horse all cowardly, a universal affright in all, a\\ngeneral disaffection to the king s service, none sen-\\nsible of his dishonor. Nothing could be gloomier.\\nA Parliament could not be avoided, as Pym and his\\nfriends had foreseen, and they brought to bear, both\\nthrough their allies among the peers and by popular\\npetitions, a pressure that Charles was powerless to\\nresist. On the very eve of the final resolve, the king\\nhad some reason to suspect that what had already hap-\\npened in Scotland might easily happen in England,\\nand that if he did not himself call a Parliament, one\\nwould be held without him.\\nThe calling of the Long Parliament marked for the\\nking his first great humiliation. The depth of the\\nhumiliation only made future conflict more certain.\\nEverybody knew that even without any deep-laid or\\nsinister design Charles s own instability of nature, the\\nsecret convictions of his conscience, the intrinsic plau-\\nsibilities of ancestral kingship, and the temptation of\\naccident, would surely draw him on to try his fortune\\nagain. What was in appearance a step toward har-\\nmonious cooperation for the good government of the\\nthree kingdoms, was in truth the set opening of a des-\\nperate pitched battle, and it is certain that neither king\\nnor Parliament had ever counted up the chances of the\\nfuture. Some would hold that most of the conspicu-\\nous political contests of history have been undertaken\\nupon the like uncalculating terms.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nTHE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nTHE elections showed how Charles had failed to\\ngage the humor of his people. Nearly three hun-\\ndred of the four hundred and ninety members who had\\nsat in the Short Parliament were chosen over again.\\nNot one of those who had then made a mark in oppo-\\nsition was rejected, and the new members were be-\\nlieved almost to a man to belong in one degree or\\nanother to the popular party. Of the five hundred\\nnames that made up the roll of the House of Commons\\nat the beginning of the Long Parliament, the counties\\nreturned only ninety-one, while the boroughs returned\\nfour hundred and five, and it was in the boroughs that\\nhostility to the policy of the court was the sharpest.\\nYet few of the Commons belonged to the trading class.\\nIt could not be otherwise when more than four fifths of\\nthe population lived in the country, when there were\\nonly four considerable towns outside of London, and\\nwhen the rural classes were supreme. A glance at the\\nlist shows us Widdringtons and Fenwicks from North-\\numberland; Curzons from Derbyshire; Curwens froin\\nCumberland; Ashtons, Leighs, Shuttleworths, Bridg-\\nmans, from Lancashire; Lyttons and Cecils from\\nHerts Derings and Knatchbulls from Kent Ingrams,\\nn", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "T2 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nWentworths, Cholmeleys, Danbys, Fairfaxes, from the\\nthirty seats in Yorkshire; Grenvilles, Edgcombes,\\nBullers, Rolles, Godolphins, Vyvyans, Northcotes,\\nTrevors, Carews, from the four-and-forty boroughs\\nof Cornwall.\\nThese and many another historic name make the list\\nto-day read like a catalogue of the existing county fam-\\nilies, and it is hardly an exaggeration to say that the\\nHouse of Lords now contains a smaller proportion of\\nancient blood than the famous lineages that figure in\\nthe roll of the great revolutionary House of Commons.\\nIt was essentially an aristocratic and not a popular\\nhouse, as became only too clear five or six years later,\\nwhen Levelers and Soldiers came into the field of poli-\\ntics. The Long Parliament was made up of the very\\nflower of the English gentry and the educated laity.\\nA modern conservati\\\\ e writer describes as the great\\nenigma, the question how this phalanx of country\\ngentlemen, of the best blood of England, belonging to\\na class of strongly conservative instincts and remark-\\nable for their attachment to the crown, should have\\nbeen for so long the tools of subtle lawyers and repub-\\nlican theorists, and then have ended by acquiescing\\nin the overthrow of the Parliamentary constitution, of\\nwhich they had proclaimed themselves the defenders.\\nIt is curious too how many of the leaders came from\\nthat ancient seat of learning which was so soon to be-\\ncome and for so long remained the center of all who\\nheld for church and king. Selden was a member for\\nthe University of Oxford, and Pym, Fiennes, Marten,\\nVane, were all of them Oxford men, as well as Hyde,\\nFalkland, Digby, and others who in time passed over\\nto the royal camp. A student of our day has re-\\nmarked that these men collectively represented a\\nlarger relative proportion of the best intellect of the", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "From the portrait by Gerard Soest in the\\nNational Portrait Gallery.\\nEDWARD HYDE,\\nFIRST EARL OF CLARENDON.\\nFrom the original portrait at Chequers\\nCourt, by permission of\\nMrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nLUCIUS GARY, VISCOUNT FALKLAND.\\nAfter a portrait by Van Dyck.\\nGEORGE DIGBY, EARL OF BRISTOL.\\nAfter a portrait by Lely, engraved by\\nVertue.\\nJOHN SELDEN.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT 73\\ncountry, of its energy and talents, than is looked for\\nnow in the House of Commons. Whatever may be\\nthe reply to the delicate question so stated, it is at any\\nrate true that of Englishmen then alive and of mature\\npowers only two famous names are missing, Milton and\\nHobbes. When the Parliament opened Dryden was\\na boy at Westminster School the future author of\\nPilgrim s Progress, a lad of twelve, was mending\\npots and kettles in Bedfordshire and Locke, the future\\ndefender of the emancipating principles that now put\\non practical shape and power, was a boy of eight.\\nNewton was not born until 1642, a couple of months\\nafter the first clash of arms at Edgehill.\\nIn the early days of the Rebellion the peers had\\nwork to do not any less important than the Commons,\\nand for a time, though they had none of the spirit of\\nthe old barons at Runnymede, they were in tolerable\\nagreement with the views and temper of the lower\\nHouse. The temporal peers were a hundred and\\ntwenty-three, and the lords spiritual twenty-six, of\\nwhom, however, when the Parliament got really to\\nbusiness, no more than eighteen remained. Alike in\\npublic spirit and in attainments the average of the\\nHouse of Lords was undoubtedly high. Like other\\naristocracies in the seventeenth century, the English\\nnobles were no friends to high-flying ecclesiastical pre-\\ntensions, and like other aristocrats they were not with-\\nout many jealousies and grievances of their own\\nagainst the power of the crown. Another remark is\\nworth making. Either history or knowledge of hu-\\nman nature might teach us that great nobles often take\\nthe popular side without dropping any of the preten-\\nsions of class in their hearts, and it is not mere peevish-\\nness when the royalist historian says that Lord Say\\nand Sele was as proud of his quality and as pleased to", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "74 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nbe distinguished from others by his title as any man\\naHve.\\nOHver Cromwell was again returned for the bor-\\nough of Cambridge. The extraordinary circumstance\\nhas been brought out that at the meeting of the Long\\nParliament Cromwell and Hampden between them\\ncould count no fewer than seventeen relatives and con-\\nnections; and by 1647 the figure had risen from seven-\\nteen to twenty-three. When the day of retribution\\ncame eight years later, out of the fifty-nine names on\\nthe king s death-warrant, ten were kinsmen of Oliver,\\nand out of the hundred and forty of the king s judges\\nsixteen were more or less closely allied to him. Oliver\\nwas now in the middle of his forty-second year, and his\\ndays of homely peace had come once for all to an end.\\nEverybody knows the picture of him drawn by\\na young Royalist; how one morning he perceived a\\ngentleman speaking, very ordinarily appareled in a\\nplain cloth suit made by an ill country tailor, with plain\\nlinen, not very clean, and a speck or two of blood upon\\nhis little band his hat without a hatband his stature\\nof a good size; his sword stuck close to his side; his\\ncountenance swollen and reddish his voice sharp and\\nuntunable, his eloquence full of fervor. Says this\\ntoo fastidious observer, I sincerely profess it lessened\\nmuch my reverence unto that great council, for this\\ngentleman was very much hearkened unto.\\nAnother recorder of the time describes his body\\nas well compact and strong his stature of the average\\nheight his head so shaped as you might see in it both\\na storehouse and shop of a vast treasury of natural\\nparts. His temper exceeding fiery; but the flame of\\nit kept down for the most part, is soon allayed v/ith\\nthese moral endowments he had. He was naturally", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT 75\\ncompassionate toward objects in distress, even to an\\neffeminate measure though God had made him a heart\\nwherein was left Httle room for any fear but what was\\ndue to Himself, of which there was a large proportion,\\nyet did he exceed in tenderness toward sufferers.\\nWhen he delivered his mind in the House, says a\\nthird, going beyond the things that catch the visual\\neye, it was with a strong and masculine excellence,\\nmore able to persuade than to be persuaded. His ex-\\npressions were hardy, opinions resolute, asseverations\\ngrave and vehement, always intermixed (Andronicus-\\nlike) with sentences of Scripture, to give them the\\ngreater weight, and the better to insinuate into the\\naffections of the people. He expressed himself with\\nsome kind of passion, but with such a commanding,\\nwise deportment till, at his pleasure, he governed and\\nswayed the House, as he had most times the leading\\nvoice. Those who find no such wonders in his speeches\\nmay find it in the effect of them.\\nWe have yet another picture of the inner qualities\\nof the formidable man, drawn by the skilled pencil of\\nClarendon. In the early days of the Parliament,\\nCromwell sat on a Parliamentary committee to ex-\\namine a case of inclosure of waste in his native county.\\nThe townsmen, it was allowed, had come in a riotous\\nand warlike manner with sound of drum and had\\nbeaten down the obnoxious fences. Such doings have\\nbeen often heard of, but perhaps not half so often as\\nthey should have been, even down to our own day.\\nLord Manchester, the purchaser of the lands inclosed,\\nissued writs against the offenders, and at the same time\\nboth he and the aggrieved commoners presented peti-\\ntions to Parliament. Cromwell moved for a refer-\\nence to a committee. Hyde was chairman, and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "y6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nafterward was often heard to describe the demeanor\\nof his turbulent colleague. The scene brings Oliver\\ntoo vividly before us ever to be omitted.\\nCromwell, says Hyde, ordered the witnesses and petitioners\\nin the method of the proceeding, and seconded and enlarged\\nupon what they said with great passion; and the witnesses\\nand persons concerned, who were a very rude kind of people,\\ninterrupted the council and witnesses on the other side with\\ngreat clamour when they said anything that did not please\\nthem so that Mr. Hyde was compelled to use some sharp re-\\nproofs and some threats to reduce them to such a temper that\\nthe business might be quietly heard. Cromwell, in great fury,\\nreproached the chairman for being partial, and that he dis-\\ncountenanced the witnesses by threatening them; the other\\nappealed to the committee, which justified him, and declared\\nthat he behaved himself as he ought to do which more in-\\nflamed him [Cromwell] who was already too much angry.\\nWhen upon any mention of matter of fact, or of the proceed-\\ning before and at the enclosure, the Lord Mandevil desired\\nto be heard, and with great modesty related what had been\\ndone, or explained what had been said, Mr. Cromwell did\\nanswer and reply upon him with so much indecency and\\nrudeness, and in language so contrary and offensive, that\\nevery man would have thought that, as their natures and\\ntheir manners were as opposite as it was possible, so their\\ninterest could never have been the same. In the end, his\\nwhole carriage was so tempestuous, and his behaviour so\\ninsolent, that the chairman found himself obliged to repre-\\nhend him, and tell him that if he, Mr. Cromwell, proceeded\\nin the same manner, he, Mr. Hyde, would presently adjourn\\nthe committee, and the next morning complain to the House\\nof him.\\nSuch was the outer Cromwell.\\nThe twofold impulse of the times has been already", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "From the copy in the National Portrait Gallery\\nof the original portrait by Van Dyck.\\nTHOMAS WEXTWORTH, EARL OF STRAFFORD.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT 77\\nindicated, and here is Cromwell s exposition of it: Of\\nthe two greatest concernments that God hath in the\\nworld, the one is that of religion and of the preserva-\\ntion of the professors of it; to give them all due and\\njust liberty and to assert the truth of God. The other\\nthing cared for is the civic liberty and interest of the\\nnation. Which, though it is, and I think it ought to\\nbe, subordinate to the more peculiar interest of God,\\nyet it is the next best God hath given men in this\\nworld; and if well cared for, it is better than any rock\\nto fence men in their other interests. Besides, if any\\nwhosoever think the interests of Christians and the in-\\nterest of the nation inconsistent, I wish my soul may\\nnever enter into their secrets.\\nFirm in his belief in direct communion with God, a\\nsovereign Power unseen; hearkening for the divine\\nvoice, his steps guided by the divine hand, yet he\\nmoved full in the world and in the life of the world.\\nOf books, as we have seen, he knew little. Of the yet\\nmore invigorating education of responsible contact\\nwith large affairs, he had as yet had none. Into men\\nand the ways of men, he had enjoyed no opportunity\\nof seeing far. Destined to be one of the most famous\\nsoldiers of his time, he had completed two thirds of his\\nallotted span, and yet he had never drilled a troop, nor\\nseen a movement in a fight or the leaguer of a stronghold\\nor a town. He was both cautious and daring; both\\npatient and swift; both tender and fierce; both sober\\nand yet willing to face tremendous risks both cool in\\nhead and yet with a flame of passion in his heart. Plis\\nexterior rough and unpolished, and with an odd turn\\nfor rustic buffooneries, he had the quality of directing\\na steady, penetrating gaze into the center of a thing.\\nNature had endowed him with a povx^er of keeping his\\nown counsel, that was sometimes to pass for dissimu-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "78 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nlation; a keen eye for adjusting means to ends, that\\nwas often taken for craft; and a high-hearted insis-\\ntence on determined ends, that by those who love to\\nthink the worst was counted as guiky ambition. The\\nfoundation of the whole was a temperament of energy,\\nvigor, resolution. Cromwell was one of the men who\\nare born to force great causes to the proof.\\nII\\nBefore this famous Parliament had been many days\\nassembled, occurred one of the most dramatic moments\\nin the history of English freedom. Strafford was at\\nthe head of the army at Yori:. When a motion for a\\ngrand committee on Irish affairs had been carried, his\\nfriends in London felt that it was he who was struck\\nat, and by an express they sent him peremptory warn-\\ning. His friends at York urged him to stay where he\\nwas. The king and queen, however, both pressed him\\nto come, and both assured him that if he came he\\nshould not suffer in his person, his honor, or his for-\\ntune. Strafford, well knowing his peril but un-\\ndaunted, quickly posted up to London, resolved to\\nimpeach his enemies of high treason for inviting the\\nScots into the kingdom. Historians may argue for-\\never about the legalities of what had happened, but the\\ntwo great actors were under no illusions. The only\\nquestion was who should draw his sword first and get\\nhome the swiftest thrust. The game was a terrible\\none with fierce stakes, my Jicad or thy head; and Pym\\nand Strafford knew it.\\nThe king received his minister with favor, and again\\nswore that he would protect him. No king s word\\nwas ever worse kept. Strafford next morning went", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT 79\\ndown to the House of Lords, and was received with\\nexpressions of honor and observance. Unluckily for\\nhim, he was not ready with his articles of charge, and\\nin a few hours it was too late. That afternoon the\\nblow was struck. Pym, who had as marked a genius\\nfor quick and intrepid action as any man that ever sat\\nin the House of Commons, rose and said there was\\nmatter of weight to be imparted. The lobby without\\nwas quickly cleared, the door was locked, and the key\\nlaid upon the table. The discussion on Strafford s\\nmisdeeds in Ireland, and in his government as presi-\\ndent of the north, went on until between four and five\\nin the afternoon. Then Pym, with some three hun-\\ndred members behind him, passed through a throng\\nwho had been gathered by the tidings that new things\\nwere on foot, and on reaching the bar of the House of\\nLords he told them that by virtue of a command from\\nthe Commons in Parliament, and in the name of all\\nthe Commons of England, he accused Thomas, Earl of\\nStrafford, of high treason, and desired his committal\\nto prison for a very few days until they produced the\\narticles and grounds of their accusation. Strafford\\nwas in the palace at Whitehall during these proceed-\\nings. The news fell like a thunderbolt upon his\\nfriends around him, but he kept a composed and con-\\nfident demeanor. I will go, he said, and look mine\\naccusers in the face. With speed he comes to the\\n^ouse; he calls rudely at the door; the keeper of the\\nblack rod opens; his lordship, with a proud, glooming\\ncountenance, makes toward his place at the board-\\nhead; but at once many bid him rid the House.\\nWhen the Lords had settled their course, he was re-\\ncalled, commanded to kneel at the bar, and informed of\\nthe nature- of his delinquency. He went away in\\ncustody. Thus he, whose greatness in the morning", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "8o OLIVER CROMWELL\\nowned a power over two kingdoms, in tlie evening\\nstraightened his person betwixt two walls. From\\nthe Tower, whither he was speedily conveyed, he\\nwrote to his wife\\nAlbeit all be done against me that art and malice can devise,\\nwith all the rigour possible, yet I am in great inward quietness,\\nand a strong belief God will deliver me out of all these troubles.\\nThe more I look into my case, the more hope I have, and sure\\nif there be any honour and justice left, my life will not be in\\ndanger and for anything else, time, I trust, will salve any other\\nhurt which can be done me. Therefore hold up your heart,\\nlook to the children and your house, let me have your prayers,\\nand at last, by God s good pleasure we shall have our de-\\nliverance.\\nThe business lasted for some five months. The actual\\ntrial began on March 22 (1641), and went on for\\nfourteen days. The memorable scene was the asser-\\ntion on the grandest scale of the deep-reaching prin-\\nciple of the responsibility of ministers, and it was the\\nopening of the last and greatest of the civil wars with-\\nin the kingdom. A shrewd eye-witness has told us\\nhow people began to assemble at five in the morning,\\nand filled the hall by seven; how the august culprit\\ncame at eight, sometimes excusing delay by contrari-\\nety of wind and tide, in a barge from the Tower with a\\nguard of musketeers and halberdiers, and he usually\\nfound the king half an hour before him in an un-\\nofficial box by the side of the queen. It was daily,\\nsays Baillie the Covenanter, the most glorious as-\\nsembly the isle can afford yet the gravity not such as\\nI expected oft great clamour without about the doors\\nin the intervals while Strafford was making ready for\\nanswers, the Lords got always to their feet, walked", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "EXPLANATION OF THE LETTERS ON THE PRINT SHOWING THE TRVE\\nMANER OF THE SITTING OF THE LORDS COMMONS OF BOTH\\nHOWSES OF PARLIAMENT VPON THE TRYAL OF THOMAS EARLE OF\\nSTRAFFORD, LORD LIEVTENANT OF IRELAND.\\nA, the King s mai B, his feate offtate; C, the Queenes mai D,\\nthe Prince his highnes E, Thomas Earle of Arundell, Lord high Steward\\nof England; F, the Lord Keeper G, the Lord Marques of Winchefter;\\nH, the Lord high Chamberlaine of England; I, the Lord Chamberlaine of\\nhis Mai houfhold K, the Lord cheefe luftice of the Kings bench L,\\n2 Pryui Councellors M, the M of the rolls N, the ludges and Barons\\nof the Exchequer O, the M of the Chancery P, the Earles Q, the Vice-\\ncounts R, the Barons S, the Knights, Cittizens, burgefes of the howfe\\nof Commons T, the Clarkes; V, the Earle of Strafford; W, the Lieutenant\\nof the Tower; X, the Plaintiues Y, the Deputis councell officers Z, the\\nCountes of Arundell; -f the eldeft Sonnes of fome of the Nobility.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT 8i\\nand clattered; the lower house men too loud clatter-\\ning; after ten hours, much public eating, not only of\\nconfections but of flesh and bread, bottles of beer and\\nwine going thick from mouth to mouth without cups,\\nand all this in the king s eye.\\nWith the impeachment of Strafford the whole posi-\\ntion comes directly into view. He divided universal\\nhatred with his confederate the archbishop, who had\\nbeen impeached a few days after himself. He was the\\nsymbol and impersonation of all that the realm had for\\nmany long years suffered under. In England the\\nname of Strafford stood for lawless exactions, arbi-\\ntrary courts, the free quartering of troops, and the\\nstanding menace of a papist enemy from the other side\\nof St. George s Channel. The Scots execrated him as\\nthe instigator of energetic war against their country\\nand their church. Ireland in all its ranks and classes\\nhaving through its Parliament applauded him as a\\nbenefactor, now with strange versatility cursed him as\\na tyrant. It was the weight of all these converging\\nanimosities that destroyed him. Three whole king-\\ndoms, says a historian of the time, were his accusers,\\nand eagerly sought in one death a recompense of all\\ntheir sufferings.\\nViewed as a strictly judicial proceeding, the trial of\\nStrafford was as hollow as the yet more memorable\\ntrial in the same historic hall eight years later. The\\nexpedients for a conviction that satisfied our Lords\\nand Commons were little better than the expedients of\\nthe Revolutionary tribunal in Jacobin Paris at the close\\nof the next century. The charges were vague, gen-\\neral, and saturated with questionable inference. The\\nevidence, on any rational interpretation of the facts,\\nwas defective at almost every point. That Strafford\\n6", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "82 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhad been guilty of treason in any sense in which a\\nsound tribunal going upon strict law could have con-\\nicted him, nobody now maintains or perhaps even\\nthen maintained. Oliver St. John, in arguing the at-\\ntainder before the Lords, put the real point. Why\\nshould he have law himself who would not that others\\nshould have any? We indeed give laws to hares and\\ndeer, because they are beasts of chase; but we give\\nnone to wolves and foxes, but knock them on the head\\nwherever they are found, because they are beasts of\\nprey. This was the whole issue not law, but my\\nhead or thy head. In revolutions it has often been\\nthat there is nothing else for it and there was nothing\\nelse for it here. But the revolutionary axe is double-\\nedged, and so men found it when the Restoration\\ncame.\\nMeanwhile, the one thing for Pym was to make sure.\\nThat Strafford designed to subvert what, in the opin-\\nion of the vast majority of Englishmen, were the fun-\\ndamental liberties of the realm, there was no moral\\ndoubt though there was little legal proof. That he\\nhad earned the title of a public enemy that his con-\\ntinued eligibility for a place in the counsels of the king\\nwould have been a public danger, and his escape from\\npunishment a public disaster; and that if he had not\\nbeen himself struck down, he would have been the first\\nto strike down the champions of free government\\nagainst military monarchy these are the propositions\\nthat make the political justification of the step taken by\\nthe Commons when, after fourteen sittings, they began\\nto fear that impeachment might fail them. They re-\\nsorted to the more drastic proceeding of a bill of at-\\ntainder. They were surrounded by imminent danger.\\nThey knew of plots to bring the royal army down upon\\nthe Parliament. They heard whispers of the intention", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE LONG PARLIAMENT 83\\nof the French king to send over a force to help his\\nsister, and of money coming from the Prince of\\nOrange, the king s new son-in-law. Tales came of\\ndesigns for Strafford s escape from the Tower. Above\\nall was the peril that the king, in his desperation and\\nin spite of the new difficulties in which such a step\\nwould land him, might suddenly dissolve them. It\\nwas this pressure that carried the bill of attainder\\nthrough Parliament, though Pym and Hampden at first\\nopposed it, and though Selden, going beyond Hyde\\nand Falkland who abstained, actually voted against it.\\nMen s apprehensions were on their sharpest edge.\\nThen it was that the Earl of Essex, rejecting Hyde s\\narguments for merely banishing Strafford, gave him\\nthe pithy reply, Stone-dead hath no fellow.\\nOnly one man could defeat the bill, and this was\\nStrafford s master. The king s assent was as neces-\\nsary for a bill of attainder as for any other bill, and if\\nthere was one man who might have been expected to\\nrefuse assent, it was the king. The bill was passed\\non a Saturday (May 8). Charles took a day to con-\\nsider. He sent for various advisers, lay and episcopal.\\nArchbishops Usher and Juxton told him, like honest\\nmen, that if his conscience did not consent, he ought\\nnot to act, and that he knew Strafford to be innocent.\\nIn truth Charles a few days before had appealed to the\\nLords not to press upon his conscience, and told them\\nthat on his conscience he could not condemn his minister\\nof treason. Williams, sharper than his two brother\\nprelates, invented a distinction between the king s pub-\\nlic conscience and his private conscience, not unlike\\nthat which was pressed upon George III on the famous\\noccasion in 1800. He urged that though the king s\\nprivate conscience might acquit Strafford, his public\\nconscience ought to yield to the opinion of the judges.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "84 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nStrafiford had written to him a week before, and begged\\nhim to pass the bill. Sir, my consent shall more\\nacquit you herein to God than all the world can do be-\\nsides. To a willing man there is no injury done; and\\nas by God s grace I forgive all the world with calmness\\nand meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging\\nsoul, so, sir, to you I can give the life of this world\\nwith all the cheerfulness imaginable, in the just ac-\\nknowledgment of your exceeding favours. Little\\nworthy was Charles of so magnanimous a servant.\\nAttempts have been made at palliation. The queen,\\nit is said, might have been in danger from the anger\\nof the multitude. Let him. it is gravely enjoined\\nupon us, who has seen wife and child and all that he\\nholds dear exposed to imminent peril, and has refused\\nto save them by an act of baseness, cast the first stone\\nat Charles. The equity of history is both a noble and\\na scientific doctrine, but its decrees are not to be settled\\nby the domestic affections. Time has stamped the\\nabandonment of Strafford with an ignominy that can-\\nnot be washed out. It is the one act of his life for\\nwhich Charles himself professed remorse. Put not\\nyour trust in princes, exclaimed Strafford when he\\nlearned the facts. I dare look death in the face, he\\nsaid stoically, as he passed out of the Tower gate to\\nthe block; I thank God I am not afraid of death, but\\n,do as cheerfully put off my doublet at this time as ever\\nJ did when I went to my bed. His mishaps, said\\nhis confederate. Laud, were that he groaned under\\nthe public envy of the nobles, and served a mild and\\ngracious prince who knew not how to be nor to be\\nmade great.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nTHE EVE OF THE WAR\\nWHEN Mary Stuart in 1567 rode away a captive\\nfrom Carberry Hill, she seized the hand of Lord\\nLinsay, her foe, and holding it aloft in her grasp, she\\nswore by it, I will have your head for this, so assure\\nyou. This was in Guise-Tudor blood, and her grand-\\nson s passion for revenge if less loud was not less deep.\\nThe destruction of Strafford and the humiliation that\\nhis own share in that bitter deed had left in the heart\\nof the king, darkened whatever prospect there might\\nat any time have been of peace between Charles and\\nthe Parliamentary leaders. He was one of the men\\nvindictive in proportion to their impotence, who are\\nnever beaten with impunity. His thirst for retaliation\\nwas unquenchable, as the popular leaders were well\\naware, as they were well aware too of the rising\\nsources of weakness in their own ranks. Seeing no\\nmeans of escape, the king assented to a series of re-\\nforming bills that swept away the Star Chamber, the\\nCourt of High Commission, the assumed right to levy\\nship-money, and the other more flagrant civil griev-\\nances of the reign. The verdicts of Hallam have\\ngrown pale in the flash and glitter of later historians,\\nyet there is much to be said for his judgment that all\\n85", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "86 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe useful and enduring part of the reforming work\\nof the Long ParHament was mainly completed within\\nthe first nine months of its existence. These were all\\nmeasures obviously necessary for the restoration or\\nrenovation of the constitution, and they stood the test\\nof altered times. Most of the rest was writ in water.\\nCharles went further and into a new region in agree-\\ning to a law that guaranteed the assembly of a Parlia-\\nment at least once in three years whether with the\\nking s consent or without. Further still he went\\nwhen he assented to an act for prolonging the life of\\nthe sitting Parliament until it should vote for its own\\ndissolution (May ii, 1641). Here it was that reform\\npassed into revolution. To deprive the monarch of\\nthe right of taking the sense of his people at his own\\ntime, and to make dissolution depend upon an act of\\nParliament passed for the occasion, was to go on to\\nground that had never been trodden before. It con-\\nvinced the king more strongly than ever that to save\\nhis crown, in the only sense in which he thought a\\ncrown worth wearing, he would have to fight for it.\\nYet it was he who had forced the quarrel to this pitch.\\nPym, Cromwell, and the rest were not the men to for-\\nget his lawless persecution of Eliot; nor that Charles\\nhad extinguished Parliaments for eleven years nor\\nhow, even after his return to the constitution only the\\nyear before, he had petulantly broken the Short Par-\\nliament after a session of no more than three weeks.\\nIt would have been judicial blindness to mistake what\\nwas actually passing before their eyes. They knew of\\nplot upon plot. In April Pym had come upon one\\ndesign among the courtiers to bring up the northern\\narmy to overawe the Parliament. Almost before this\\nwas exposed, a second conspiracy of court and officers\\nwas known to be on foot. It was the Scots who no\\\\A", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 87\\nas so often, held the key of the position. Charles s\\ndesign was manifestly to win such popularity and in-\\nfluence in Scotland, that he might be allowed to use\\nthe army of that kingdom in concert with his own\\narmy in the north of England to terrify his mutinous\\nParliament and destroy its leaders. Such a policy was\\nfutile from its foundation; as if the Scots, who cared\\nfor their church far more than they cared for his\\ncrown, were likely to lend themselves to the overthrow\\nof the only power that could secure what they cherished\\nmost, against an unmasked enmity bent on its destruc-\\ntion. The defeat of the English Parliament must\\nbring with it the discomfiture of Christ s kirk in Scot-\\nland. In the month of August Charles left London to\\nvisit his northern kingdom. The vigilance of the\\nParliament men was not for an instant deceived.\\nThey promptly guessed that the purpose of his jour-\\nney must be to seek support for reaction, and his rejec-\\ntion of their remonstrances against his absence deep-\\nened their suspicion.\\nThey had indeed more reason than this for uneasi-\\nness. The first of those moments of fatigue had come\\nthat attend all revolutions. At the beginning of\\ncivil discord boldness carries all before it but a settled\\ncommunity, especially one composed of Englishmen,\\nsoon looks for repose. Hopes are seen to be tinged\\nwith illusion, the pulse slackens, and the fever cools.\\nThe nation was after all still Royalist, and had not the\\nking redressed their wrongs? Why not rest? This\\nwas the question of the indolent, the over-cautious, the\\nshort-sighted and the fearful. Worse than fatigue, the\\nspirit of party now raised its questionable crest.\\nPhilosophers have never explained how it comes that\\nfaction is one of the inborn propensities of man; nor\\nwhy it should always be that, even where solid reasons", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "88 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nare absent, almost any distinctions, however slender,\\nfleeting, fanciful, or frivolous, will yet serve to found a\\nparty difference upon. Zeal for different opinions\\nas to religion or government, whether those opinions\\nbe practical or speculative; attachment to different\\nleaders ambitiously contending for preeminence and\\npower devotion to persons whose fortunes have kin-\\ndled human interests and passions these things have\\nat all times so inflamed men as to render them far more\\ndisposed to vex and oppress each other than to work\\ntogether for the common good. Such is the language\\nof Madison about a singular law of human things, that\\nhas made the spirit of sect and party the master-key\\nof so many in the long catalogue of the perversities of\\nhistory.\\nIt was on the church and its reform that the stren-\\nuous phalanx of constitutional freedom began to\\nscatter. The Long Parliament had barely been a\\nmonth in session before the religious questions that\\nwere then most alive of all in the most vigorous minds\\nof the time, and were destined to lead by so many\\ndivisions and subdivisions to distraction in counsel\\nand chaos in act, began rapidly to work. Cromwell\\ndid not hold the helmsman s place so long as Pym sur-\\nvived. Clarendon said of Oliver that his parts seemed\\nto be raised by the demands of great station, as if he\\nhad concealed his faculties until he had occasion to\\nuse them. In other words, Cromwell fixed his eyes\\nupon the need of the hour, used all his energy and de-\\nvotion in meeting it, and let that suffice. Nor in men\\nof action is there any better mark of a superior mind.\\nBut that Cromwell was much hearkened to from the\\nfirst is indicated by the fact that he was specially\\nplaced upon eighteen of the committees into which the\\nHouse divided itself for the consideration of the mul-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 89\\ntitude of grievances that clamored for attention from\\nall the shires and boroughs in the land. He moved\\nthe second reading of the bill for a sitting of Parlia-\\nment every year, and he took a prominent part in the\\ncommittee that transformed the bill into a further\\nenactment that a Parliament should meet at least once\\nin three years, with or without the crown.\\nGoing deeper, he was one of the secret instigators of\\nthe first Parliamentary move of the Root-and-Branch\\nmen against the bishops, and that move was the first\\nstep in the development of party spirit within ranks\\nthat had hitherto been stanchly of one mind. Every-\\nbody was in favor of church reform but nobody at\\nthis stage, and certainly not Cromwell, had any clear\\nideas either of the principle on which reform should\\nproceed, or of the system that ought to be adopted.\\nOn those ecclesiastical institutions that were what\\nmattered most, they were most at sea. The prevail-\\ning temper was at first moderate. To exclude the\\nhigher clergy from meddling as masters in secular\\naffairs, to stir up the slackness of the lower clergy, to\\nnullify canons imposed without assent of Parliament, to\\nexpunge from the Prayer-book things calculated to give\\noffense such were the early demands. A bill passed\\nthrough the Commons for removing the bishops from\\nthe House of Lords. The Lords threw it out (June,\\n1641), and as usual rejection of a moderate reform\\nwas followed by a louder cry for wholesale innovation.\\nThe constitutionalists fell back, and men advanced to\\nthe front with the root of the matter in them. A month\\nafter the Lords refused the bishop s bill, the Commons\\npassed the Root-and-Branch bill. The Root-and-\\nBranch men, besides denouncing the liturgy as fram.ed\\nout of the Romish breviary and mass-book, declared\\ngovernment by bishops to be dangerous both to church", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "90 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand commonwealth, to be .the main cause and occa-\\nsion of many foul evils. Only one thing was to be\\ndone with a government so evil with all its depen-\\ndencies, roots, and branches, it should be forthwith\\nswept away. What was to be the substitute nobody\\nknew, and when it came to that sovereign and most\\nwholesome test for all reformers the conversion of\\nan opinion into the clauses of a bill neither Cromwell\\nnor Vane nor any other of the reformers had anything\\npracticable to propose.\\nRoot-and-Branch was in time confronted by rival\\nproposals for moderate Episcopacy. Neither Root-\\nand-Branch nor moderate Episcopacy reached an effec-\\ntive stage in either House, but the action taken upon\\nthem split the Parliament in two, one side for Epis-\\ncopacy, and the other against it. Such were the two\\npolicies before men on the eve of the civil war. Then,\\nby and by, this division gradually adjusted itself with\\ndisastrous aptness to the other and parallel conflict be-\\ntween crown and Parliament the partizans of bishops\\nslowly turned into partizans of the king, and Episco-\\npalians became one with Royalists. The wiser divines\\ntried to reconcile the rival systems. Usher, Arch-\\nbishop of Armagh, suggested that the bishop should\\nhave a council of elders. Bramhall, his successor in\\nthe metropolitan see, whom Cromwell called the Irish\\nLaud, admitted the validity of Presbyterian orders,\\nand thought the German superintendents almost as\\ngood as bishops. Baxter, though he afterward de-\\nclined a miter, yet always held out a hand to prelacy.\\nLeigh ton, one of the few wholly attractive characters\\nof those bitter-flavored times, was closely intimate with\\nFrench Jansenists, of whom Hume truly says that they\\nwere but half Catholics and Leighton was wont to\\ndeclare that he would rather turn one single man to be", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 91\\ntruly of a serious mind, than turn a whole nation to\\nmere outer conformity, and he saw no reason why\\nthere should not be a conjunction between bishops and\\nelders. For none of these temperate and healing ideals\\nwas the time ripe. Their journey was swiftly bring-\\nins: men into a torrid zone. The Commons resolved\\nthat communion-tables should be removed from the\\neast end of churches, that chancels should b^ lev-\\neled, that scandalous pictures of any of the persons of\\nthe Trinity should be taken away, and all images of the\\nVirgin Mary demolished. The consequence was a\\nbleak and hideous defacement of beautiful or comely\\nthings in most of the cathedrals and great churches all\\nover England. Altar-rails and screens were de-\\nstroyed, painted windows were broken, figures of stone\\nand marble ground to powder, and pictures cut into\\nshreds. These vandalisms shocked both reverential\\nsentiment and the police feeling for good order, and\\nthey widened the alienation of Parliamentary parties.\\nBefore the end of the autumn, Hyde and Falkland had\\nbecome king s friends.\\nHyde, more familiarly known by his later style of\\nLord Clarendon, stands among the leading figures of\\nthe time, had a strong and direct judgment, much inde-\\npendence of character, and ideas of policy that were\\ncoherent and his own. His intellectual horizons were\\nwide, he had good knowledge of the motives of men,\\nand understood the handling of large affairs. Even\\nwhere he does not carry us with him, there is nobody\\nof the time whose opinion is much better worth know-\\ning. We may even give him the equivocal credit that\\nis due to the Clarendonian type of conservative in all\\ntimes and places, that if only things could have been\\ndifferent, he would not have been in the wrong. His\\nideal in church and state, viewed in the light of the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "92 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nevent, did not ultimately miscarry. The settlement of\\n1688 would have suited him well enough, and in his\\nbest days he had much of the temper of Somers. But\\nhe and Falkland had either too little nerve, or too re-\\nfining a conscience, or too unstable a grasp, for the\\nnavigation of the racing floods around them. They\\nwere doubtless unwilling converts to the court party,\\nbut when a convert has taken his plunge he must en-\\ndure all the unsuspected foolishness and all the un-\\nteachable zealotry of his new comrades an experience\\nthat has perhaps in all ages given many a mournful\\nhour to generous natures.\\nIt was now that a majority with a policy found it-\\nself confronted with an opposition fluctuating in num-\\nbers, but still making itself felt, in the fashion that has\\nsince become familiar essence of Parliamentary life all\\nthe world over. As we shall see, a second and deeper\\nline of party demarcation was soon to follow. Mean-\\nwhile the division between parties in the Commons was\\nspeedily attended by disagreement between Commons\\nand Lords, and this widened as the rush of events be-\\ncame more pressing. Among the Lords, too, Charles\\nnow found friends. It was his own fault if he did not\\ndiscover in the differences among his enemies upon the\\nchurch, a chance of recovering his own shattered au-\\nthority in the state. To profit by these differences was\\nhis persistent game for seven years to come. Seldom\\nhas any game in political manoeuver been more unskil-\\nfully played.\\nThe Parliament had adjourned early in September,\\nthe king still absent in Scotland. The superintendence\\nof affairs was carried on by a committee, a sort of pro-\\nvisional government of which Pym was the main-\\nspring. Hampden had gone to Edinburgh as a Par-\\nliamentary commissioner to watch the king. The two", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 93\\nhouses reassembled a few days before the end of Octo-\\nber amid intense disquiet. The growing tension made\\nthe popular leaders at once more energetic and more\\ndeliberate. Shortly before the adjournment the\\nPrayer-book had been attacked, and Cromwell sup-\\nported the attack. Bishops still furnished the occa-\\nsion, if they were not the cause, of political action.\\nRoot-and-Branch was dropped, and a bill was renewed\\nfor excluding the clergy from temporal authority and\\ndepriving the bishops of their seats among the Lords.\\nThen followed a bill for suspending the bishops from\\nParliamentary powers in the meantime. Cromwell by\\nthe side of Pym spoke keenly for it, on the ground that\\nthe bishops by their six-and-twenty votes should not\\nbe suffered to obstruct the legislative purposes of a\\nmajority of the two houses.\\nCharles, writing from Scotland (October), had an-\\nnounced a momentous resolution. I command you,\\nhe said to his Secretary of State, to assure all my\\nservants that I am constant to the discipline and doc-\\ntrine of the Church of England established by Queen\\nElizabeth and my father, and that I resolve by the\\ngrace of God to die in the maintenance of it. The\\npledge was more tragic than perhaps he knew, but\\nwhen the time came he redeemed it to the letter. As\\na sign that he was in earnest, he proceeded to fill up\\nfive bishoprics that happened to be vacant, and in four\\nof them he planted divines who had in convocation\\nbeen parties to the unlawful canons on which the Com-\\nmons were at the moment founding an impeachment\\nof treason. This was either one of his many random\\nimprudences, or else a calculated challenge. Cromwell\\nblazed out instantly against a step that proclaimed the\\nking s intention of upholding Episcopacy just as it\\nstood. Suddenly an earthquake shook the ground on", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "94 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwhich they stood, and threw the combatants into un-\\nexpected postures.\\nII\\nThe event that now happened inflamed the pubHc\\nmind in England with such horror as had in Europe\\nfollowed the Sicilian Vespers, or the massacre of St.\\nBartholomew, or the slaughter of the Protestants in\\nthe passes of the Valtelline by the Spanish faction only\\ntwenty-one years before. In November the news\\nreached London that the Irish had broken out in bloody\\nrebellion. The story of this dreadful rising has been\\nthe subject of vehement dispute among historians ever\\nsince, and even in our own day has been discussed with\\nunhistoric heat. Yet the broad facts are sufficiently\\nclear to any one capable of weighing the testimxony of\\nthe time without prejudice of race or faith; and they\\nstand out in cardinal importance in respect both to\\nleading episodes in the career of Cromwell, and to the\\ngeneral politics of the Revolution.\\nThe causes of rebellion in Ireland lay deep. Con-\\nfiscations and exterminations had followed in deadly\\nsuccession, and ever since the merciless suppression of\\nthe rising of the Ulster chieftains in the reign of Eliza-\\nbeth, the elements of another violent outbreak had been\\nsullenly and surely gathering. Enormous confisca-\\ntions had been followed by the plantation of Scotch\\nand English colonists, and the clearance of the old\\nowners and their people. The colonists thought no\\nmore of rights and customs in the aboriginal popula-\\ntion than if they had been the Matabele or Zulu of a\\nlater time. Besides the great sweeping forfeitures,\\nrapacious adventurers set busily to work with eagle\\neyes to find out flaws in men s title to individual es-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 95\\ntates, and either the adventurer himself acquired the es-\\ntates, or forced the possessor to take a new grant at\\nan extortionate rent. People were turned off their\\nland without compensation and without means of sub-\\nsistence. Active men left with nothing to do and\\nnothing of their own to live upon, wandered about the\\ncountry, apt upon the least occasion of insurrection or\\ndisturbance to be heads and leaders of outlaws and\\nrebels. Strafford (1632-40), in spite of his success\\nupon the surface, had aggravated the evil at its\\nsource. He had brought the finances into good order,\\nintroduced discipline into the army, driven pirates out\\nof the Channel, imported flax-seed from Holland and\\nlinen-weavers from France. But nobody blessed or\\nthanked him, everybody dreaded the weight of his\\nhand, and in such circumstances dread is but another\\nword- for hate. The genius of fear had perfected the\\nwork of fear; but the whole structure of imperial\\npower rested on a shaking bog. The great inqui-\\nsition into titles had alarmed and exasperated the old\\nEnglish. The northern Presbyterians resented his\\nproceedings for religious uniformity. The Catholics\\nwere at heart in little better humor for though Straf-\\nford was too deep a statesman to attack them in full\\nfront, he undoubtedly intended in the fullness of time\\nto force them as well as the Presbyterians into the\\nsame uniformity as his master had designed for Scot-\\nland. He would, however, have moved slowly, and\\nin the meantime he both practised connivance with the\\nCatholic evasion of the law, and encouraged hopes of\\ncomplete toleration. So did the king. But after\\nStrafford had gone to his doom in England, Puritan\\ninfluences grew more powerful, and the Catholics per-\\nceived that all the royal promises of complete toleration,\\nlike those for setting a limit to the time for inquisition", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "96 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ninto titles of land, were so many lies. No Irish con-\\nspirator could have laid the train for rebellion more\\neffectively. If any one cares to find some more rea-\\nsonable explanation of Irish turbulence than the simple\\ntheory that this unfortunate people in the modern\\nphrase have a double dose of original sin, he should\\nread the story how^ the O Byrnes were by chicane, per-\\njury, imprisonment, martial law, application of burn-\\ning gridirons, branding-irons, and strappado, cheated\\nout of their lands.\\nWhile these grievances were rankling all over Ire-\\nland, and the undying animosities of the dispossessed\\nchieftains of Ulster were ready to break into flame,\\npriests and friars from Spain had swarmed into the\\nland and kindled fresh excitement. No papist con-\\nspiracy was needed to account for what soon happened.\\nWhen one deep spring of discontent mounts to a head\\nand overflows, every other source becomes a tributary.\\nMaddened as they were by wholesale rapine, driven\\nforth from land and homes, outraged in every senti-\\nment belonging to their old rude organization, it is no\\nwonder if the native Irish and their leaders of ancient\\nand familiar name found an added impulse in passion\\nfor their religious faith.\\nAt last that happened which the wiser heads had\\nlong foreseen. After many weeks of strange stillness,\\nin an instant the storm burst. The Irish in Ulster sud-\\ndenly (October 23, 1641) fell upon the English colo-\\nnists, the invaders of their lands. The fury soon\\nspread, and the country was enveloped in the flames of\\na conflagration fed by concentrated sense of ancient\\nwrong, and all the savage passions of an oppressed\\npeople suddenly broke loose upon its oppressors.\\nAgrarian wrong, religious wrong, insolence of race,\\nnow brought forth their poisonous fruit. A thousand", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 97\\nmurderous atrocities were perpetrated on one side, and\\nthey were avenged by atrocities as hideous on the other.\\nEvery tale of horror ni the insurgents can be matched\\nby horror as diaboHc in the soldiery. What happened\\nin 1 64 1 was in general features very like what hap-\\npened in 1798, for the same things come to pass in\\nevery conflict where ferocious hatred in a persecuted\\ncaste meets the ferocious pride and contempt of its per-\\nsecutors. The main points are reasonably plain.\\nThere is no question by whom the sanguinary work\\nwas first begun. There is little question that it was\\nnot part of a premeditated and organized design of in-\\ndiscriminate massacre, but was inevitably attendant\\nupon a violent rising against foreign despoilers. There\\nis no question that though in the beginning agrarian or\\nterritorial, the rising soon drew after it a fierce struggle\\nbetween the two rival Christian factions. There is\\nlittle question that, after the first shock, Parsons and\\nhis allies in authority acted on the cynical anticipation\\nthat the worse the rebellion, the richer would be the for-\\nfeitures. There is no question that the enormity of\\ncrime was the subject of exaggeration, partly natural\\nand inevitable, partly incendiary and deliberate. Nor\\nfinally is there any question that, even without exag-\\ngeration, it is the most barbarous and inhuman chapter\\nthat stains the domestic history of the kingdom. The\\ntotal number of Protestants slain in cold blood at the\\noutbreak of the rebellion has been fixed at various\\nfigures from four thousand to forty, and the latest\\nserious estimate puts it at five-and-twenty thousand\\nduring the first three or four years. The victims of\\nthe retaliatory slaughter by Protestants upon Catholics\\nwere countless, but Sir William Petty thinks that\\nmore than half a million Irish of both creeds perished\\nbetween 1641 and 1652.\\n7", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "98 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThe fated international antipathy between Enghsh\\nand Irish, that Hke a volcano is sometimes active,\\nsometimes smoldering and sullen, now broke forth in\\nliquid fire. The murderous tidings threw England\\ninto frenzy. It has been compared to the fury with\\nwhich the American colonists regarded the use of red\\nIndians by the government of King George or to the\\nrage and horror that swept over the country for a mo-\\nment when the tidings of Cawnpore arrived; and I\\nneed not describe it. The air was thick, as is the way\\nin revolutions, with frantic and irrational suspicion.\\nThe catastrophe in Ireland fitted in with the governing\\nmoods of the hour, and we know only too well how\\nsimple and summary are the syllogisms of a rooted dis-\\ntrust. Ireland was papist, and this was a papist ris-\\ning. The queen was a papist, surrounded at Somerset\\nHouse by the same black brood as those priests of Baal\\nwho on the other side of St. George s Channel were\\ndescribed as standing by while their barbarous flock\\nslew old men and women wholesale and in cold blood,\\ndashed out the brains of infants against the walls in\\nsight of their wretched parents, ran their skeans like\\nred Indians into the flesh of little children, and flung\\nhelpless Protestants by scores at a time over the bridge\\nat Portadown. Such was the reasoning, and the\\ndamning conclusion was clear. This was the queen s\\nrebellion, and the king must be her accomplice. Sir\\nPhelini O Neil, the first leader of the Ulster rebellion,\\ndeclared that he held a commission from the king him-\\nself, and the story took quick root. It is now manifest\\nthat Charles was at least as much dismayed as any of\\nhis subjects; yet for the rest of his life he could never\\nwipe out the fatal theory of his guilt.\\nThat Catholic Ireland should prefer the king to the\\nParliament for a master was to be expected. Puritan-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE EVE OF THE WAR 99\\nism with the Old Testament in its hand was never an\\ninstrument for the go\\\\ ernment of a community pre-\\ndominantly Catholic, and it never can be. Nor was it\\never at any time so ill fitted for such a task as now,\\nwhen it was passionately struggling for its own life\\nwithin the Protestant island. The most energetic\\npatriots at Westminster were just as determined to\\nroot out popery in Ireland, as Philip H had been to\\nroot out Lutheran or Calvinistic heresy in the United\\nProvinces.\\nThe Irish rebellion added bitter elements to the great\\ncontention in England. The Parliament dreaded lest\\nan army raised for the subjugation of Ireland should\\nbe used by the king for the subjugation of England.\\nThe king justified such dread by trying to buy military\\nsupport from the rebel confederates by promises that\\nwould have gone near to turning Ireland into a sep-\\narate Catholic state. Meanwhile we have to think of\\nIreland as weltering in bottomless confusion. Parlia-\\nmentarian Protestants were in the field and Royalist\\nProtestants, Anglicans and Presbyterians the Scots\\nsettlers to-day standing for the Parliament, to-morrow\\nfighting along with Ormonde for the king the Confed-\\nerate Catholics, the Catholic gentry of the Pale, all in-\\nextricably entangled. Thus we shall see going on for\\nnine desperate years the sowing of the horrid harvest,\\nwhich it fell to Cromwell after his manner to gather in.\\nto\\nl.ofC,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII\\nTHE FIVE MEMBERS THE CALL TO ARMS\\nTHE king returned from Scotland in the latter part\\nof November (1641), baffled in his hopes of aid\\nfrom the Scots, but cheered by the prospect of quarrels\\namong his enemies at Westminster, expecting to fish\\nin the troubled waters in Ireland, and bent on using\\nnew strength that the converts of reaction were bring-\\ning him for the destruction of the popular leaders.\\nThe city gave him a great feast, the crowd shouted\\nlong life to King Charles and Queen Mary, the church\\nbells rang, wine was set flowing in the conduits in\\nCornhill and Cheapside, and he went to Whitehall in\\nhigh elation at what he took for counter-revolution.\\nFie instantly began a quarrel by withdrawing the guard\\nthat had been appointed for the Houses under the com-\\nmand of Essex. Long ago alive to their danger, the\\npopular leaders had framed that famous exposition of\\nthe whole dark case against the monarch which is\\nknown to history as the Grand Remonstrance. They\\nnow with characteristic energy resumed it. The Re-\\nmonstrance was a bold manifesto to the public, setting\\nout in manly terms the story of the Parliament, its\\npast gains, its future hopes, the standing perils with\\nwhich it had to wrestle. The most important of its\\n100", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "THE FIVE MEMBERS loi\\nsingle clauses was the declaration for church con-\\nformity. It was a direct challenge not merely to the\\nking, but to the new party of Episcopalian Royal-\\nists. These were not slow to take up the challenge,\\nand the fight was hard. So deep had the division now\\nbecome within the walls of the Commons, that the\\nRemonstrance was passed only after violent scenes and\\nby a narrow majority of eleven (November 22).\\nEarly in November Cromw^ell made the first pro-\\nposal for placing military force in the hands of Parlia-\\nment. All was seen to hang on the power of the\\nsword, for the army plots brought the nearness of the\\nperil home to the breasts of the popular leaders. A\\nmonth later the proposal, which soon became the\\noccasion of resort to arms though not the cause, took\\ndefined shape. By the Militia Bill the control and\\norganization of the trained bands of the counties was\\ntaken out of the king s hands, and transferred to a\\nlord general nominated by Parliament. Next the two\\nHouses joined in a declaration that ho religion should\\nbe tolerated in either England or Ireland except the\\nreligion established by law. But as the whirlpool be-\\ncame more angry, bills and declarations mattered less\\nand less. Each side knew that the other now intended\\nforce. Tumultuous mobs found their way day after\\nday to hoot the bishops at Westminster. Partizans\\nof the king began to flock to Whitehall, they were\\nordered to wear their swords, and an armed guard was\\nposted ostentatiously at the palace gate. Angry frays\\nfollowed between these swordsmen of the king and the\\nmob armed with clubs and staves, crying out against\\nthe bishops and the popish lords. The bishops them-\\nselves were violently hustled, and had their gowns\\ntorn from their backs as they went into the House of\\nLords. Infuriated by these outrages, they issued a", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "I02 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfoolish notification that all done by the Lords in their\\nabsence would be null and void. This incensed both\\nLords and Commons and added fuel to the general flame,\\nand the unlucky prelates were impeached and sent to\\nprison. The king tried to change the governor of the\\nTower and to install a reckless swashbuckler of his\\nown. The outcry was so shrill that in a few hours the\\nswashbuckler was withdrawn. Then by mysterious\\nchanges of tact he turned first to Pym, next to the\\nheads of the moderate Royalists, Hyde, Falkland, and\\nCulpeper. The short history of the overtures to Pym\\nis as obscure as the relations between Mirabeau and\\nMarie Antoinette. Things had in truth gone too far\\nfor such an alliance to be either desirable or fruitful.\\nEvents immediately showed that with Charles honest\\ncooperation was impossible. No sooner had he estab-\\nlished Falkland and Culpeper in his council, than\\nsuddenly, without disclosing a word of his design, he\\ntook a step which alienated friends, turned back the\\nstream that was running in his favor, handed over the\\nStrong fortress of legality to his enemies, and made\\nwar inevitable.\\nPym had been too quick for Strafford the autumn\\nbefore, and Charles resolved that this time his own\\nblow should be struck first. It did not fall upon men\\ncaught unawares. For many weeks suspicion had\\nbeen deepening that some act of violence upon the pop-\\nular leaders was coming. Suspicion on one side went\\nwith suspicion on the other. Rumors were in the air\\nthat Pym and his friends were actually revolving in\\ntheir minds the impeachment of the queen. Whether\\nthe king was misled by the perversity of his wife and\\nthe folly of the courtiers, or by his own too ample\\nshare of these unhappy qualities, he perpetrated the\\nmost irretrievable of all his blunders. A day or two", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE FIVE MEMBERS 103\\nbefore, he had promised the Commons that the security\\nof every one of them from violence should be as much\\nhis care as the preservation of his own children. He\\nhad also assured his new advisers that no step should\\nbe taken without their knowledge. Yet now he sud-\\ndenly sent the Attorney-General to the House of Lords,\\nthere at the table (January 3, 1642) to impeach one of\\ntheir own number and five members of the other\\nHouse, including Pym and Hampden, of high treason.\\nHolies, Haselrig, and Strode were the other three.\\nNo strike of state in history was ever more firmly and\\nmanfully countered. News came that officers had\\ninvaded the chambers of the five members and were\\nsealing up their papers. The House ordered the im-\\nmediate arrest of the officers. A messenger arrived\\nfrom the king to seize the five gentlemen. The House\\nsent a deputation boldly to inform the king that they\\nwould take care that the five members should be ready\\nto answer any legal charge against them.\\nNext day a still more startling thing was done.\\nAfter the midday adjournment, the benches were again\\ncrowded, and the five members were in their place.\\nSuddenly the news ran like lightning among them,\\nthat the king was on his way from Whitehall with\\nsome hundreds of armed retainers. The five members\\nwere hurried down to the river, and they had hardly\\ngained a boat before the king and a band of rufflers\\nwith swords and pistols entered Westminster Hall.\\nPassing through them and accompanied by his nephew,\\nthe elector Palatine, the king crossed the inviolable\\nthreshold, advanced uncovered up the floor of the\\nHouse of Commons to the step of the chair, and de-\\nmanded the five accused members. He asked the\\nSpeaker whether they were there. The Speaker re-\\nplied in words that will never be forgotten, that he had", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "I04 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nneither eyes nor ears nor tongue in that place but as\\nthe House might be pleased to direct. T is no mat-\\nter, the king said. I think my eyes are as good as\\nanother s. After looking round, he said he saw that\\nall his birds were flown, but he would take his own\\ncourse to find them. Then he stammered out a few\\napologetic sentences, and stepping down from the\\nchair marched away in anger and shame through the\\ngrim ranks and amid deep murmurs of privilege out at\\nthe door. His band of baffled cutthroats followed\\nhim through the hall with sullen curses at the loss of\\ntheir sport. When next he entered Westminster Hall,\\nhe was a prisoner doomed to violent death. Cromwell\\nwas doubtless present, little foreseeing his own part in\\na more effectual performance of a too similar kind in\\nthe same place eleven years hence.\\nNever has so deep and universal a shock thrilled\\nEngland. The stanchest friends of the king were in\\ndespair. The Puritans were divided between dismay,\\nrage, consternation, and passionate resolution. One\\nof them, writing in after years of his old home in dis-\\ntant Lancashire, says T remember upon the occasion\\nof King Charles I demanding the five members of the\\nHouse of Commons. Such a night of prayers, tears,\\nand groans I was never present at in all my life: the\\ncase was extraordinary, and the work was extraordi-\\nnary. It was the same in thousands of households all\\nover the land. The five members a few days later\\nreturned in triumph to Westminster. The river was\\nalive with boats decked with gay pennons, and the air\\nresounded with joyful shouts and loud volleys from\\nthe primitive firearms of the time. Charles was not\\nthere to see or hear. Exactly a week after the Attor-\\nney-General had brought up the impeachment of the", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "WILLIAM LENTHALL, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.\\nFrom the original portrait in the National Portrait Gallery.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "i", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE FIVE MEMBERS 105\\nfive members, he quitted Whitehall (January 10), and\\nsaw it no more until all had come to an end seven years\\nlater.\\nII\\nThis daring outrage on law, faith, and honor was\\na provocation to civil war and the beginning of it.\\nAfter such an exploit the defenders of the Parliament\\nwould have been guilty of a criminal betrayal, if they\\nhad faltered in facing the issue so decisively raised.\\nPym (January 14) moved that the House should go\\ninto committee on the state of the kingdom, and Crom-\\nwell then moved the consideration of means to put the\\nkingdom into a posture of defense. Hampden by and\\nby introduced a motion to desire the king to put the\\nTower of London and other parts of the kingdom,\\nwith the militia, into such hands as the Parliament\\nmight confide in. In this way they came to the very\\nessence of the dispute of the hour. Was the king to\\nretain the sword? For some weeks debate went on.\\nIt was suggested to the king that the militia might be\\ngranted for a time. By God, not for an hour cried\\nCharles. You have asked that of me in this which\\nwas never asked of a king, and with which I will not\\ntrust my wife and children.\\nAs the call to arms was every day more plainly felt\\nto be inevitable, it is no wonder that many men on the\\npopular side recoiled. The prospect was dreadful,\\nand even good patriots may well have asked them-\\nselves in anguish whether moderation, temper, good\\nwill, compromise, might not even now avert it. Pym\\nshowed here, as always, a consummate mastery of all\\nthe better arts of Parliamentary leadership. It is not", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "io6 OLR^ER CROMWELL\\neasy to tell exactly at what moment he first felt that\\npeace with the king was hopeless, but at any rate he\\nwas well assured that it was so now. As they neared\\nthe edge of the cataract, his instincts of action at once\\nbraced and steadied him. He was bold, prompt, a\\nman of initiative resource and energ} without fever,\\nopen and cogent in argument, with a true statesman s\\neye to the demand of the instant, to the nearest ante-\\ncedent, to the next step; willing to be moderate when\\nmoderation did not sacrifice the root of the matter;\\nvigorous and uncompromising when essentials were\\nin jeopardy. Cromwell too was active both in the\\nHouse and the country, little of an orator but a\\ndoer.\\nThings moved fast. In April the king with an\\narmed force demanded admission into Hull, where he\\nwould have a port for the introduction of arms\\nand auxiliaries from abroad. The governor shut\\nthe gates and drew up the bridge. The king pro-\\nclaimed him a traitor. This proceeding has always\\nbeen accounted the actual beginning of the great civil\\nwar. On August 22. 1642, one of the memorable\\ndates in our history, on the evening of a stormy day\\nCharles raised the royal standard in the courtyard at\\nthe top of the castle hill at Nottingham. This was the\\nsolemn symbol that the king called upon his vassals\\nfor their duty and service. Drums and trumpets\\nsounded, and the courtiers and a scanty crowd of on-\\nlookers threw up their caps, and cried, God save King\\nCharles and hang up the Roundheads! But a gen-\\neral sadness, says Clarendon, covered the whole town.\\nMelancholy men observed many ill presages, and the\\nking himself appeared more melancholy than his wont.\\nThe standard itself was blown down by an unruly wind\\nwithin a week after it had been set up. This was not", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "THE FIVE MEMBERS 107\\nthe first time that omens had been against the king.\\nAt his coronation he wore white instead of purple, and\\nsome looked on it as an ill presage that the king, lay-\\ning aside his purple, the robe of majesty, should clothe\\nhimself in white, the robe of innocence, as if thereby\\nit were foresignified that he should divest himself of\\nthat royal majesty which would keep him safe from\\naffront and scorn, to rely wholly on the innocence of a\\nvirtuous life which did expose him finally to calami-\\ntous ruin. Still worse was the court preacher s text\\non the same august occasion, chosen from the Book of\\nRevelation: Be thou faithful unto death, and I will\\ngive thee a crown of life, more like his funeral ser-\\nmon when he was alive, as if he were to have none\\nwhen he was to be buried.\\nA day or two after raising the standard, Charles\\nappointed to be general of the horse Prince Rupert, the\\nthird son of his sister the Queen of Bohemia, now in\\nhis twenty-third year. The boldness, energy, and\\nmilitary capacity of the young adventurer were des-\\ntined to prove one of the most formidable of all the\\nelements in the struggle of the next three years.\\nLuckily the intrepid soldier had none of Cromwell s\\nsagacity, caution, and patience, or else that provi-\\ndence which men call the fortune of war might have\\nturned out differently.\\nThe Earl of Essex, son of Queen Elizabeth s favor-\\nite, w^as named general of the Parliamentary forces,\\nless for any military reputation than from his social\\ninfluence. He was the man, said the preacher of his\\nfuneral sermon (1646). to break the ice and set his\\nfirst footing in the Red Sea. No proclamation of trea-\\nson could cry him down, nor threatening standard\\ndaunt him that in that misty morning, when men knew", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "io8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nnot each other, whether friend or foe. by his arising\\ndispelled the fog, and by his very name commanded\\nthousands into your service. Opinion in most of the\\ncountry was pretty firm on one side or the other, but\\nit was slow in mounting to the heat of war. The\\naffair was grave, and men went about it with argument\\nand conscience. In e\\\\ery manor-house and rectory\\nand college, across the counters of shops in the towns,\\non the ale-bench in the villages and on the roads, men\\nplied one another with precedents and analogies, with\\nBible texts, with endless points of justice and of expe-\\ndiency, thus illustrating in this high historic instance\\nall the strength and all the weakness of human reason-\\ning, all the grandeur and all the levity of civil and\\necclesiastical passion. Many, no doubt, shared the\\nmind of Hutchinson s father, who was stanch to\\nthe Parliamentary cause but infinitely desirous that the\\nquarrel should come to a compromise, and not to the\\ncatastrophe of war. Savile said: T love religion so\\nwell, I would not have it put to the hazard of a battle.\\nI love liberty so much, I would not trust it in the hands\\nof a conqueror for, much as I love the king I should\\nnot be glad that he should beat the Parliament, even\\nthough they were in the wrong. My desires are to\\nhave no conquests of either side. Savile was no edi-\\nfying character; but a politician who would fain say\\nboth yes and no stands in a crisis for a numerous host.\\nOn the other hand, human nature being constant in its\\nfundamental colors, w-e may be sure that in both camps\\nwere many who proclaimed that the dispute must be\\nfought out, and the sooner the fight began, the sooner\\nwould it end.\\nEnthusiasts for the rights and religion of their coun-\\ntry could not believe, says one of them, that a work so\\ngood and necessary would be attended with so much", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait in the National Portrait Gallery.\\nRALPH, LORD HOPTON, OF STRATTON, K.B.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE FIVE MEMBERS 109\\ndifficulty, and they went into it in the faith that the\\ntrue cause must quickly win. On the other side, deep-\\nrooted interests and ancient sentiment g-athered round\\nthe crown as their natural center. Selfish men who\\ndepended upon the crown for honors or substance, and\\nunselfish men who were by habit and connection un-\\nalterably attached to an idealized church, united accord-\\ning to their diverse kinds in twofold zeal for the king\\nand the bishops, in the profound assurance that Provi-\\ndence would speedily lay their persecutors low. Fam-\\nilies were divided, close kinsmen became violent foes,\\nand brother even slew brother. Some counties were\\nalmost wholly for the king, while others went almost\\nwholly for the Parliament. In either case, the rem-\\nnant of a minority, whether the godly or the ungodly,\\nfound it best to seek shelter outside. There were\\ncounties where the two sides paired and tried to play\\nneutral. The line of social cleavage between the com-\\nbatants was not definite, but what we are told of Notts\\nwas probably true of other districts, that most of the\\nnobles and upper gentry were stout for the king, while\\nmost of the middle sort, the able substantial free-\\nholders, and commoners not dependent on the malig-\\nnants above them, stood for the Parliament.\\nSpeaking broadly, the feeling for Parliament was\\nstrongest in London and the east the king was strong-\\nest in the west and north. Wherever the Celtic ele-\\nment prevailed, as in Wales and Cornwall, the king\\nhad most friends, and the same is true with qualifica-\\ntions in the two other kingdoms of Scotland and Ire-\\nland. Where the population was thickest, busiest in\\ntrade and manufacture and wealthiest, they leaned\\nwith various degrees of ardor toward the Parliament.\\nYorkshire was divided, the cloth towns south of the\\nAire being Parliamentary. Lancashire, too, was di-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "no OLIVER CROMWELL\\nvided, the east for the ParHament. the west for the\\nking. The historians draw a Inie from Flamborough\\nHead to Plymouth, and with some undulations and\\nindentations such a line separates Royalist from Par-\\nliamentary England. In East Anglia opinion was\\nsteadfast through the struggle, but elsewhere it fluc-\\ntuated with the fortunes of the war, with the wavering\\ninclinations of influential gentry, and with the various\\npolitical issues that rose in bewildering succession after\\nthe military fight was over. One of the most import-\\nant of all the circumstances of the hour was that the\\nfleet (in July, 1642) declared for the Parliament.\\nThe temper of the time was hard, men were ready\\nto settle truth by blows, and life as in the middle ages\\nwas still held cheap. The Cavalier was hot, unruly,\\nscornful, with all the feudal readiness for bloodshed.\\nThe Roundhead was keen, stubborn, dogged, sustained\\nby the thought of the heroes of the Old Testament who\\navenged upon Canaanite and Amalekite the cause of\\nJehovah. Men lived and fought in the spirit of the\\nOld Testament, and not of the New. To men of\\nthe mild and reflecting temper of Chillingworth the\\nchoice was no more cheerful than between publicans\\nand sinners on one side, and scribes and Pharisees on\\nthe other. A fine instance of the high and manly tem-\\nper in which the best men entered upon the struggle is\\nto be found in the words used by Sir Wiliam Waller\\nto the brave Hopton. God, who is the searcher of\\nmy heart, Waller wrote, knows with what a sad\\nsense I go upon this service, and with what a perfect\\nhatred I detest this war without an enemy; but I look\\nupon it as sent from God, and that is enough to silence\\nall passion in me. We are both upon the stage, and must\\nact such parts as are assigned us in this tragedy. Let\\nus do it in a way of honour and without personal ani-\\nmosities.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "THE FIVE MEMBERS iii\\nOn the whole, the contest in England was stained by\\nfew of the barbarities that usually mark a civil war,\\nespecially war with a religious color upon it. But\\ncruelty, brutality, and squalor are the essence of all\\nwar, and here too there was much rough work and some\\natrocity. Prisoners were sometimes badly used, and\\nthe Parliamentary generals sent great batches of them\\nlike gangs of slaves to toil under the burning sun in\\nthe West Indies, or to compulsory service in Venice\\nor an American colony. Men were killed in cold\\nblood after quarter promised, and the shooting of\\nLucas and Lisle after the surrender of Colchester in\\n1648 was a piece of savagery for which Fairfax and\\nIreton must divide the blame between them. The\\nruffianism of war could not be avoided, but it was ruf-\\nfianism without the diabolical ferocity of Spaniards in\\nthe sixteenth century, or Germans in the seventeenth,\\nor French sansculottes in the eighteenth. The dis-\\ncipline of the royal forces was bad, for their organiza-\\ntion was loose and even if it had been better, we have\\nlittle difficulty in painting for ourselves the scenes that\\nmust have attended these roving bands of soldiery, ill-\\npaid, ill-fed, and emancipated from all those restraints\\nof opinion and the constable which have so much more\\nto do with our self-control than we love to admit.\\nNor are we to suppose that all the ugly stories were on\\none side.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "BOOK TWO", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "Book tTwo\\nCHAPTER I\\nCROMWELL IN THE FIELD\\nIT is not within my scope to follow in detail the mili-\\ntary operations of the civil war. For many\\nmonths they were little more than a series of confused\\nmarches, random skirmishes, and casual leaguers of\\nindecisive places. Of generalship, of strategic sys-\\ntem, of ingenuity in scientific tactics, in the early stages\\nthere was little or none. Soldiers appeared on both\\nsides who had served abroad, and as the armed strug-\\ngle developed, the great changes in tactics made by\\nGustavus Adolphus slowly found their way into the\\noperations of the English war. He suppressed all\\ncaracoling and parade manoeuvers. Cavalry that had\\nformed itself in as many as five or even eight ranks\\ndeep, was henceforth never marshaled deeper than three\\nranks, while in the intervening spaces were platoons\\nof foot and light field-pieces. All this, the soldiers\\ntell us, gave prodigious mobility, and made the Swed-\\nish period the most remarkable in the Thirty Years\\nWar. But for some time training on the continent\\nof Europe seems to have been of little use in the con-\\nflicts of two great bands of military, mainly rustic,\\namong the hills and downs, the lanes and hedges, the\\nrivers and strong places, of England. Modern sol-\\ndiers have noticed as one of the most curious features\\nof the civil war how ignorant each side usually was of\\n115", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "ii6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe doings, position, and designs of its opponents.\\nEssex stumbled upon the king, Hopton stumbled upon\\nWaller, the king stumbled upon Sir Thomas Fairfax.\\nThe two sides drew up in front of one another, foot in\\nthe center, horse on the wings and then they fell to\\nand hammered one another as hard as they could, and\\nthey who hammered hardest and stood to it longest\\nwon the day. This was the story of the early engage-\\nments.\\nArmor was fallen into disuse, partly owing to the in-\\ntroduction of firearms, partly perhaps for the reason\\nthat pleased King James I because besides protect-\\ning the wearer, it also hindered him from hurting other\\npeople. The archer had only just disappeared, and\\narrows were shot by the English so late as at the Isle\\nof Re in 1627. Indeed at the outbreak of the war\\nEssex issued a precept for raising a company of\\narchers, and in Montrose s campaign in Scotland bow-\\nmen are often mentioned. It is curious to modern\\nears to learn that some of the strongest laws enjoining\\npractice with bow and arrow should have been passed\\nafter the invention of gunpowder, and for long there\\nwere many who persisted in liking the bow better than\\nthe musket, for the whiz of the arrow over their heads\\nkept the horses in terror, and a few horses wounded\\nby arrows sticking in them were made unruly enough\\nto disorder a whole squadron. A flight of arrows,\\nagain, apart from those whom they killed or wounded,\\ndemoralized the rest as they v/atched them hurtling\\nthrough the air. Extreme conservatives made a judi-\\ncious mixture between the old time and the new by\\nfiring arrows out of muskets. The gunpowder of\\nthose days was so weak that one homely piece of ad-\\nvice to the pistoleer was that he should not discharge\\nhis weapon until he could press the barrel close upon", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 117\\nthe body of his enemy, under the cuirass if possible;\\nthen he would be sure not to waste his charge. The\\nold-fashioned musket-rest disappeared during the Pro-\\ntectorate. The shotmen, the musketeers and harque-\\nbusiers, seem usually to have been to the pikemen in\\nthe proportion of two to three. It was to the pike and\\nthe sword that the main work fell. The steel head of\\nthe pike was well fastened upon a strong, straight, yet\\nnimble stock of ash, the whole not less than seventeen\\nor eighteen feet long. It was not until the end of the\\ncentury that, alike in England and France, the pike\\nwas laid aside and the bayonet used in its place. The\\nsnaphance or flintlock was little used, at least in the\\nearly stages of the war, and the provision of the slow\\nmatch was one of the difficulties of the armament.\\nClarendon mentions that in one of the leaguers the be-\\nsieged were driven to use all the cord of all the beds of\\nthe town, steep it in saltpeter, and serve it to the sol-\\ndiers for match. Cartridges, though not unknown,\\nwere not used in the civil war, and the musketeer went\\ninto action with his match slowly burning and a couple\\nof bullets in his mouth. Artillery, partly from the\\nweakness of the powder, partly from the primitive con-\\nstruction of the mortars and cannon, was a compara-\\ntively ineffective arm upon the field, though it was\\ncausing a gradual change in fortifications from walls\\nto earthworks. At Naseby the king had only two\\ndemi-culverins, as many demi-cannon, and eight sa-\\nkers. The first two weighed something over four\\nthousand pounds, shot twenty-four pounds, with a\\ncharge of twelve pounds of powder. The saker was\\na brass gun weighing fifteen hundred pounds, with a\\nshot of six or seven pounds.\\nIt was not, however, upon guns any more than upon\\nmuskets that the English commander of that age", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "ii8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nrelied in battle for bearing the brunt whether of at-\\ntack or of defense. He depended upon his horsemen,\\neither cuirassier or the newly introduced species,\\nthe dragoons, whom it puzzled the military writers of\\nthat century whether to describe as horse-footmen or\\nfoot-horsemen. Gustavus Adolphus had discovered or\\ncreated the value of cavalry, and in the English civil\\nwar the campaigns were few in which the shock of\\nhorse was not the deciding element. Cromwell, with\\nhis quick sagacity, perceived this in anticipation of the\\nlessons of experience. He got a Dutch officer to teach\\nhim drill, and his first military proceeding was to raise\\na troop of horse in his own countryside and diligently\\nfit them for action. As if to illustrate the eternal les-\\nson that there is nothing new under the sun, some have\\ndrawn a parallel between the cavalry of the small re-\\npublics of Greece in the fourth century before Christ\\nand the same arm at Edgehill and they find the same\\ndistinction between the Attic cavalry and the days of\\nAlexander, as may be traced between the primitive\\ntactics of Oliver or Rupert and those of Frederick the\\nGreat or Napoleon,\\nWe are then to imagine Oliver teaching his men\\nstraight turns to left and right, closing and opening\\ntheir files, going through all the four-and-twenty pos-\\ntures for charging, ramming, and firing their pistols,\\npetronels, and dragons, and learning the various sounds\\nand commands of the trumpet. Infinite great, says\\nan enthusiastic horseman of that time, are the con-\\nsiderations which dependeth on a man to teach and\\ngovern a troop of horse. To bring ignorant men and\\nmore ignorant horse, wild man and mad horse, to\\nthose rules of obedience which may crown every mo-\\ntion and action with comely, orderly, and profitable\\nproceedings hie labor, hoc opus est.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 119\\nCromwell s troop was gradually to grow into a regi-\\nment of a thousand men, and in every other direction\\nhe was conspicuous for briskness and activity. He\\nadvanced considerable sums from his modest private\\nmeans for the public service. He sent down arms into\\nCambridgeshire for its defense. He boldly seized the\\nmagazine in Cambridge Castle and with armed hand\\nstayed the university from sending twenty thousand\\npounds worth of its gold and silver plate for the royal\\nuse. He was present at the head of his troop in the\\nfirst serious trial of strength between the Parliamen-\\ntary forces under the Earl of Essex and the forces of\\nthe king. The battle of Edgehill (October 23, 1642)\\nis one of the most confused transactions in the history\\nof the war, and its result was indecisive.^ The Royal-\\nist were fourteen thousand against ten thousand for\\nthe Parliament, and confiding even less in superior\\nnumbers than in their birth and quality, they had little\\ndoubt of making short work of the rebellious and cant-\\ning clowns at the foot of the hill. There was no great\\ndisplay of tactics on either side. Neither side appeared\\nto know when it was gaining and when it was losing.\\nFoes, were mistaken for friends, and friends were\\nkilled for foes. In some parts of the field the Parlia-\\nment men ran away, while in other parts the king s\\nmen were more zealous for plundering than for fight.\\nWhen night fell, the conflict by tacit agreement came\\nto an end, the Royalists suspecting that they had lost\\nthe day, and Essex not sure that he had won it. What\\nis certain is that Essex s regiment of horse was un-\\nbroken. These persons underwritten, says one eye-\\nwitness, never stirred from their troops, but they and\\nlit is hardly possible to take more to extract a correct and coherent\\npains than Mr. Sanfordtook( Stud- story out of irreconcilable author-\\nies and Illustrations, pp. 521-528) ities.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "120 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ntheir troops fought till the last minute/ and among the\\nnames of the valiant and tenacious persons so under-\\nwritten is that of Cromwell.\\nWhether before or after Edgehill, it was about\\nthis time that Cromwell had that famous conversation\\nwith Hampden which stands to this day among the\\nnoble and classic commonplaces of English-speaking\\ndemocracy all over the globe. I was a person, he\\ntold his second Parliament the year before he died,\\nthat from my first employment was suddenly pre-\\nferred and lifted up from lesser trusts to greater, from\\nmy first being a captain of a troop of horse, and I did\\nlabor as well as I could to discharge my trust, and God\\nblessed me as it pleased him. And I did truly and\\nplainly, and then in a way of foolish simplicity as it was\\njudged by very great and wise men and good men too,\\ndesire to make my instruments help me in that work.\\nI had a very worthy friend then, and he was a very\\nnoble person, and I know his memory is very grateful\\nto all Mr. John Hampden. At my first going out\\ninto this engagement, I saw our men were beaten at\\nevery hand, and desired him that he would make some\\nadditions to my Lord Essex s army, of some new regi-\\nments. And I told him I would be serviceable to him\\nin bringing such men in as I thought had a spirit that\\nwould do something in the work. Your troops,\\nsaid I, are most of them old decayed serving-men\\nand tapsters, and such kind of fellows, and, said I,\\ntheir troops are gentlemen s sons and persons of qual-\\nity. Do you think that the spirits of such base and\\nmean fellows will ever be able to encounter gentlemen\\nthat have honor and courage and resolution in them?\\nYou must get men of spirit, and of a spirit that is\\nlikely to go on as far as gentlemen will go, or else you\\nwill be beaten still. He was a wise and worthy per-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "From a miniature by Cooper at Windsor Castle, by special permission of\\nHer Majesty the Queen.\\nROBERT DEVEREUX, EARL OF ESSEX.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 121\\nson, and he did think that I talked a good notion, but\\nan impracticable one. Truly I told him I could do\\nsomewhat in it. I did so and truly I must needs say\\nthat to you, impute it to what you please raised\\nsuch men as had the fear of God before them, and made\\nsome conscience of what they did, and from that day\\nforward, I must say to you, they were never beaten,\\nand wherever they were engaged against the enemy\\nthey beat continually. And truly this is matter of\\npraise to God, and it hath some instruction in it, to\\nown men who are religious and godly. And so many\\nof them as are peaceably and honestly and quietly dis-\\nposed to live within rules of government, and will be\\nsubject to those gospel rules of obeying magistrates\\nand living under authority I reckon no godliness\\nwithout that circle\\nAs the months went on, events enlarged Cromwell s\\nvision, and the sharp demands of practical necessity\\ndrew him to adopt a new general theory. In his talk\\nwith Hampden he does not actually say that if men\\nare quietly disposed to live within the rules of govern-\\nment that should suffice. But he gradually came to\\nthis. The Earl of Manchester had raised to be his\\nmajor-general Lawrence Crawford, afterward to be\\none of Cromwell s bitter gainsayers. Crawford had\\ncashiered or suspended one of his captains for the sore\\noffense of holding wrong opinions on religion. Crom-\\nwell s rebuke (March, 1643) i^ ^f the sharpest.\\nSurely you are not well advised thus to turn off one so\\nfaithful in the cause, and so able to serve you as this\\nman is. Give me leave to tell you, I cannot be of your\\njudgment cannot understand it, if a man notorious for\\nwickedness, for oaths, for drinking, hath as great a\\nshare in your affection as one who fears an oath, who\\nfears to sin. Aye, but the man is an Anabaptist. Are", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "122 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nyou sure of that Admit that he be, shall that render\\nhim incapable to serve the public? Sir, the State in\\nchoosing men to serve it takes no notice of their opin-\\nions; if they be zviUing faitJifully to serve it, that satis-\\nfies. I advised you formerly to bear with men of\\ndifferent minds from yourself; if you had done it when\\nI advised you to do it, I think you would not have had\\nso many stumbling-blocks in your way. Take heed of\\nbeing sharp, or too easily sharpened by others, against\\nthose to whom yon can object little bnt that they square\\nnot with you in every opinion concerning matters of\\nreligion.\\nIn laying down to the pragmatical Crawford what\\nhas become a fundamental of free governments, Crom-\\nwell probably did not foresee the schism that his\\nmaxims would presently create in the Revolutionary\\nranks. To save the cause was the cry of all of them,\\nbut the cause was not to all of them the same. What-\\never inscription was to be emblazoned on the Parlia-\\nmentary banners, success in the field was the one\\nessential. Pym and Hampden had perceived it from\\nthe first appeal to arms and for long before, and they\\nhad bent all their energies to urging it upon the House\\nand inspiring their commanders with their own con-\\nviction. Cromwell needed no pressure. He not only\\nsaw that without military success the cause was lost,\\nbut that the key to military success must be a force at\\nonce earnest and well-disciplined; and he applied all\\nthe keen and energetic practical qualities of his genius\\nto the creation of such a force within his own area. He\\nwas day and night preparing the force that was to show\\nits quality on the day of Marston Moor. T beseech you\\nbe careful what captains of horse you choose; a few\\nhonest men are better than numbers. If you choose\\ngodly, honest men to be captains of horse, honest men", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 123\\nwill follow them. It may be that it provokes some\\nspirits to see such plain men made captains of horse.\\nIt had been well if men of honor and birth had entered\\ninto these employments but why do they not appear\\nWho would have hindered them? But seeing it was\\nnecessary the work should go on, better plain men than\\nnone; but best to have men patient of wants, faithful\\nand conscientious in their employments. Then, in\\nfamous words that are full of life, because they point\\nwith emphasis and color to a social truth that always\\nneeds refreshing: T had rather have a plain russet-\\ncoated captain that knows what he fights for, and loves\\nwhat he knows, than that which you call a gentleman\\nand is nothing else. I honor a gentleman that is so\\nindeed. When Manchester s troops joined him,\\nCromwell found them very bad, mutinous, and un-\\ntrustworthy, though they were paid almost to the week,\\nwhile his own men were left to depend on what the\\nsequestrations of the property of malignants in Hun-\\ntingdonshire brought in. Yet, paid or unpaid, his\\ntroops increased. A lovely company, he calls them\\nthey are no Anabaptists, they are honest, sober Chris-\\ntians, they expect to be used like men.\\nHe had good right to say that he had minded the\\npublic service even to forgetfulness of his own and his\\nmen s necessities. His estate was small, yet already\\nhe had given in money between eleven and twelve hun-\\ndred pounds. With unwearied zeal he organized his\\ncounty, and kept delinquent churchmen in order.\\nLest the soldiers should in any tumultuous way at-\\ntempt the reformation 01 the cathedral, I require you,\\nwrites Cromwell to a certain Mr. Hitch at Ely, to for-\\nbear altogether your choir service, so unedifying and of-\\nfensive. Mr. Hitch, to his honor, stuck to his service.\\nThereupon Cromwell stamps up the aisle with his hat", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "124 OLIVER CROMWELL\\non, calling in hoarse barrack tones to Mr. Hitch, Leave\\noff your fooling, and come down sir. Laud would\\nhave said just the same to a Puritan prayer-meeting.\\nMany more things are unedifying and offensive than\\nCromwell had thought of, whether in Puritan or\\nAnglican.\\nII\\nThe time came when the weapon so carefully forged\\nand tempered was to be tried. The Royalist strong-\\nhold on the Lincolnshire border was Newark, and it\\nstood out through the whole course of the war. It is\\nin one of the incessant skirmishes in the neighborhood\\nof Newark or on the Newark roads, that we have our\\nfirst vision of Cromwell and his cavalry in actual en-\\ngagement. The scene was a couple of miles from\\nGrantham (May 13, 1643).\\nTen weeks later a more important encounter hap-\\npened at Gainsborough (July 28), and Cromwell has\\ndescribed it with a terseness and force that is in strange\\ncontrast to the turgid and uncouth confusion of his\\nspeeches. Within a mile and a half of the town they\\nmeet a body of a hundred of the enemy s horse. Crom-\\nwell s dragoons labored to beat them back, but before\\nthey could dismount the enemy charged and repulsed\\nthem. Then our horse charged and broke them. The\\nenemy being at the top of a very steep hill over our\\nheads, some of our men attempted to march up that\\nhill; the enemy opposed; our men drove them up and\\nforced their passage. By the time they came up they\\nsaw the enemy well set in two bodies, the horse facing\\nCromwell in front, less than a musket-shot away, and\\na reserve of a full regiment of horse behind. We en-\\ndeavored to put our men into as good order as we", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 125\\ncould. The enemy in the meanwhile advanced toward\\nus, to take us at disadvantage but in such order as we\\nwere, we charged their great body, I having the right\\nwing. We came up horse to horse, where we disputed\\nit with our swords and pistols a pretty time, all keep-\\ning close order, so that one could not break the other.\\nAt last, they a little shrinking, our men perceiving it\\npressed in upon them, and immediately routed their\\nwhole body. The reserve meanwhile stood unbroken.\\nCromwell rapidly formed up three of his own troops\\nwhom he kept back from the chase, along with four\\ntroops of the Lincoln men. Cavendish, the Royalist\\ngeneral, charged and routed the Lincolners. Imme-\\ndiately I fell on his rear with my three troops, which\\ndid so astonish him that he gave over the chase and\\nwould fain have delivered himself from me. But I\\npressing on forced them down a hill, having good exe-\\ncution of them; and below the hill, drove the general\\nwith some of his soldiers into a quagmire, where my\\ncaptain slew him with a thrust under his short ribs.\\nWhether this thrust under the short ribs was well\\ndone or not by chivalrous rules, has been a topic of\\ncontroversy. But the battle was not over. After an\\ninterval the Parliamentarians unexpectedly found\\nthemselves within a quarter of a mile of a body of\\nhorse and foot, which was in fact Lord Newcastle s\\narmy. Retreat was inevitable. Lord Willoughby\\nordered Cromwell to bring ofif both horse and foot.\\nI went to bring them off; but before I returned,\\ndivers foot were engaged, the enemy advancing with\\nhis whole body. Our foot retreated in some disorder.\\nOur horse also came off with some trouble, being\\nwearied with the long fight and their horses tired.\\nBut such was the goodness of God, says another nar-\\nrator in completion, giving courage and valor to our", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "126 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmen and officers, that while Major Whally and Cap-\\ntain Ayscough, sometimes the one with four troops\\nfaced the enemy, sometimes the other, to the exceeding\\nglory of God be it spoken, and the great honor of those\\ntwo gentlemen, they with this handful forced the\\nenemy so, and dared them to their teeth in at the least\\neight or nine several removes, the enemy following at\\ntheir heels and they, though their horses were exceed-\\ningly tired, retreating in order near carbine-shot of the\\nenemy, who then followed them, firing upon them;\\nColonel Cromwell gathering up the main body, and\\nfacing them behind these two lesser bodies that in\\ndespite of the enemy we brought off our horse in this\\norder without the loss of two men. The military\\ncritic of our own day marks great improvement be-\\ntween Grantham and Gainsborough he notes how in\\nthe second of the two days there is no delay in forming\\nup; how the development is rapidly carried out over\\ndifficult ground, bespeaking well-drilled and flexible\\ntroops; how the charge is prompt and decisive, with a\\nreserve kept well in hand, and then launched trium-\\nphantly at the right moment; how skilfully the in-\\nfantry in an unequal fight is protected in the eight or\\nnine moves of its retreat.\\nAt Winceby or Horncastle fight, things were still\\nbetter (October ii, 1643). So soon as the men had\\nknowledge of the enemy s coming, they were very full\\nof joy and resolution, thinking it a great mercy that\\nthey should now fight with him. and on they went sing-\\ning their psalms, Cromwell in the van. The Royalist\\ndragoons gave him a first volley, as he fell with brave\\nresolution upon them, and then at half-pistol shot a\\nsecond, and his horse was killed under him. But he\\ntook a soldier s horse and promptly mounting again\\nrejonied the charge, which was so home-given, and", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 127\\nperformed with so much admirable courage and reso-\\nlution, that the enemy stood not another, but were\\ndriven back on their own body.\\nIt was clear that a new cavalry leader had arisen in\\nEngland, as daring as the dreaded Rupert, but with a\\ncoolness in the red blaze of battle, a piercing eye for\\nthe shifts and changes in the fortunes of the day, above\\nall with a power of wielding his phalanx with a com-\\nbined steadiness and mobility such as the fiery prince\\nnever had. Whether Rupert or Oliver was first to\\nchange cavalry tactics is, among experts, matter of dis-\\npute. The older way had been to fire a volley before\\nthe charge. The front rank discharged its pistols,\\nthen opened right and left, and the second rank took\\nits place, and so down to the fifth. Then came the\\nonset with swords and butt-ends of their firearms.\\nThe new plan was to substitute the tactics of the shock\\nfor the horse to keep close together, knee to knee, to\\nface the enemy front to front, and either to receive the\\nhostile charge in steady, strong cohesion, or else in\\nthe same cohesion to bear down on the foe sword in\\nhand, and not to fire either pistol or carbine until they\\nhad broken through.\\nAfter the war had lasted a year and a half, things\\nlooked critical for the Parliament. Lincoln stood firm,\\nand the eastern counties stood firm, but the king had\\nthe best of it both in popular favor and military posi-\\ntion in the north including York, and the west includ-\\ning Exeter, and the midlands including Bedford and\\nNorthampton. There seemed also to be a chance of\\nforces being released in Ireland, and of relief coming\\nto the king from France. The genius of Pym, who\\nhad discerned the vital importance of the Scots to the\\nEnglish struggle at its beginning, now turned to the\\nsame quarter at the second decisive hour of peril. He", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "128 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncontrived an alliance with them, raised money for them,\\nmade all ready for their immediate advance across the\\nborder, and so opened what was for more reasons than\\none a new and critical chapter in the conflict.\\nThere were many varying combinations between\\nEnglish and Scotch parties from 1639 down to Crom-\\nwell s crowning victory at Worcester in 165 1. In\\nnone of them did the alliance rest upon broad and real\\ncommunity of aim, sentiment, or policy, and the result\\nwas that Scotch and English allies were always on the\\nverge of open enmity. The two nations were not one\\nin temperament, nor spiritual experience, nor political\\nrequirements and even at the few moments when they\\napproached a kind of cordiality, their relations were\\nuneasy. In Cromwell this uneasiness was from the\\nfirst very near to active resentment. Whether Pym\\nwas conscious how artificial was the combination, or\\nforesaw any of the difficulties that would arise from di-\\nvergent aims in the parties to it, we cannot tell. The\\nmilitary situation in any case left him no choice, and\\nhe was compelled to pay the price, just as Charles II\\nwas when he made his bargain with the Scots seven\\nyears later. That price was the Solemn League and\\nCovenant (September, 1643). This famous engage-\\nment was forced upon the English. They desired a\\nmerely civil alliance. The Scots, on the other hand,\\nconvinced from their own experience that Presbytery\\nwas the only sure barrier of defense against the return\\nof the Pope and his legions, insisted that the alliance\\nshould be a religious compact, by which English.\\nScots, and Irish were to bind themselves to bring the\\nchurches in the three kingdoms to uniformity in doc-\\ntrine, church government, and form of worship, so that\\nthe Lord and the name of the Lord should be one\\nthroughout the realm. For three years from Pym s", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "^^J5^^n[i^ S^^\\n^^^m^^^^^^\\niSS\\ni^\\\\\\nf\\nJ\\nI\\nt\\ni\\nJ\\ni\\nf\\n1\\n^faZ* R,^ S, J=^ ^/;7 li-tv\\\\ trT ^-^Ar^ _.\\n1\\nAfter the portrait by Van Dyck.\\nWILLIAM CAVENDISH, DUKE (PREVIOUSLY EARL) OF NEWCASTLE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN THE FIELD 129\\nbargain the Scots remained on English ground. The\\nScots fought for Protestant uniformity, and the\\nEngHsh leaders bowed to the demand with doubtful sin-\\ncerity and with no enthusiasm. Puritanism and Pres-\\nbyterianism were not the same thing, and even Eng-\\nlishmen who doubted of Episcopacy as it stood, made\\nno secret of their distaste for Presbytery in France,\\nGeneva, the Low Countries, or in Scotland. Many\\ntroubles followed, but statesmanship deals with trou-\\nbles as they arise, and Pym s action was a master-\\nstroke.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nMARSTON MOOR\\nIN 1643 notable actors vanished from the scene. In\\nthe closing days of 1642 Richelieu, the dictator of\\nEurope, had passed away. In a few months he was\\nfollowed by his master, Louis XIII, brother of the\\nEnglish queen. Louis XIV, then a child five years\\nold, began his famous reign of seventy-two many-col-\\nored years, and Mazarin succeeded to the ascendancy\\nand the policy of which Richelieu had given him the\\nkey. So on our own more dimly lighted stage con-\\nspicuous characters had gone.\\nLord Brooke, author of one of the earliest and\\nstrongest attacks upon Episcopacy, and standing almost\\nas high as any in the confidence of the party, was shot\\nfrom an open window while sitting in his chamber, by\\nthe besieged soldiers in Litchfield Close. On the other\\nside the virtuous Falkland, harshly awakened from fair\\ndreams of truth and peace by the rude clamor and sav-\\nage blows of exasperated combatants, sought death in\\nthe front rank of the royal forces at the first battle of\\nNewbury (September). His name remains when all\\narguments about him have been rehearsed and are at\\nan end one of that rare band of the sons of time,\\nsoldiers in lost causes, who find this world too vexed\\nand rough a scene for them, but to whom history will\\nnever grudge her tenderest memories.\\n130", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR 131\\nTwo figures more important than either of these had\\nalso disappeared. Hampden had been mortally\\nwounded in a skirmish at Chalgrove Field. Then in De-\\ncember the long strain of heavy anxieties burdening so\\nmany years had brought to an end the priceless life of\\nPym, the greatest leader of them all. With these two\\nthe giants of the first generation fell. The crisis had\\nundergone once more a change of phase. The clouds\\nhung heavier, the storm was darker, the ship labored\\nin the trough. A little group of men next stood in the\\nfront line, honorable in character and patriotic in in-\\ntention, but mediocre in their capacity for war, and\\nguided rather by amiable hopes than by a strong-\\nhanded grasp of shifting and dangerous positions.\\nFor them too the hour had struck. Essex, Manches-\\nter, Warwick, were slow in motion without being firm\\nin conclusion; just and candid, but with no faculty of\\nclenching unwilling to see that Thorough must be met\\nby Thorough and of that Fabian type whom the quick\\ncall for action instead of inspiring irritates. Benevo-\\nlent history may mourn that men so good were no\\nlonger able to serve their time. Their misfortune was\\nthat misgivings about future solutions dulled their\\nsense of instant needs. Cromwell had truer impres-\\nsions and better nerve. The one essential was that\\nCharles should not come out master in the military\\nstruggle. Cromwell saw that at this stage nothing\\nelse mattered; he saw that the Parliamentary liberties\\nof the country could have no safety, until the king s\\nweapon had been finally struck from his hand. At\\nleast one other actor in that scene was as keenly alive\\nto this as Cromwell, and that was Charles himself.\\nIt is a mistake to suppose that the patriots and their\\ncomrades had now at their back a nation at red heat.\\nThe flame kindled by the attempted arrest of the five", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "132 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmembers, and by the tyranny of the Star Chamber or\\nof the bishops, had a Httle sunk. Divisions had arisen,\\nand that fatal and famiHar stage had come when men\\non the same side hate one another more bitterly than\\nthey hate the common foe. New circumstances\\nevolved new motives. Some who had been most for-\\nward against the king at first had early fainted by the\\nway, and were now thinking of pardon and royal\\nfavor. Others were men of a neutral spirit, willing\\nto have a peace on any terms. Others had got estates\\nby serving the Parliament and now wished to secure\\nthem by serving the king while those who had got no\\nestates bore a grudge against the party that had over-\\nlooked them.\\nCromwell in his place warned the House of the dis-\\ncouragement that was stealing upon the public mind.\\nUnless, he said, we have a more vigorous prosecution\\nof the war, we shall make the kingdom weary of us\\nand hate the name of a Parliament. Even many that\\nhad at the beginning been their friends, were now say-\\ning that Lords and Commoners had got great places\\nand commands and the power of the sword into their\\nhands, and would prolong the war in order to per-\\npetuate their own grandeur, just as soldiers of fortune\\nacross the seas spun out campaigns in order to keep\\ntheir own employments. If the army were not put\\nupon another footing and the war more vigorously fol-\\nlowed, the people could bear the war no longer, but\\nwould insist upon peace, even rather a dishonorable\\npeace than none.\\nAlmost the same reproaches were brought on the\\nother side. This is the moment when Clarendon says\\nthat it seemed as if the whole stock of affection, loyalty,\\nand courage that had at first animated the friends of\\nthe king were now quite spent, and had been followed", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR i33\\nup by negligence, laziness, inadvertency, and base de-\\njection of spirit. Mere folly produced as much mis-\\nchief to the king s cause as deliberate villainy could\\nhave done. Charles s own counsels according to\\nClarendon were as irresolute and unsteady as his ad-\\nvisers were ill-humored and factious. They were all\\nblind to what ought to have been evident, and full of\\ntrepidation about things that were never likely to\\nhappen. One day they wasted time in deliberating\\nwithout coming to a decision, another day they decided\\nwithout deliberating. Worst of all, decision was never\\nfollowed by vigorous execution.\\nAt the end of 1642 the king accounted his business\\nin Yorkshire as good as done. Here the great man\\nwas the Earl of Newcastle. He was an accomplished\\nman, the patron of good poets like Dryden, and of bad\\npoets like Shadwell. He wrote comedies of his own,\\nwhich according to his wife were inspired by the pleas-\\nant and laudable object of laughing at the follies of\\nmankind and there is a story, probably apocryphal,\\nof his entertaining at dinner in Paris no less immortal\\npersons than Hobbes and Descartes. A sage Italian,\\ndead a hundred years before, warned statesmen that\\nthere is no worse thing in all the world than levity.\\nLight men are the very instruments for whatever is\\nbad, dangerous, and hurtful flee from them like fire.\\nOf this evil tribe of Guicciardini s was Lord Newcastle;\\nand too many of Charles s friends, and in a certain\\nsense even Charles himself, were no better. All this,\\nhowever, did not prevent Newcastle, by his vast terri-\\ntorial influence, popularity, and spirit, from raising in\\nthe great county of York, in Northumberland, Dur-\\nham, and Westmoreland, a force of nearly seven thou-\\nsand men. He had seized the metropolitan city of\\nnorthern England, and he had occupied the city on the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "134 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nTyne from which he took his title. It was the only-\\ngreat port all the way from Plymouth to Berwick by\\nwhich the king could bring arms and ammunition from\\nthe continent into England. Lord Newcastle was con-\\nfronted in Yorkshire by the two Fairfaxes, with many\\nthough hardly a majority of the gentry of the county\\non their side, and it was in these operations that the\\nyounger Fairfax, the future Lord General of the Par-\\nliament, first showed his gallantry, his dash, his invin-\\ncible persistency, and his skill. The Royalist com-\\nmander won a stiff fight at Tadcaster before the end of\\nthe year; and after alternations of capture and re-\\ncapture at Bradford, Wakefield, and Leeds, by the mid-\\ndle of the summer of 1643 he made himself master of\\nall the towns in the interior of the county. The Fair-\\nfaxes were badly beaten (June 30) at Adwalton, a\\nridge above Bradford, and were driven by their thinned\\nnumbers, by some disaffection among the officers, and\\nby occasional lack of bullet, match, and powder, to\\nforce their way over the waste and hilly moors and to\\nthrow themselves into Hull, the only important place\\nin the county of York now left in the hands of the\\nParliament.\\nAll through the summer of 1643 the tide of victory\\nflowed strong for the king. Newcastle s successes in\\nYorkshire accompanied the successes of Hopton in the\\nwest. Lord Stamford, with his army of seven thou-\\nsand men, had been beaten out of the field at Stratton\\n(May, 1643), leaving the king master over all the\\nsouthwest, with the important exception of Plymouth.\\nThe defeats at Lansdown and Roundway Down (July\\n13) had broken up Waller s army. Bristol had fallen\\n(July 26). The movements of Essex against Oxford,\\nlike most of that unlucky general s operations, had\\nended in failure, and he protested to the Parliament", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR 135\\nthat he could not carry on without reinforcements in\\nmen and money. It seemed as if nothing could pre-\\nvent the triumph of a great combined operation by\\nwhich the king should lead his main army down the\\nvalley of the Thames, while Newcastle should bring\\nhis northern force through the eastern counties and\\nunite with the king in overpowering London. But the\\nmoment was lost, and the tide turned. For good rea-\\nsons or bad, the king stopped to lay siege to Gloucester,\\nand so gave time to Essex to recover. This was one\\nof the critical events of the war, as it was Essex s one\\nmarked success. Charles was compelled to raise the\\nsiege, and his further advance was checked by his re-\\npulse at Newbury (September 20). The other branch\\nof the combined movement by which Newcastle was to\\nmarch south was hardly so much as seriously at-\\ntempted.\\nNewcastle s doings in Yorkshire and their sequel\\nprepared the way for that important encounter a year\\nlater which brought Cromwell into the front rank of\\nmilitary captains. For most of that year, from the\\nsummer of 1643 to the summer of 1644, the power of\\nthe northern army and the fate of London and the Par-\\nliamentary cause turned upon Lincolnshire, the bor-\\nderland between Yorkshire and the stubborn counties\\nto the southeast. This issue was settled by the cav-\\nalry action at Winceby (October, 1643), where the\\nunited forces of Fairfax and Manchester met a body\\nof Royalist contingents from Newcastle, Gains-\\nborough, and Lincoln. Cromwell, supported by Fair-\\nfax, led the van. His horse was killed under him, and\\nas he rose to his feet he was felled by a blow from a\\nRoyalist trooper. Remounting the horse of a passing\\nsoldier, he dashed into the fight with his usual stout-\\nness and intrepidity. The same day that saw the Roy-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "136 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nalist repulse at Winceby, saw Newcastle raise the siege\\nof Hull. Two months later the Scots began their\\nmarch northward, and in January (1644) they crossed\\nthe border. Cromwell during the spring was occu-\\npied in the convoy of ammunition, in taking fortified\\nhouses, and other miscellaneous military duties. He was\\nsoon called to a decisive occasion. Newcastle, after a\\ncritical repulse at Selby, fell back upon York, where he\\nwas gradually closed in by Fairfax, Manchester, and\\nthe Scots. From April to June he held out, until the\\nwelcome news reached him that Rupert was advancing\\nto his relief. Fearing to be caught between two fires,\\nthe Parliamentary generals drew off. By a series of\\nskilful movements, Rupert joined Newcastle within\\nthe walls of York, and forced him to assent to imme-\\ndiate engagement with the retreating Parliamentarians.\\nIt has been said that the two armies who stood face\\nto face at Marston (July 2, 1644) were the largest\\nmasses of men that had met as foes on English ground\\nsince the wars of the Roses. The Royalist force\\ncounted seventeen or eighteen thousand men, the Par-\\nliamentarians and their Scotch allies twenty-six or\\ntwenty-seven thousand. The whole were about twice\\nas many as were engaged at Edgehill. In our gener-\\nation people may make little of battles where armies of\\nonly a few thousand men were engaged. Yet we may\\nas well remember that Napoleon entered Italy in 1796\\nwith only thirty thousand men under arms. At Areola\\nand at Rivoli he had not over fifteen thousand in the\\nfield, and even at Marengo he had not twice as many.\\nIn the great campaign of 1631-32 in the Thirty Years\\nWar, the Imperialists were twenty-four thousand foot\\nand thirteen thousand horse, while the Swedes were\\ntwenty-eight thousand foot and nine thousand horse.\\nAs the forces engaged at Marston were the most nu-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "Frcm the miniature at Windsor Castle, by special permission of\\nHer Majesty the Queen.\\nTHOMAS, LORD FAIRFAX\\nFrom the obverse and reverse of a medal in the British Museum.\\nFERDINAND, LORD FAIRFAX.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR 137\\nmeroiis, so the battle was the bloodiest in the civil war.\\nIt was also the most singular, for the runaways were\\nas many on one side as the other, and the three victori-\\nous generals were all of them fugitives from the field.\\nThe general course of what happened is fairly intelli-\\ngible, though in details all is open to a raking fire of\\nhistoric dotibts.^\\nThe two armies faced one another as usual in two\\nparallel lines, the foot in the center and the horse on\\nthe wings. A wide ditch with a hedge on its southern\\nside divided them. The Parliamentary forces were\\ndrawn up on a ridge sloping to the moor. The Scot-\\ntish foot under Leven and Bail lie stationed in the\\ncenter, with the Yorkshire army under the two Fair-\\nfaxes on the right, and Manchester s army of the East-\\nern Association on the left. The younger Fairfax, on\\nthe right wing, was in command of a body of horse\\ncounted by some at four thousand, of whom nearly one\\nthird were Scots. On the left wing Cromwell had\\nbetween two thousand and twenty-five hundred of the\\nregular cavalry of the Eastern Association, supported\\nby a reserve of about eight hundred ill-horsed Scots in\\nthe rear. Of this force of cavalry, on which as it hap-\\npened the fortune of the day was to depend, David\\nLeslie commanded the Scottish contingent under\\nCromwell, The whole line extended about a mile and\\na half from right to left, and the Royalist line was\\nrather longer. On the king s side, Rupert faced\\nOliver. Newcastle and his main adviser Eythin\\nfaced Leven and Baillie, and Goring faced the two\\nFairfaxes. The hostile lines were so near to one an-\\n1 Mr. Firth has closely described Hoenig s Oliver Cromwell, li.\\nthe evidence and authorities in the Theil, p. 136, and a more import-\\nTransactions of Royal Historical ant excursus, Bd. ii. pp. 441-453.\\nSociety, vol. xii. See Colonel", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "138 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nother that, as Cromwell s scout-master says, their\\nfoot was close to our noses.\\nSo for some five hours (July 21 the two hosts with\\ncolors flying and match burning, looked each other in\\nthe face. It was a showery summer afternoon. The\\nParliamentarians in the standing corn, hungry and\\nwet, beguiled the time in singing hymns. You can-\\nnot imagine, says an eye-witness, the courage, spirit,\\nand resolution that was taken up on both sides for we\\nlooked, and no doubt they also, upon this fight as the\\nlosing or gaining the garland. And now, sir, consider\\nthe height of difference of spirits in their army the\\ncream of all the Papists in England, and in ours a col-\\nlection out of all the corners of England and Scotland,\\nof such as had the greatest antipathy to popery and\\ntyranny these equally thinking the extirpation of each\\nother. And now the sword must determine that which\\na hundred years policy and dispute could not do.\\nFive o clock came, and a strange stillness fell upon\\nthem all. Rupert said to Newcastle that there would\\nbe no fight that day, and Newcastle rode to his great\\ncoach standing not far off, called for a pipe of tobacco,\\nand composed himself for the evening. He was soon\\ndisturbed. At seven o clock the flame of battle leaped\\nforth, the low hum of the two armed hosts in an instant\\ncharged into fierce uproar, and before many minutes\\nthe moor and the slope of the hill were covered with\\nbloodshed and disorder. Who gave the sign for the\\ngeneral engagement we do not know, and it is even\\nlikely that no sign as the result of deliberate and con-\\ncerted plan was ever given at all.\\nHorse and foot moved down the hill like so many\\nthick clouds. Cromwell, on the Parliamentary left,\\ncharged Rupert with the greatest resolution that ever\\nwas seen. It was the first time that these two great", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR i39\\nleaders of horse had ever met in direct shock, and it\\nwas here that Rupert gave to Ohver the brave nick-\\nname of Ironside. As it happened, this was also one\\nof the rare occasions when Oliver s cavalry suffered a\\ncheck. David Leslie with his Scotch troopers was\\nluckily at hand, and charging forward together they\\nfell upon Rupert s right flank. This diversion enabled\\nOliver, who had been wounded in the neck, to order his\\nretreating men to face about. Such a manceuver, say\\nthe soldiers, is one of the nicest in the whole range of\\ntactics, and bears witness to the discipline and flexi-\\nbility of Cromwell s force, like a delicate-mouthed\\ncharger with a consummate rider. With Leslie s aid\\nthey put Rupert and his cavalry to rout. Cromwell s\\nown division, says the scout-master, had a hard pull\\nof it, for they were charged by Rupert s bravest men\\nboth in front and flank. They stood at the sword s\\npoint a pretty while, hacking one another; but at last\\nhe broke through them, scattering them like a little\\ndust. This done, the foot of their own wing charging\\nby their side, they scattered the Royalists as fast as they\\ncharged them, slashing them down as they went. The\\nhorse carried the whole field on the left before them,\\nthinking that the victory was theirs, and that nothing\\nwas to be done but to kill and take prisoners. It was\\nadmitted by Cromwell s partizan that Leslie s chase of\\nthe broken forces of Rupert, making a rally impossible,\\nwas what left Cromwell free to hold his men compact\\nand ready for another charge. The key to most of\\nhis victories was his care that his horse when they had\\nbroken the enemy should not scatter in pursuit. The\\nsecret a masterful coolness and the flash of military\\nperception in the leader, along with iron discipline in\\nthe men.\\nUnfortunately all had gone wrong elsewhere. On", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "I40 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe Parliamentary right the operation as conducted\\nby Cromwell on the left had been reversed. Sir\\nThomas Fairfax charged Goring, as Cromwell and\\nLeslie charged Rupert, and he made a desperate fight\\nfor it. He cut his way through, chasing a body of\\nGoring s force before him on the road south to York.\\nWhen he turned back from his chase, after being\\nunhorsed, severely wounded, and with difficulty res-\\ncued from the enemy, he found that Goring by a\\ncharge of savage vigor had completely broken the\\nmain body of the Parliamentary horse on the right,\\nhad driven them in upon their own foot, and had even\\nthrown the main body of the Scotch foot into dis-\\norder. This dangerous moment has been described\\nby a Royalist eye-witness. The runaways on both\\nsides were so many, so breathless, so speechless, so\\nfull of fears, that he would hardly have known them\\nfor men. Both armies were mixed up together, both\\nhorse and foot, no side keeping their own posts.\\nHere he met a shoal of Scots, loud in lamentation as\\nif the day of doom had overtaken them. Elsewhere\\nhe saw a ragged troop reduced to four and a cornet,\\nthen an officer of foot, hatless, breathless, and with\\nonly so much tongue as to ask the way to the next\\ngarrison.\\nIn the center meanwhile the Parliamentary force\\nwas completely broken, though the Scotch infantry on\\nthe right continued stubbornly to hold their ground.\\nThis was the crisis of the fight, and the Parliamentary\\nbattle seemed to be irretrievably lost. It was saved\\nin a second act by the manful stoutness of a rem-\\nnant of the Scots in the center, and still more by the\\ngenius and energy of Cromwell and the endurance of\\nhis troopers. Many both of the Scottish and Eng-\\nlish foot had taken to flight. Their braver comrades", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "From a miniature at Windsor Castle, by special permission of\\nHer Majesty the Queen.\\nGEORGE, LORD GORING.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR 141\\nwhom they left behind held firm against assault after\\nassault from Newcastle and the Royalists. Crom-\\nwell, having disposed of Rupert on the left, now\\nswept round in the Royalist rear to the point on their\\nleft where Goring had been stationed before the battle\\nbegan. Here, says the scout-master, the business\\nof the day, nay, of the kingdom, came to be deter-\\nmined. Goring s men, seeing Cromwell s manceu-\\nver, dropped their pursuit and plunder, marched down\\nthe hill, just as Fairfax had marched down it an\\nhour before, and speedily came to the same disaster.\\nCromwell keeping his whole force in hand, and\\nconcentrating it upon the immediate object of beating\\nGoring, no sooner succeeded than he turned to the\\nnext object, and exerted his full strength upon that.\\nThis next object was now the relief of the harassed\\nfoot in the center. Attacking in front and flank, he\\nthrew his whole force upon the Royalist infantry of\\nNewcastle, still hard at work on what had been the\\ncenter of the line, supported by a remnant of Goring s\\nhorse. This was the grand movement which mili-\\ntary critics think worthy of comparison with that de-\\ncisive charge of Seidlitz and his five thousand horse,\\nwhich gained for Frederick the Great the renowned\\nvictory at Zorndorf. Major-General David Leslie,\\nseeing us thus pluck a victory out of the enemy s\\nhands, could not too much commend us, and professed\\nEurope had no better soldiers! Before ten o clock\\nall was over, and the Royalists beaten from the field\\nwere in full retreat. In what is sometimes too lightly\\ncalled the vulgar courage of the soldier, neither side\\nwas wanting. Cromwell s was the only manoeuver\\nof the day that showed the talent of the soldier s eye\\nor the power of swift initiative.\\nMore than four thousand brave men lay gory and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "142 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nstark upon the field under the summer moon. Of these\\nmore than three thousand a few hours before had\\ngone into the fight shouting, For God and the king!\\nmet by the hoarse counter-shout from the ParHamen-\\ntarians, God with us! so confident were each that\\ndivine favor was on their side. At the famed battle\\nof Rocroi the year before, which transferred the lau-\\nrels of military superiority from Spain to France,\\neight thousand Spaniards were destroyed and two\\nthousand French, out of a total force on both sides\\nof some forty-five thousand.\\nA story is told of Marston, for which there is as\\ngood evidence as for many things that men believe.\\nA Lancashire squire of ancient line was killed fight-\\ning for the king. His wife came upon the field the\\nnext morning to search for him. They were strip-\\nping and burying the slain. A general ofiicer asked\\nher what she was about, and she told him her melan-\\ncholy tale. He listened to her with great tenderness,\\nand earnestly besought her to leave the horrid scene.\\nShe complied, and calling for a trooper, he set her\\nupon the horse. On her way she inquired the name\\nof the officer, and learned that he was Lieutenant-Gen-\\neral Cromwell.\\nCromwell s own references to his first great battle\\nare comprised in three or four well-known sentences\\nIt had all the evidences of an absolute victory, ob-\\ntained by the Lord s blessing on the godly party prin-\\ncipally. We never charged but we routed the enemy.\\nThe left wing, which I commanded, being our own\\n.horse, saving a few Scots in our rear, beat all the\\nprince s horse, and God made them stubble to our\\nswords. We charged their regiments of foot with\\nour horse, and routed all we charged. I believe of", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "MARSTON MOOR i43\\ntwenty thousand the prince hath not four thousand\\nleft. Give glory, all the glory to God.\\nWithout dwelling on the question how much the\\nstubborn valor of the Scots under Baillie and Lums-\\nden against the Royalist assaults on the center had to\\ndo with the triumphant result, still to describe a force\\nnearly one third as large as his own and charging\\nside by side with himself, as a few Scots in our rear,\\nmust be set down as strangely loose. For if one\\nthing is more clear than another amid the obscurities\\nof Marston, it is that Leslie s flank attack on Rupert\\nwhile the ironsides were falling back, was the key\\nto the decisive events that followed. The only plea\\nto be made is that Oliver was not writing an official\\ndespatch, but a hurried private letter announcing to a\\nkinsman the calamitous loss of a gallant son upon the\\nbattlefield, in which fullness of detail was not to be\\nlooked for. When all justice has been done to the\\nvalor of the Scots, glory enough was left for Crom-\\nwell and so, when the party dispute was over, the\\npublic opinion of the time pronounced.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nTHE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY AND THE\\nCONFLICT OF IDEALS\\nWITH the march of these events a march of ideas\\nproceeded, of no less interest for mankind.\\nThe same commotion that was fast breaking up the\\nfoundation of the throne had already shaken down\\nthe church. To glance at this process is no irrele-\\nvant excursion, but takes us to the heart of the con-\\ntention, and to a central epoch in the growth of the\\ncareer of Cromwell. The only great Protestant coun-\\ncil ever assembled on English soil has, for various rea-\\nsons, lain mostly in the dim background of our his-\\ntory.^ Yet it is no unimportant chapter in the eternal\\ncontroversy between spiritual power and temporal, no\\ntransitory bubble in the troubled surges of the Refor-\\nmation. Dead are most of its topics, or else in the\\nceaseless transmigration of men s ideas as the ages\\npass, its enigmas are now propounded in many altered\\nshapes. Still, as we eye these phantoms of old debate,\\nand note the faded, crumbling vesture in which once\\n1 Since this chapter was first workof importance in its elucidation\\nprinted Dr. William Shaw has of the controversies of the Westmin-\\npublished his History of the Eng- ster Assembly, and otherwise. The\\nlish Church during the Civil Wars M mutes of the Assembly were pub-\\nand under the Commonwealth, a lished in 1874.\\n144", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 145\\nvivid forms of human thought were clad, we stand\\ncloser to the inner mind of the serious men and women\\nof that time than when we ponder political discus-\\nsions either of soldiers or of Parliament. The slow\\nfluctuations of the war from Edgehill to Marston left\\nroom for strange expansions in the sphere of religion\\nquite as important as the fortune of battle itself. In\\na puritan age citizenship in the secular state fills a\\nsmaller space in the imaginations of men, than the\\nmystic fellowship of the civitas Dei, the city of God\\nhence the passionate concern in many a problem that\\nfor us is either settled or indifferent. Nor should\\nwe forget what is a main element in the natural his-\\ntory of intolerance, that in such times error ranks as\\nsin and even the most monstrous shape of sin.\\nThe aggressions of the Commons upon the old\\nchurch order had begun, as we have seen, by a\\ndemand for the ejectment of the bishops from the\\nLords. The Lords resisted so drastic a change in the\\ncomposition of their own body (1641). The tide\\nrose, passion became more intense, judgment waxed\\nmore uncompromising, and at the instigation of Crom-\\nwell and Vane resolute proposals were made in the\\nCommons for the abolition of the Episcopal office and\\nthe transfer to lay commissions instituted and con-\\ntrolled by Parliament, of Episcopal functions of juris-\\ndiction and ordination. On what scheme the church\\nshould be reconstructed neither Cromwell nor Par-\\nliament had considered, any more than they consid-\\nered in later years what was to follow a fallen mon-\\narchy. In the Grand Remonstrance of the winter of\\n1 64 1, the Commons desired a general synod of the\\nmost grave, pious, learned, and judicious divines of\\nthis island, to consider all things necessary for the\\npeace and good government of the church. It was", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "146 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nnot until the summer of 1643 this synod was at\\nlast after half a dozen efforts actually appointed by\\nParliament.\\nThe flames of fanaticism were blazing with a fierce-\\nness not congenial to the English temper, and such\\nas has hardly possessed Englishmen before or since.\\nPuritanism showed itself to have a most unlovely side.\\nIt was not merely that controversy was rough and\\ncoarse, though it was not much less coarse in Puritan\\npulpits than it had been on the lips of German friars\\nor Jesuit polemists in earlier stages. In Burton s\\nfamous sermon for which he suffered punishment so\\nbarbarous, he calls the bishops Jesuitical polyprag-\\nmatics, anti-Christian mushrooms, factors for anti-\\nChrist, dumb dogs, ravening wolves, robbers of souls,\\nmiscreants. Even the august genius of Milton could\\nnot resist the virulent contagion of the time. As diffi-\\nculties multiplied, coarseness grew into ferocity. A\\npreacher before the House of Commons so early as\\n1641 cried out to them: What soldier s heart would\\nnot start deliberately to come into a subdued city and\\ntake the little ones upon the spear s point, to take\\nthem by the heels and beat out their brains against\\nthe wall What inhumanity and barbarousness\\nwould this be thought? Yet if this work be to re-\\nvenge God s church against Babylon, he is a blessed\\nman that takes and dashes the little ones against the\\nstones. The fiery rage of the old Red Dragon of\\nRome itself, or the wild battle-cries of Islam, were\\nhardly less appalling than these dark transports of\\nPuritan imagination. Even prayers were often more\\nlike imprecation than intercession. When Montrose\\nlay under sentence of death, he declined the offer of\\nthe Presbyterian ministers to pray with him, for he\\nknew that the address to Heaven would be: Lord,", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 147\\nvouchsafe yet to touch the obdurate heart of tliis\\nproud, incorrigible sinner, this wicked, perjured, trai-\\ntorous, and profane person, who refuses to hearken\\nto the voice of thy kirk. It was a day of wrath, and\\nthe gospel of charity was for the moment sealed.\\nThe ferment was tremendous. Milton, in striking\\nwords, shows us how London of that time (1644),\\nthe city of refuge encompassed with God s protec-\\ntion, was not busier as a shop of war with hammers\\nand anvils fashioning out the instruments of armed\\njustice, than it was with pens and heads sitting by\\ntheir studious lamps, musing, searching, and revolv-\\ning new ideas. Another observer of a different spirit\\ntells how hardly a day passed (1646) without the\\nbrewing or broaching of some new opinion. People\\nare said to esteem an opinion a mere diurnal after a\\nday or two scarce worth the keeping. If any man\\nhave lost his religion, let him repair to London, and\\nI ll warrant him he shall find it. I had almost said,\\ntoo, and if any man has a religion, let him come but\\nhither now, and he shall go near to lose it. Well\\nmight the zealots of uniformity tremble. Louder\\nand more incessant, says Baxter, than disputes about\\ninfant baptism or antinomianism, waxed their call\\nfor liberty of conscience, that every man might preach\\nand do in matters of religion what he pleased. All\\nthese disputes, and the matters of them, found a focus\\nin the Westminster Assembly of Divines.\\nIt was nominally composed of one hundred and\\nfifty members, including not only Anglicans, but An-\\nglican bishops, and comprehending, besides divines,\\nten lay peers and twice as many members of the other\\nHouse. Eight Scottish commissioners were included.\\nThe Anglicans never came, or else they immediately\\nfell off; the laymen, with the notable exception of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "148 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nSelden, took but a secondary part; and it became\\nessentially a body of divines, usually some sixty of\\nthem in attendance. The field appointed for their\\ntoil was indeed enormous. It was nothing less than\\nthe reorganization of the spiritual power, subject to\\nthe shifting exigencies of the temporal, with divers\\npatterns to choose from in the reformed churches out\\nof England. Faith, worship, discipline, government,\\nwere all comprehended in their vast operation. They\\nwere instructed to organize a scheme for a church; to\\ncompose a directory in place of the Prayer Book to\\nset forth in a confession of faith what men must be-\\nlieve to draw up a catechism for teaching the true\\ncreed. Work that in itself would have sufficed for\\ngiants, was complicated by the play of politics out-\\nside, and the necessity of serving many changing mas-\\nters. The important point is that their masters were\\nlaymen. The assembly was simply to advise. Par-\\nliament had no more intention of letting the divines\\nescape its own direct control than Henry VIII or Eliz-\\nabeth would have had. The assembly was the creature\\nof a Parliamentary ordinance. To Parliament it must\\nreport, and without assent of Parliament its proceed-\\nings must come to naught. This was not all. The Sol-\\nemn League and Covenant in the autumn of 1643\\nand the entry of the Scots upon the scene, gave a\\nnew turn to religious forces, and ended in a remark-\\nable transformation of political parties. The Scots\\nhad exacted the Covenant from the Parliamentary\\nleaders as the price of military aid, and the Covenant\\nmeant the reconstruction of the English Church, not\\nupon the lines of modified Episcopacy or Presbytery\\nregulated by lay supremacy but upon Presbytery after\\nthe Scottish model of church government by clerical\\nassemblies.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 149\\nThe divines first met in Henry VH s chapel (July\\n1, 1643), ^^^^t when the weather grew colder they\\nmoved into the Jerusalem Chamber that old-world\\nroom, where anybody apt, in the spacious circuit of\\nhis musing, to wander among far-off things, may\\nfind so many memorable associations, and none of\\nthem more memorable than this. For most of five\\nyears and a half they sat over one thousand sittings.\\nOn five days in the week they labored from nine in\\nthe morning until one or two in the afternoon. Each\\nmember received four shillings a day, and was fined\\nsixpence if he was late for prayers at half-past eight.\\nNot seldom they had a day of fasting, when they\\nspent from nine to five very graciously. After Dr.\\nTwisse had begun with a brief prayer, Mr. Marshall\\nprayed large two hours most divinely. After, Mr.\\nArrowsmith preached one hour, then a psalm, there-\\nafter Mr. Vines prayed near two hours, and Mr. Pal-\\nmer preached one hour, and Mr. Seaman prayed near\\ntwo hours, then a psalm. After Mr, Henderson\\nbrought them to a short, sweet conference of the heart\\nconfessed in the assembly, and other seen faults to be\\nremedied, and the convenience to preach against all\\nsects, especially Baptist and Antinomians. These\\nprodigies of physical endurance in spiritual exercises\\nwere common in those days. Johnston of Warriston\\nintending to spend an hour or two in prayer, once car-\\nried his devotions from six in the morning until\\nhe was amazed by the bells ringing at eight in the\\nevening.\\nThere were learned scholars and theologians, but\\nno governing churchman of the grand type rose up\\namong them nobody who at the same time compre-\\nhended states and the foundation of states, explored\\ncreeds and the sources of creeds, knew man and the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "ISO OLIVER CROMWELL\\nheart of man. No Calvin appeared, nor Knox, nor\\nWesley, nor Chalmers. Alexander Henderson was\\npossessed of many gifts in argument, persuasion,\\ncounsel, but he had not the spirit of action and com-\\nmand. Sincere Presbyterians of to-day turn impa-\\ntiently aside from what they call the miserable logo-\\nmachies of the Westminster divines. Even in that\\nunfruitful gymnastic, though they numbered pious\\nand learned men, they had no athlete. They made\\nno striking or original cofitribution to the strong and\\ncompacted doctrines of Calvinistic faith. To turn\\nover the pages of Lightfoot s journal of their pro-\\nceedings is to understand what is meant by the de-\\nscription of our seventeenth century as the middle ages\\nof Protestantism. Just as mediaeval schoolmen dis-\\ncussed the nature and existence of universals in one\\ncentury, and the mysteries of immortality and a super-\\nhuman First Cause in another century, so now divines\\nand laymen discussed predestination, justification,\\nelection, reprobation, and the whole unfathomable\\nbody of the theological metaphysics by the same\\nmethod verbal logic drawing sterile conclusions from\\nuntested authority.\\nHappily it is not our concern to follow the divines\\nas they went plowing manfully through their Con-\\nfession of faith. They were far from accepting the\\nold proposition of Bishop Hall that the most useful\\nof all books of theology would be one with the title\\nof De paucitate credendorum of the fewness of the\\nthings that a man should believe. After long and\\ntough debates about the decrees of election, they had\\nduly passed the heads of Providence, Redemption.\\nCovenant, Justification, Free Will, and a part of Per-\\nseverance. And so they proceeded. The two sides\\nplied one another with arguments oral and on paper,", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 151\\nplea and replication, rejoinder and rebutter, surre-\\njoinder and surrebutter. They contended, says hon-\\nest Bailie, tanquam pro aris et facis as if for hearth\\nand altar.\\nIt was not until May (1647) this famous\\nexposition of theological truth was submitted to the\\nHouse of Commons. By that time Parliament, in\\ndeep water, had other things to think of, and the\\nWestminster Confession never received the sanction\\nof the State. Nor did the two Catechisms, which,\\nalong with the Confession, are still the standards not\\nonly of the Church of Scotland, but of the great body\\nof Presbyterian churches grouped all over the Eng-\\nlish-speaking world, and numbering many millions of\\nstrenuous adherents. The effect of familiarity with\\nthe Shorter Catechism upon the intellectual character\\nof the Scottish peasantry, and the connection between\\nPresbyterian government and a strongly democratic\\nturn of thought and feeling in the community, are\\naccepted commonplaces. Perhaps this fruit of the\\nlabors of the Westminster Assembly, appraise it as\\nwe may, was in one sense the most lasting and positive\\nproduct of the far-famed Long Parliament that set it\\nup and controlled it.\\nII\\nA GREAT group of questions, one following another,\\narose upon the very threshold of the Reformation.\\nThe Pope dislodged, tradition cast forth, the open\\nBible placed in the emptied shrine, fresh fountains\\nof spiritual truth and life unsealed of which all save\\nthe children of reprobation might partake a long\\ncampaign of fierce battles was next fought on fields\\noutside of purely theologic doctrine. What is the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "152 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nscriptural form of church government prelacy, pres-\\nbytery, or congregational independence? Who was\\nto inherit the authority of the courts spiritual the\\ncivil magistrate or the purified and reconstituted\\nchurch? Ought either bishop or synod to have coer-\\ncive jurisdiction against the outward man, his liberty,\\nlife, or estate? Ought the state to impose one form\\nof church government upon all citizens or to leave\\nto free choice both form of government and submis-\\nsion to discipline; or to favor one form, but without\\ncompulsion on individuals who favored another?\\nOught the state to proscribe or punish the practices\\nof any church or adhesion to any faith? These were\\nthe mighty problems that had now first been brought\\nto the front in England by(a^eat ^revolution, partly\\nIpolitical, partly ecclesiastical, and wholly unconscious.\\nHike most revolutions, of its own drift, issues, and\\nl4;^esult Few more determined struggles have ever\\nbeen fought on our sacred national battle-ground at\\nWestminster, than the contest between the Assembly\\nof Divines and the Parliament. The divines inspired\\nfrom Scotland insisted that presbytery was of divine\\nright. The majority of the Parliament, true to Eng-\\nlish traditions and instinct, insisted that all church\\ngovernment was of human institution and depended\\non the will of the magistrate. The divines contended\\nthat presbytery and synod were to have the unfet-\\ntered right of inflicting spiritual censures, and deny-\\ning access to the communion-table to all whom they\\nshould choose to condemn as ignorant or scandalous\\npersons. The Parliament was as stubborn that these\\ncensures were to be confined to offenses specified by\\nlaw, and with a right of appeal to a lay tribunal. It\\nwas the mortal battle so incessantly renewed in that\\nage and since, between the principles of Calvin and", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 153\\nKnox and the principles imputed to Erastiis. the\\nSwiss physician and divine, who had died at Heidel-\\nberg in 1583.\\nFor ten days at a time the assembly debated the\\nright of every particular congregation to ordain its\\nown officers. For thirty days they debated the propo-\\nsition that particular congregations ought to be united\\nunder one Presbyterian government. In either case\\nthe test was Scripture; what had happened to Tim-\\nothy or Titus how the Church of Antioch had stood\\nto the first church at Jerusalem whether St. Paul had\\nnot written to the Philippians words that were a con-\\nsecration of presbytery. The Presbyterian majority\\nbesought the aid of a whole army of Dutch orthodox;\\nthey pressed for letters from France and from Geneva,\\nwhich should contain grave and weighty admonitions\\nto the assembly at Westminster, to be careful to sup-\\npress all schismatics, and the mother and foster of\\nall mischief, the independence of congregations. On\\nthe other hand the half-dozen Independents, whom\\nCromwell wished to strengthen by the addition of\\nthree divines of the right sort from New England,\\nkept up a spirited resistance against the driving force\\nof the orthodox current. A deliberative assembly\\ntends to make party spirit obdurate. Oh, what may\\nnot pride do! cries Baxter; and what miscarriages\\nwill not faction hide! The Reconcilers, who called\\nfor unity in necessary things, liberty in things indiffer-\\nent, and charity in all things, could not be heard.\\nThe breach widened as time went on, and by 1645 ^^s\\nrepair was hopeless. The conflict in its progress\\nmade more definite the schism between Presbyterian\\nand Independent. It was the alliance of Independent\\nand Erastian in Parliament that finally baffled the\\nPresbyterian after the Scottish model, and hardened", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "154 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe great division, until what had been legitimate\\ndifference on a disputable question became mutual\\nhatred between two infuriated factions. Baillie says\\nof the Independents that it would be a marvel to him\\nif such men should always prosper, their ways were\\nso impious, unjust, ungrate, and every way hateful.\\nOne Coleman, an Erastian, gave good men much trou-\\nble by defending, with the aid of better lawyers than\\nhimself, the arguments of the Erastian doctor against\\nthe proposition that the founder of Christianity had\\ninstituted a church government distinct from the civil,\\nto be exercised by the officers of the church without\\ncommission from the magistrates. Coleman was hap-\\npily stricken with death; he fell in an ague, and after\\nfour or five days he expired. It is not good, runs\\nthe dour comment, to stand in Christ s way. The\\ndivines were too shrewd not to perceive how it was\\nthe military weakness of the Scots that allowed the\\nIndependents with their heresies to ride rough-shod\\nover them. If the Scots had only had fifteen thou-\\nsand men in England, they said, their advice on doc-\\ntrine and discipline would have been followed quickly\\nenough if the Scottish arms had only been successful\\nlast year, there would have been little abstract debat-\\ning. It s neither reason nor religion that stays some\\nmen s rage, but a strong army bridling them with\\nfear. Such were the plain words of carnal wisdom.\\nA story is told of a Scot and an Englishman disput-\\ning on the question of soldiers preaching. Quoth the\\nScot, Is it fit that Colonel Cromv-^ell s soldiers should\\npreach in their quarters, to take away the minister s\\nfunction? Quoth the Englishman, Truly I remem-\\nber they made a gallant sermon at Marston Moor;\\nthat was one of the best sermons that hath been\\npreached in the kingdom. The fortune of war, in", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 155\\nother words, carried with it the fortunes of theology\\nand the churches.\\nWe need not follow the vicissitudes of party, or\\nthe changing shadows of military and political events\\nas they fell across the zealous scene. One incident\\nof the time must be noted. While presbytery had\\nbeen fighting its victorious battle in the Jerusalem\\nChamber, the man whose bad steering had wrecked\\nhis church was sent to the block. The execution of\\nArchbishop Laud (January 10, 1645) the best of\\nall the illustrations of the hard temper of the time.\\nLaud was more than seventy years old. He had been\\nfor nearly five years safe under lock and key in the\\nTower. His claws were effectually clipped, and it\\nwas certain that he would never again be able to do\\nmischief, or if he were, that such mischief as he could\\ndo would be too trivial to be worth thinking of, in\\nsight of such a general catastrophe as could alone\\nmake the old man s return to power possible. The\\nexecution of Strafford may be defended as a great\\nact of retaliation or prevention, done with grave po-\\nlitical purpose. So, plausibly or otherwise, may the\\nexecution of King Charles. No such considerations\\njustify the execution of Laud several years after he\\nhad committed the last of his imputed offenses and\\nhad been stripped of all power of ever committing\\nmore. It is not necessary that we should echo Dr.\\nJohnson s lines about Rebellion s vengeful talons seiz-\\ning on Laud, while Art and Genius hovered weeping\\nround his tomb; but if we rend the veil of romance\\nfrom the Cavalier, we are bound not to be overdazzled\\nby the halo of sanctity in the Roundhead.\\nIt was in 1646 that Parliament consummated wdiat\\nwould have seemed so extraordinary a revolution to\\nthe patriots of 1640 by the erection of the Presby-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "156 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nterian system of Scotland, though with marked reser-\\nvations of Parliamentary control, into the Established\\nChurch of England. The uniformity that had rooted\\nitself in Scotland, and had been the center of the\\nSolemn League and Covenant, was now nominally\\nestablished throughout the island. But in name only.\\nIt was soon found in the case of church and state\\nalike, that to make England break with her history is\\na thing more easily said than done, as it has ever been\\nin all her ages. The Presbyterian system struck no\\nabiding root. The Assembly, as a Scottish historian\\nhas pointedly observed, though called by an English\\nParliament, held on English ground, and composed\\nof English divines, with only a few Scotsmen among\\nthem, still, as things turned out, existed and labored\\nmainly for Scotland.\\nIll\\nThe deliberations of the divines were haunted\\nthroughout by the red specter of toleration. For the\\nrulers of states a practical perplexity rose out of Prot-\\nestantism. How was a system resting on the rights\\nof individual conscience and private reason to be\\nreconciled with either authority or unity? The natu-\\nral history of toleration seems simple, but it is in\\ntruth one of the most complex of all the topics that\\nengage either the reasoner or the ruler and until\\nnations were by their mental state ready for religious\\ntoleration, a statesman responsible for order naturally\\npaused before committing himself to a system that\\nmight only mean that the members of rival commu-\\nnions would fly at one another s throats, like Catholics\\nand Huguenots in France, or Spaniards and Beggars\\nin Holland. In history it is our business to try to", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 157\\nunderstand the possible reasons and motives for every-\\nthing, even for intolerance.\\nReligious toleration was no novelty either in great\\nbooks or in the tractates of a day. Men of broad\\nminds, like More in England and L Hopital in France,\\nhad not lived for nothing; and though Bacon never\\nmade religious tolerance a political dogma, yet his\\nexaltation of truth, knowledge, and wisdom tended to\\npoint that way. Nor should we forget that Crom-\\nwell s age is the age of Descartes and of Grotius,\\nmen whose lofty and spacious thinking, both directly\\nand indirectly, contributed to create an atmosphere\\nof freedom and of peace in which it is natural for\\ntolerance to thrive. To say nothing of others, the\\nirony of Montaigne in the generation before Crom-\\nwell was born had drawn the true moral from the\\nbloodshed and confusion of the long fierce wars be-\\ntween Catholic and Huguenot. Theories in books are\\nwont to prosper or miscarry according to circum-\\nstances, but beyond theory Presbyterians at West-\\nminster might have seen both in France and in Hol-\\nland rival professions standing side by side, each\\nprotected by the state. At one moment, in this very\\nera, no fewer than five Protestants held the rank of\\nmarshals of France. The Edict of Nantes, indeed,\\nwhile it makes such a figure in history (1598-1685),\\nwas much more of a forcible practical concordat than\\na plan reposing on anybody s acceptance of a deliber-\\nate doctrine of toleration. It was never accepted by\\nthe clergy, any more than it was in heart accepted by\\nthe people. Even while the edict was in full force,\\nit was at the peril of his authority with his flock that\\neither Catholic bishop or Protestant pastor in France\\npreached moderation toward the other communion.\\nIt was not French example, but domestic necessities,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "158 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthat here tardily brought toleration into men s minds.\\nHelwys, Busher, Brown, sectaries whose names find\\nno place in Hterary histories, had from the opening\\nof the century argued the case for toleration, before\\nthe more powerful plea of Roger Williams; but the\\nideas and practices of Amsterdam and Leyden had\\nperhaps a wider influence than either colonial exiles\\nor homebred controversialists, in gradually producing\\na political school committed to freedom of conscience.\\nThe limit set to toleration in the earlier and un-\\nclouded days of the Long Parliament had been fixed\\nand definite. So far as Catholics were concerned,\\nCharles stood for tolerance, and the Puritans for rig-\\norous enforcement of persecuting laws. In that great\\nprotest for freedom, the Grand Remonstrance itself,\\nthey had declared it to be far from their purpose or\\ndesire to let loose the golden reins of discipline and\\ngovernment in the church, to leave private persons or\\nparticular congregations to take up what form of\\ndivine service they pleased; for we hold it requisite,\\nthey went on to say, that there should be throughout\\nthe whole realm a conformity to that order which\\nthe laws enjoin according to the Word of God. It\\nwas the rise of the Independents to political power\\nthat made toleration a party question, and forced it\\ninto the salient and telling prominence that is reserved\\nfor party questions.\\nThe Presbyterian majority in principle answered\\nthe questions of toleration and uniformity, just as\\nLaud or the Pope would have answered them one\\nchurch, one rule. The Catholic built upon St. Peter s\\nrock; the Presbyterian built upon Scripture. Just as\\nfirmly as the Catholic, he believed in a complete and\\nexclusive system, and the existence of a single sepa-\\nratist congregation was at once a blot on its beauty", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY 159\\nand a blow at its very basis (Shaw). Liberty of\\nconscience was in his eyes only liberty of error, and\\ndeparture from uniformity only meant a hideous de-\\nformity and multiformity of blaspheming sects. The\\nIndependent and the Baptist too were equally con-\\nvinced of the scriptural source and the divine right\\nof their own systems. It was political necessity that\\ndrove them reluctantly not only to work as partners\\nwith Erastian lawyers in Parliament, but to extend\\nthe theoretic basis of their own claim for toleration\\nuntil it comprehended the whole swarm of Anabap-\\ntists, Antinomians, Nullifidians, and the rest. Crom-\\nwell s toleration was different. It came easy to his\\nnatural temperament when practical convenience rec-\\nommended or demanded it. When he told Crawford\\nearly in the war that the state in choosing men to\\nserve it takes no notice of their opinions, he struck\\nthe true note of toleration from the statesman s point\\nof view. His was the practical temper which first\\nasks about a thing how far it helps or hinders the\\ndoing of some other given thing, and the question\\nnow with him was whether tolerance would help or\\nhinder union and force in military strength and the\\ngeneral objects of the war.\\nA grander intellect than Cromwell s had entered\\nthe arena, for before the end of the year of Marston\\nAreopagitica had appeared, the noble English classic\\nof spiritual and speculative freedom. It was Milton s\\nlofty genius that did the work of bringing a great\\nuniversal idea into active relation with what all men\\ncould understand, and what all practical men wished\\nfor. There were others, indeed, who set the doctrine\\nof toleration in a fuller light but in Milton s writings\\non church government he satisfies as well as Socinus,\\nor Roger Williams, or any of his age, the test that has", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "i6o OLIVER CROMWELL\\nbeen imposed of making toleration at once a moral,\\na political, and a theological dogma. With him the\\nlaw of tolerance is no birth of scepticism or languor\\nor indifference. It is no politician s argument for\\nreconciling freedom of conscience with public order,\\nnor is it a pungent intellectual demonstration like\\nBayle s, half a century later. Intolerance with Milton\\nis dishonor to the victim, dishonor to the tyrant.\\nThe fountainhead from which every worthy enterprise\\nissues forth is a pious and just honoring of ourselves;\\nit is the sanctity and freedom of the man s own soul.\\nOn this austere self-esteem the scornful distinction\\nbetween lay and cleric is an outrage. The coercive\\npower of ecclesiastics is an impious intrusion into the\\ninner sanctuary. Shame may enter, and remorse and\\nreverence for good men may enter, and a dread of\\nbecoming a lost wanderer from the communion of the\\njust and holy may enter, but never the boisterous and\\nsecular tyranny of an unlawful and unscriptural juris-\\ndiction. Milton s moving argument, at once so deli-\\ncate and so haughty, for the rights and self-respecting\\nobligations of that inner man which may be termed\\nthe spirit of the soul, is the hidden mainspring of the\\nrevolt against formalism, against authority, and al-\\nmost against church organization in any of its forms.\\nAnd it is the true base of toleration. Alas, even Mil-\\nton halts and stammers when he comes to ask him-\\nself why, on the same arguments, popery may not\\nplead for toleration. Here he can only fall back upon\\nthe regulation commonplaces.\\nMilton s ideas, which were at the heart of Crom-\\nwell s vaguer and less firmly molded thinking, were\\nin direct antagonism to at least three broad principles\\nthat hitherto ruled the minds of men. These ideas\\nwere fatal to uniformity of belief, not merely as a", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY i6i\\nthing within reach, but as an object to be desired.\\nThey shattered and destroyed Authority, whether of\\nclergy or laity, or of a king by the grace of God.\\nFinally they dealt one of the blows that seem so\\nnaturally to mark the course of all modern revolu-\\ntions to History as a moral power. For it is the\\nessence of every appeal to reason or to the individual\\nconscience to discard the heavy woven garments of\\ntradition, custom, inheritance, prerogative, and an-\\ncient institution. History becomes, in Milton s own\\nexorbitant phrase, no more than the perverse iniquity\\nof sixteen hundred years. Uniformity, authority, his-\\ntory to shake these was to move the foundations of\\nthe existing world in England. History, however,\\nshows itself a standing force. It is not a dead, but a\\nliving hand. The sixteen hundred years that Milton\\nfound so perverse had knit fibers into our national\\ngrowth that even Cromwell and all the stern zealotries\\nof Puritanism were powerless to pluck out.\\nIV\\nEvents made toleration in its full Miltonic breadth\\nthe shibboleth. In principle and theory it enlarged\\nits way both in Parliament and the army, in associa-\\ntion with the general ideas of political liberalism, and\\nbecame a practical force. Every war tends to create\\na peace party, even if for no other cause, yet from the\\ninnate tendency of men to take sides. By the end of\\nthe year of Marston Moor political dififerences of\\nopinion upon the terms of peace had become definitely\\nassociated with the ecclesiastical difference between\\nPresbyterian and Independent. The Presbyterians\\nwere the peace men, and the Independents were for", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "1 62 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nrelentless war until the ends of war should be gained.\\nHenceforth these are the two great party names, and\\nof the Independents Cromwell s energy and his mili-\\ntary success rapidly made him the most powerful\\nfigure.\\nWhen it was that Cromwell embraced Independent\\nviews of church organization we cannot with pre-\\ncision tell, nor does it matter. He deferred signing\\nthe Presbyterian Covenant as long as possible (Feb-\\nruary, 1644). He was against exclusion and pro-\\nscription, but on grounds of policy, and from no\\nreasoned attachment to the ideal of a free or congre-\\ngational church. He had a kindness for zealots, be-\\ncause zeal, enthusiasm, almost fanaticism, was in its\\nbest shape his own temper, and even in its worst\\nshape promoted or protected his own policy. When\\nhis policy of war yet hung in the balance it was the\\nIndependents wdio by their action, views, and temper\\ncreated his opportunity. By their fervor and sincerity\\nthey partially impressed him with their tenets, and\\nopened his mind to a range of new ideas that lay\\nbeyond their own. Unhappily in practice, when the\\ntime came, Puritan toleration went little further than\\nAnglican intolerance.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE NEW MODEL\\nAFTER the victory at Marston, followed as it was\\nby the surrender of York, men expected other\\ndecisive exploits from Lord Manchester and his tri-\\numphant army. He was directed to attend on the\\nmotions of the indomitable Rupert, in whom the dis-\\naster before the walls of York seemed to have stirred\\nfresh energy. Manchester saw a lion in every path.\\nThe difficulties he made were not devoid of reason,\\nbut a nation in a crisis seeks a general whom difficul-\\nties confront only to be overcome.\\nEssex meanwhile (September, 1644) had been over-\\ntaken by grievous disaster in the southwest. Escaping\\nby sea from Plymouth, he left his army to find their\\nway out by fighting or surrender as best they could.\\nSo great was his influence and popularity, than even in\\nface of this miscarriage, Essex almost at once received\\na new command. Manchester was to cooperate with\\nhim in resisting the king s eastward march from Corn-\\nwall to his fixed headquarters at Oxford. He pro-\\nfesses to obey, but he loiters, delays, and finds excuses,\\nuntil even the Derby House Committee lose patience\\nand send a couple of their members to kindle a little\\nfire in him, just as in the next century the French\\n163", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "i64 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nConvention used to send two commissioners to spur\\non the revolutionary generals. Destroy but the\\nking s army, cried Waller, and the work is ended.\\nAt length the forces of Essex, Waller, and Manches-\\nter combined, and attacked the king at Newbury.\\nIn this second battle of Newbury (October 27, 1644),\\nthough the Parliamentarians under Manchester and\\nWaller were nearly two to one, the result was so little\\nconclusive that the king made his way almost without\\npursuit from the field. He even returned within a\\nfortnight, offered battle once more on the same\\nground, and as the challenge was declined returned at\\nhis ease to Oxford.\\nAt length vexation at inactivity and delay grew so\\nstrong that Cromwell (November 25), seizing the\\napt moment as was his wont, startled the House by\\nopening articles of charge against his commander.\\nManchester, he said, ever since the victory of Marston\\nMoor, had acted as if he deemed that to be enough\\nhad declined every opportunity of further advantage\\nupon the enemy; and had lost occasion upon occasion,\\nas if he thought the king too low and the Parliament\\ntoo high. No man had ever less in him than Crom-\\nwell of the malcontent subordinate. At this time,\\nWaller says of him early in 1645, never\\nshown extraordinary parts, nor do I think he did\\nhimself believe that he had them; for although he was\\nblunt, he did not bear himself with pride or disdain.\\nAs an officer he was obedient, and did never dispute\\nmy orders or argue upon them. His letters to Fair-\\nfax at a later date are a pattern of the affectionate\\nloyalty due from a man second in conmiand to a gen-\\neral whom he trusts. What alarmed him was not\\nManchester s backwardness in action, his aversion to\\nengagement, his neglect of opportunities, but the", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait in the National Portrait Gallery.\\nSIR WILLIAM WALLER.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE NEW MODEL 165\\ngrowing certainty that there was behind all this half-\\nhearteclness some actual principle of downright un-\\nwillingness to prosecute the war to a full victory, and\\na deliberate design not to push the king too hard nor\\nto reduce him too low. Cromwell recalled many ex-\\npressions of Manchester that plainly betrayed a desire\\nnot to end the war by the sword, but to make a peace\\non terms that were to his own taste. On one occa-\\nsion the advocates of a fight urged that to let the king\\nget off unassailed would strengthen his position at\\nhome and abroad, whereas if they only beat him now,\\nhe and his cause were forever ruined. Manchester\\nvehemently urged the alternative risks. If we beat\\nthe king ninety-nine times, he cried, he will be king\\nstill and his posterity, and we subjects still but if he\\nbeat us but once, we shall be hanged and our posterity\\nundone. If that be so, said Cromwell, why did\\nwe take up arms at first? This is against fighting\\never hereafter. If so, let us make peace, let it be\\nnever so basely.\\nRecriminations were abundant. The military ques-\\ntion became a party question. It was loudly flung out\\nthat on one of the disputed occasions nobody was so\\nmuch against fighting as Cromwell, and that after\\nNewbury Cromwell, when ordered to bring up his\\nhorse, asked Manchester in a discontented manner\\nwhether he intended to flay the horse, for if he gave\\nthem more work he might have their skins, but he\\nwould have no service. He once made a speech very\\nnearly quarter of an hour long against running the\\nrisk of an attack. While insinuating now that Man-\\nchester had not acted on the advice of his councils of\\nwar, yet he had at the time loudly declared that any\\nman was a villain and a liar who said any such thing.\\nHe was always attributing to himself all the praise", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "1 66 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof other men s actions. Going deeper than such\\nstories as these, were the reports of Cromwell s in-\\nflammatory sayings as that he once declared to Lord\\nManchester his hatred of all peers, wishing there was\\nnever a lord in England, and that it would never be\\nwell till Lord Manchester was plain Mr. Montagu.\\nThen he expressed himself with contempt of the West-\\nminster divines, of whom he said that they were per-\\nsecutors of honester men than themselves. He de-\\nsired to have none in the army but such as were of\\nthe Independent judgment, because these would with-\\nstand any peace but such as honest men would aim\\nat. He vowed that if he met the king in battle he\\nwould as lief fire his pistol at the king as at anybody\\nelse. Of their brethren the Scots he had used con-\\ntumelious speech, and had even said that he would\\nas cheerfully draw the sword upon them as upon any\\nin the army of the king.\\nThe exasperation to which events had brought both\\nthe energetic men like Cromwell and the slower men\\nlike Essex had reached a dangerous pitch. One\\nevening, very late, the two lawyers Whitelocke and\\nMaynard were summoned to attend Lord Essex.\\nThey found the Scotch commissioners with him, along\\nwith Holies, Stapleton, and others of the Presbyterian\\nparty. The question was whether by English law\\nCromwell could be tried as an incendiary, as one who\\nkindles coals of contention and raises differences in\\nthe state to the public damage. Of this move the\\nScots were the authors. Cromwell is no good\\nfriend of ours, they said, and ever since our army\\ncame into England he has used all underhand and\\ncunning means to detract from our credit. He was\\nno friend either to their church. Besides that, he was\\nlittle of a well-wisher to the lord-general, whom they", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE NEW MODEL 167\\nhad such good reason to love and honor. Was there\\nlaw enough in England to clip his wings?\\nThe lawyers gave a sage reply. English law, they\\nsaid, knows, but not very familiarly, the man who\\nkindles the burning flames of contention. But were\\nthere proofs that Oliver was such an incendiary? It\\nwould never do for persons of so great honor and\\nauthority as Essex and the Scots to go upon ground\\nof which they were not sure. Again, had they con-\\nsidered the policy of the thing? I take Lieutenant-\\nGeneral Cromwell, said Whitelocke, to be a gentle-\\nman of quick and subtle parts, and one who hath,\\nespecially of late, gained no small interest in the\\nHouse of Commons; nor is he wanting of friends in\\nthe House of Peers, or of abilities in himself to man-\\nage his own defense to the best advantage. The\\nbitter Holies and his Presbyterian group were very\\nkeen for proceeding; they thought that there was\\nplenty of evidence, and they did not believe Cromwell\\nto be so strong in the Commons as was supposed.\\nIn the end it was the Scots who judiciously saved\\ntheir English allies from falling into the scrape, and\\nat two o clock in the morning the party broke up.\\nWhitelocke or another secretly told Cromwell what\\nhad passed, with the result that he only grew more\\neager than before.\\nII\\nA HUNDRED and thirty years later a civil war again\\nbroke out among the subjects of the British crown.\\nThe issues were not in form the same. Cromwell\\nfought for the supremacy of Parliament within the\\nkingdom; Washington fought against the supremacy\\nof Parliament over Englishmen across the Atlantic", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "1 68 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nOcean. It is possible that if Charles I had been as\\nastute and as unscrupulous as George III the struggle\\non the English ground might have run a different\\ncourse. However that may be, in each case the two\\nwars were in their earlier stages not unlike, and both\\nMarston Moor and Bunker Hill rank among those\\nengagements that have a lasting significance in his-\\ntory, where military results were secondary to moral\\neffect. It was these encounters that first showed that\\nthe champions of the popular cause intended and were\\nable to make a stand-up fight against the forces of\\nthe monarchy. In each case the combatants expected\\nthe conflict to be short. In each case the battle of\\npopular liberty was first fought by weak bodies, ill-\\npaid, ill-disposed to discipline, mounted on cart-horses,\\nand armed with fowling-pieces, mainly anxious to get\\nback to their homes as soon as they could, and fluc-\\ntuating from month to month with the humors, the jeal-\\nousies, or the means of the separate counties in Eng-\\nland, or the separate States in America. Short\\nenlistments, said Washington, and a mistaken de-\\npendence on militia, have been the origin of all our\\nmisfortunes; the evils of a standing army are remote,\\nbut the consequence of wanting one is certain and\\ninevitable ruin. To carry on the war systematically,\\nyou must establish your army on a permanent and\\nnational footing. What Washington said in 1776\\nwas just what Cromwell said in 1644.\\nThe system had broken down. Officers complained\\nthat their forces melted away, because men thought\\nthey would be better treated in other counties, and\\nall comers were welcomed by every association. One\\ngeneral grumbles that another general is favored in\\nmoney and supplies. The governors of strong towns\\nare in hot feud with the committee of the town.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE NEW MODEL 169\\nFurious passages took place between pressed men and\\nthe county committees. Want of pay made the men\\nsulky and mutinous, and there were always evil in-\\nstruments ready to trade on such moods.\\nThe Committee of Both Kingdoms write to a col-\\nonel commanding in the west in the year of Naseby,\\nthat they have received very great complaints from the\\ncountry of the mtolerable miscarriage of his troopers\\nalready great disservice is done to the Parliament by\\nthe robbing, spoiling, and plundering of the people,\\nthey also giving extreme offense by their swearing,\\ndrinking, and all kinds of debaucheries. Exemplary\\npunishment should be inflicted upon such notorious\\nmisdemeanants. The sufferings of some parts of the\\ncountry were almost unbearable. The heavy exac-\\ntions of the Scots in Cumberland and Westmoreland\\nfor month after month brought the inhabitants of\\nthose counties to despair, and necessity forced the\\ndistressed people in some parts to stand upon their\\ndefense against the taxings and doings of the sol-\\ndiers. In Northumberland and Durham the charges\\non the farmers were so heavy that the landlord had\\nlittle or nothing, and was only too glad if his tenants\\ncould but keep a fire in the farm-houses and save them\\nfrom ruin. The Yorkshire men complained that they\\nwere rated in many districts for the Scottish horse at\\nmore than double the value of their lands in the best\\ntimes. On each side at this time the soldiers lived in\\nthe main upon plunder. They carried off cattle and\\ncut down crops. They sequestered rents and assessed\\nfines. They kept up a multitude of small forts and\\ngarrisons as a shelter to flying bands, who despoiled\\nthe country and fought off enemies who would fain\\nhave done the same, and could have done no worse.\\nApart from the squalor and brutality intrinsic in", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "I70 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwar, the general breakdown of economic order might\\nwell alarm the instincts of the statesman. Honest\\nindustry, cried one voice of woe, is quite discour-\\naged, being almost useless. Most men that have es-\\ntates are betrayed by one side or another, plundered,\\nsequestered. Trading the life and substance of\\nthousands decaying, eaten up with taxes your poor\\nquite ready to famish, or to rise to pull relief from\\nrich men s hands by violence. Squeezed by taxes,\\nracked by war, the anvil, indeed, of misery, upon\\nwhich all the strokes of vengeance fell. A covetous\\neye had long been cast upon the endowments of the\\nchurch. The stop of trade here, Baillie wrote even\\nso far back as 1641, has made this people much\\npoorer than ordinary they will noways be able to\\nbear their burden if the cathedrals fall not. From\\nits first phases in all countries the Reformation of\\nfaith went with designs upon the church lands. And\\nso it was in England now.\\nYou will never get your service done, said Wal-\\nler, until you have an army entirely your own, and\\nat your own command. This theme was the prime\\nelement in the New Model the substitution of one\\narmy under a single commander-in-chief, supported by\\nthe Parliament, instead of sectional armies locally\\nlevied and locally paid. The second feature was the\\nweeding out of worthless men, a process stigmatized\\nby Presbyterians out of temper as a crafty means of\\nfilling the army with Sectaries, a vile compound of\\nJew, Christian, and Turk, mere tools of usurping am-\\nbition. The third was the change in the command.\\nThe new army was entrusted to Sir Thomas Fairfax\\nas commander-in-chief, with liberty to name his own\\nofficers subject to ratification by the two Houses. The\\nhonest Skippon, a valiant fighter and a faithful man,", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE NEW MODEL 171\\nwas made major-general, and the higher post of lieu-\\ntenant-general was left significantly open. It is curi-\\nous to find that the army was reduced in numbers.\\nThe army of which Essex was lord-general numbered\\ntwenty-five thousand foot and five thousand horse.\\nThe army of the New Model was to consist only of\\ntwenty-two thousand men in all, fourteen thousand\\nfour hundred being foot and the rest horse and dra-\\ngoons. A trooper received about as much as he would\\nhave got for labor at the plow or with the wagon.\\nThe average substantive wealth in the army was\\nnot high. Royalists were fond of taunting them with\\ntheir meager means, and vowed that the whole pack\\nof them from the lord-general to the horse-farrier\\ncould not muster one thousand pounds a year in land\\namong them. Yet in Fairfax s new army, of the offi-\\ncers of the higher military rank no fewer than thirty\\nout of thirty-seven were men of good family. Pride\\nthe drayman, and Hewson the cobbler, and Okey the\\nship-chandler, were among the minority who rose\\nfrom the common ranks. When Cromwell spoke to\\nHampden about an army of decayed serving-men and\\ntapsters, his own men had never been of the tapster\\ntribe. They were most of them freeholders and free-\\nholders sons, who upon matter of conscience engaged\\nin the quarrel, and thus being well armed within by\\nthe satisfaction of their own consciences, and without\\nby good iron arms, they would as one man stand\\nfirmly and charge despeately.\\nThat was the ideal of the New Model. We can-\\nnot, however, assume that it was easy or possible to\\nprocure twenty thousand men of militant conscience,\\nwilling for the cause to leave farm and shop, wife\\nand home, to submit themselves to iron discipline,\\nand to face all the peril of battle, murder, and sudden", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "172 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndeath. Even if Cromweirs ideal was the prevailing\\ntype, it has been justly pointed out that constant pay\\nmust have been a taking inducement to volunteers in\\na time when social disorder had made work scarce.\\nIf we remember, again, that a considerable portion of\\nthe new army were not even volunteers, but had been\\nimpressed against their will, the influence of Puritan\\nzeal can hardly have been universal, even if it were\\nso much as general.\\nBaxter had good opportunity of knowing the army\\nwell, though he did not see with impartial eyes, and\\nhe found abundance of the common troopers to be\\nhonest, sober, and right-thinking men, many of them\\ntractable, ready to hear the truth, and of upright in-\\ntentions. But the highest places he found filled by\\nproud, self-conceited, hot-headed Sectaries, Cromwell s\\nchief favorites. Then, in a sentence, he unwittingly\\ndiscloses why Cromwell favored them. By their\\nvery heat and activity, he says, they bore down the\\nrest and carried them along; these were the soul of\\nthe army, though they did not number one to twenty\\nin it. In other words, what Baxter says comes to\\nthis, that they had the quality of fire and resolution;\\nand fire and resolution are what every leader in a\\nrevolutionary crisis values more than all else, even\\nthough his own enthusiasm in the common cause\\nsprings from other fountains of belief or runs in other\\nchannels. Anabaptists, Brownists, Familists, and the\\nrest of the many curious swarms from the Puritan\\nhive, none of them repelled Oliver, because he knew\\nthat the fanatic and the zealot, for all their absurdi-\\nties, had the root of the matter in him.\\nThere were several steps in the process of military\\ntransformation. In December the Commons, acting", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a0m\\nlit\\n-Sfc\\n4-..\\nM\\nDrawn by George T Tobin after a portrait by Van Dyck (ascribed also to William Dobson),\\nby permission of the Countess of Warwick.\\nJAMES GRAHAM, FIFTH EARL AND FIRST MARQUIS OF jrONTROSE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE NEW MODEL 173\\nupon Cromwell s argument from the suspicion with\\nwhich people looked upon Lords and Commoners in\\nplaces of high command, passed the famous ordinance\\nby which no member of either House should have\\nany office of civil or military command. In January\\nthe handful who now composed the House of Lords\\nthrew out the ordinance. A second ordinance was\\nsent up to them in February, and they passed it with\\namendments. In the middle of February (1645)\\nNew Model ordinance was finally passed. Six weeks\\nlater the Self-denying Ordinance was brought back\\nin a revised form, only enacting that within forty\\ndays members of either of the two Houses should re-\\nsign any post that the Parliament had intrusted to\\nthem. Essex, Manchester, Denbigh, Warwick, Wal-\\nler, resigned without waiting for the forty days. It\\nmust have been an anxious moment, for Essex was\\nstill popular w^ith the great body of the army, and if\\nhe had chosen to defy the ordinance he might possibly\\nhave found support both in public opinion and in mili-\\ntary force. But he w as not for such enterprises,\\nsays Clarendon, with caustic touch. Honorable and\\nunselfish men have not been so common in the history\\nof states and armies, that we need approve the\\nsarcasm.\\nCromwell followed a line that was peculiar, but\\nmight easily have been foretold. The historian in\\nour own day tells us that he finds it hard to avoid\\nthe conclusion that Cromw^ell was ready to sacrifice\\nhis own unique position in the army, and to retire\\nfrom military service. This is surely not easy to be-\\nlieve, any more than it is easy to believe another story\\nfor which the evidence comes to extremely little, that\\nat another time he meant to take service in Germany.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "174 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nIt is true that in inspiring and supporting the first\\nversion of the Self-denying Ordinance, Oliver seemed\\nto be closing the chapter of his own labors in the field.\\nYet nobody can deny that his proceedings were ob-\\nlique. It is incredible that the post of lieutenant-gen-\\neral should have been left vacant, otherwise than by\\ndesign. It is incredible that even those who were\\nmost anxious to pull Cromwell down should not have\\nforeseen that if the war was to go on. the most suc-\\ncessful and popular of all their generals would inev-\\nitably be recalled. In Cromwell it would have been\\nan incredibly foolish underestimate of himself to sup-\\npose that his own influence, his fierce energ\\\\ his de-\\ntermination, and his natural gift of the militan,- eye,\\ncould all be spared at an hour when the struggle was\\ndrawing to its most hazardous stage.\\nWhat happened actually was this. The second Self-\\ndenying Ordinance was passed on April 3d. and Crom-\\nwell was bound to lay down all militar} command\\nwithin forty days. Meanwhile he was despatched to-\\nward the west. The end of the forty days found him in\\nthe Oxford countr}-. The Parliament passed a special\\nordinance, not without misgivings in the Lords, ex-\\ntending his emplo}Tnent for fort\\\\- days more until\\nJune 22d. Before the expin.- of this new term, Fair-\\nfax and the oflicers. following the Common Council\\nwho had demanded it before, petitioned the Houses\\nto sanction the appointment of Cromwell to the vacant\\npost of lieutenant-general with command of the horse.\\nThe Commons agreed (June 10). and Fairfax for-\\nmally appointed him. At the moment. Cromwell had\\nbeen sent from Oxford CMay 26) into the eastern\\ncounties to protect the Isle of Ely. He was taken\\nby legal fiction or in fact to have complied with the", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "THE NEW MODEL 175\\nSelf-denying Ordinance by resigning, and strictly\\nspeaking his appointment required the assent of both\\nHouses. But the needs of the time were too sharp\\nfor ceremony. The campaign had now begun that\\nalmost in a few hours was to end in the ever-famous\\nday of Naseby.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nTHE DAY OF NASEBY\\nARMED Puritanism was now first to manifest all its\\nir\\\\. strength. Faith that the God of Battles was on\\ntheir side nerved its chosen and winnowed ranks with\\nstern confidence. The fierce spirit of the Old Tes-\\ntament glowed like fire in their hearts. But neither\\nthese moral elements of military force, nor discipline,\\ntechnical precision, and iron endurance would have\\nsufficed to win the triumph at Naseby without the in-\\ntrepid genius of Oliver. This was the day on which\\nthe great soldier was first to show himself in modern\\nphrase a Man of Destiny.\\nThe first movements of the campaign of 1645,\\nwhich was to end in the destruction of the king s arms,\\nwere confused and unimportant. The Committee of\\nBoth Kingdoms hardly knew what to do with the new\\nweapon now at their command, and for many weeks\\nboth Fairfax and Cromwell were employed in carrying\\nout ill-conceived orders in the west. In May Charles\\nleft his headquarters at Oxford, with a design of\\nmarching through the midlands northward. On the\\nlast day of the month he took Leicester by storm. The\\ncommittee at Westminster were filled with alarm.\\nWas it possible that he intended an invasion of their\\n176", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 177\\nstronghold in the eastern counties Fairfax, who lay\\nbefore the walls of Oxford, was immediately directed\\nto raise the siege and follow the king.\\nThe modern soldier is struck all through the war\\nwith the ignorance on both sides of the movements,\\nplans, and position of the enemy. By June 13th the\\ntwo armies were in Northamptonshire, only some\\nseven miles apart, Fairfax at Guilsborough, Charles at\\nDaventry and yet it was not until the Parliamentary\\nscouts were within sight of the Royalist camp that\\nthe advance of Fairfax became known. The Royalists\\nundoubtedly made a fatal mistake in placing them-\\nselves in the way of Fairfax after they had let Goring\\ngo and the cause of their mistake was the hearty con-\\ntempt entertained by the whole of them from king to\\ndrummer for the raw army and its clownish recruits.\\nThe cavaliers had amused themselves, we are told, by\\ncutting a wooden image in the shape of a man, and in\\nsuch a form as they blasphemously called it the god of\\nthe Roundheads, and this they carried in scorn and\\ncontempt of our army in a public manner a little before\\nthe battle began. So confident were they of teach-\\ning the rabble a lesson. Doubting friends thought as\\nill of the New Model as overweening foes. Their\\nnew-modeled army, says Baillie, like all the Presby-\\nterians at this moment, hardly knowing what he ought\\nto wish, consists for the most part of raw, unexperi-\\nenced, pressed soldiers. Few of the officers are\\nthought capable of their places many of them are\\nSectaries if they do great service, many will be\\ndeceived.\\nDisaster, however, was not to be. Cromwell, as we\\nhave seen, had been ordered off eastward, to take mea-\\nsures for the defense of the Isle of Ely. These com-\\nmands, says a contemporary, he, in greater tenderness", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "178 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof the public service than of his own honor, in such a\\ntime of extremity disputed not but fulfilled. After\\nsecuring Ely, he applied himself to active recruiting\\nin Cambridgeshire with the extraordinary success\\nthat always followed his inspiring energy. As soon as\\nthe king s movements began to create uneasiness, Fair-\\nfax, knowing Cromwell s value as commander of horse,\\napplied in haste to the Parliament that he should be spe-\\ncially permitted to serve as lieutenant-general. The\\nHouses after some demur gave him plenary leave ac-\\ncordingly. The general despatched constant expresses\\nto Cromwell himself, to inform him from time to time\\nwhere the army was, so that he might know in case of\\ndanger where to join them. When he found battle to\\nbe imminent, Oliver hastened over the county border\\nas hard as he and six hundred horsemen with him\\ncould ride. They rode into Fairfax s quarters at six\\no clock on the morning of June 13th, and were hailed\\nwith the liveliest demonstrations of joy by the general\\nand his army. For it had been observed, says an\\nonlooker of those days, that God was with him, and\\nthat affairs were blessed under his hand. He was\\nimmediately ordered to take command of the marshal-\\ning of the horse. There was not an instant to lose,\\nfor before the field-officers could even give a rough\\naccount of the arrangements of the army, the enemy\\ncame on amain in excellent order, while the plan of the\\nParliamentary commanders was still an embryo. This\\nwas the moment that Cromwell has himself in glow-\\ning phrase described I can say this of Naseby, that\\nwhen I saw the enemy draw up and march in gallant\\norder toward us, and we a company of poor ignorant\\nmen, to seek how to order our battle the general hav-\\ning commanded me to order all the horse I could not,\\nriding alone about my business, but smile out to God", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 179\\nin praises, in assurance of victory, because God would\\nby things that are not bring to aught things that\\nare.\\nThe number of men engaged, Hke the manoeuvers\\nthat preceded the battle, is a matter of much uncer-\\ntainty. One good contemporary authority puts the\\nParliamentary forces at eleven thousand, and says that\\nthe two armies were about equal. Mr. Gardiner, on\\nthe other hand, believes the Parliamentarians to have\\nbeen thirteen thousand six hundred, and the Royalists\\nonly seven thousand five hundred, or not much more\\nthan one to two a figure that is extremely hard to\\nreconcile with two admitted facts. One is that nobody\\nputs the number of Royalist prisoners lower than four\\nthousand (and one contemporary even makes them six\\nthousand), while the slain are supposed to have been\\nnot less than one thousand. This would mean the\\nextinction by death or capture of two thirds of the\\nking s total force, and no contemporary makes the dis-\\naster so murderous as this. The admission again that\\nthe Royalist cavalry after the battle was practically\\nintact, increases the difficulty of accepting so low an\\nestimate for the total of the king s troops, for nobody\\nputs the Royalist horse under four thousand. The\\nbetter opinion undoubtedly seems to be that, though\\nFairfax s troops outnumbered the king s, yet the su-\\nperiority can hardly have approached the proportion of\\ntwo to one.\\nThe country was open, and the only fences were\\nmere double hedges with an open grass track between\\nthem, separating Naseby from Sulby on the west and\\nClipston on the east. On the right of Fairfax s line,\\nwhere Cromwell and his troopers were posted, the\\naction of cavalry was much hindered by rabbit bur-\\nrows, and at the bottom there was boggy land equally", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "i8o OLIVER CROMWELL\\ninconvenient to the liorsemen of the king. The level\\nof the ParHamentary position was some fifty feet, that\\nof the RoyaHst position not more than thirty, above the\\nopen hollow between them. The slope was from three\\nto four degrees, thus offering little difficulty of incline\\nto either horse or foot.\\nIf the preliminary manceuvers cannot be definitely\\nmade out in detail, nor carried beyond a choice of alter-\\nnative hypotheses each as good as the other, the actual\\nbattle is as plain as any battle on rather meager and\\nfragmentary reports can be considered plain. As\\nusual on both sides, the infantry were posted in the\\ncenter, with the cavalry on either flank. Fairfax\\nseems to have taken up his ground on the ledge of the\\nhill running from east to west. Then possibly at\\nCromwell s suggestion he drew his men back a hun-\\ndred paces from the ledge, so as to keep out of the\\nenemy s sight, knowing that he could recover the ad-\\nvantage when he pleased. Such, so far as can be made\\nout from very entangled evidence, is the simplest view\\nof Fairfax s position. Cromwell, in command of the\\nhorse, was stationed on the Parliamentary right, and\\nIreton on the left. The veteran Skippon commanded\\nregiments of foot in the center. On the opposite slope\\nacross Broadmoor Rupert faced Ireton, and Sir Mar-\\nmaduke Langdak, with his northern horse in the\\ndoubtful humor of men who wished to go homeward,\\nfaced Cromwell, while Lord Astley led the infantry in\\nthe center. Fairfax directed the disposition of his\\nmen, and was conspicuous during the three hours of\\nthe engagement by his energy, vigilance, and persis-\\ntence. He was by constitution a slow-footed man, but\\nwhen he drew near action in the field then another\\nspirit came upon him, men said, and another soul\\nlooked out of his eyes. King Charles, though infe-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "From a print in the British Museum.\\nSIR JACOB ASTLEY, AFTERWARD LORD ASTLEV.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY i8i\\nrior in military capacity, was not behind him in either\\nactivity or courage.\\nThe word was on the one side Mary, the king s\\nfavorite name for the queen; on the other side, God\\nwith us. The Royalists opening the attack advanced\\ntheir whole line a hundred yards or so across the flat\\nand up the slope toward the opposite ridge. The Parlia-\\nmentarians came into view upon the brow from which\\nthey had recently retired. In a few moments the foot\\nin the center were locked in stubborn conflict. They\\ndischarged their pieces, and then fell to it with clubbed\\nmuskets and with swords. The Royalist infantry\\npressed Skippon so hard that his first line at last gave\\nway and fell back on the reserve. Ireton, with his\\nhorse on the Parliamentary left, launched one of his\\ndivisions to help the foot on his right, but with little\\nadvantage to them and with disaster to himself. For\\nRupert, dashing through the smart musketry fire from\\nOkey s dragoons posted behind Sulby hedges, came\\ncrashing with irresistible weight upon the other por-\\ntion of Ireton s horse on the western slope of the ridge,\\nbroke them up, and pursued the scattered force toward\\nNaseby village. On the right meanwhile things had\\ngone better, for here Cromwell stood. He had de-\\ntailed a force of his cavalry under Whalley to meet\\nLangdale in front with the Royalist left v/ing, and\\nhe himself swept round on to Langdale s left flank\\nwith the main body of his own horse. Whalley thun-\\ndering down the slope caught the left of the opposing\\nhorse with terrific impetus, before the enemy could\\ncharge up the higher ground. Nothing could stand\\nagainst him. Oliver s charge on the other flank com-\\npleted Langdale s ruin, some of the enemy dashing in\\nheadlong flight from the field, others finding their way\\nto the king s reserve, and there halting huddled to-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "1 82 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ngether until they were by-and-by re-formed. They\\nwere mainly from Yorkshire and the north, and had\\ngone into battle with half a heart. Such was Crom-\\nwell s first onset.\\nThe main battle was less victorious. The right of\\nthe Parliamentary foot stood firm, but the rest being\\noverpressed gave ground and fell back in disorder.\\nThe officers made fruitless attempts to check the con-\\nfusion of their inexperienced forces, and were obliged\\nto fall into the reserves with their colors, choosing\\nrather to fight and die than to quit the ground they\\nstood on. It was at this point that Cromwell exe-\\ncuted his second movement; it was the crisis of the\\nbattle. With singular exactness he repeated the tac-\\ntics that had won the memorable day at Marston.\\nThere as here Cromwell s wing victorious, the other\\nwing worsted, the foot in the center hard pressed,\\nCromwell re-forming to the rescue. Rupert, like Gor-\\ning s men at Marston, instead of leaving a detachment\\nto pursue Ireton s fugitive horse, and turning to help\\nthe king s infantry in their work at the center, lost time\\nand a decisive opportunity. Cromwell, as at Marston,\\nobserving the difficulties of the Parliamentary foot,\\ncollected his whole force, save one regiment detailed to\\nwatch or pursue the flight of Langdale s horsemen,\\nformed them again in line, set a new front toward the\\nleft flank of the enemy s foot, and flung them with up-\\nlifted right arms and flashing swords to the relief of\\nthe hotly pressed infantry of Fairfax and Skippon.\\nOne of the Royalist brigades offered an obstinate re-\\nsistance. The Parliamentarians strove hard to break\\nthem, but even the Ironsides could not drive them in,\\nthey standing with incredible courage and resolution,\\nthough we attempted them in flank, front, and rear.\\nNo impression was made until Fairfax called up his", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 183\\nown regiment of foot. Then the stubborn brigade of\\nRoyaHsts gave way, and in a short time there was little\\nleft in the whole of the field but the remnant of the\\nking s horse. Though some, says the modern soldier,\\nmay hold Marston to offer a greater variety of striking\\npictures and moments of more intensity (Hoenig, i.\\n203), there is scarcely a battle in history where cavalry\\nwas better handled than at Naseby. In the tactics of\\nNaseby this second charge of the Cromwellian horse\\nstands out conspicuous for skill and vigor.\\nThere was still, however, one more move to make\\nbefore victory was secure. Though aware of the dis-\\naster that was overwhelming him, the king strove\\nbravely to rally the broken horse of his left wing. He\\nwas joined by Rupert, at last returning from the bag-\\ngage-wagons and Naseby village, with his men and\\nhorses exhausted and out of breath. Here the Royal-\\nists made their last stand. It was in vain. The Par-\\nliamentary generals, with extraordinary alacrity, pre-\\npared for a final charge, and their preparation was\\nhardly made before all was over and the day won.\\nIreton, though severely wounded in the beginning of\\nthe battle, had got his men together again, and he took\\nan active part in the new attack. The Parliamentary\\nfoot, who had been thrown into disorder by the first\\ncharge, and had then rallied in a shorter time\\nthan imaginable, now advanced at the top of their\\nspeed to join the horse. For Oliver had got his force\\nof cavalry once more in hand, and made ready to bear\\ndown on the enemy for a third and final charge. The\\nhorsemen were again drawn up in two wings within\\ncarbine-shot of the enemy, leaving a wide space be-\\ntween the wings for the battle of the foot to fall in.\\nThereby, says the eye-witness, there was framed, as\\nit were in a trice, a second good battalia at the latter", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "1 84 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nend of the day, which the enemy perceiving, and that\\nif they stood they must expect a second charge from our\\nhorse, foot, and artillery (they having lost all their\\nfoot and guns before), and our dragoons having\\nalready begun to fire upon their horse, they not willing\\nto abide a second shock upon so great disadvantage as\\nthere was like to be, immediately ran away, both fronts\\nand reserves, without standing one stroke more. To\\nthe king, gallantly heading his line, a curious and char-\\nacteristic thing happened. Lord Carnwath riding by\\nhis side suddenly laid his hand upon the king s bridle,\\nand swearing sundry Scotch oaths, cried out, Will\\nyou go upon your death in an instant? Then, says\\nClarendon, before the king understood what he would\\nhave, he turned his horse round, and upon that they\\nall turned their horses and rode upon the spur, as if\\nthey were every man to shift for himself.\\nThe fight, which was desperately maintained at\\nevery point throughout the day, with its issue often\\ndoubtful, lasted three hours. The killed and wounded\\nwere about five thousand. The Irish camp-followers\\nwere slaughtered in cold blood. All the king s guns,\\nall his wagons and carriages, his colors and standards\\nwere taken, and, worst of all, his private cabinet, con-\\ntaining his most secret correspondence and papers.\\nThis did him an injury almost as deep as the loss of a\\nbattle, for the letters disclosed his truthlessness, and\\nthe impossibility of ever trusting him. A weird and\\nvivid picture of the latest scenes of Naseby survives in\\nthe story of Lady Herbert. She went with a retainer\\nto seek the body of her husband. It was a chill and\\nboisterous night. They met stragglers laden with\\nspoil and here and there lay a miserable wounded man\\nimploring help which they could not give. The living\\narray and throng of war had passed, and nothing re-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait by Van Dyck at Hinchinbrook,\\nby permission of the Earl of Sandwich.\\nPRINCE RUPERT.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 185\\nmained but the still and motionless heaps of dead and\\ndying. The moon sometimes gave a prospect over the\\nencumbered field. Here the slain were piled closely\\ntogether, there they had fallen dispersed in broken\\nflight. Mangled limbs were scattered about, mixed\\nwith the carcases of horses, gun-carriages, and broken\\ntumbrils. Elsewhere were small arms and fragments\\nof feathers and clothing. The spoilers of the dead\\nhad now newly done their work but one or two strag-\\ngling women still moved up and down like specters\\namong the heaps of slaughter.\\nShe made up to one of the women, and asked if she\\ncould tell where the King s Guards had fought. Ay,\\ngossip. Be st thou come a-rifling too? But i faith\\nthou rt of the latest. The swashing gallants were as\\nfine as peacocks but we ve stript their bravery, I trow.\\nYonder stood the King s tent, and yonder about do\\nmost of them lie; but thou lt scarce find a lading for\\nthy cattle now. She went by this direction toward\\na rising ground, where the fragments of the royal tent\\nwere still to be seen. The dead here lay wedged in close\\nheaps, indicating that the conflict had been long and\\ndesperate. The combatants had often fallen in mor-\\ntal struggle, grasped together in the very attitude in\\nwhich the}^ had given the death wounds. Such is hate-\\nful war.\\nToward the end of May, Digby writes in one of\\nhis letters, Ere one month be over, we shall have\\na battle of all for all. The prediction came true.\\nIf the battle had gone the other way Goring and the\\nking would have marched up to London, heartening\\ntheir men with the promise of the spoil of the richest\\ncity in the realm, and the presence of the king and\\nhis army in the metropolis might have created a situ-\\nation that nothing could retrieve. Even now the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "1 86 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nking had not lost his crown. Time had still golden\\nopportunities to offer him. Yet Naseby was one of\\nthe decisive battles of English history. It destroyed\\nthe last organized force that Charles was able to\\nraise; it demonstrated that the New Model had pro-\\nduced an invincible army; it transformed the nature\\nof the struggle, and the conditions of the case; it\\nreleased new interests and new passions; it changed\\nthe balance of parties; and it brought Cromwell into\\ndecisive preeminence in all men s minds.\\nII\\nCromwell s own account of Naseby is the tersest\\nbulletin on record, but he takes care to draw a political\\nmoral for the hot party struggle then going on at\\nWestminster. Honest men, he writes to the\\nSpeaker, served you faithfully in this action. Sir,\\nthey are trusty; I beseech you, in the name of God,\\nnot to discourage them. I wish their actions may\\nbeget thankfulness and humility in all that are con-\\ncerned in it. He that ventures his life for the liberty\\nof his country, I wish he trust God for the liberty of\\nhis conscience, and you for the liberty he fights for.\\nIn plainer words, the House of Commons should not\\nforget how much the Independents had to do with\\nthe victory, and that what the Independents fought\\nfor was above all else liberty of conscience.\\nFor the king the darkness was lightened by a\\ntreacherous ray of hope from Scotland. The Scots,\\nwhose aid had been of such decisive value to the Par-\\nliament at the end of 1643, oi i the stricken field at\\nMarston in the summer of 1644, and in the seizure\\nof Newcastle three months later, had been since of", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 187\\nlittle use. At Naseby they had no part nor lot, and\\nthey even looked on that memorable day with a surly\\neye; although it had indeed broken the malignants,\\nit had mightily exalted the Independents. A force of\\nScots still remained on English ground, but they were\\nspeedily \\\\vanted in their own country. One of the\\nfiercest of the lesser episodes of the war happened in\\nScotland, where in the northern Highlands and else-\\nwhere the same feeling for the national line of their\\nprinces came into life among chieftains and clans-\\nmen that survived with so many romantic circum-\\nstances and rash adventures down to the rebellion\\nof 1745.\\nIn August, 1644, Montrose, disguised as a groom\\nand accompanied by two of his friends, rode across\\nthe southwestern border from Carlisle and made his\\nway to Athole. There he was joined by a mixed con-\\ntingent of Highlanders and twelve hundred Irish,\\nlately brought over under Highland leadership into\\nArgyllshire. This was the beginning of a flame of\\nroyal ism that blazed high for a year, was marked by\\nmuch savagery and destruction, left three or four new\\nnames upon the historic scroll of the bloody scufiles\\nbetween Campbells, Forbeses, Erasers, Macleans, Mac-\\ndonalds, Gordons, Ogilvies, Grahams, and the rest,\\nand then finally died down at the battle of Philip-\\nhaugh. Montrose reached the top of his success at\\nthe engagement of Kilsyth, just two months after\\nNaseby. In another month the rushing meteor went\\nout. David Leslie, who fought at Cromwell s side\\nat Marston Moor and was now on duty in England,\\ntook his force up to the border, crossed the Tweed,\\nfound Montrose and his ragged and scanty force of\\nclansmen encamped at Philiphaugh, near Selkirk\\n(September 13, 1645), ^^^d there fell suddenly upon", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "1 88 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthem, shattering into empty air both Montrose s fan-\\ntasies and the shadowy hopes of the dreaming king.\\nCharles s resohition was still unshaken. As he told\\nDigby, if he conld not live like a king, he would die\\nlike a gentleman. Six weeks after the fatal battle\\nhe writes to Prince Rupert I confess that, speaking\\neither as a mere soldier or statesman, I must say that\\nthere is no probability but of my ruin. But as a\\nChristian 1 must tell you that God will not suffer\\nrebels and traitors to prosper, or this cause to be over-\\nthrown. And whatever personal punishment it shall\\nplease him to inflict upon me must not make me repine,\\nmuch less to give over this quarrel. Indeed, I can-\\nnot flatter myself with expectations of good success\\nmore than this, to end my days with honor and a good\\nconscience, which obliges me to continue my endeav-\\nors, as not despairing that God may in due time\\navenge his own cause. Though I must avow to all\\nmy friends that he that will stay with me at this time\\nmust expect and resolve either to die for a good cause,\\nor (which is worse) to live as miserable in maintain-\\ning it as the violence of insulting rebels can make it.\\nThis patient stoicism, which may attract us when\\nwe read about it in a book, was little to the mind of\\nthe shrewd soldier to whom the king s firm words were\\nwritten. Rupert knew that the cause was lost, and\\ncounseled an attempt to come to terms. A disaster\\nonly second to Naseby and still more unforeseen soon\\nfollowed. After a series of victorious operations in\\nthe west, at Langport, Bridgewater, Bath, Sherborne,\\nFairfax and Cromwell laid siege to Bristol, and after\\na fierce and daring storm (September loth) Rupert,\\nwho had promised the king that he could hold out\\nfor four good months, suddenly capitulated and rode\\naway to Oxford under the humiliating protection of", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "Drawn by George T. Tobin after a print In the British Museum of the portrait by Peter Oliver.\\nJOHN PAWLET, MARQUIS OF WINCHESTER.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 189\\na Parliamentary convoy. The fall of this famous\\nstronghold of the west was the severest of all the\\nking s mortifications, as the failure of Rupert s wonted\\ncourage was the strangest of military surprises. That\\nRupert was too clear-sighted not to be thoroughly\\ndiscouraged by the desperate aspect of the king s\\naffairs is certain, and the military difficulties of sus-\\ntaining a long siege were thought, even by those who\\nhad no reasons to be tender of his fame, to justify\\nthe surrender. The king would listen to no excuses,\\nbut wrote Rupert an angry letter, declaring so mean\\nan action to be the greatest trial of his constancy that\\nhad yet happened, depriving him of his commissions,\\nand bidding him begone beyond the seas. Rupert\\nnevertheless insisted on following the king to Newark,\\nand after some debate was declared to be free of all\\ndisloyalty or treason, but not of indiscretion. An-\\nother quarrel arose between the king and his nephews\\nand their partizans. The feuds and rivalries of Par-\\nliament, at their worst, were always matched by the\\nmore ignoble distractions and jealousies of the court.\\nSuspicions even grew up that Rupert and Maurice\\nwere in a plot for the transfer of the crown to their\\nelder brother, the Elector Palatine. That the Elec-\\ntor had been encouraged in such aspirations by earlier\\nincidents was true.\\nCromwell improved the fall of Bristol as he had\\nimproved Naseby. Faith and prayer, he tells the\\nSpeaker, obtained this city for you. It is meet that\\nGod have all the praise. Presbyterians, Independents,\\nand all here have the same spirit of faith and prayer,\\nthe same presence and answer; they agree here, have\\nno names of difference; pity it is it should be other-\\nwise anywhere. So he urges to the end of his de-\\nspatch. Toleration is the only key-word. All that", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "ipo OLIVER CROMWELL\\nbelieve have the real unity, which is most glorious\\nbecause inward and spiritual. As for unity in forms,\\ncommonly called uniformity, every Christian will\\nstudy that. But in things of the mind we look for\\nno compulsion but that of light and reason. In other\\nthings God hath put the sword in the hands of the\\nParliament for the terror of evildoers and the praise\\nof them that do well. These high refrains were not\\nat all to the taste of the Presbyterian majority, and\\non at least one occasion they were for public purposes\\nsuppressed.\\nAfter Bristol Winchester fell. Then Cromwell sat\\ndown before Basing House, which had plagued and\\ndefied the generals of the Parliament for many long\\nmonths since 1643. Its valorous defender was Lord\\nWinchester, a Catholic, a brave, pious, and devoted\\nservant of the royal cause, indirectly known to the\\nstudent of English poetry as husband of the young\\nlady on whose death, fourteen years earlier, Milton\\nand Ben Jonson had written verses of elegiac grief.\\nCromwell spent much time with God in prayer the\\nnight before the storm of Basing. He seldom fights\\nwithout some text of scripture to support him. This\\ntime he rested on the eighth verse of the One Hun-\\ndred and Fifteenth Psalm They that make them\\n[idols] are like unto them; so is every one that trust-\\neth in them, with private application to the theolo-\\ngies of the popish Lord Winchester. We stormed\\nthis morning, Oliver reports (October 14, 1645),\\nafter six of the clock; the signal for falling on was\\nthe firing four of our cannon, which being done, our\\nmen fell on with great resolution and cheerfulness.\\nMany of the enemy were put to the sword; all the\\nsumptuous things abounding in the proud house were\\nplundered; popish books, with copes and such uten-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE DAY OF NASEBY 191\\nsils, were flung into the purifying flame, and before\\nlong fire and destruction had left only blackened ruins.\\nAmong the prisoners was Winchester himself. In\\nthose days the word in season was held to be an urgent\\nduty. Hugh Peters thought the moment happy for\\nproving to his captive the error of his idolatrous ways,\\njust as Cheynell hastened the end of Chillingworth\\nby thrusting controversy upon his last hour, and as\\nClotworthy teased the unfortunate Laud at the in-\\nstant when he was laying his head upon the block\\nwith questions upon what his assurance of salvation\\nwas founded. The stout-hearted cavalier of Basing,\\nafter long endurance of his pulpit tormentors, at last\\nbroke out and said that if the king had no more\\nground in England than Basing House, he would still\\nadventure as he had done, and so maintain it to the\\nuttermost.\\nAfter Basing the king had indeed not very much\\nmore ground in England or anywhere else. This was\\nthe twentieth garrison that had been taken that sum-\\nmer. Fairfax, who had parted from Cromwell for a\\ntime after the fall of Bristol, pushed on into Devon\\nand Cornwall, and by a series of rapid and vigorous\\noperations cleared the Royalist forces out of the west.\\nHe defeated Hopton, that good soldier and honorable\\nman, first at Torrington and then at Truro, and his\\nlast achievement was the capture of Exeter (April 9,\\n1646). Cromwell, who had joined him shortly after\\nthe fall of Basing House, was with the army through-\\nout these operations, watching the state of affairs at\\nWestminster from a distance, in a frame of mind\\nshown by the exhortations in his despatches, and con-\\nstant to his steadfast rule of attending with close\\ndiligence to the actual duties of the day, leaving other\\nthings to come after in their place. After the fall of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "192 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nExeter, he was despatched by Fairfax to report their\\ndoings to the ParHament. He received the formal\\nthanks of the House of Commons, and a more soHd\\nrecognition of his fidehty and service in the shape of\\nestates of the value of two thousand five hundred\\npounds a year. Then Cromwell went back to Fair-\\nfax and the investment of Oxford.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "BOOK THREE", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "BooJ^ Ebrce\\nCHAPTER I\\nTHE KING A PRISONER\\nONE Sunday at midnight (April 26, 1646) the\\nking at Oxford came secretly to an appointed\\nroom in one of the colleges, had his hair and beard cut\\nshort, was dressed in the disguise of a servant, and\\nat three in the morning, with a couple of companions,\\ncrossed over Magdalen Bridge and passed out of the\\ngate, leaving behind him forever the gray walls and\\nvenerable towers, the churches and libraries, the clois-\\nters and gardens, of the ever-faithful city. He had\\nnot even made up his mind whither to go, whether\\nto London or to the Scots. Riding through Maiden-\\nhead and Slough, the party reached Uxbridge and\\nHillingdon, and there at last after long and perplexed\\ndebate he resolved to set his face northward, but with\\nno clear or settled design. For eight days men won-\\ndered whether the fugitive king lay hidden in London\\nor had gone to Ireland. Charles was afraid of Lon-\\ndon, and he hoped that the French envoy would\\nassure him that the Scots were willing to grant him\\nhonorable conditions. Short of this, he was inclined\\nrather to cast himself upon the English than to trust\\nhis countrymen. His choice was probably the wrong\\none. If he had gone to London he would have had\\na better chance than ever came to him again, of wid-\\nening the party divisions in the House of Commons,\\n195", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "196 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand he would have shown the Enghsh that he had\\nthat confidence in their loyahy which at this, as al-\\nmost at every other stage, the general body of them\\nwere little likely to disappoint or to betray. After all\\nit mattered less where Charles was than what he was.\\nIf, in the language of the time, God had hardened\\nhim, if he was bent on tinkling on bishops and delin-\\nquents and such foolish toys, he might as well try\\nhis shallow arts in one place as another. Do what\\nhe would, grim men and grim facts had now fast hold\\nupon him. He found his way to Harrow, thence to\\nSt. Albans, and thence to Downham. There the dis-\\nguised king stayed at a tavern until word came from\\nMontereul not very- substantial, as it proved that\\nthe Scots would give the assurances that he desired.\\nTen days after leaving Oxford Charles rode into the\\nScottish quarters at Southwell. He was never a free\\nman again. Before the end of June Oxford surren-\\ndered. The generals were blamed for the liberality\\nof the terms of capitulation, but Cromwell insisted on\\ntheir faithful observance, for he knew that the war\\nwas now at an end, and that in civil strife clemency\\nmust be the true policy.\\nWith the close of the war and the surrender of the\\nperson of the king a new crisis began, not less decisive\\nthan that which ended in the raising of the royal stan-\\ndard four years before, but rapidly opening more ex-\\ntensive ground of conflict and awakening more for-\\nmidable elements. Since then Europe has learned, or\\nhas not learned, the lesson that revolutions are apt to\\nfollow a regular order. It would be a complete mis-\\ntake, however, to think that England in 1647 was at\\nall like France after the return of Bonaparte from his\\nvictorious campaigns in Italy. They were unlike, be-\\ncause Cromwell was not a bandit, and the army of", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "From the portrait by C. Janssen in the National Portrait Gallery.\\nSIR EDWARD COKE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "thp: king a prisoner 197\\nthe New Model was not a standing force of many\\ntens of thousands of men, essentially conscienceless\\nand only existing for war and conquest. The task\\nwas different. No situations in history really repro-\\nduce themselves. In France the fabric of government\\nhad been violently dashed to pieces from foundation\\nto crest. Those ideas in men s minds by which na-\\ntional institutions are molded, and from which they\\nmainly draw their life, had become faded and power-\\nless. The nation had no reverence for the throne, and\\nno affection either for the king while he was alive,\\nor for his memory after they had killed him. Not a\\nsingle institution stood sacred. In England, in 1647,\\nno such terrible catastrophe had happened. A con-\\nfused storm had swept over the waters, many a brave\\nman had been carried overboard, but the ship of state\\nseemed to have ridden out the hurricane. The king\\nhad been beaten, but the nation never dreamed of any\\nthing but monarchy. The bishops had gone down^\\nbut the nation desired a national church. The lords\\nhad dwindled to a dubious shadow, but the nation/\\ncherished its unalterable reverence for Parliament.\\nThe highest numbers in a division, even in the\\nearly days of the Long Parliament, do not seem to\\nhave gone above three hundred and eighty out of a\\ntotal of near five hundred. After the war broke out\\nthey naturally sank to a far lower figure. At least\\na hundred members were absent in the discharge of\\nlocal duties. A hundred more took the side of the\\nking, and shook the dust of Westminster from off\\ntheir feet. On the first Self-denying Ordinance one\\nhundred and ninety members voted. The appoint-\\nment of Fairfax to be commander-in-chief was carried\\nby one hundred and one against sixty-nine. The ordi-\\nnary working strength was not above a hundred. The", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "198 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nweakness of moral authority in a house in this condi-\\ntion was painfully evident, but so too were the diffi-\\nculties in the way of any remedy. A general disso-\\nlution, as if the country were in deep tranquillity\\ninstead of being torn and wearied by civil convulsion,\\nwas out of the question. Apart from the technical\\nobjection of calling a new Parliament without the\\nking and the king s great seal, the risk of throwing\\nupon doubtful constituencies all the vital issues then\\nopen and unsettled, was too formidable for any states-\\nman in his senses to provoke.\\nThe House proceeded gradually, and after Naseby\\nissued writs in small batches. Before the end of\\n1646 about two hundred and thirty-five new members\\nhad been returned, and of these the majority either\\nprofessed independency or leaned toward it, or at\\nleast were averse to Presbyterian exclusiveness, and\\nnot a few were officers in the army. Thus in all\\nrevolutions, as they move forward, stratum is super-\\nimposed above stratum. Coke, Selden, Eliot, Hampden,\\nPym, the first generation of constitutional reformers,\\nwere now succeeded by a new generation of various\\nrevolutionary shades Ireton, Ludlow, Hutchinson,\\nAlgernon Sidney, Fleetwood, and Blake. Cromwell,\\nfrom his success as commander, his proved experience,\\nand his stern adherence to the great dividing doctrine\\nof toleration, was the natural leader of this new and\\npowerful group. Sidney s stoical death years after\\non Tower Hill, and Blake s destruction of the Spanish\\nsilver-galleons in the bay of Santa Cruz, the most\\nsplendid naval achievement of that age, have made a\\ndeeper mark on historic imagination, but for the pur-\\nposes of the hour it was Ireton who had the more im-\\nportant part to play. Ireton, now five-and-thirty, was\\nthe son of a country gentleman in Nottinghamshire,", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "THE KING A PRISONER 199\\nhad been bred at Oxford, and read law in the Temple.\\nHe had fought at Edgehill, had ridden by Cromwell s\\nside at Gainsborough and Marston Moor, and, as we\\nhave seen, was in command of the horse on the left\\nwing at Naseby, where his fortune was not good.\\nNo better brain was then at work on either side, no\\npurer character. Some found that he had the prin-\\nciples and the temper of a Cassius in him, for no\\nbetter reason than that he was firm, never shrinking\\nfrom the shadow of his convictions, active, discreet,\\nand with a singular power of drawing others, includ-\\ning first of all Cromwell himself, over to his own\\njudgment. He had that directness, definiteness, and\\npersistency to which the Pliables of the world often\\nmisapply the ill-favored name of fanaticism. He was\\na man, says one, regardless of his own or any one s\\nprivate interest wherever he thought the public service\\nmight be advantaged. He was very active, indus-\\ntrious, and stiff in his ways and purposes, says an-\\nother; stout in the field, and wary and prudent in\\ncounsel exceedingly forward as to the business of the\\nCommonwealth. Cromwell had a great opinion of\\nhim, and no man could prevail so much, nor order\\nhim so far, as Ireton could. He was so diligent in the\\npublic service, and so careless of all belonging to him-\\nself, that he never regarded what food he ate, what\\nclothes he wore, what horse he mounted, or at what\\nhour he went to rest. Cromwell good-naturedly im-\\nplies in Ireton almost excessive fluency with his pen;\\nhe does not write to him, he says, because one line\\nof mine begets many of his. The framing of con-\\nstitutions is a pursuit that has fallen into just dis-\\ncredit in later days, but the power of intellectual con-\\ncentration and the constructive faculty displayed in\\nIreton s plans of constitutional revision, mark him as", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "200 OLIVER CROMWELL\\na man of the first order in that line. He was enough\\nof a lawyer to comprehend with precision the prin-\\nciples and forms of government, but not too much\\nof a lawyer to prize and practise new invention and\\nresource. If a fresh constitution could have been\\nmade, Ireton was the man to make it. Not less re-\\nmarkable than his grasp and capacity of mind was\\nhis disinterestedness. When he was serving in Ire-\\nland, Parliament ordered a settlement of two thou-\\nsand pounds a year to be made upon him. The news\\nwas so unacceptable to him that when he heard of it\\nhe said that they had many just debts they had better\\npay before making any such presents, and that for\\nhimself he had no need of their land and would have\\nnone of it. It was to this comrade in arms and coun-\\nsel that Cromwell, a year after Naseby (1646), gave\\nin marriage his daughter Bridget, then a girl of two-\\nand-twenty.\\nThe king s surrender to the Scots created new en-\\ntanglements. The episode lasted from May, 1646, to\\nJanuary, 1647. made worse the bad feeling that\\nhad for long been growing between the English and\\nthe Scots. The religious or political quarrel about\\nuniform presbytery, charges of military uselessness,\\ndisputes about money, disputes about the border\\nstrongholds, all worked with the standing interna-\\ntional jealousy to produce a tension that had long been\\ndangerous, and in another year in the play of Scottish\\nfactions against one another was to become more dan-\\ngerous still.\\nTerms of a settlement had been propounded to the\\nking in the Nineteen Propositions of York, on the\\neve of the war in 1642; in the treaty of Oxford at\\nthe beginning of 1643; i the treaty of Uxbridge in\\n1644-45, the failure of which led to the New Model", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "From a miniature by Crosse at Windsor Castle.\\nBy special permission of Her Majesty the Queen.\\nBRIDGET CROMWELL\\n(MRS. IRETON, AND LATER MRS. FLEETWOOD).", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "THE KING A PRISONER 201\\nand to Naseby. By the Nineteen Propositions now\\nmade to him at Newcastle the king was to swear to\\nthe Covenant, and to make all his subjects do the\\nsame. Archbishops, bishops, and all other dignitaries\\nwere to be utterly abolished and taken away. The\\nchildren of papists were to be educated by Protestants\\nin the Protestant faith; and mass was not to be said\\neither at court or anywhere else. Parliament was to\\ncontrol all the military forces of the kingdom for\\ntwenty years, and to raise money for them as it might\\nthink fit. An immense list of the king s bravest\\nfriends was to be proscribed. Little wonder is it that\\nthese proposals, some of them even now so odious,\\nsome so intolerable, seemed to Charles to strike the\\ncrown from his head as effectually as if it were the\\nstroke of the ax.\\nCharles himself never cherished a more foolish\\ndream than this of his Scottish custodians, that he\\nwould turn Covenanter. Scottish Covenanters and\\nEnglish Puritans found themselves confronted by a\\nconscience as rigid as their own. Before the summer\\nwas over, the king s madness, as it seemed to them,\\nhad confounded all his Presbyterian friends. They\\nwere in no frame of mind to apprehend even dimly\\nthe king s views of the divine right of bishops as the\\nvery foundation of the Anglican Church, and the one\\nsacred link with the church universal. Yet they were\\nthemselves just as tenacious of the divine right of\\npresbytery. Their Independent enemies looked on\\nwith a stern satisfaction that was slowly beginning to\\ntake a darker and more revengeful cast.\\nIn spite of his asseverations, nobody believed that\\nthe king stuck upon Episcopacy for any conscience.\\nHere, as time was to show, the world did Charles\\nmuch less than justice; but he did not conceal from", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "202 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe queen and others who urged him to swallow Pres-\\nbytery, that he had a political no less than a religious\\nobjection to it. The nature of Presbyterian govern-\\nment is to steal or force the crown from the king s\\nhead, for their chief maxim is (and I know it to be\\ntrue) that all kings must submit to Christ s kingdom,\\nof which they are the sole governors, the king having\\nbut a single and no negative voice in their assemblies.\\nWhen Charles said he knew this to be true, he was\\nthinking of all the bitter hours that his father had\\npassed in conflict with the clergy. He had perhaps\\nheard of the scene between James VI and Andrew\\nMelville in 1596; how the preacher bore him down,\\ncalling the king God s silly vassal, and taking him by\\nthe sleeve, told him that there are two kings and\\ntwo kingdoms in Scotland there is Christ Jesus the\\nKing, and his kingdom the kirk, whose subject King\\nJames VI is, and of whose kingdom not a king, not\\na lord, not a head, but a member. And they whom\\nChrist has called and commanded to watch over his\\nkirk and govern his spiritual kingdom, have sufficient\\npower of him and authority so to do, the which no\\nChristian, king nor prince, should control and dis-\\ncharge, but fortify and assist.\\nThe sincerity of his devotion to the church did not\\nmake Charles a plain-dealer. He agreed to what was\\nproposed to him about Ireland, supposing, as he told\\nBellievre, the French ambassador, that the ambiguous\\nexpression found in the terms in which it was drawn\\nup, would give him the means by-and-by of interpret-\\ning it to his advantage. Charles, in one of his letters\\nto the queen, lets us see what he means by an am-\\nbiguous expression. It is true, he tells her, that it\\nmay be I give them leave to hope for more than I\\nintended, but my words are only to endeavor to give", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "THE KING A PRISONER 203\\nthem satisfaction. Then he is anxious to explain\\nthat though it is true that as to places he gives them\\nsome more likely hopes, yet neither in that is there\\nany absolute engagement, but there is the condition\\nof giving me encouragement thereunto by their\\nready inclination to peace annexed with it.\\nIt is little wonder that just as Royalists took dis-\\nsimulation to be the key to Cromwell, so it has been\\ncounted the master vice of Charles. Yet Charles was\\nnot the only dissembler. At this moment the Scots\\nthemselves boldly declared that all charges about their\\ndealing with Mazarin and the queen were wholly false,\\nwhen in fact they were perfectly true. In later days\\nthe Lord Protector dealt with Mazarin on the basis of\\ntoleration for Catholics, but his promises were not to\\nbe publicly announced. Revolutions do not make the\\nbest soil for veracity. It would be hard to deny that\\nbefore Charles great dissemblers had been wise and\\npolitic princes. His ancestor King Henry VII, his\\npredecessor Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, his\\nwife s father Henry IV of France, Louis XI, Charles\\nV. and many another sagacious figure in the history\\nof European states, had freely and effectively adopted\\nthe maxims of Machiavelli. In truth, the cause of\\nthe king s ruin lay as much in his position as in his\\ncharacter. The directing portion of the nation had\\nmade up its mind to alter the relations of crown and\\nParliament, and it Avas hardly possible in the nature\\nof things men and kings being what they are\\nthat Charles should passively fall into the new posi-\\ntion that his victorious enemies had made for him.\\nEurope has seen many constitutional monarchies at-\\ntempted or set up within the last hundred years. In\\nhow many cases has the new system been carried on\\nwithout disturbing an old dynasty? We may say", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "204 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof Charles I what has been said of Louis XVL\\nEvery day they were asking the king for the impos-\\nsible to deny his ancestors, to respect the constitu-\\ntion that stripped him, to love the revolution that de-\\nstroyed him. How could it be?\\nIt is beside the mark, again, to lay the blame upon\\nthe absence of a higher intellectual atmosphere. It\\nwas not a bad intellectual basis that made the catas-\\ntrophe certain, but antagonism of will, the clash of\\ncharacter, the violence of party passion and person-\\nality. The king was determined not to give up what\\nthe reformers were determined that he should not\\nkeep. He felt that to yield would be to betray both\\nthose wdio had gone before him, and his children who\\nwere to come after. His opponents felt that to fall\\nback would be to go both body and soul into chains.\\nSo Presbyterians and Independents feared and hated\\neach other, not merely because each failed in intellec-\\ntual perception of the case of their foe, but because\\ntheir blood was up, because they believed dissent in\\nopinion to mean moral obliquity, because sectional\\ninterests were at stake, and for all those other reasons\\nwhich spring from that spirit of sect and party which\\nis so innate in man, and always mingles so much evil\\nwith whatever it may have of good.\\nThe undoing of Charles was not merely his turn\\nfor intrigue and double-dealing; it was blindness to\\nsigns, mismeasurement of forces, dishevelled confu-\\nsion of means and ends. Unhappily mere foolishness\\nin men responsible for the government of great states\\nis apt to be a curse as heavy as the crimes of tyrants.\\nWith strange self-confidence Charles was hard at\\nwork upon schemes and combinations, all at best most\\ndifficult in themselves, and each of them violently in-\\nconsistent with the other. He was hopefully nego-", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "J\\nm^ 1^\\nI^A\\n^bv\\n^^1\\n^BffiRBii\\nH\\nJr\\nM\\nJ^l^l\\n1\\n1\\nV\\nFrom the\\noriginal miniature\\nbv John Hoskins\\nat Montagu\\nHouse\\nby permission\\nof the Duke of Bu\\nccleuch.\\nALGERNON SIDNEY.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE KING A PRISONER 205\\ntiating with the Independents, and at the same time\\nboth with the CathoHc Irish and with the Presbyterian\\nScots. He looked to the support of the Covenanters,\\nand at the same time he rehed upon Montrose, be-\\ntween whom and the Covenanters there was now an\\nantagonism almost as vindictive as a Corsican blood-\\nfeud. He professed a desire to come to an under-\\nstanding with his people and Parliament, yet he had\\na chimerical plan for collecting a new army to crush\\nboth Parliament and people and he was looking each\\nday for the arrival of Frenchmen, or Lorrainers, or\\nDutchmen or Danes, and their march through Kent\\nor Suffolk upon his capital. While negotiating with\\nmen to whom hatred of the Pope was the breath of\\ntheir nostrils, he was allowing the queen to bargain\\nfor a hundred thousand crowns in one event, and a\\nsecond hundred in another, from Antichrist himself.\\nHe must have known, moreover, that nearly every\\nmove in this stealthy game was more or less well\\nknown to all those other players against whom he\\nhad so improvidently matched himself.\\nThe queen s letters during all these long months\\nof tribulation shed as much light upon the character\\nof Charles as upon her own. Complaint of his lack\\nof constancy and resolution is the everlasting refrain.\\nWant of perseverance in his plans, she tells him, has\\nbeen his ruin. When he talks of peace with the Par-\\nliament she vows that she will go into a convent, for\\nshe will never trust herself with those who will then\\nbe his masters. If you change again, farewell for-\\never. If you have broken your resolution, nothing\\nbut death for me. As long as the Parliament lasts\\nyou are no king for me; I will not put my foot in\\nEngland. We can have no better measure of\\nCharles s weakness than that in the hour of adversity,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "2o6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nso desperate for both of them, he should be thus ad-\\ndressed by a wife to whom he had been wedded for\\ntwenty years.\\nHis submission is complete. He will not have a\\ngentleman for his son s bedchamber, nor Montrose\\nfor his own bedchamber, without her consent. He\\nwill not decide whether it is best for him to make\\nfor Ireland, France, or Denmark, until he knows what\\nshe thinks best. If I quit my conscience, he pleads,\\nin the famous sentiment of Lovelace, how unworthy\\nI make myself of thy love! With that curious\\nstreak of immovable scruple so often found in men\\nin whom equivocation is a habit of mind and practice,\\nhe had carefully kept his oath never to mention mat-\\nters of religion to his Catholic queen, and it is only\\nunder stress of this new misconstruction that he seeks\\nto put himself right with her, by explaining his posi-\\ntion about apostolic succession, the divine right of\\nbishops, and the absolute unlawfulness of Presbyte-\\nrianism, even the ally and confederate of rebellion.\\nNothing that he was able to do could disarm the\\nuniversal anger and suspicion which the seizure of\\nthe king s papers at Naseby had begun, and the dis-\\ncovery of a copy of Glamorgan s treaty at Sligo (Oc-\\ntober, 1645) ^^d carried still deeper. The Presby-\\nterians in their discomfiture openly expressed their\\nfears that the king was now undone forever. Charles\\nin a panic offered to hand over the management of\\nIreland to his Parliament, thus lightly dropping the\\nwhole Irish policy on which he had for long been\\nacting, flinging to the winds all his engagements, un-\\nderstandings, and promises to the Irish Catholics,\\nand handing them over without conditions to the\\ntender mercies of enemies fiercely thirsting for a\\nbloody retaliation. His recourse to foreign powers", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "THE KING A PRISONER 207\\nwas well known. The despatch of the Prince of\\nWales to join his mother in France was felt to be\\nthe unsealing of a. fountain of foreign war as\\nthe queen had got the prince into her hands, she\\ncould make the youth go to mass and marry the\\nDuke of Orleans s daughter. Ten thousand men\\nfrom Ireland were to overrun the Scottish lowlands,\\nand then to raise the malignant north of England.\\nThe King of Denmark s son was to invade the north\\nof Scotland with three or four thousand Dutch vet-\\nerans. Eight or ten thousand French were to join\\nthe remnant of the royal army in Cornwall. Even\\nthe negotiations that had been so long in progress at\\nMiinster, and were by-and-by to end the Thirty Years\\nWar and consummate Richelieu s great policy in the\\ntreaties of Westphalia, were viewed with apprehen-\\nsion by the English reformers, for a peace might\\nmean the release both of France and Spain for an\\nattack upon England in these days of divine wrath\\nand unsearchable judgments against the land. Prayer\\nand fasting were never more diligently resorted to\\nthan now. The conflict of the two English parties\\nlost none of its sharpness or intensity. The success\\nof the policy of the Independents, so remarkably\\nshown at Naseby, pursued as it had been against com-\\nmon opinion at Westminster, became more command-\\ning with every new disclosure of the king s designs.\\nIn the long and intricate negotiations with the king\\nand with the Scots at Newcastle, Independent aims\\nhad been justified and had prevailed. The baffled\\nPresbyterians only became the more embittered. At\\nthe end of January, 1647, I ^^w situation became\\ndefined. The Scots, unable to induce the king to\\nmake those concessions in religion without which not\\na Scot would take arms to help him, and having re-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "208 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nceived an instalment of the pay that was due to them,\\nmarched away to their homes across the border. Com-\\nmissioners from the EngHsh ParHament took their\\nplace as custodians of the person of the king. By\\norder of the two houses, Holmby in the county of\\nNorthampton was assigned to him as his residence,\\nand here he remained until the month of June, when\\nonce more the scene was violently transformed.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nTHE CRISIS OF 1 647\\nIF ever there was in the world a revolution with\\nideas as well as interests, with principle and not\\negotism for its mainspring, it was this. At the same\\ntime as England, France was torn by civil war, but the\\ncivil war of the Fronde was the conflict of narrow aris-\\ntocratic interests with the newly consolidated suprem-\\nacy of the monarch. It was not the forerunner of\\nthe French Revolution, with all its hopes and promises\\nof a regenerated time; the Fronde was the expiring\\nstruggle of the belated survivors of the feudal age.\\nThe English struggle was very different. Never was\\na fierce party conflict so free of men who, in Dante s\\nblighting phrase, were for themselves. Yet much\\nas there was in the Puritan uprising to inspire and\\nexalt, its ideas, when tested by the pressure of circum-\\nstance, showed themselves unsettled and vague; prin-\\nciples were slow to ripen, forces were indecisively dis-\\ntributed, its theology did not help. This was what\\nCromwell, henceforth the great practical mind of the\\nmovement, was now painfully to discover.\\nIt was not until 1645 that Cromwell had begun to\\nstand clearly out in the popular imagination, alike of\\nfriends and foes. He was the idol of his troops. He\\nprayed and preached among them; he played uncouth\\npractical jokes with them he was not above a snow-\\n14 209", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "2IO OLIVER CROMWELL\\nball match against them he was a brisk, energetic,\\nskilful soldier, and he was an invincible commander.\\nIn Parliament he made himself felt, as having the art of\\nhitting the right debating-nail upon the head. The saints\\nhad an instinct that he was their man, and that they\\ncould trust him to stand by them when the day of trial\\ncame. A good commander of horse, say the experts,\\nis as rare as a good commander-in-chief, he needs so\\nrare a union of prudence with impetuosity. What\\nCromwell was in the field he was in council bold, but\\nwary slow to raise his arm, but swift to strike fiery\\nin the assault, but knowing when to draw bridle.\\nThese rare combinations were invaluable; for even the\\nheated and headlong revolutionary is not sorry to\\nfind a leader cooler than himself. Above all, and as\\nthe mainspring of all, he had heart and conscience.\\nWhile the Scots are striving to make the king into a\\nCovenanter, and the Parliament to get the Scots out of\\nthe country, and the Independents to find means of\\nturning the political scale against the Presbyterians,\\nCromwell finds time to intercede with a Royalist gen-\\ntleman on behalf of some honest poor neighbors who\\nare being molested for their theologies. To the same\\ntime (1646) belongs that well-known passage where\\nhe says to one of his daughters that her sister bewails\\nher vanity and carnal mind, and seeks after what will\\nsatisfy And thus to be a Seeker is to be of the best\\nsect next to a Finder, and such an one shall every faith-\\nful, humble Seeker be at the end. Happy Seeker,\\nhappy Finder!\\nIn no contest in our history has the disposition of\\nthe pieces on the political chessboard been more per-\\nplexed. What Oliver perceived as he scanned each\\nquarter of the political horizon was first a Parliament in\\nwhich the active leaders were Presbyterians, confronted", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 1647 211\\nby an army, at once suspected and suspicious, whose\\nactive leaders were Independents. The fervor of the\\npreachers had been waxing hotter and still hotter, and\\nthe angry trumpet sounding a shriller blast. He saw\\nthe city of London, which had been the mainstay of\\nthe Parliament in the war, now just as strenuous for\\na good peace. He saw an army in which he knew that\\nhis own authority stood high, but where events were\\nsoon to show that he did not yet know all the fierce\\nundercurrents and dark and pent-up forces. Finally,\\nhe saw a king beaten in the field, but still unbending\\nin defense of his religion, his crown, and his friends,\\nand boldly confident that nothing could prevent him\\nfrom still holding the scale between the two rival bands\\nof his triumphant enemies. Outside this kingdom he\\nsaw the combative and dogged Scots who had just\\nbeen persuaded to return to their own country, still\\nsharply watching English affairs over the border, and\\nstill capable of drawing the sword for king or for Par-\\nliament, as best might suit the play of their own in-\\nfuriated factions. Finally there was Ireland, dis-\\ntracted, dangerous, sullen, and a mainspring of\\ndifficulty and confusion, now used by the Parliament\\nin one way against the army, and now by the king in\\nanother way against both army and Parliament. The\\ncause in short, whether Cromwell yet looked so far in\\nfront or not, was face to face with the gloomy alter-\\nnatives of a perfidious restoration, or a new campaign\\nand war at all hazards.\\nThere is no other case in history where the victors\\nin a great civil war were left so entirely without the\\npower of making their own settlement, and the van-\\nquished so plainly umpires in their own c|uarrel. The\\nbeaten king was to have another chance, his best and\\nhis last. Even now if we could read old history like", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "212 OLIVER CROMWELL\\na tale of which we do not know the end, whether it\\nshould be that sentiment has drawn the reader s sym-\\npathies to the side of the king, or right reason drawn\\nthem to the side of the king s adversaries, it might\\nquicken the pulse when he comes to the exciting and\\nintricate events of 1647, sees his favorite cause,\\nwhichever it chances to be, trembling in the scale.\\nClarendon says that though the Presbyterians were\\njust as malicious and as wicked as the Independents,\\nthere was this great difference between them, that the\\nIndependents always did what made for the end they\\nhad in view, while the Presbyterians always did what\\nwas most sure to cross their own design and hinder\\ntheir own aim. These are differences that in all ages\\nmark the distinction between any strong political\\nparty and a weak one between powerful leaders who\\nget things done, and impotent leaders who are always\\nwaiting for something that never happens.\\nThe pressure of the armed struggle with the king\\nbeing withdrawn, party spirit in Parliament revived in\\nfull vigor. The Houses were face to face with the\\ndangerous task of disbanding the powerful force that\\nhad fought their battle and established their authority,\\nand was fully conscious of the magnitude of its work.\\nTo undertake disbandment in England was indispen-\\nsable the nation was groaning under the burden of\\nintolerable taxation, and the necessity of finding troops\\nfor service in Ireland was urgent. The City clamored\\nfor disbandment, and that a good peace should be made\\nwith his Majesty. The party interest of the Presby-\\nterian majority, moreover, pointed in the same way;\\nto break up the New Model, and dispose of as many\\nof the soldiers as could be induced to reenlist for the\\ndistant wilds of Ireland, would be to destroy the for-\\ntress of their Independent rivals.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 1647 213\\nThere is no evidence that Cromwell took any part\\nin the various disbanding votes as they passed through\\nthe House of Commons in the early months of 1647,\\nand he seems to have been slack in his attendance. No\\noperation was ever conducted with worse judgment.\\nInstead of meeting the men frankly, Parliament chaf-\\nfered, framed their act of indemnity too loosely, offered\\nonly eight weeks of pay though between fifty and sixty\\nweeks were overdue, and then when the soldiers ad-\\ndressed them, suppressed their petitions or burned\\nthem by the hangman, and passed angry resolutions\\nagainst their authors as enemies of the state and dis-\\nturbers of the public peace. This is the party of order\\nall over. It is a curious circumstance that a proposal\\nshould actually have been made in Parliament to arrest\\nCromwell for complicity in these proceedings of the\\narmy at the moment when some of the soldiers, on the\\nother hand, blamed him for stopping and undermining\\ntheir petitions, and began to think they had been in too\\ngreat a hurry to give him their affections.\\nThe army in their quarters at Saffron Walden grew\\nmore and more restive. They chose agents, entered\\ninto correspondence for concerted action, and framed\\nnew petitions. Three troopers, who brought a letter\\nwith these communications, addressed to Cromwell\\nand two of the other generals in Parliament, w^ere sum-\\nmoned to the bar, and their stoutness so impressed\\nor scared the House that Cromwell and Ireton, Fleet-\\nwood and the sturdy Skippon, were despatched to the\\narmy to feel the ground. They held a meeting in the\\nchurch at Saffron Walden, with a couple of hundred\\nofficers and a number of private soldiers, and listened\\nto their reports from the various regiments. Nothing\\nwas said either about religion or politics; arrears\\nwere the sore point, and if there were no better offer", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "214 OLIVER CROMWELL\\non that head, then no disbandment. The whole scene\\nand its tone vividly recall the proceedings of a modern\\ntrade-union in the reasonable stages of a strike. In\\ntemper, habit of mind, plain sense, and even in words\\nand form of speech, the English soldier of the New\\nModel two centuries and a half ago must have been\\nvery much like the sober and respectable miner, plow-\\nman, or carter of to-day. But the violence of war\\nhad hardened their fiber, had made them rough under\\ncontradiction, and prepared them both for bold\\nthoughts and bolder acts.\\nMeanwhile a thing of dark omen happened. At the\\nbeginning of May, while Cromwell was still at Saffron\\nWalden, it was rumored that certain foot-soldiers\\nabout Cambridgeshire had given out that they would\\ngo to Holmby to fetch the king. The story caused\\nmuch offense and scandal, but it very soon came true.\\nOne summer evening small parties of horse were ob-\\nserved in the neighborhood of Holmby. At daybreak\\nCornet Joyce made his way within the gates at the\\nhead of five hundred mounted troopers. Later in the\\nday a report got abroad that the Parliament would\\nsend a force to carry the king to London. Joyce and\\nhis party promptly made up their minds. At ten at\\nnight the cornet awoke the king from slumber, and\\nrespectfully requested him to move to other quarters\\nnext day. The king hesitated. At six in the morn-\\ning the conversation was resumed. The king asked\\nJoyce whether he was acting by the general s commis-\\nsion. Joyce said that he was not, and pointed as his\\nauthority to the five hundred men on their horses in\\nthe courtyard. As well-written a commission, and\\nwith as fine a frontispiece, as I have ever seen in my\\nlife, pleasantly said Charles. The king had good\\nreason for his cheerfulness. He was persuaded that", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 1647 215\\nthe cornet could not act without the counsel of greater\\npersons, and if so, this could only mean that the mili-\\ntary leaders were resolved on a breach with the Parlia-\\nment. From such a quarrel Charles might well believe\\nthat to him nothing but good could come.\\nWhether Cromwell was really concerned either in\\nthe king s removal, or in any other stage of this ob-\\nscure transaction, remains an open question. What\\nis not improbable is that Cromwell may have told Joyce\\nto secure the king s person at Holmby against the sus-\\npected designs of the Parliament, and that the actual\\nremoval was prompted on the spot by a supposed emer-\\ngency. On the other hand, the hypothesis is hardly\\nany more improbable that the whole design sprang from\\nthe agitators, and that Cromwell had no part in it.\\nIt was noticed later as a significant coincidence that on\\nthe very evening on which Joyce forced his way into\\nthe king s bedchamber, Cromwell, suspecting that the\\nleaders of the Presbyterian majority were about to\\narrest him, mounted his horse and rode off to join the\\narmy. His share in Joyce s seizure and removal of\\nthe king afterward is less important than his approval\\nof it as a strong and necessary lesson to the majority\\nin the Parliament.\\nSo opened a more startling phase of revolutionary\\ntransformation. For Joyce s exploit at Holmby be-\\ngins the descent down those fated steeps in which each\\nsuccessive violence adds new momentum to the vio-\\nlence that is to follow, and pays retribution for the\\nviolence that has gone before. Purges, proscriptions,\\ncamp courts, executions, major-generals, dictatorship,\\nrestoration this was the toilsome, baffling path on to\\nwhich, in spite of hopeful auguries and prognostica-\\ntions, both sides were now irrevocably drawn.\\nParliament was at length really awake to the power", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "2i6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof the soldiers, and their determination to use it. The\\nCity, with firmer nerve but still with lively alarm,\\nAvatched headquarters rapidly changed to St. Albans,\\nto Berkhampstead, to Uxbridge, to Wycombe now\\ndrawing off, then hovering closer, launching to-day a\\ndeclaration, to-morrow a remonstrance, next day a\\nvindication, like dangerous flashes out of a sullen cloud.\\nFor the first time purge took its place in the politi-\\ncal vocabulary of the day. Just as the king had at-\\ntacked the five members, so now the army attacked\\neleven, and demanded the ejection of the whole group\\nof Presbyterian leaders from the House of Commons,\\nwith Denzil Holies at the head of them (June 16-26).\\nAmong the Eleven were men as pure and as patriotic\\nas the immortal Five, and when we think that the end\\nof these heroic twenty years was the Restoration, it is\\nnot easy to see why we should denounce the pedantry\\nof the Parliament, whose ideas for good or ill at last\\nprevailed, and should reserve all our glorification for\\nthe army, who proved to have no ideas that would\\neither work or that the country would accept. The\\ndemand for the expulsion of the Eleven was the first\\nstep in the path which was to end in the removal of\\nthe Bauble in 1653.\\nIncensed by these demands, and by what they took\\nto be the weakness of their confederates in the Com-\\nmons, the City addressed one strong petition after\\nanother, and petitions were speedily followed by actual\\nrevolt. The seamen and the watermen on the river-\\nside, the young men and apprentices from Aldersgate\\nand Cheapside, entered into one of the many solemn\\nengagements of these distracted years, and when their\\nengagement was declared by the bewildered Commons\\nto be dangerous, insolent, and treasonable, excited\\nmobs trooped down to Westminster, made short work", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of\\nMrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nCORNET GEORGE JOYCE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0290.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "THE CRISIS OF 1647 217\\nof the nine gentlemen who that day composed the\\nHouse of Lords, forcing them to cross the obnoxious\\ndeclaration off their journals, tumultuously besieged\\nthe House of Commons, some of them even rudely\\nmaking their way, as Charles had done six years be-\\nfore, within the sacred doors and on to the inviolable\\nfloor, until members drew their swords and forced the\\nintruders out. When the Speaker would have left the\\nHouse, the mob returned to the charge, drove him back\\nto his chair, and compelled him to put the question\\nthat the king be invited to come to London forthwith\\nwith honor, freedom, and safety. So readily, as usual,\\ndid reaction borrow at second hand the turbulent ways\\nof revolution.\\nIn disgust at this violent outrage, the speakers of\\nthe two houses (July 30), along with a considerable\\nbody of members, betook themselves to the army.\\nWhen they accompanied Fairfax and his officers on\\nhorseback in a review on Hounslow Heath, the troop-\\ners greeted them with mighty acclamations of Lords\\nand Commons and a free Parliament The effect of\\nthe manoeuvers of the reactionists in the City was to\\nplace the army in the very position that they were\\neager to take, of being protectors of what they chose to\\nconsider the true Parliament, to make a movement upon\\nLondon not only defensible, but inevitable, to force the\\nhand of Cromwell, and to inflame still higher the ardor\\nof the advocates of the revolutionary Thorough. Of the\\nthree great acts of military force against the Parlia-\\nment, now happened the first (August, 1647). The\\ndoors were not roughly closed as Oliver closed them\\non the historic day in April, 1653, there was no\\nsweeping purge like that of Pride in December, 1648.\\nFairfax afterward sought credit for having now re-\\nsisted the demand to put military violence upon the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0291.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "2i8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nHouse, but Cromwell with his assent took a course\\nthat came to the same thing. He stationed cavalry\\nin Hyde Park, and then marched down to his place in\\nthe House, accompanied by soldiers, who after he had\\ngone in hung about the various approaches with a sig-\\nnificance that nobody mistook. The soldiers had defi-\\nnitely turned politicians, and even without the experi-\\nence that Europe has passed through since, it ought not\\nto have been very hard to foresee what their politics\\nwould be.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0292.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nTHE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS\\nENGLAND throughout showed herself the least\\nrevolutionary of the three kingdoms, hardly revo-\\nlutionary at all. Here was little of the rugged, dour,\\nand unyielding persistency of the northern Coven-\\nanters, none of the savage aboriginal frenzy of the\\nIrish, Cromwell was an Englishman all over, and it\\nis easy to conceive the dismay with which in the first\\nhalf of 1647 he slowly realized the existence of a fierce\\ninsurgent leaven in the army. The worst misfortune\\nof a civil war, said Cromwell s contemporar} De Retz,\\nis that one becomes answerable even for the mischief\\none has not done. All the fools turn madmen, and\\neven the wisest have no chance of either acting or\\nspeaking as if they were in their right wits. In spite\\nof the fine things that have been said of heroes, and the\\nmight of their will, a statesman in such a case as Crom-\\nwell s soon finds how little he can do to create marked\\nsituations, and how the main part of his business is in\\nslowly parrying, turning, managing circumstances for\\nwhich he is not any more responsible than he is for\\nhis own existence, and yet which are his masters, and\\nof which he can only make the best or the worst.\\nCromwell never showed a more sagacious insight\\ninto the hard necessities of the situation than when he\\nendeavored to form an alliance between the king and\\n219", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0293.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "220 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe army. All the failures and disasters that harassed\\nhim from this until the day of his death, arose from\\nthe breakdown of the negotiations now undertaken.\\nThe restoration of Charles I by Cromwell would have\\nbeen a very different thing from the restoration of\\nCharles II by Monk. In the midsummer of 1647\\nCromwell declared that he desired no alteration of the\\ncivil government, and no meddling with the Presby-\\nterian settlement, and no opening of a way for licen-\\ntious liberty under pretence of obtaining ease for\\ntender consciences.\\nUnhappily for any prosperous issue, Cromwell and\\nhis men were met by a constancy as fervid as their\\nown. Charles followed slippery and crooked paths\\nbut he was as sure as Cromwell that he had God on his\\nside, that he was serving divine purposes and uphold-\\ning things divinely instituted. He was as unyielding\\nas Cromwell in fidelity to what he accounted the stand-\\nards of personal duty and national well-being. He\\nwas as patient as Cromwell in facing the ceaseless\\nbuffets and misadventures that were at last to sweep\\nhim down the cataract. Charles was not without ex-\\ncuse for supposing that by playing off army against\\nParliament and Independent against Presbyterian, he\\nwould still come into his own again. The jealousy\\nand ill-will between the contending parties was at its\\nheight, and there was no reason either in conscience\\nor in policy why he should not make the most of that\\nfact. Each side sought to use him, and from his own\\npoint of view he had a right to strike the best bargain\\nthat he could with either. Unfortunately, he could\\nnot bring himself to strike any bargain at all, and the\\nchance passed. Cromwell s efforts only served to\\nweaken his own authority with the army, and he was\\ndriven to give up hopes of the king, as he had already", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0294.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "THE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS 221\\nbeen driven to give up hopes of the Parhament. This\\nwas in effect to be thrown back against all his wishes\\nand instincts upon the army alone, and to find himself,\\nby nature a moderator with a passion for order in its\\nlargest meaning, flung into the midst of military and\\nconstitutional anarchy.\\nCarlyle is misleading when, in deprecating a com-\\nparison between French Jacobins and English Sec-\\ntaries, he says that, apart from difference in situation,\\nthere is the difference between the believers in Jesus\\nChrist and believers in Jean Jacques, which is still\\nmore considerable. It would be nearer the mark to\\nsay that the Sectaries were beforehand with Jean\\nJacques, and that half the troubles that confronted\\nCromwell and his men sprang from the fact that Eng-\\nlish Sectaries were now saying to one another some-\\nthing very like what Frenchmen said in Rousseau s\\ndialect a hundred and forty years later. No man\\nwho knows right, says Milton, can be so stupid as\\nto deny that all men zvere naturally born free. In\\nthe famous document drawn up in the army in the\\nautumn of 1647, known (along with two other\\ndocuments under the same designation propounded in\\n1648-49) as the Agreement of the People, the sover-\\neignty of the people through their representatives the\\nfoundation of society in common right, liberty, and\\nsafety; the freedom of every man in the faith of his\\nreligion and all the rest of the catalogue of the rights\\nof man, are all set forth as clearly as they ever were\\nby Robespierre or by Jefferson. In truth the phrase\\nmay differ, and the sanctions and the temper may\\ndiffer; and yet in the thought of liberty, equality, and\\nfraternity, in the dream of natural rights, in the rain-\\nbow vision of an inalienable claim to be left free in life,\\nliberty and the pursuit of happiness, there is something", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0295.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "222 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthat has for centuries from age to age evoked spon-\\ntaneous thrills in the hearts of toiling, suffering, hope-\\nful men something that they need no philosophic\\nbook to teach them.\\nWhen Baxter came among the soldiers after Naseby,\\nhe found them breathing the spirit of conquerors.\\nThe whole atmosphere was changed. They now took\\nthe king for a tyrant and an enemy, and wondered only\\nwhether, if they might fight against him, they might\\nnot also kill or crush him in itself no unwarrantable\\ninference. He heard them crying out, What were\\nthe Lords of England but William the Conqueror s\\ncolonels, or the barons but his majors, or the knights\\nbut his captains? From this pregnant conclusions\\nfollowed. Logic had begun its work, and in men of a\\ncertain temperament political logic is apt to turn into\\na strange poison. They will not rest until they have\\ndrained first principles to their very dregs. They\\nargue down from the necessities of abstract reasoning\\nuntil they have ruined all the favoring possibilities of\\nconcrete circumstance.\\nWe have at this time to distinguish political councils\\nfrom military. There was almost from the first a\\nstanding council of war, exclusively composed of offi-\\ncers of higher rank. This body was not concerned\\nin politics. The general council of the army,\\nwhich was first founded during the summer of 1647,\\nwas a mixture of officers and the agents of the private\\nsoldiers. It contained certain of the generals, and\\nfour representatives from each regiment, two of them\\nofficers and two of them soldiers chosen by the men.\\nThis important assembly, with its two combined\\nbranches, did not last in that shape for more than a\\nfew months. After the execution of the king, the\\nagitators, or direct representatives of the men, dropped", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0296.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "THE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS 223\\noff or were shut out, and what remained was a council\\nof officers. They retained their power until the end;\\nit was with them that Cromwell had to deal. The\\npolitics of the army became the governing element of\\nthe situation; it was here that those new forces were\\nbeing evolved which, when the Long Parliament first\\nmet, nobody intended or foresaw, and that gave to the\\nRebellion a direction that led Cromwell into strange\\nlatitudes.\\nHappy chance has preserved, and the industry of a\\nsingularly clear-headed and devoted student has res-\\ncued and explored, vivid and invaluable pictures of the\\nhalf-chaotic scene. At Saffron Walden, in May\\n(1647), Cromwell urged the officers to strengthen\\nthe deference of their men for the authority of Parlia-\\nment, for if once that authority were to fail, confusion\\nmust follow. At Reading, in July, the position had\\nshifted, the temperature had risen. Parliament in con-\\nfederacy with the City had become the enemy, though\\nthere was still a strong group at Westminster who\\nwere the soldier s friends. Cromwell could no longer\\nproclaim the authority of Parliament as the paramount\\nobject, for he knew this to be a broken reed. But he\\nchanged ground as little as he could and as slowly as\\nhe could.\\nHere we first get a clear sight of the temper of\\nCromwell as a statesman grappling at the same mo-\\nment with Presbyterians in Parliament, with Extrem-\\nists in the army, with the king in the closet a task for a\\nhero. In manner he was always what Clarendon calls\\nrough and brisk. He declared that he and his colleagues\\nwere as swift as anybody else in their feelings and de-\\nsires; nay, more, Truly I am very often judged as\\none that goes too fast that way, and it is the peculiar-\\nity of men like me, he says, to think dangers more", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0297.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "224 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nimaginary than real, to be always making haste, and\\nmore sometimes perhaps than good speed. This is\\none of the too few instructive glimpses that we have\\nof the real Oliver. Unity was first. Let no man\\nexercise his parts to strain things, and to open up long\\ndisputes or needless contradictions, or to sow the seeds\\nof dissatisfaction. They might be in the right or we\\nmight be in the right, but if they were to divide, then\\nwere they both in the wrong. On the merits of the\\nparticular cjuestion of the moment, it was idle to tell\\nhim that their friends in London would like to see them\\nmarch up. T is the general good of the kingdom\\nthat we ought to consult. That s the question,\\nwhat s for their good, not zvhat pleases them. They\\nmight be driven to march on to London, he told them,\\nbut an understanding was the most desirable way, and\\nthe other a way of necessity, and not to be done but in\\na way of necessity. What was obtained by an under-\\nstanding would be firm and durable. Things ob-\\ntained by force, though never so good in themselves,\\nzvould be both less to their honor, and less likely to\\nlast. Really, really, have what you will have; that\\nyou have by force, I look upon as nothing. I could\\nwish, he said earlier, that we might remember this\\nalways, that zvhat zve gain in a free zvay, it is better\\nthan tzvice as much in a forced, and zvill be more truly\\nours and our posterity s. It is one of the harshest\\nironies of history that the name of this famous man,\\nwho started on the severest stage of his journey with\\nthis broad and far reaching principle, should have be-\\ncome the favorite symbol of the shallow faith that\\nforce is the only remedy.\\nThe general council of the army at Putney in Octo-\\nber and November (1647) became a constituent as-\\nsembly. In June Ireton had drawn up for them a", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0298.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "THE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS 225\\ndeclaration of their wishes as to the settHng of our\\nown and the king s own rights, freedom, peace, and\\nsafety. This was the first sign of using mihtary\\nassociation for pohtical ends. We are not a mere mer-\\ncenary army, they said, but are called forth in defense\\nof our own and the people s just rights and liberties.\\nWe took up arms in judgment and conscience to those\\nends, against all arbitrary power, violence, and oppres-\\nsion, and against all particular parties or interests\\nwhatsoever. These ideas were ripened by Ireton into\\nthe memorable Heads of the Proposals of the Army, a\\ndocument that in days to come made its influence felt\\nin the schemes of government during the Common-\\nwealth and the Protectorate.\\nIn these discussions in the autumn of 1647, j^^st as\\\\\\nthe Levelers anticipate Rousseau, so do Oliver and\\nIreton recall Burke. After all, these are only the two\\neternal voices in revolutions, the standing antagonisms\\nthrough history between the natural man and social^\\norder. In October the mutinous section of the army\\npresented to the council a couple of documents, the\\nCase of the Army Stated and an Agreement of the\\nPeople a title that was also given as I have said, to\\na document of Lilburne s at the end of 1648, and to\\none of Ireton s at the beginning of 1649. Here they\\nset down the military grievances of the army in the\\nfirst place, and in the second they set out the details\\nof a plan of government resting upon the supreme au-\\nthority of a House of Commons chosen by universal\\nsuffrage, and in spirit and in detail essentially repub-\\nlican. This was the strange and formidable phantom\\nthat now rose up before men who had set out on their\\nvoyage with Pym and Hampden. If we think that\\nthe headsman at Whitehall is now little more than a\\nyear off, what followed is just as startling. Ireton\\nIS", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0299.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "226 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nat once declared that he did not seek, and would not\\nact with those who sought, the destruction either of\\nParliament or king. Cromwell, taking the same line,\\nwas more guarded and persuasive. The pretensions\\nand the expressions in your constitutions, he said,\\nare very plausible, and if we could jump clean out of\\none sort of government into another, it is just possible\\nthere would not have been much dispute. But is this\\njump so easy? How do we know that other people\\nmay not put together a constitution as plausible as\\nyours? Even if this were the only plan pro-\\nposed, you must consider not only its consequences,\\nbut the ways and means of accomplishing it. Accord-\\ning to reason and judgment, were the spirits and tem-\\nper of the people of this nation prepared to receive and\\nto go along with it? If he could see likelihood of\\nvisible popular support he would be satisfied, for, adds\\nOliver, in a sentence that might have come straight\\nout of Burke, In the government of nations, that\\nwhich is to be looked after is the affections of the\\npeople.\\nOliver said something about their being bound by\\ncertain engagements and obligations to which previous\\ndeclarations had committed them with the public. It\\nmay be true enough, cried Wildman, one of the\\nUltras, that God protects men in keeping honest\\npromises, but every promise must be considered after-\\nward, when you are pressed to keep it, whether it was\\nhonest or just, or not. If it be not a just engagement,\\nthen it is a plain act of honesty for the man who has\\nmade it to recede from his former judgment and to\\nabhor it. This slippery sophistry, so much in the\\nvein of King Charles himself, brought Ireton swiftly\\nto his feet with a clean and rapid debating point.\\nYou tell us, he said, that an engagement is only", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0300.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "THE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS 227\\nbinding so far as you think it honest; yet the pith of\\nyour case against the Parhament is that in ten points\\nit has violated engagements.\\nIn a great heat Rainborough, hkewise an Uhra, fol-\\nlowed. You talk of the danger of divisions, but if\\nthings are honest, why should they divide us? You\\ntalk of difficulties, but rt difficulties be all, how was it\\nthat we ever began the war, or dared to look an enemy\\nin the face? You talk of innovation upon the old\\nlaws which made us a kingdom from old time. But\\nif writings be true, there hath been many scufflings\\nbetween the honest men of England and those that\\nhave tyrannised over them and if people find that old\\nlavv^s do not suit freemen as they are, what reason can\\nexist why old laws should not be changed to new?\\nAccording to the want of debate, Rainborough s heat\\nkindled Cromwell. His stroke is not as clean as Ire-\\nton s, but there is in his words a glow of the sort that\\ngoes deeper than the sharpest dialectic. After a rather\\ncumbrous effort to state the general case for opportun-\\nism, he closes in the manner of a famous word of\\nDanton s, with a passionate declaration against divi-\\nsions Rather than I would have this kingdom break\\nin pieces before some company of men be united to-\\ngether to a settlement., I will withdraw myself from the\\narmy to-morrow and lay down my commission I will\\nperish before I hinder it.\\nColonel Goffe then proposed that there should be a\\npublic prayer-meeting, and it was agreed that the\\nmorning of the next day should be given to prayer, and\\nthe afternoon to business. The lull, edifying as it\\nw^as, did not last. No storms are ever harder to allay\\nthan those that spring up in abstract discussions.\\nWildman returned to the charge with law of nature,\\nand the paramount claim of the people s rights and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0301.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "228 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nliberties over all engagements and over all authority.\\nHereupon Ireton flamed out just as Burke might have\\nflamed out There is venom and poison in all this. I\\nknow of no other foundation of right and justice but\\nthat we should keep covenant with one another.\\nCovenants freely entered into must be kept. Take\\nthat away, and what right has a man to anything to\\nhis estate of lands or to his goods? You talk of law\\nof nature! By the law of nature you have no more\\nright to this land or anything else than I have.\\nHere the shrewd man who is a figure in all public\\nmeetings, ancient and modern, who has no relish for\\ngeneral argument, broke in with the apt remark that if\\nthey went on no quicker with their business, the king\\nwould come and say who should be hanged first. Ire-\\nton, however, always was a man of the last word, and\\nhe stood to his point with acuteness and fluency, but\\ntoo much in the vein styled academic. He turns to\\nthe question that was to give so much fuel to contro-\\nversy for a hundred years to come what obedience\\nmen owe to constituted authority. Cromwell s con-\\nclusion marked his usual urgency for unity, but he\\nstated it with an uncompromising breadth that is both\\nnew and extremely striking. For his part, he was\\nanxious that nobody should suppose that he and his\\nfriends were wedded and glued to forms of govern-\\nment. He wished them to understand that he was not\\ncommitted to any principle of legislative power outside\\nthe Commons of the kingdom or to any other doctrine\\nthan that the foundation and supremacy is in the peo-\\nple. With that vain cry so often heard through his-\\ntory from Pericles downward, from the political\\nleader to the roaring winds and waves of party passion,\\nhe appeals to them not to meet as two contrary parties,\\nbut as men desirous to satisfy each other. This is the", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0302.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "From the portrait by William Dobson at Hincbinbrook House,\\nby permission of the Earl of Sandwich.\\nGENERAL HENRY IRETON.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0303.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0304.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "THE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS 229\\nclue to Cromwell. Only unity could save them from\\nthe tremendous forces ranged against them all divi-\\nsion must destroy them. Rather than imperil unity, he\\nwould go over with the whole of his strength to the\\nextreme men in his camp, even though he might not\\nthink their way the best. The army was the one thing\\nnow left standing. The church was shattered. Par-\\nliament was paralyzed. Against the king Cromwell\\nhad now written in his heart the judgment written of\\nold on the wall against Belshazzar. If the army broke,\\nthen no anchor would hold, and once and for all the\\ncause was lost.\\nThe next day the prayer-meeting had cleared the air.\\nAfter some civil words between Cromwell and Rain-\\nborough, Ireton made them another eloquent speech,\\nw here, among many other things, he lays bare the\\nspiritual basis on which powerful and upright men like\\nCromwell rested practical policy. Some may now be\\nshocked, as w ere many at that day, by the assumption\\nthat little transient events are the true measure of the\\ndivine purpose. Others may feel the full force of all\\nthe standing arguments ever since Lucretius, that the\\nnature of the higher powers is too far above mortal\\nthings to be either pleased or angry wdth us.^ History\\nis only intelligible if w-e place ourselves at the point of\\nview of the actor who makes it. Ireton moving clean\\naway from the position that he had taken up the day\\nbefore, as if Oliver had w^restled with him in the inter-\\nvening night, now goes on It is not to me so much as\\nthe vainest or slightest thing you can imagine, whether\\nthere be a king in England or no, or whether there be\\nlords in England or no. For whatever I find the work\\nof God tending to, I should quietly submit to it. If God\\nsaw it good to destroy not only kings and lords, but all\\niNec bene promeritis capitur, nee tangitur ira, ii. 651.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0305.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "230 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndistinctions of degrees nay, if it go further, to de-\\nstroy all property if I see the hand of God in it, I\\nhope I shall with quietness acquiesce and submit to it\\nand not resist it. In other words, do not persuade\\nhim that Heaven is with the Levelers, and he turns\\nLeveler himself. Ireton was an able and whole-\\nhearted man, but we can see how his doctrine might\\noffer a decorous mask to the hypocrite and the waiter\\nupon Providence.\\nColonel Goffe told them that he had been kept awake\\na long while in the night by certain thoughts, and he\\nfelt a weight upon his spirit until he had imparted\\nthem. They turned much upon antichrist, and upon\\nthe passage in the Book of Revelation which describes\\nhow the kings of the earth have given up their powers\\nto the Beast, as in sooth the kings of the earth have\\ngiven up their powers to the Pope. Nobody followed\\nGoffe into these high concerns, but they speedily set to\\nwork upon the casual questions, so familiar to our-\\nselves, of electoral franchise and re-distribution of seats\\nand these two for that matter have sometimes hidden\\na mystery of iniquity of their own.\\nIs the meaning of your proposal, said Ireton.\\nthat every man is to have an equal voice in the elec-\\ntion of representors? Yes, replied Rainborough\\nthe poorest he that is in England hath a life to live\\nas much as the greatest he, and a man is not bound to\\na government that he has not had a voice to put himself\\nunder. Then the lawyer rose up in Ireton. So you\\nstand, he says, not on civil right but on natural\\nright, and, for my part, I think that no right at all.\\nNobody has a right to a share in disposing the affairs\\nof this kingdom unless he has a permanent fixed in-\\nterest in the kingdom. But I find nothing in the\\nlaw of God, Rainborough retorts, that a lord shall", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0306.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "THE OFFICERS AS POLITICIANS 231\\nchoose twenty burgesses, and a gentleman only two,\\nand a poor man none. Why did Ahnighty God give\\nmen reason, if they should not use it in a voting way,\\nunless they have an estate of forty shillings a year?\\nBut then, says Ireton, if you are on natural right,\\nshow me what difference lies between a right to vote\\nand a right to subsistence. Every man is naturally\\nfree, cries one. How comes it, cries another, that\\none free-born Englishman has property and his neigh-\\nbor has none? Why has not a younger son as much\\nright in the inheritance as the eldest? So the modern\\nreader finds himself in the thick of controversies\\nthat have shaken the world from that far-off day to\\nthis.\\nIn such a crisis as that upon which England was\\nnow entering, it is not the sounder reasoning that de-\\ncides it is passions, interests, outside events, and that\\nsomething vague, undefined, curious almost to mys-\\ntery, that in bodies of men is called political instinct.\\nAll these things together seemed to sweep Cromwell\\nand Ireton off their feet. The Levelers beat them, as\\nCromwell would assuredly have foreseen must happen,\\nif he had enjoyed modern experiences of the law of\\nrevolutionary storms. Manhood suffrage was carried,\\nthough Cromwell had been against it as tending very\\nmuch to anarchy, and though Ireton had pressed to\\nthe uttermost the necessity of limiting the vote to men\\nwith fixed interests. Cromwell now said that he was\\nnot glued to any particular form of government. Only\\na fortnight before he had told the House of Commons\\nthat it was matter of urgency to restore the authority\\nof monarchy, and Ireton had told the council of the\\narmy that there must be king and lords in any scheme\\nthat would do for him. In July Cromwell had called\\nout that the question is what is good for the people.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0307.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "232 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nnot what pleases them. Now he raises the balancing\\nconsideration that if you do not build the fabric of gov-\\nernment on consent it will not stand. Therefore you\\nmust think of what pleases people, or else they will not\\nendure what is good for them. If I could see a vis-\\nible presence of the people, either by subscription or by\\nnumbers, that would satisfy me. Cromwell now\\n(November) says that if they were free to do as they\\npleased they would set up neither king nor lords.\\nFurther, they would not keep either king or lords, if to\\ndo so were a danger to the public interest. Was it a\\ndanger? Some thought so, others thought not. For\\nhis own part, he concurred with those who believed\\nthat there could be no safety with a king and lords, and\\neven concurred with them in thinking that God would\\nprobably destroy them; yet God can do it without\\nnecessitating us to a thing which is scandalous, and\\ntherefore let those that are of that mind wait upon God\\nfor such a way where the thing may be done without\\nsin and without scandal too.\\nThis was undoubtedly a remarkable change of\\nOliver s mind, and the balanced, hesitating phrases in\\nwhich it is expressed hardly seem to fit a conclusion\\nso momentous. A man who, even with profound sin-\\ncerity, sets out shifting conclusions of policy in the\\nlanguage of unction, must take the consequences, in-\\ncluding the chance of being suspected of duplicity by\\nembittered adversaries. These weeks must have been\\nto Oliver the most poignant hours of the whole strug-\\ngle, and more than ever he must have felt the looming\\nhazards of his own maxim that in yielding there is\\nwisdom.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0308.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE KINGS FLIGHT\\nTHE Strain of things had now become too intense to\\ncontinue. On the evening of the day when Harri-\\nson was declaiming- against the man of blood Novem-\\nber 1 1 the king disappeared from Hampton Court.\\nThat his life was in peril from some of the more vio-\\nlent of the soldiers at Putney half a dozen miles away,\\nthere can be no doubt, though circumstantial stories of\\nplots for his assassination do not seem to be proved.\\nCromwell wrote to Whalley, who had the king under\\nhis guard, that rumors were abroad of an attempt upon\\nthe king s life, and if any such thing should be done it\\nwould be accounted a most horrid act. The story that\\nCromwell cunningly frightened Charles away, in order\\nto make his own manoeuvers run smoother, was long a\\npopular belief, but all the probabilities are decisively\\nagainst it. Even at that eleventh hour, as we see from\\nhis language a few days before the king s flight, Crom-\\nwell had no faith that a settlement was possible with-\\nout the king, little as he could have hoped from any\\nsettlement made with him. Whither could it have\\nbeen for Cromwell s interest that the king should be-\\ntake himself? Not to London, where a Royalist tide\\nwas flowing pretty strongly. Still less toward the\\nScottish border, where Charles would begin a new civil\\nwar in a position most favorable to himself. Flight\\n233", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0309.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "234 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nto France was the only move on the king s part that\\nmight have mended Cromwell s situation. He could\\nhave done no more effective mischief from France than\\nthe queen had done on the other hand, his flight would\\nhave been treated as an abdication, with as convenient\\nresults as followed one and forty years later from the\\nflight of James IL\\nWe now know that Charles fled from Hampton\\nCourt because he had been told by the Scottish envoys,\\nwith whom he was then secretly dealing, as well as\\nfrom other quarters, that his life was in danger, but\\nwithout any more fixed designs than when he had\\nfled from Oxford in April of the previous year. He\\nseems to have arranged to take ship from South-\\nampton Water, but the vessel never came, and he\\nsought refuge in Carisbrooke Castle in the Isle of\\nWight (November 14, 1647). Here he was soon no\\nless a prisoner than he had been at Hampton Court.\\nAs strongly as ever he even now felt he held the win-\\nning cards in his hands. Sir, he had said to Fair-\\nfax after his removal from Holmby, I have as good\\nan interest in the army as you. Nothing had hap-\\npened since then to shake this conviction, and un-\\ndoubtedly there was in the army, as there was in\\nParliament, in the City, and all other considerable\\naggregates of the population, a lively and definite hope\\nthat royal authority would be restored. Beyond all\\nthis, Charles confidently anticipated that he could rely\\nupon the military force of the counter-revolution in\\nScotland.\\nCromwell knew all these favoring chances as vividly\\nas the king himself, and he knew better than Charles\\nthe terrible perils of jealousy and dissension in the only\\nforce upon which the cause could rely. For many\\nmonths, says Fairfax, all public councils were turned", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0310.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "THE KING S FLIGHT 235\\ninto private juntos, which begot greater emulations\\nand jealousies among them. Cromwell was the\\nobject of attack from many sides. He was accused of\\nboldly avowing such noxious principles as these that\\nevery single man is judge of what is just and right as\\nto the good and ill of a kingdom that the interest of\\nthe kingdom is the interest of the honest men in it, and\\nthose only are honest men who go with him that it is\\nlawful to pass through any forms of government for\\nthe accomplishment of his ends; that it is lawful to\\nplay the knave with a knave. This about the knave\\nwas only Cromwell s blunt way of putting the scrip-\\ntural admonition to be wise as serpents, or Bacon s\\nsaying that the wise man must use the good and guard\\nhimself against the wicked. He was, surrounded by\\ndanger. He knew that he was himself in danger of\\nimpeachment, and he had heard for the first time\\nof one of those designs for his own assassination, of\\nwhich he was to know so much more in days to come.\\nHe had been for five years at too close quarters with\\ndeath in many dire shapes to quail at the thought of\\nit any more than King Charles quailed.\\nCromwell in later days described 1648 as the most\\nmemorable year that the nation ever saw. So many\\ninsurrections, invasions, secret designs, open and pub-\\nlic attempts, all quashed, in so short a time, and this by\\nthe very signal appearance of God himself. The first\\neffect, he says, was to prepare for bringing offenders\\nto punishment and for a change of government but\\nthe great thing was the climax of the treaty with the\\nking, whereby they would have put into his hands all\\nthat we had engaged for, and all our security should\\nhave been a little piece of paper. Dangers both seen\\nand unseen rapidly thickened. The king, while re-\\nfusing his assent to a new set of propositions tendered", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0311.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "236 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nto him by the ParHament, had secretly entered into an\\nengagement with commissioners from the Scots (De-\\ncember 26, 1647). Here we have one of the cardinal\\nincidents of the struggle, like the case of the Five\\nMembers, or the closing of the negotiations with\\nCromwell. By this sinister instrument, the Scots de-\\nclaring against the unjust proceedings of the English\\nhouses, were to send an army into England for the\\npreservation and establishment of religion, and the\\nrestoration of all the rights and revenues of the crown.\\nIn return the king was to guarantee Presbytery in\\nEngland for three years, with liberty to himself to use\\nhis own form of divine service but the opinions and\\npractices of the Independents were to be suppressed.\\nThat is, Presbyterian Scot and English Royalist were\\nto join in arms against the Parliament, on the basis of\\nthe restoration of the king s claims, the suppression of\\nSectaries, and the establishment of Presbytery for\\nthree years and no longer, unless the king should\\nagree to an extension of the time. This clandestine\\ncovenant for kindling afresh the flames of civil war\\nwas wrapped up in lead, and buried in the garden at\\nCarisbrooke.\\nThe secret must have been speedily guessed.\\nLittle more than a week after the treaty had been\\nsigned, a proposal was made in the Commons to im-\\npeach the king, and Cromwell supported it (not neces-\\nsarily intending more than deposition) on the ground\\nthat the king, while he professed with all solemnity\\nthat he referred himself wholly to the Parliament, had\\nat the same time secret treaties with the Scots com-\\nmissioners how he might embroil the nation in a new\\nwar and destroy the Parliament. Impeachment was\\ndropped, but a motion was carried against holding\\nfurther communications with the king (January,", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0312.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "From a print in the British Museum.\\nSIR MARMADUKE LANGDALE, FIRST LORD LAXGDALE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0313.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0314.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "THE KL^G S FLIGHT 237\\n1648), thus in substance and for the time openly bring-\\ning monarchy to an end. From the end of 1647,\\nall through 1648, designs for bringing the king to jus-\\ntice which had long existed among a few of the ex-\\ntreme agitators, extended to the leading officers. The\\ncommittee of both kingdoms, in which Scots and Eng-\\nlish had united for executive purposes, was at once\\ndissolved, and the new executive body, now exclusively\\nEnglish, found itself confronted by Scotland, Ireland,\\nand Wales, all in active hostility, and by an England\\nsmoldering in various different stages of disaffec-\\ntion. A portion of the fleet was already in revolt, and\\nno one knew how far the mutiny might go. All must\\ndepend upon the army, and for the Presbyterian party\\nthe success of the army would be the victory of a\\nmaster and an enemy.\\nAt the moment of the flight to Carisbrooke, Crom-\\nwell had sternly stamped out an incipient revolt. At\\na rendezvous near Ware two regiments appeared on\\nthe field without leave, and bearing disorderly ensigns\\nin their hats. Cromwell rode among them, bade them\\nremove the mutinous symbol, arrested the ringleaders\\nof those who refused to obey, and after a drumhead\\ncourt-martial at which three of the offenders were con-\\ndemned to death, ordered the three to throw dice for\\ntheir lives, and he who lost was instantly shot Novem-\\nber 15, 1647). Though not more formidable than a\\nbreakdown of military discipline must have proved,\\nthe political difficulties were much less simple to deal\\nwith. Cromwell had definitely given up all hope of\\ncoming to terms with the king. On the other hand he\\nwas never a Republican himself, and his sagacity told\\nhim that the country would never accept a government\\nfounded on what to him were Republican chimeras.\\nEvery moment the tide of reaction was rising. From", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0315.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "238 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nChristmas (1647) through the spring there\\nwere unmistakable signs of popular discontent. Puri-\\ntan suppression of old merrymakings was growing too\\nhard to bear, for the old x\\\\dam was not yet driven out\\nof the free-born Englishman by either law or gospel.\\nNone of the sections into which opinion was divided\\nhad confidence in the Parliament. The rumors of\\nbringing the king to trial and founding a military re-\\npublic, perturbed many and incensed most in every\\nclass. Violent riots broke out in the City. In the\\nhome counties disorderly crowds shouted for God and\\nKing Charles. Royalist risings were planned in half\\nthe counties in England, north, west, south, and even\\neast. The Royalist press was active and audacious.\\nIn South Wales the royal standard had been unfurled,\\nthe population eagerly rallied to it, and the strong-\\nplaces were in Royalist hands. In Scotland Hamilton\\nhad got the best of Argyll and the Covenanting Ultras,\\nin spite of the bitter and tenacious resistance of the\\nclergy to every design for supporting a sovereign who\\nwas champion of Episcopacy and in April the Parlia-\\nment at Edinburgh had ordered an army to be raised\\nto defend the king and the Covenant. In face of pub-\\nlic difficulties so overwhelming, Cromwell was person-\\nally weakened by the deep discredit into which he had\\nfallen among the zealots in his own camp, as the result\\nof his barren attempt to bring the king to reason. Of\\nall the dark moments of his life this was perhaps the\\ndarkest.\\nHe tried a sociable conference between the two\\necclesiastical factions, including laymen and ministers\\nof each, but each went away as stiff and as high as\\nthey had come. Then he tried a conference between\\nthe leading men of the army and the extreme men of\\nthe Commonwealth, and they had a fruitless argument", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0316.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "THE KING S FLIGHT 239\\non the hoary theme, dating ahnost from the birth of\\nthe western world, of the relative merits of monarchy,\\naristocracy, and democracy. Cromwell wisely de-\\nclined to answer this threadbare riddle, only maintain-\\ning that any form of government might be good in\\nitself or for us, according as Providence should di-\\nrect us the formula of mystic days for modern\\nopportunism. The others replied by passages from\\nthe first book of Samuel, from Kings, and Judges. We\\ncannot wonder that Cromwell, thinking of the ruin\\nthat he saw hanging imminent in thunder-clouds over\\ncause and kingdom, at last impatiently ended the idle\\ntalk by flinging a cushion at Ludlow s head and run-\\nning off down the stairs.\\nWhat was called the second civil war was now in-\\nevitable. The curtain was rising for the last, most\\ndubious, most exciting, and most memorable act of the\\nlong drama in which Charles had played his leading\\nand ill-starred part. Even in the army men were in\\na low, weak, divided, perplexed condition. Some\\nwere so depressed by the refusal of the nation to follow\\ntheir intentions for its good, that they even thought of\\nlaying down their arms and returning- to private life.\\nThus distracted and cast down, their deep mystic faith\\ndrew them to the oracles of prayer, and at Windsor in\\nApril they began their solemn office, searching out\\nwhat iniquities of theirs had provoked the Lord of\\nHosts to bring down such grievous perplexities upon\\nthem. Cromw^ell was among the most fervid, and\\nagain and again they all melted in bitter tears. Their\\nsin was borne home to them. They had turned aside\\nfrom the path of simplicity, and stepped, to their hurt,\\ninto the paths of policy. The root of the evil was\\nfound out in those cursed carnal conferences with the\\nking and his party, to which their own conceited wis-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0317.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "240 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndom and want of faith had prompted them the year\\nbefore. And so, after the meeting had lasted for three\\nwhole days, with prayer, exhortations, preaching,\\nseeking, groans, and weeping, they came without a\\ndissenting voice to an agreement that it was the duty\\nof the day to go out and fight against those potent ene-\\nmies rising on every hand against them, and then it\\nwould be their further duty, if ever the Lord should\\nbring them back in peace, to call Charles Stuart, that\\nman of blood, to an account for all the blood that he\\nhad shed, and all the mischief he had done against the\\nLord s cause and people in these poor nations. When\\nthis vehement hour of exaltation had passed away,\\nmany of the warlike saints, we may be sure, including\\nOliver himself, admitted back into their minds some of\\nthose politic misgivings for which they had just shown\\nsuch passionate contrition. But to the great majority\\nit was the inspiration of the Windsor meetings, and the\\ndirectness and simplicity of their conclusion, that gave\\nsuch fiery energy to the approaching campaign, and\\nkept alive the fierce resolve to exact retribution to the\\nuttermost when the time appointed should bring the\\narch-delinquent within their grasp.", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0318.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nSECOND CIVIL WAR CROMWELL AT PRESTON\\nEVEN as the hour of doom drew steadily nearer,\\nthe prisoner at Carisbrooke might well believe\\nthat the rebels and traitors were hastening to their\\nruin. The political paradox grew more desperate as\\nthe days went on, and to a paradox Charles looked for\\nhis deliverance. It is worth examining. The Par-\\nliamentary majority hoped for the establishment of\\nPresbytery and the restoration of the king, and so did\\nthe Scottish invaders. Yet the English Presbyterians\\nwere forced into hostility to the invaders though both\\nwere declared Covenanters, because Scottish victory\\nwould mean the defeat of the Parliament. The Scot-\\ntish Presbyterians were hostile or doubtful, because\\nthey found their army in incongruous alliance with\\nEnglish cavaliers. The Scots under Hamilton were\\nto fight for the Covenant their English confederates,\\nunder Langdale, were openly fighting for the antago-\\nnistic cause of church and king, and refused point-\\nblank to touch the Covenant. If the Scotch invaders\\nshould win, they would win with the aid of purely\\nRoyalist support in the field, and purely Royalist sym-\\npathy in the nation. The day on which they should\\nenter London would be the day of unqualified triumph\\nfor the king, of humiliation for the English Parlia-\\nment, and of final defeat both for the great cause and\\ni6 241", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0319.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "242 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe brave men who for nearly twenty years had toiled\\nand bled for it. For whose sake, then, was the Pres-\\nbyterian Royalist at Westminster to fast and pray It\\nwas the sorest dilemma of his life.\\nIf this was the supreme crisis of the rebellion, it\\nwas the supreme moment for Cromwell. On May i,\\n1648, by order of Fairfax and the council of war, he\\nrode off to South Wales to take command of the Par-\\nliamentary forces there. He carried in his breast the\\nunquenched assurance that he went forth like Moses or\\nlike Joshua, the instrument of the purposes of the Most\\nHigh but it was not in his temperament to forget that\\nhe might peradventure be misreading the divine coun-\\nsels, and well he knew that if his confidence were not\\nmade good, he was leaving relentless foes in the Parlia-\\nment behind him, and that if he failed in the hazardous\\nduty that had been put upon him, destruction sure and\\nunsparing awaited both his person and his cause.\\nWhile Cromwell thus went west, Fairfax himself con-\\nducted a vigorous and decisive campaign in Kent and\\nEssex, and then (June 13) sat down before Colchester,\\ninto which a strong body of Royalists had thrown\\nthemselves, and where they made a long and stubborn\\ndefense. Lambert, with a small force, was despatched\\nnorth to meet Langdale and the northern cavaliers, and\\nto check the advance of the Scots. Here (July 8)\\nHamilton crossed the border at the head of ten thou-\\nsand men, ill equipped and ill trained, but counting on\\nothers to follow, and on the aid of three thousand\\nmore under Langdale. Three days later, as it hap-\\npened, Cromwell s operations in Wales came to a suc-\\ncessful end with the capture of Pembroke Castle. He\\ninstantly set his face northward, and by the end of the\\nmonth reached Leicester. The marches were long\\nand severe. Shoes and stockings were worn out, pay", "height": "2975", "width": "1868", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0320.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR 243\\nwas many months in arrears, plunder was sternly for-\\nbidden, and not a few of the gallant warriors tramped\\nbarefoot from Wales into Yorkshire. With fire in\\ntheir hearts, these tattered veterans carried with them\\nthe issue of the whole long struggle and the destinies\\nof the three kingdoms. The fate of the king, the\\npower of Parliament, the future of constitutions, laws,\\nand churches, were known to hang upon the account\\nwhich these few thousand men should be able to give\\nof the invaders from over the northern border. If the\\nParliament had lost Naseby, the war might still have\\ngone on, whereas if Hamilton should now reach Lon-\\ndon, the king would be master for good.\\nIt was on August 12th that Cromwell joined Lam-\\nbert on the high fells between Leeds and York, the\\nunited force amounting to some eight thousand men.\\nStill uncertain whether his enemy would strike through\\nYorkshire or follow a western line through Lancashire\\nand Wales, he planted himself here so as to command\\neither course. Scouts brought the intelligence that\\nthe Scots and Langdale s force, afterward estimated\\nby Oliver at twenty-one thousand men, were marching\\nsouthward by way of Lancashire and making for Lon-\\ndon. As Cromwell knew, to hinder this was life and\\ndeath, and to engage the enemy to fight was his busi-\\nness at all cost. Marching through the Craven\\ncountry down the valley of the Ribble, he groped his\\nway until he found himself in touch with the enemy s\\nleft f^ank at Preston. Hamilton was no soldier his\\ncounsels were distracted by jealousy and division, na-\\ntional, political, and religious, his scouting was so ill\\ndone that he did not know that any serious force was\\nin his neighborhood; and his line extended over seven\\nleagues from north to south, Preston about the center,\\nand the van toward Wigan, with the Ribble between", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0321.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "244 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nvan and rear. For three days of hard fighting the\\nbattles, named from Preston, lasted. That they were\\nthe result of a deliberately preconceived flank attack,\\ningeniously planned from the outset, is no longer be-\\nlieved. Things are hardly ever so in war, the military\\ncritics say. As in politics, Oliver in the field watched\\nthe progress of events, alert for any chance, and ever\\nready to strike on the instant when he knew that the\\nblow would tell. The general idea in what was now\\ndone was that it would be better to cut off Hamilton\\nfrom Scotland than directly to bar his advance to\\nLondon.\\nThe first encounter at Preston (x\\\\ugust 17) was the\\nhardest, when English fell upon English. For four\\nfierce hours Langdale and his north-country Royalists\\noffered a very stiff resistance to the valor and reso-\\nlution of Cromwell s best troops, and at this point the\\nCromwellians were superior in numbers. At last the\\nRoyalists broke; the survivors scattered north and\\nsouth, and were no more heard of. Next day it was\\nthe turn of Hamilton and his Scots. With difficulty\\nthey had got across the Ribble overnight, wet, weary,\\nand hungry, and Oliver s troopers were too weary to\\nfollow them. At daybreak the Scots pressed on, the\\nIronsides at their heels in dogged pursuit, killing and\\ntaking prisoners all the way, though they were only\\nfifty-five hundred foot and horse against twice as\\nlarge a force of Scots. By night, says Oliver, we\\nwere very dirty and weary, having marched twelve\\nmiles of such ground as I never rode in my life, the\\nday being very wet. On the third day (August 19)\\nthe contest went fiercely forward. At Winwick the\\nScots made a resolute stand for many hours, and for\\na time the English gave way. Then they recovered,\\nand chased the Scots three miles into Warrington.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0322.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait at Hamilton Palace.\\nJAMES, FIRST DUKE OF HAMILTON.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0323.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0324.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR 245\\nHamilton lost heart, and directed Baillie to surrender\\nhis infantry to Cromwell, while he himself marched\\non with some three thousand horse over the Cheshire\\nborder into Delamere Forest. If I had a thousand\\nhorse, wrote Cromwell, that could but trot thirty\\nmiles, I should not doubt but to give a very good ac-\\ncount of them; but, truly, we are so harassed and\\nhaggled out in this business that we are not able to do\\nmore than walk at an easy pace after them. They are\\nthe miserablest party that ever was I durst engage\\nmyself with five hundred fresh horse and five hundred\\nnimble foot, to destroy them all. My horse are mis-\\nerably beaten out, and I have ten thousand of them\\nprisoners. Hamilton was presently taken (August\\n25), and so the first campaign in which Cromwell had\\nheld an independent command-in-chief came to a glor-\\nious close. When next year Hamilton was put upon\\nthe trial that ended in the scaffold, he said of Crom-\\nwell that he was so courteous and civil as to perform\\nmore than he promised, and that acknowledgment was\\ndue for his favor to the poor wounded gentlemen that\\nwere left behind, and by him taken care of, and truly\\nhe did perform more than he did capitulate for.\\nThe military student counts Preston the finest ex-\\nploit of the war, and even pronounces it the mark of\\none of those who are born commanders by the grace\\nof God. At least we may say that in the intrepid\\nenergy of the commander, the fortitude, stoutness,\\nand discipline of the men, and the momentous political\\nresults that hung upon their victory, the three days of\\nPreston are among the most famous achievements of\\nthe time. To complete his task for he was always\\nfull of that instinct of practical thoroughness which\\nabhors the leaving of a ragged edge Cromwell again\\nturned northward to clear the border of what had been", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0325.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "246 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe rear of Hamilton s force, to recover the two great\\nborder strongholds of Berwick and Carlisle, and so to\\ncompose affairs in Scotland that the same perilous\\nwork should not need to be done over again. He bar-\\ngained with Argyle, who desired nothing better, for\\nthe exclusion from power of the rival factions of Ham-\\niltonians and English, and left a government of ultra-\\nPresbyterians installed, to the scandal of English In-\\ndependents, but in fact Cromwell never showed himself\\nmore characteristically politic.\\nThe local risings in England had been stamped out\\neither by the alertness of the Parliamentary authorities\\non the spot, or by the extraordinary vigor of the Derby\\nHouse Committee, which was mainly Independent.\\nFairfax never showed himself a belter soldier. The\\nCity, as important a factor as the Houses themselves,\\nand now leaning to the king upon conditions, threat-\\nened trouble from time to time; but opinion wavered,\\nand in the end the City made no effective move. The\\nabsence of political agreement among the various ele-\\nments was reflected in the absence of Royalist con-\\ncert. The insurrection in England was too early,\\nor else the advance from Scotland was too late.\\nBy the time when Cromwell was marching through\\nthe midlands to join Lambert in Yorkshire, the\\ndead-weight of the majority of the population, who\\ncared more for quiet than for either king or Parlia-\\nment, had for the time put out the scattered fires.\\nThe old international antipathy revived, and even Roy-\\nalists had seen with secret satisfaction the repulse of\\nthe nation who in their view had sold their king.\\nMeanwhile in Parliament the Presbyterians at first\\nhad not known what to wish, but they were now at no\\nloss about what they had to fear. The paradox had\\nturned out ill. The invaders had been beaten, but", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0326.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR 247\\nthen the invaders were of their own persuasion, and\\nthe victors were the hated Sectaries with toleration\\ninscribed upon their banners. The soldier s yoke would\\nbe more galling than ever, and the authority of Crom-\\nwell, which had been at its lowest when he set out for\\nWales, would be higher than it had ever been when\\nhe should come back from Scotland.\\nThe Lords had become zealous Royalists. They\\nwould not even join the Commons in describing the in-\\nvading Scots as enemies. In both Houses the Presby-\\nterians had speedily taken advantage of the absence\\nof some of the chief Independents in the field, and were\\ndefiantly flying the old colors. In the days when\\nOliver was marching with his Ironsides to drive back\\nthe invasion that would have destroyed them all, the\\nLords regaled themselves by a fierce attack made upon\\nthe absent Cromwell by one who had been a major of\\nhis and enjoyed his confidence. The major s version\\nof the things that Oliver had said would have made a\\nplausible foundation for an impeachment, and at the\\nsame moment Holies, his bitterest enemy, came back\\nto Westminster and took the Presbyterian lead. So\\nin the reckless intensity of party hatred the Parliament\\nwere preparing for the destruction of the only man\\nwho could save them from the uncovenanted king.\\nThey were as heated as ever against the odious idea of\\ntoleration. On the day after the departure of Oliver\\nthey passed an ordinance actually punishing with death\\nany one who should hold or publish not only Atheism,\\nbut Arianism or Socinianism, and even the leading-\\ndoctrines of Arminians, Baptists, and harmless Quak-\\ners were made penal. Death was the punishment for\\ndenying any of the mysteries of the Trinity, or that\\nany of the canonical books of Old Testament or New\\nis the word of God and a dungeon was the punishment", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0327.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "248 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfor holding that the baptism of infants is unlawful and\\nvoid, or that man is bound to believe no more than his\\nreason can comprehend. Our heroic Puritan age is\\nnot without atrocious blots.\\nNevertheless the Parliamentary persecutors were well\\naware that no ordinance of theirs, however savory or\\ndrastic, would be of any avail unless new power were\\nadded to their right arm, and this power, as things\\nthen stood, they could only draw from alliance with\\nthe king. If they could bring him off from the Isle of\\nWight to London before Oliver and his men could\\nreturn from the north, they might still have a chance.\\nThey assumed that Charles would see that here too\\n,was a chance for him. They failed to discern that\\nthey had no alternative between surrendering on any\\nterms to the king,whose moral authority they could not\\ndo without, and yielding to the army, whose military\\nauthority was ready to break them. So little insight\\nhad they into the heart of the situation, that they took\\na course that exasperated the army, while they per-\\nsisted in trying to impose such terms upon the king as\\nnobody who knew him could possibly expect him to\\nkeep. Political incompetency could go no further, and\\nthe same failure inevitably awaited their designs as had\\nbefallen Cromwell when, a year before, he had made a\\nsimilar attempt.\\nOn the day after the news of Oliver s success at\\nWarrington the Parliamentary majority repealed the\\nvote against further addresses to the king, and then\\nhurried on to their proposals for a treaty. The nego-\\ntiations opened at Newport in the Isle of Wight on the\\n1 8th of September, and were spun out until near the\\nend of November. They who had not seen the\\nking, says Clarendon, for near two years found his\\ncountenance extremelv altered. From the time that", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0328.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait in the collection of the Marquis of Lothian, at Newbattle Abbey, Dalkeith.\\nARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, FIRST MARQUIS OF ARGYLL.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0329.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0330.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR 249\\nhis own servants had been taken from him he would\\nnever suffer his hair to be cut, nor cared to have any\\nnew clothes, so that his aspect and appearance was very\\ndifferent from what it had used to be; otherwise his\\nhealth was good, and he was much more cheerful in\\nhis discourses toward all men, than could have been\\nimagined after such mortification of all kinds. He\\nwas not at all dejected in his spirits, but carried himself\\nwith the same majesty he had used to do. His hair\\nwas all gray, which, making all others very sad, made\\nit thought that he had sorrow in his countenance,\\nwhich appeared only by that shadow. There he sat\\nat the head of the council-table, the fifteen commission-\\ners of the Parliament, including Vane and Fiennes,\\nthe only two men of the Independent wing, seated at a\\nlittle distance below him. Charles showed his usual\\npower of acute dialectic, and he conducted the proceed-\\nings with all the cheerfulness, ease, and courtly gravity\\nof a fine actor in an ironic play. The old ground of\\nthe propositions at Uxbridge, at Newcastle, at Oxford,\\nat Hampton Court, was once more trodden, with one\\nor two new interludes. Charles, even when retreating,\\nfought every inch with a tenacity that was the despair\\nof men who each hour seemed to hear approaching\\nnearer and nearer the clatter of the Cromwellian\\ntroopers.\\nChurch government was now as ever the rock on\\nwhich Charles chose that the thing should break off.\\nDay after day he insisted on the partition of the apos-\\ntolic office between Bishops and Presbyters, cited the\\narray of texts from the Epistles, and demonstrated that\\nTimothy and Titus were cpiscopi pastoruni, bishops\\nover Presbyters, and not episcopi gregis, shepherds\\nover sheep. In all this Charles was in his element,\\nfor he defended tenets that he sincerely counted sacred.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0331.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "250 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nAt length after the distracted Parhament had more\\nthan once extended the ahotted time, the end came\\n(November 27). Charles would agree that Episco-\\npacy should be suspended for three years, and that it\\nmight be limited, but he would not assent to its abo-\\nlition, and he would not assent to an alienation of the\\nfee of the church lands.\\nA modern student, if he reads the Newport treaty\\nas a settlement upon paper, may think that it falls\\nlittle short of the justice of the case. Certainly if the\\nparties to it had been acting in good faith, this or\\nalmost any of the proposed agreements might have\\nbeen workable. As it was, any treaty now made at\\nNewport must be the symbol of a new working coali-\\ntion between Royalist and Presbyterian, and any such\\ncoalition was a declaration of w^ar against Indepen-\\ndents and army. It was to undo the work of Preston\\nand Colchester, to prepare a third sinister outbreak of\\nviolence and confusion, and to put Cromwell and his\\nallies back again upon that sharp and perilous razor-\\nedge of fortune from which they had just saved\\nthemselves.\\nIt was their own fault again if the Parliament did\\nnot know^ that Charles, from the first day of the nego-\\ntiations to the last, was busily contriving plans for his\\nescape from the island. He seems to have nursed a\\nwild idea that if he could only find his way to Ireland\\nhe might, in conjunction with the ships from Holland\\nunder the command of Rupert, place himself at the\\nhead of an Irish invasion, with better fortune than had\\nattended the recent invasion of the Scots. The great\\nconcession I have made to-day, he wrote to a secret\\ncorrespondent, was merely in order to my escape.\\nWhile publicly forbidding Ormonde to go on in Ireland,\\nprivately he writes to him not to heed any open com-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0332.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "THE SECOND CIVIL WAR 251\\nmands until he has word that the king is free from\\nrestraint; Ormonde should pursue the way he is in\\nwith all possible vigor, and must not be astonished at\\nany published concessions, for they would come to\\nnothing.\\nWatching the proceedings with fierce impatience, at\\nlast the army with startling rapidity brought the\\nelusive conflict to a crisis. A week before the close\\nof negotiations at Newport, a deputation from Fairfax\\nand his general council of officers came up to the house\\nas bearers of a great remonstrance. Like all that came\\nfrom the pen of Ireton, it is powerfully argued, and it\\nis also marked by his gift of inordinate length. It\\nfills nearly fifty pages of the Parliamentary history,\\nand could not have been read by a clerk at the table in\\nmuch less than three hours. The points are simple\\nenough. First, it would be stupidity rather than\\ncharity to suppose that the king s concessions arose\\nfrom inward remorse or conviction, and therefore to\\ncontinue to treat with him was both danger and folly.\\nSecond, he had been guilty of moral and civil acts\\njudged capital in his predecessors, and therefore he\\nought to be brought to trial. Other delinquents be-\\nsides the king in both wars, ought to be executed, and\\nthe soldiers ought to have their arrears paid. This\\nwas the upshot of the document that the body of offi-\\ncers, some of whom had capital sentence executed\\nupon themselves in days to come, now in respectful\\nform presented to the House of Commons.\\nThe majority in the Commons, with a high spirit\\nthat was out of all proportion to their power, insisted\\non postponing the consideration of the demands of a\\ncouncil of Sectaries in arms. In fact they never\\nwould nor did consider them, and the giant remon-\\nstrance of the army went into the limbo of all the other", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0333.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "252 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndocuments in which those times were so marvelously\\nfertile. As a presentation of the chfficulties of the\\nhour, it is both just and penetrating; but these after\\nall were quite as easy to see as they were hard to over-\\ncome. We usually find a certain amount of practical\\nreason even at the bottom of what passes for political\\nfanaticism. What Harrison and his allies saw was\\nthat if king and Parliament agreed, the army would\\nbe disbanded. If that happened its leaders would be\\ndestroyed for what they had done already. If not,\\nthey would be proclaimed as traitors and hinderers of\\nthe public peace, and destroyed for what they might be\\nexpected to do.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0334.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nFINAL CRISIS CROMWELL S SHARE IN IT\\nIT is one of the mortifications of Cromwell s history\\nthat we are unable accurately to trace his share in\\nthe events that immediately preceded the trial of the\\nking. It was the most critical act of his history. Yet\\nat nearly every turn in the incidents that prepared it,\\nthe diligent incjuirer is forced to confess that there is\\nlittle evidence to settle what was the precise part that\\nCromwell played. This deep reserve and impenetrable\\nobscurity was undoubtedly one of the elements of his\\nreputation for craft and dissimulation. If they do not\\nread a public man in an open page, men are easily\\ntempted to suspect the worst.\\nWhen the negotiations were opened at Newport\\nCromwell was on his march into Scotland. He did\\nnot return until the later days of October, when the\\narmy and its leaders had grown uncontrollably restive\\nat the slow and tortuous course of the dealings between\\nthe king and the commissioners of the Parliament.\\nCromwell had thus been absent from Westminster for\\nsix months, since the time of his first despatch to put\\ndown the Royalist rising in Wales. The stress of\\nactual war had only deepened the exasperation with\\nwhich he had watched the gathering clouds, and which\\nhad found expression in the fierce language at the\\nmemorable prayer-meeting at Windsor. All this,\\n253", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0335.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "254 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhowever, is a long way from the decision that events\\nwere hurrying on, and from which more rapid and less\\napprehensive minds than his had long ceased to shrink.\\nWith what eyes he watched the new approaches to the\\nking, he showed in a letter to the Speaker. After giv-\\ning his report as a soldier, and showing that affairs in\\nScotland were in a thriving posture, he advances (Oc-\\ntober 9) on to other ground, and uses ominous lan-\\nguage about the treachery of some in England, who\\nhad endangered the whole state and kingdom of Eng-\\nland, and who now had cause to blush, in spite of all\\nthe religious pretences by which they had masked their\\nproceedings. This could only mean his Presbyterian\\nopponents. But God, who is not to be mocked or\\ndeceived, and is very jealous when his name and reli-\\ngion are made use of to carry on impious designs, has\\ntaken vengeance on such profanity, even to astonish-\\nment and admiration. And I wish, from the bottom\\nof my heart, it may cause all to tremble and repent who\\nhave practised the like, to the blasphemy of his name\\nand the destruction of his people, so as they may never\\npresume to do the like again, and I think it is not\\nunseasonable for me to take the humble boldness to\\nsay thus much at this time.\\nWriting to Colonel Hammond (November 6), the\\ncustodian of the king, a month later from before the\\nfrowning walls of Pontefract Castle, Cromwell\\nsmiles in good-humored ridicule at the notion that it\\nwould be as safe to expect a good peace from a settle-\\nment on the base of moderate Episcopacy as of Pres-\\nbytery. At the same time he vindicates his own Pres-\\nbyterian settlement in Scotland, throwing out his\\nguiding principle in a parenthesis of characteristic\\nfervor and sincerity. I profess to thee I desire from\\nmy heart, I have prayed for it, I have waited for the", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0336.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "THE FINAL CRISIS 255\\nday to see union and right understanding between the\\ngodly people Scots, EngHsh, Jews, Gentiles, Presby-\\nterians, Independents, Anabaptists, and alL Still if the\\nking could have looked over Hammond s shoulder as\\nhe read Cromwell s letter, he would not have seen a sin-\\ngle word pointing to the terrible fate that was now\\nso swiftly closing upon him. He would have seen\\nnothing more formidable than a suggestion that the\\nbest course might be to break the sitting Parliament\\nand call a new one. To Charles this would have little\\nterror, for he might vv^ell believe that no Parliament\\ncould possibly be called under which his life would be\\nput in peril.\\nA few days later Cromwell gave signs of rising\\nanger in a letter to two members of Parliament, who\\ninclined to lenient courses toward delinquents. Did\\nnot the House, he asks, vote every man a traitor who\\nsided with the Scots in their late invasion? And not\\nwithout very clear justice, this being a more prodigious\\ntreason than any that hath been perfected in England\\nbefore, because the former quarrel was that English-\\nmen might rule over one another, this to vassalise its to\\na foreign nation. Here was the sting, for we have\\nnever to forget that Oliver, like Milton, was ever Eng-\\nlish of the English. Then follow some ominous hints,\\nthough he still rather reports the mind of others than\\nmakes plain his own. Give me leave to tell you, I\\nfind a sense among the officers concerning such things\\nas the treatment of these men to amazement, which\\ntruly is not so much to see their blood made so cheap\\nas to see such manifest witnessings of God, so terrible\\nand so just, no more reverenced.\\nTo Fairfax on the same day he writes in the same\\ntone that he finds in the officers a very great sense of\\nthe sufferings of the kingdom, and a very great zeal", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0337.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "256 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nto have impartial justice done upon offenders. And\\nI must confess, he adds, striking for the first time a\\nnew and dangerous note of his own, I do in all from\\nmy heart concur with them, and I verily think, and am\\npersuaded, they are things which God puts into our\\nhearts. But he still moves very slowly, and follows\\nrather than leads.\\nFinally he writes once more to Hammond on\\nNovember 25th one of the most remarkable of all the\\nletters he ever wrote. That worthy soldier had\\ngroaned under the burdens and misgivings of his posi-\\ntion. Such talk as this, says Cromwell, such\\nwords as heavy, sad, pleasant, easy, are but the snares\\nof fleshly reasonings. Call not your burdens sad or\\nheavy; it is laid on you by One from whom comes\\nevery good and perfect gift, being for the exercise of\\nfaith and patience, whereby in the end we shall be made\\nperfect. Seek rather whether there be not some high\\nand glorious meaning in all that chain of Providence\\nwhich brought that person [the king] to thee, and be\\nsure that this purpose can never be the exaltation of\\nthe wicked. From this strain of devout stoicism he\\nturns to the policy of the hour.\\nHammond was doubtful about the acts and aims of\\nthe extreme men as respects both king and Parlia-\\nment. It is true, as you say, Cromwell replies, that\\nauthorities and powers are the ordinance of God, and\\nthat in England authority and power reside in the Par-\\nliament. But these authorities may not do what they\\nlike, and still demand our obedience. All agree that\\nthere are cases in which it is lawful to resist. Is ours\\nsuch a case? This, frankly, is the true question.\\nThen he produces three considerations, as if he were\\nrevolving over again the arguments that were turning\\nhis own mind. First, is it sound to stand on safety", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0338.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "THE FINAL CRISIS 257\\nof the people as the supreme law? Second, will the\\ntreaty between king and Parliament secure the safety\\nof the people, or will it not frustrate the whole fruit\\nof the war and bring back all to what it was, and\\nworse? Third, is it not possible that the army, too,\\nmay be a lav/ful power, ordained by God to fight the\\nking on stated grounds, and that the army may resist\\non the same grounds one name of authority, the Par-\\nliament, as well as the other authority, the king?\\nThen he suddenly is dissatisfied with his three argu-\\nments. Truly, he cries, this kind of reasoning\\nmay be but fleshly, either with or against, only it is\\ngood to try what truth may be in them. Cromwell s\\nunderstanding was far too powerful not to perceive\\nthat saliis popiili and the rest of it would serve just as\\nwell for Strafford or for Charles as it served for Ireton\\nand the army, and that usurpation by troopers must be\\nneither more nor less hard to justify in principle than\\nusurpation by a king. So he falls back on the simpler\\nground of providences, always his favorite strong-\\nhold. They hang so together, have been so constant,\\nclear, unclouded. Was it possible that the same Lord\\nwho had been with his people in all their victorious\\nactings was not with them in that steady and unmis-\\ntakable growth of opinion about the present crisis, of\\nwhich Hammond is so much afraid? You speak of\\ntempting God. There are two ways of this. Action\\nin presumptuous and carnal confidence is one action in\\nunbelief through diffidence is the other. Though\\ndifficulties confronted them, the more the difficulties\\nthe more the faith.\\nFrom the point of a modern s carnal reasoning all\\nthis has a thoroughly sophistic flavor, and it leaves a\\ndoubt of its actual weight in Oliver s own mind at the\\nmoment. Nor was his mind really made up on inde-\\n17", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0339.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "258 OLIVER CROMWELL\\npendent grounds, for he goes on to say plainly that\\nthey in the northern army were in a waiting posture.\\nIt was not until the southern army put out its remon-\\nstrance that they changed. After that many were\\nshaken. IVe could, perhaps, have wished the stay of\\nit till after the treaty, yet, seeing it is come out, we\\ntrust to rejoice in the will of the Lord, waiting his\\nfurther pleasure. This can only mean that Ireton\\nand his party were pressing forward of their own will,\\nand without impulse from Cromwell at Pontefract.\\nYet it is equally evident that he did not disapprove.\\nIn concluding the letter he denounces the treaty of\\nNewport as a ruining, hypocritical agreement, and\\nremonstrates with those of their friends who expect\\ngood from Charles good by this Man, against whom\\nthe Lord hath witnessed, and whom thou knowest\\nA writer of a hostile school has remarked in this\\nmemorable letter its cautious obscurity, shadowy sig-\\nnificance its suavity, tenderness, subtlety the way in\\nwhich he alludes to more than he mentions, suggests\\nmore than pronounces his own argumentative inten-\\ntion, and opens an indefinite view, all the hard fea-\\ntures of which he softly puts aside (J. B. Mozley).\\nQuite true but what if this be the real Cromwell, and\\nrepresents the literal working of his own habit and\\ntemper\\nWhen this letter reached the Isle of Wight, Ham-\\nmond was no longer there. The army had made up\\ntheir minds to act, and the blow had fallen. The fate\\nof the king was sealed. In this decision there is no\\nevidence that Cromwell had any share. His letter\\nto Hammond is our last glimpse of him, and from\\nthat and the rest the sounder conclusion seems to be\\nthat even yet he would fain have gone slow, but was\\nforced to go fast. Charles might possibly even at the", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0340.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "THE FINAL CRISIS 259\\neleventh hour have made his escape, but he still nursed\\nthe illusion that the army could not crush the Parlia-\\nment without him. He had, moreover, given his\\nparole. When reminded that he had given it not to\\nthe army but to the Parliament, his somber pride for\\nonce withstood a sophism. At break of the winter\\nday (December i) a body of officers broke into his\\nchamber, put him into a coach, conducted him to the\\ncoast, and then transported him across the Solent to\\nHurst Castle, a desolate and narrow blockhouse stand-\\ning at the edge of a shingly spit on the Hampshire\\nshore. In those dreary quarters he remained a fort-\\nnight. The last scene was now rapidly approaching of\\nthe desperate drama in which every one of the actors\\nking. Parliament, army, Cromwell was engaged in a\\ndeath struggle with an implacable necessity.\\nAt Westminster, meanwhile, futile proceedings in the\\nHouse of Commons had been brought to a rude close.\\nThe House resolved by a large majority once more\\nNovember 30) not to consider the army remon-\\nstrance, and the army promptly replied by marching\\ninto London two days after (December 2). Two\\ndays after that the House, with a long and very sharp\\ndiscussion, put upon record a protest against the forci-\\nble removal of the king without their knowledge or\\nconsent. They then proceeded to debate the king s\\nanswers to their commissioners at the Isle of Wight.\\nA motion was made that the answers should be ac-\\ncepted, but the motion finally carried was in the weak-\\nened and dilatory form that the answers were a\\nground for the House to proceed upon for the settle-\\nment of the peace of the kingdom (December 5).\\nThis was the final provocation to the soldiers. The\\nsame afternoon a full consultation took place between\\nsome of the principal officers of the army and a num-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0341.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "260 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nber of members of Parliament. One side were for\\nforcible dissolution, as Cromwell had at one time been\\nfor it; the other were for the less sweeping measure\\nof a partial purge. A committee of three members\\nof the House and three officers of the army was or-\\ndered to settle the means for putting a stop to proceed-\\nings in Parliament, that were nothing less than a for-\\nfeiture of its trust. These six agreed that the army\\nshould be drawn out next morning, and guards placed\\nin Westminster Hall and the lobby, that none might\\nbe permitted to pass into the house but such as had\\ncontinued faithful to the public interest. At seven\\no clock next morning (December 6) Colonel Pride\\nwas at his post in the lobby, and before night one hun-\\ndred and forty-three members had either been locked\\nup or forcibly turned back from the doors of the House\\nof Commons. The same night Cromwell returned\\nfrom Yorkshire and lay at Whitehall, where Fairfax\\nalready was, I suppose for the first time. There,\\nsays Ludlow, and at other places, Cromwell declared\\nthat he had not been acquainted with this design, yet,\\nsince it was done, he was glad of it and would endeavor\\nto maintain it.\\nThe process was completed next day. A week later\\n(December 15) the council of officers determined\\nthat Charles should be brought to Windsor, and Fair-\\nfax sent orders accordingly. In the depth of the win-\\nter night the king in the desolate keep on the sea-\\nshingle heard the clanking of the drawbridge, and at\\ndaybreak he learned that the redoubtable Major Har-\\nrison had arrived. Charles well knew how short a\\nspace divides the prison of a prince from his grave.\\nHe had often revolved in his mind sad stories of the\\ndeath of kings of Henry VI, of Edward II mur-\\ndered at Berkeley, of Richard II at Pontefract, of his", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0342.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "THE FINAL CRISIS 261\\ngrandmother at Fotheringay and he thought that\\nthe presence of Harrison must mean that his own hour\\nhad now come for a hke mysterious doom. Harrison\\nwas no man for these midnight deeds, though he was\\nfervid in his belief, and so he told the king, that justice\\nwas no respecter of persons, and great and small alike\\nmust be submitted to the law. Charles was relieved\\nto find that he was only going to exchange the worst\\nof his castles for the best, and after a ride of four\\ndays (December 19-23) through the New Forest, Win-\\nchester, Farnham, Bagshot, he found himself once\\nmore at the noblest of the palaces of the English sov-\\nereigns. Here for some three weeks he passed infatu-\\nated hours in the cheerful confidence that the dead-lock\\nwas as immovable as ever, that his enemies would find\\nthe knot inextricable, that he was still their master,\\nand that the blessed day would soon arrive when he\\nshould fit round their necks the avenging halter.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0343.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII\\nTHE DEATH OF THE KING\\nTHE Commons meanwhile, duly purged or packed,\\nhad named a committee to consider the means of\\nbringing the king to justice, and they passed an ordi-\\nnance (January i, 1649) for setting up, to try him, a\\nhigh court of justice composed of one hundred and fifty\\ncommissioners and three judges. After going through\\nits three readings, and backed by a resolution that by\\nthe fundamental laws of the kingdom it is treason in\\nthe king to levy war against the Parliament and king-\\ndom of England, the ordinance was sent up to the\\nLords. The Lords, only numbering twelve on this\\nstrange occasion, promptly, passionately, and unani-\\nmously rejected it. The fifty or sixty members who\\nwere now the acting House of Commons, retorted with\\nrevolutionary energy, i They instantly passed a resolu-\\ntion (January 4) affirming three momentous propo-\\nsitions: that the people are the original of power; that\\nthe Commons in Parliament assembled have the su-\\npreme power; and that what they enact has the force\\nof law, even without the consent of eitlier, king or\\nLords, omitting^tlie judges and reducing the commis-\\nsioners to one hundred and thirty-five. Then they\\npassed their ordinance over again (January 6). Two\\ndays later the famous High Court of Justice met\\n262", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0344.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "THE DEATH OF THE KING 263\\nfor the first time in the Painted Chamber, but out of\\none hundred and thirty-five persons named in the act,\\nno more than fifty-two appeared, Fairfax, Cromwell,\\nand Ireton being among them.\\nWe must pause to consider what was the part that\\nCromwell played in this tragical unraveling of the plot.\\nFor long it can hardly have been the guiding part.\\nHe was not present when the officers decided to order\\nthe king to be brought from Hurst Castle to Windsor\\n(December 15). He is known, during the week fol-\\nlowing that event, to have been engaged in grave\\ncounsel with Speaker Lenthall and two other eminent\\nmen of the same legal and cautious temper, as though\\nhe were still painfully looking for some lawful door of\\nescape from an impassable dilemma. Then he made a\\nstrong attempt to defer the king s trial until after they\\nhad tried other important delinquents in the second\\nwar. Finally there is a shadowy story of new over-\\ntures to the king made with Cromwell s connivance on\\nthe very eve of the day of fate. On close handling the\\ntale crumbles into guesswork; for the difference be-\\ntween a safe and an unsafe guess is not enough to\\ntransform a possible into an actual event; and a hunt\\nfor conjectural motives for conjectural occurrences is\\nwaste of time. The curious delay in his return to\\nLondon and the center of action is not without sig-\\nnificance. He reaches Carlyle on October 14th, he\\ndoes not summon Pontefract until November 9th, and\\nhe remains before it until the opening of December.\\nIt is hard to understand why he should not have left\\nLambert, a most excellent soldier, in charge of oper-\\nations at an earlier date, unless he had been wishful to\\nlet the manoeuvers in Parliament and camp take what\\ncourse they might. He had no stronger feeling in emer-\\ngency than a dread of forestalling the Lord s leadings.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0345.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "264 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nThe cloud that wraps Cromwell about during the ter-\\nrible month between his return from Yorkshire and the\\nerection of the High Court, is impenetrable; and we\\nhave no better guide than our general knowledge of his\\npolitic understanding, his caution, his persistence, his\\nfreedom from revengeful temper, his habitual slowness\\nin making decisive moves.\\nWe may be sure that all through the month, as he\\nlay in one of the king s rich beds at Whitehall, where\\nFairfax and he had taken up their quarters, Cromwell\\nrevolved all the perils and sounded all the depths of\\nthe abyss to which necessity was hurrying him and the\\ncause. What courses were open? They might by\\nordinance depose the king, and then either banish him\\nfrom the realm, or hold him for the rest of his days in\\nthe Tower. Or could they try and condemn him, and\\nthen trust to the dark shadow of the axe upon his\\nprison wall to frighten him at last into full surrender?\\nEven if this design prevailed, what sanctity could the\\nking or his successors be expected to attach to consti-\\ntutional concessions granted under duress so dire?\\nAgain, was monarchy the indispensable key-stone, to\\nlock all the parts of national government into their\\nplaces? If so, then the king removed by deposition\\nEXPLANATION OF THE LETTERS ON THE PRINT SHOWING THE TRIAL\\nOF CHARLES I. (SEE NEXT PAGE.)\\nA, the king B, the lord president, Bradshav/; C, John Lisle, D, W. Say,\\nassistants to Bradshaw E, A. Broughton, F, John Phelps, clerks G, table\\nwith mace and sword; H, benches for the Commoners; I, arms of the\\nCommonwealth, which the usurpers have caused there to be affixed K,\\nOliver Cromwell, L, Harry Martin, supporters of the Commonwealth M,\\nspectators N, floor of the court, W, O, X, passage from the court P, Q,\\nguard R, passage leading to the king s apartment S, council for the\\nCommonwealth T, stairs from the body of the hall to the court V, pas-\\nsage from Sir Robert Cotton s house, where the king was confined, to the\\nhall; Y, spectators; Z, officers of the court.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0346.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "From Clarendon s History of the Civil War, in the British Museum.\\nTHE TRIM, OF CHARLES I.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0347.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "fl", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0348.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "THE DEATH OF THE KING 265\\nor by abdication, perhaps one of his younger sons\\nmight be set up in his stead, with the army behind him.\\nWas any course of this temporising kind practicable,\\neven in the very first step of it, apart from later con-\\nsequences Or was the temper of the army too fierce,\\nthe dream of the republican too vivid, the furnace of\\nfaction too hot? For we have to recollect that noth-\\ning in all the known world of politics is so intractable\\nas a band of zealots conscious that they are a minor-\\nity, yet armed by accident with the powers of a major-\\nity. Party considerations were not likely to be\\nomitted; and to destroy the king was undoubtedly\\nto strike a potent instrument out of the hands of the\\nPresbyterians. Whatever reaction might follow in\\nthe public mind would be to the advantage of Royal-\\nism, not of Presbyterianism, and so indeed it ultimately\\nproved. Yet to bring the king to trial and to cut off\\nhis head is it possible to suppose that Cromwell was\\nblind to the endless array of new difficulties that would\\ninstantly spring up from that inexpiable act? Here\\nwas the fatal mischief. No other way may have been\\nconceivable out of the black flood of difficulties in\\nwhich the ship and its fiery crew were tossing, and\\nCromwell with his firm gaze had at last persuaded him-\\nself that this way must be tried. What is certain is\\nthat he cannot have forgotten to count the cost, and\\nhe must have known what a wall he was raising against\\nthat settlement of the peace of the nation which he so\\ndevoutly hoped for.\\nAfter all, violence, though in itself always an evil\\nand always the root of evil, is not the worst of evils,\\nso long as it does not mean the obliteration of the sense\\nof righteousness and of duty. And, however we may\\njudge the balance of policy to have inclined, men like\\nCromwell felt to the depths of their hearts that in put-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0349.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "266 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nting to death the man whose shifty and senseless coun-\\nsels had plunged the land in bloodshed and confusion,\\nthey were performing an awful act of sovereign justice\\nand executing the decree of the supreme. Men like\\nLudlow might feed and fortify themselves on misin-\\nterpretations of sanguinary texts from the Old Testa-\\nment. I was convinced. says that hard-tempered\\nman, that an accommodation with the king was un-\\njust and wicked in the nature of it by the express\\nwords of God s law that blood defileth the land, and\\nthe land cannot be cleansed of the blood that is shed\\ntherein, but by the blood of him that shed it^ Crom-\\nwell was as much addicted to an apt text as anybody,\\nbut the stern crisis of his life was not to be settled by\\na single verse of the Bible. Only one utterance of his\\nat this grave moment survives, and though in the high-\\nest degree remarkable, it is opaque rather than trans-\\nparent. When the ordinance creating the High Court\\nwas before the House of Commons, he said this If\\nany man whatsoever hath carried on the design of de-\\nposing the king, and disinheriting his posterity; or, if\\nany man had yet such a design, he should be the great-\\nest rebel and traitor in the world; but since the provi-\\ndence of God and Necessity hath cast this upon us, I\\nshall pray God to bless our counsels, though I be not\\nprovided on the sudden to give you counsel. Provi-\\ndence and Necessity that is to say, the purpose of\\nheaven disclosed in the shape of an invincible problem,\\nto which there was only one solution, and that a solu-\\ntion imposed by force of circumstance and not to be\\ndefended by mere secular reasoning.\\nHowever slow and painful the steps, a decision once\\ntaken was to Cromwell irrevocable. No man was ever\\nmore free from the vice of looking back, and he now\\nthrew himself into the king s trial at its final stages with", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0350.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "THE DEATH OF THE KING 267\\nthe same ruthless energy with which he had ridden down\\nthe king s men at Marston or Naseby. Men of virtue,\\ncourage, and pubhc spirit as eminent as his own, stood\\nresohitely aside, and would not join him. Algernon\\nSidney, whose name had been put in among the judges,\\nwent into the Painted Chamber with the others, and\\nafter listening to the debate, withstood Cromwell,\\nBradshaw, and the others to the face, on the double\\nground that the king could be tried by no court, and\\nthat by such a court as that was, no man at all could\\nbe tried. Cromwell broke in upon him in hoarse\\nanger, T tell you, we will cut off his head with the\\ncrown upon it. T cannot stop you, Sidney replied,\\nbut I will keep myself clean from having any hand in\\nthis business. Vane had been startled even by Pride s\\nPurge, and though he and Oliver were as brothers to\\none another, he refused either now to take any part in\\nthe trial, or ever to approve the execution afterward.\\nStories are told indicative of Cromwell s rough excite-\\nment and misplaced buffooneries, but they are probably\\nmythic. It is perhaps true that on the first day of the\\ntrial, looking forth from the Painted Chamber, he saw\\nthe king step from his barge on his way to Westmin-\\nster Hall, and with a face as white as the wall, called\\nout to the others that the king was coming, and that\\nthey must be ready to answer what was sure to be the\\nking s first question, namely, by what authority they\\ncalled him before them.\\nThis was indeed the question that the king put. and\\nwould never let drop. It had been Sidney s question,\\nand so far as law and constitution went, there was no\\ngood answer to it. The authority of the tribunal was\\nfounded upon nothing more valid than a mere reso-\\nlution, called an ordinance, of some fifty members\\nwhat was in truth little more than a bare quorum of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0351.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "268 OLIVER CROMWELL\\na single branch of Parliament, originally composed of\\nnearly ten times as many, and deliberately reduced for\\nthe express purpose of such a resolution by the violent\\nexclusion a month before of one hundred and forty-\\nthree of its members. If the legal authority was null,\\nthe moral authority for the act creating the High\\nCourt was no stronger. It might be well enough to\\nsay that the people are the origin of power, but as a\\nmatter of fact the handful who erected the High Court\\nof Justice notoriously did not represent the people in\\nany sense of that conjurer s word. They were never\\nchosen by the people to make laws apart from king and\\nlords and they were now picked out by the soldiers to\\ndo the behest of soldiers.\\nIn short, the High Court of Justice was hardly better\\nor worse than a drumhead court-martial, and had just\\nas much or just as little legal authority to try King\\nCharles, as a board of officers would have had to try\\nhim under the orders of Fairfax or Oliver if they had\\ntaken him prisoner on the field of Naseby. Bishop\\nButler, in his famous sermon in 1741 on the anni-\\nversary of the martyrdom of King Charles, takes\\nhypocrisy for his subject, and declares that no age can\\nshow an example of hypocrisy parallel to such a pro-\\nfaning of the forms of justice as the arraignment of\\nthe king. And it is here that Butler lets fall the som-\\nber reflection, so poignant to all who vainly expect too\\nmuch from the hearts and understanding of mankind,\\nthat the history of all ages and all countries will show\\nwhat has been really going forward over the face of\\nthe earth, to be very different from what has been\\nalways pretended and that virtue has been everywhere\\nprofessed much more than it has been anywhere prac-\\ntised. We may, if we be so minded, accept Butler s\\ngeneral reflection, and assuredly it cannot lightly be", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0352.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "Clft): ^tu^ ^M^.\\nJ\\n-iLcX-\\nJL^^\\n^tUofra/ li fiom an Onpina/ in tJ r HftijTnon if\\nJohn Than\\ni\\nFrom Clarendon s History of the Civil War, in the Hope Collection,\\nBodleian Library, by permission of the University of Oxford.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0353.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0354.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "THE DEATH OF THE KING 269\\ndismissed but it is hardly the best explanation of this\\nparticular instance. Self-deception is a truer as well\\nas a kinder word than hypocrisy, and here in one sense\\nthe institution of something with the aspect of a court\\nwas an act of homage to conscience and to habit of law.\\nMany must have remembered the clause in the Petition\\nof Right, not yet twenty years old, forbidding martial\\nlaw. Yet martial law this was and nothing else, if\\nthat be the name for uncontrolled arbitrament of the\\nman with the sword.\\nIn outer form as in interior fact, the trial of the king\\nhad much of the rudeness of the camp, little of the\\nsolemnity of a judicial tribunal. The pathetic element\\nso strong in human nature, save when rough action\\nsummons that imaginative sensibility, which is the\\nfountain of pity when there is time for tears, and lei-\\nsure to listen to the heart these counted for nothing in\\nthat fierce and peremptory hour. Such moods are for\\nhistory or for onlookers in stern scenes, not for the\\nactors. Charles and Cromwell had both of them long\\nstood too close to death in many grisly shapes, had\\nseen too many slaughtered men, to shrink from an en-\\ncounter without quarter. Westminster Hall was full\\nof soldiery, and resounded with their hoarse shouts\\nfor justice and execution. The king with his hat upon\\nhis head eyed the judges with unaffected scorn, and\\nwith unmeaning iteration urged his point, that they\\nwere no court and that he was there by no law. Brad-\\nshaw, the president, retorted with high-handed warn-\\nings to his captive that contumacy would be of no\\navail. Cromwell was present at every sitting with\\none doubtful exception. For three days the alterca-\\ntion went on, as fruitless as it was painful, for the\\ncourt intended that the king should die. He was in-\\ncredulous to the last. On the fourth and fifth days", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0355.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "270 OLIVER CROMWELL\\n(January 24-25) the court sat in private in the Painted\\nChamber, and listened to depositions that could prove\\nnothing not already fully known. The object was less\\nto satisfy the conscience of the court, than to make\\ntime for pressure on its more backward members.\\nThere is some evidence that Cromwell was among the\\nmost fervid in enforcing the point that they could not\\ncome to a settlement of the true religion until the king,\\nthe arch obstructor, was put out of the way. On the\\nnext day (January 26) the court, numbering sixty-two\\nmembers, adopted the verdict and sentence that Charles\\nwas a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and public enemy to\\nthe good people of this nation, and that he should be\\nput to death by the severing of his head from his body.\\nOn the 27th an end came to the proceedings. Charles\\nwas for the fourth time brought into the hall, and amid\\nmuch noise and disorder he attempted to speak. He\\nsought an interview with the Lords and Commons in\\nthe Painted Chamber, but this after deliberation was\\nrefused. The altercations between the king and Brad-\\nshaw were renewed, and after a long harangue from\\nBradshaw sentence was pronounced. The king, still\\nendeavoring in broken sentences to make himself heard,\\nwas hustled away from the hall by his guards. The\\ncomposure, piety, seclusion, and silence in which he\\npassed the three days of life that were left, made a deep\\nimpression on the time, and have moved men s com-\\nmon human-heartedness ever since. In Charles him-\\nself, whether for foe or friend, an Eliot or a Strafford,\\npity was a grace unknown.\\nOn the fatal day (January 30) he was taken to\\nWhitehall, now more like a barrack than a palace.\\nFairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, and Harrison were prob-\\nably all in the building when he arrived, though the\\nfirst of them had held stiffly aloof from all the pro-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0356.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "THE DEATH OF THE KING 271\\nceedings of the previous ten days. A story was told\\nafterward that just before the execution, Cromwell,\\nseated in Ireton s room, when asked for a warrant ad-\\ndressed to the executioner (who seems to have been\\nBrandon, the common hangman), wrote out the order\\nwith his own hand for signature by one of the three offi-\\ncers to whom the High Court had addressed the actual\\ndeath-warrant. Charles bore himself with unshaken\\ndignity and fortitude to the end. At a single stroke\\nthe masked headman did his work. Ten days later the\\ncorpse was conveyed by a little band of devoted friends\\nto Windsor, where amid falling flakes of snow they\\ntook it into Saint George s Chapel. Clarendon stamps\\nupon our memories the mournful coldness, the squalor,\\nand the desolation like a scene from some grey under-\\nworld Then they went into the church to make\\nchoice of a place for burial. But when they entered\\ninto it, which they had been so well acquainted with,\\nthey found it so altered and transformed, all tombs,\\ninscriptions, and those landmarks pulled down by\\nwhich all men knew every particular place in that\\nchurch, and such a dismal mutilation over the whole\\nthat they knew not where they were nor was there one\\nold officer that had belonged to it, or knew where our\\nprinces had used to be interred. At last there was a\\nfellow of the town who undertook to tell them the\\nplace, where, he said, there was a vault in which King\\nHarry the Eighth and Queen Jane Seymour were in-\\nterred. As near that place as could conveniently be,\\nthey caused the grave to be made. There the king s\\nbody was laid without any words, or other ceremonies\\nthan the tears and sighs of the few beholders. Upon\\nthe coffin was a plate of silver fixed with these words\\nonly King Charles, 1648. When the coffin was put\\nin, the black velvet pall that had covered it was thrown", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0357.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "272 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nover it, and then the earth thrown in, which the gover-\\nnor stayed to see perfectly done, and then took the keys\\nof the church, which was seldom put to any use.\\nCromwell s own view of this momentous transaction\\nwas constant. A year later he speaks to the officers\\nof the great fruit of the war, to wit, the execution of\\nexemplary justice upon the prime leader of all this\\nquarrel. Many months after this, he talks of the\\nturning-out of the tyrant in a way which the Chris-\\ntians in after times will mention with honor, and all\\ntyrants in the world look at with fear many thousands\\nof saints in England rejoice to think of it they that\\nhave acted in this great business have given a reason of\\ntheir faith in the action, and are ready further to do it\\nagainst all gainsayers. The execution was an eminent\\nwitness of the Lord for blood-guiltiness. In a con-\\nversation again, one evening, at Edinburgh, he is said\\nto have succeeded in converting some hostile Presby-\\nterians to the view that the taking away of the king s\\nlife was inevitable. There is a story that while the\\ncorpse of the king still lay in the gallery at Whitehall,\\nCromwell was observed by unseen watchers to come\\nmuffled in his cloak to the coffin, and raising the lid,\\nand gazing on the face of the king, was heard to mur-\\nmur several times, Cruel tieccssify. The incident is\\npretty certainly apocryphal, for this was not the dialect\\nof Oliver s philosophy.\\nExtravagant things have been said about the exe-\\ncution of the king by illustrious men from Charles Fox\\nto Carlyle. We may doubt, says Fox, whether any\\nother circumstance has served so much to raise the\\ncharacter of the English nation in the opinion of\\nEurope. This action of the English regicides, says\\nCarlyle, did in effect strike a damp-like death through\\nthe heart of Flunkyism universally in this world.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0358.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait by Van Dyck in the Louvre (detail).\\nCHARLES L", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0359.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0360.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "THE DEATH OF THE KING 273\\nWhereof Flunkyism, Cant, Cloth-worship, or what-\\never ugly name it have, has gone about miserably sick\\never since, and is now in these generations very rapidly\\ndying. Cant, alas, is not slain on any such easy\\nterms by a single stroke of the republican headsman s\\naxe. As if for that matter force, violence, sword, and\\naxe, never conceal a cant and an unveracity of their\\nown, viler and crueller than any other. In fact, the\\nvery contrary of Carlyle s proposition as to death and\\ndamp might more fairly be upheld. For this at least\\nis certain, that the execution of Charles I kindled and\\nnursed for many generations a lasting flame of cant,\\nflunkyism, or whatever else be the right name of\\nspurious and unmanly sentimentalism, more lively\\nthan is associated with any other business in our whole\\nnational history.\\nThe two most sensible things to be said about the\\ntrial and execution of Charles I have often been said\\nbefore. One is that the proceeding was an act of war.\\nand was just as defensible or just as assailable, and on\\nthe same grounds, as the war itself. The other re-\\nmark, though tolerably conclusive alike by Milton and by\\nVoltaire, is that the regicides treated Charles precisely\\nas Charles, if he had won the game, undoubtedly prom-\\nised himself with law or without law that he would\\ntreat them. The author of the attempt upon the Five\\nMembers in 1642 was not entitled to plead punctilious\\ndemurrers to the revolutionary jurisdiction. From the\\nfirst it had been My head or thy head, and Charles had\\nlost.\\n18", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0361.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0362.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "BOOK FOUR", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0363.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "i", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0364.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "Boo!^ jfour\\nCHAPTER I\\nTHE COMMONWEALTH\\nTHE death of the king made nothing easier, and\\nchanged nothing for the better it removed no old\\ndifficulties, and it added new. Cromwell and his allies\\nmust have expected as much, and they confronted the\\ntask with all the vigilance and energy of men unalter-\\nably convinced of the goodness of their cause, confi-\\ndently following the pillar of cloud by day, the pillar\\nof fire by night. Their goal was the establishment of\\na central authority; the unification of the kingdoms;\\nthe substitution of a nation for a dynasty as the main-\\nspring of power and the standard of public aims a set-\\ntlement of religion, the assertion of maritime strength\\nthe protectional expansion of national commerce.\\nLong, tortuous, and rough must be the road. A small\\nknot of less than a hundred and fifty commoners repre-\\nsented all that was left of Parliament, and we have a\\ntest of the condition to which it was reduced in the\\nfact that during the three months after Pride s Purge,\\nthe thirteen divisions that took place represented an\\naverage attendance of less than sixty. They resolved\\nthat the House of Peers was useless and dangerous and\\nought to be abolished. They resolved a couple of days\\nlater that experience had shown the office of a king,\\nand to have the power of the office in any single per-\\nson to be unnecessary, burdensome, and dangerous,\\n277", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0365.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "2/8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand therefore that this also ought to be aboHshed. In\\nMarch these resolutions were turned into what were\\ncalled acts of Parliament. A Council of State was\\ncreated to which the executive power was entrusted.\\nIt consisted of forty persons and was to last a year,\\nthree fourths of its members being at the same time\\nmembers of Parliament. Provision was made for the\\nadministration of justice as far as possible by the ex-\\nisting judges, and without change in legal principles\\nor judicial procedure. On May 19th a final act was\\npassed proclaiming England to be a free common-\\nwealth, to be governed by the representatives of the\\npeople in Parliament without king or House of Lords.\\nWrits were to run in the name of the Keepers of the\\nLiberties of England. The date was marked as the\\nFirst Year of Freedom by God s blessing restored.\\nWe can hardly suppose that Cromwell was under\\nany illusion that constitutional resolutions on paper\\ncould transmute a revolutionary group, installed by\\nmilitary force and by that force subsisting, into a\\nchosen body of representatives of the people adminis-\\ntering a free commonwealth. He had striven to come\\nto terms with the king in 1647, had been reluc-\\ntantly forced into giving him up in 1648. He was\\nnow accepting a form of government resting upon the\\nsame theoretical propositions that he had stoutly com-\\nbated in the camp debates two years before, and subject\\nto the same ascendancy of the soldier of which he had\\nthen so clearly seen all the fatal mischief. But Crom-\\nwell was of the active, not the reflective temper.\\nWhat he saw was that the new government had from\\nthe first to fight for its life. All the old elements of\\nantagonism remained. The Royalists, outraged in\\ntheir deepest feelings by the death of their lawful king,\\nhad instantly transferred their allegiance with height-\\nened fervor to his lawful successor. The Presbyte-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0366.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH 279\\nrians who were also Royalist were exasperated both by\\nthe failure of their religious schemes, and by the sting\\nof political and party defeat. The peers, though only\\na few score in number, yet powerful by territorial in-\\nfluence, were cut to the cjuick by the suppression of\\ntheir legislative place. The Episcopal clergy, from the\\nhighest ranks in the hierarchy to the lowest, suffered\\nwith natural resentment the deprivation of their spirit-\\nual authority and their temporal revenues. It was\\ncalculated that the friends of the policy of intolerance\\nwere no less than five sevenths of the people of the\\ncountry. Yet the Independents, though so inferior\\nin numbers, were more important than either Presby-\\nterians or Episcopalians, for the reason that their power\\nwas concentrated in an omnipotent army. The move-\\nment named generically after them, comprised a hun-\\ndred heterogeneous shades, from the grand humanism\\nof Milton down to the fancies of whimsical mystics\\nwho held that it was sin to wear garments, and believed\\nthat heaven is only six miles off. The old quarrel\\nabout church polity w^as almost overwhelmed by tur-\\nbid tides of theological enthusiasm. This enthusiasm\\ndeveloped strange theocracies, nihilisms, anarchies,\\nand it soon became one of the most pressing tasks of\\nthe new republic, as afterward of Cromwell himself,\\nto grapple with the political danger that overflowed\\nfrom the heavings of spiritual confusion. A Royalist\\nof the time thus describes the position The Inde-\\npendents possessed all the forts, towns, navy and trea-\\nsure the Presbyterians yet hold a silent power by\\nmeans of the divines, and the interest of some nobility\\nand gentry, especially in London and the great towns.\\nHis Majesty s party in England is so poor, so dis-\\njointed, so severely watched by both factions, that it is\\nimpossible for them to do anything on their own score.\\nThe other two ancient kingdoms that were joined to", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0367.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "28o OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe new-born State of England, were each of them\\ncenters of hostihty and peril to the common fabric.\\nOn the continent of Europe, the new rulers of Eng-\\nland had not a friend even the Dutch were drawn\\naway from them by a powerful Orange party that was\\nnaturally a Stuart party. It seemed as if an accident\\nmight make a hostile foreign combination possible,\\nand almost as if only a miracle could prevent it.\\nRupert had possessed himself of a small fleet, the Roy-\\nalists were masters of the Isle of Man, of Jersey and\\nthe Scilly Isles, and English trade was the prey of\\ntheir piratical enterprise. The Commonwealth had\\nhardly counted its existence by weeks, before it was\\nmenaced by deadly danger in its very foundations,\\nby signs of an outbreak in the armed host, now\\ngrown to over forty thousand men that had destroyed\\nthe king, mutilated the Parliament, and fastened\\nits yoke alike upon the Parliamentary remnant, the\\nCouncil of State, and the majority of the inhabitants\\nof the realm. Natural right, law of nature, one He\\nas good as another He, the reign of Christ and his\\nsaints in a fifth and final monarchy, all the rest of the\\ntheocratic and leveling theories that had startled Crom-\\nwell in 1647, were found to be just as applicable\\nagainst a military commonwealth as against a king by\\ndivine right. The cry of the political leveler was led\\nby Lilburne, one of the men whom all revolutions are\\napt to engender intractable, narrow, dogmatic, prag-\\nmatic, clever hands at syllogisms, liberal in uncharitable\\nimputation and malicious construction, honest in their\\nrather questionable way, animated by a pharisaic love\\nof self-applause which is in truth not any more meri-\\ntorious nor any less unsafe than vain love of the\\nworld s applause in a word, not without sharp in-\\nsight into theoretic principle, and thinking quite as", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0368.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH 281\\nlittle of their own ease as the ease of others, but with-\\nout a trace of the instinct for government or a grain of\\npractical common sense. Such was Lilburne the head-\\nstrong, and such the temper in thousands of others\\nwith whom Cromwell had painfully to wrestle for all\\nthe remainder of his life. The religious enthusiasts,\\nwho formed the second great division of the impracti-\\ncable, were more attractive than the scribblers of ab-\\nstract politics, but they were just as troublesome. A\\nreflective Royalist or Presbyterian might well be\\nexcused for asking himself whether a party, with men\\nof this stamp for its mainspring, could ever be made\\nfit for the great art of working institutions, and con-\\ntrolling the forces of a mighty state. Lilburne s popu-\\nlarity, which was immense, signified not so much any\\ngeneral sympathy with its first principles or his rest-\\nless politics, as aversion to military rule or perhaps\\nindeed to any rule. If the mutiny spread, and the\\narmy broke away, the men at the head of the govern-\\nment knew that all was gone. They acted with celer-\\nity and decision. Fairfax and Cromwell handled the\\nmutineers with firmness tempered by clemency, with-\\nout either vindictiveness or panic. Of the very few\\nwho suffered military execution, some were made pop-\\nular martyrs and this was an indication the more\\nhow narrow was the base on which the Commonwealth\\nhad been reared. Other dangers came dimly into\\nview. For a moment it seemed as if political revolu-\\ntion was to contain the seeds of social revolution\\nLevelers were followed by Diggers. War had wasted\\nthe country and impoverished the people, and one day\\n(April, 1650) a small company of poor men were\\nfound digging up the ground on St. George s Hill in\\nSurrey, sowing it with carrots and beans, and announc-\\ning that they meant to do away with all enclosures.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0369.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "282 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nIt was the reproduction in the seventeenth century of\\nthe story of Robert Kett of Norfolk in the sixteenth.\\nThe eternal sorrows of the toiler led him to dream, as\\nin the daw^n of the Reformation peasants had dreamed,\\nthat the Bible sentences had for them, too, some sig-\\nnificance. At this very day, wrote Winstanley. a\\nneglected figure of those times, poor people are forced\\nto work for twopence a day, and corn is dear. And\\nthe tithing priest stops their mouth, and tells them that\\ninward satisfaction of mind was meant by the decla-\\nration The poor shall inherit the earth. I tell you the\\nScripture is to be really and materially fulfilled. You\\njeer at the name Leveler. I tell you Jesus Christ is\\nthe head Leveler. {Gooch, p. 220.) Fairfax and\\nthe council wisely made little of the affair, and people\\nawoke to the hard truth that to turn a monarchy into\\na free commonwealth is not enough to turn the purga-\\ntory of our social life into a paradise. Meanwhile the\\nminority possessed of power resorted to the ordinary\\ndevices of unpopular rule. They levied immense fines\\nupon the property of delinquents, sometimes confiscat-\\ning as much as half the value. A rigorous censorship\\nof the press was established. The most diligent care\\nwas enjoined upon the local authorities to prevent trou-\\nblesome public meetings. The pulpits were w-atched,\\nthat nothing should be said in prejudice of the peace\\nand honor of the government. The old law of treason\\nwas stiffened, but so long as trial by jury was left, the\\nhardening of the statute was of little use. The High\\nCourt of Justice was therefore set up to deal with\\noffenders for wdiom no law was strong enough.\\nThe worst difficulties of the government, however,\\nlay beyond the reach of mere rigor of police at home.\\nBoth in Ireland and Scotland the regicide common-\\nwealth found foes. All the three kingdoms were in", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0370.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH 283\\na blaze. The prey of insurrection in Ireland had lent\\nfuel to rebellion in England, and the flames of rebellion\\nin England might lla^ e been put out, but for the neces-\\nsities of revolt in Scotland. The statesmen of the\\nCommonwealth misunderstood the malady in Ireland,\\nand they failed to found a stable system in Britain but\\nthey grasped with amazing vigor and force the prob-\\nlem of dealing with the three kingdoms as a whole.\\nThis strenuous comprehension marked them out as\\nmen of originality, insight, and power. Charles II\\nwas in different fashions instantly proclaimed king in\\nboth countries, and the only question was from which\\nof the two outlying kingdoms would the new king\\nwage war against the rulers who had slain his father,\\nand usurped the powers that were by law and right his\\nown. Ireland had gone through strange vicissitudes\\nduring the years of the civil struggle in England. It\\nhas been said that no human intellect could make a\\nclear story of the years of triple and fourfold distraction\\nin Ireland from the rebellion of 1641 down to the death\\nof Charles I. Happily it is not necessary for us to\\nattempt the task. Three remarkable figures stand out\\nconspicuously in the chaotic scene. Ormonde repre-\\nsented in varied forms the English interest, one of the\\nmost admirably steadfast, patient, clear-sighted and\\nhonorable names in the list of British statesmen.\\nOwen Roe O Neill, a good soldier, a man of valor and\\ncharacter, was the patriotic champion of Catholic Ire-\\nland. Rinuccini, the Pope s nuncio, an able and am-\\nbitious man, ultramontane, caring very little for either\\nIrish landlords or Irish Nationalists, caring not at all\\nfor heretical Royalists, but devoted to the interests of\\nhis church all over the world, was in his heart bent\\nupon erecting a papal Ireland under the protection of\\nsome foreign Catholic sovereign.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0371.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "284 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nAll these types, though with obvious differences on\\nthe surface, may easily be traced in Irish affairs down\\nto our own century. The nearest approach to an\\norgan of Government was the supreme council of the\\nconfederate Catholics at Kilkenny, in which the sub-\\nstantial interest was that of the Catholic English of\\nthe Pale. Between them and the nuncio little love\\nwas lost, for Ireland has never been ultramontane.\\nA few days before the death of the king (January,\\n1649) Ormonde made what promised to be a prudent\\npeace with the Catholics at Kilkenny, by which the\\nconfederate Irish were reconciled to the crown, on the\\nbasis of complete toleration for their religion and free-\\ndom for their Parliament. It was a great and lasting\\nmisfortune that Puritan bigotry prevented Oliver from\\npursuing the same policy on behalf of the common-\\nwealth as Ormonde pursued on behalf of the king.\\nThe confederate Catholics, long at bitter feud with the\\nultramontane nuncio, bade him intermeddle no more\\nwith the affairs of that kingdom; and a month after\\nthe peace Rinuccini departed.\\nIt was clear that even such small hold as the Parlia-\\nment still retained upon Ireland was in instant peril.\\nThe old dread of an Irish army being landed upon the\\nwestern shores of England in the Royalist interest,\\npossibly in more or less concert with invaders from\\nScotland, revived in full force. Cromwell s view of\\nthe situation was explained to the Council of State\\nat Whitehall (March 23, 16^19). The question was\\nwhether he would undertake the Irish command. If\\nwe do not endeavor to make good our interest there,\\nhe said, after describing the singular combination that\\nOrmonde was contriving against them, we shall not\\nonly have our interests rooted out there, but they w411\\nin a very short time be able to land forces in England.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0372.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "From a pastel portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the Irish National Portrait\\nGallery, by permission of the Director.\\nJAMES BUTLER, TWELFTH EARL AND FIRST DUKE OF ORMONDE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0373.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "I", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0374.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "THE COMMONWEALTH 285\\nI confess I had rather be overrun with a Cavaherish\\ninterest than a Scotch interest I had rather be overrun\\nwith a Scotch interest than an Irish interest and I\\nthink, of all, this is the most dangerous. Stating the\\nsame thing differently he argued that even Englishmen\\nwho were for a restoration upon terms, ought still to\\nresist the forced imposition of a king upon them either\\nby Ireland or by Scotland. In other words, the con-\\ntest between the crown and the Parliament had now\\ndeveloped into a contest, first for union among the\\nthree kingdoms, and next for the predominance of\\nEngland v/ithin that union. Of such antique date are\\nsome modern cjuarrels.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0375.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nCROMWELL IN IRELAND\\nIT is not enough to describe one who has the work\\nof a statesman to do as a .veritable Heaven s mes-\\nsenger clad in thunder. We must still recognize that\\nthe reasoning faculty in man is good for something.\\nT could long for an Oliver without Rhetoric at all,\\nCarlyle exclaims, I could long for a Mahomet, whose\\npersuasive eloquence with wild flashing heart and sim-\\nitar, is Wretched mortal, give up that or by the\\nEternal, thy maker and mine, I will kill thee Thou\\nblasphemous, scandalous Misbirth of Nature, is not\\neven that the kindest thing I can do for thee, if thou\\nrepent not and alter, in the name of Allah? Even\\nsuch sonorous oracles as these do not altogether escape\\nthe guilt of Rhetoric. As if, after all, there might not\\nbe just as much of sham, phantasm, emptiness, and lies\\nin Action as in Rhetoric. Archbishop Laud with his\\nwild flashing simitar slicing off the ears of Prynne,\\nCharles maliciously doing Eliot to death in the Tower,\\nthe familiars of the Holy Oflice, Spaniards exterminating\\nhapless Indians, English Puritans slaying Irishwomen\\nat Naseby, the monarchs of the Spanish peninsula\\ndriving populations of Jews and Moors wholesale and\\ninnocent to exile and despair all these would deem\\nthemselves entitled to hail their hapless victims as blas-\\nphemous Misbirths of Nature. What is the test?\\n286", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0376.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 287\\nHow can we judge? The Dithyrambic does not help\\nlis. It is not a question between Action and Rhetoric,\\nbut the far profounder question aHke in word and in\\ndeed between just and unjust, rational and short-\\nsighted, cruel and humane.\\nThe Parliament faced the Irish danger with char-\\nacteristic energy, nor would Cromwell accept the com-\\nmand without characteristic deliberation. Whether\\nI go or stay, he said, is as God shall incline my\\nheart. And he had no leading of this kind, until he\\nhad in a practical way made sure that his forces would\\nhave adequate provision, and a fair settlement of\\narrears. The departure of Julius Caesar for Gaul at a\\nmoment when Rome was in the throes of civil confu-\\nsion, has sometimes been ascribed to a desire to make\\nthe west a drill-ground for his troops, in view of the\\nmilitary struggle that he foresaw approaching in Italy.\\nMotives of a similar sort have been invented to explain\\nOliver s w^illingness to absent himself from Westmin-\\nster at critical hours. The explanation is probably as\\nfar-fetched in one case as in the other. The self-inter-\\nest of the calculating statesman would hardly prompt\\na distant and dangerous military expedition, for Crom-\\nwell knew, as he had known when he started for Pres-\\nton in 1648, what active enemies he left behind him.\\nsome in the ranks of the army, others comprehending\\nthe whole of the Presbyterian party, and all embittered\\nby the triumph of the military force to which instru-\\nmentally they owed their very existence. The sim-\\nplest explanation is in Oliver s case the best. A sol-\\ndier s work was the next work to be done, and he might\\neasily suppose that the God of Battles meant him to\\ndo it. Everybody else supposed the same.\\nIt was August (1649) before Cromwell embarked,\\nand before sailing, he did expound some places of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0377.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "288 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nScripture excellently well, and pertinent to the occa-\\nsion. He arrived in Dublin as Lord Lieutenant and\\ncommander of the forces. After a short time, for the\\nrefreshment of his weather-beaten men, he advanced\\nnorthward, some ten thousand strong, to Drogheda,\\nand here his Irish career began with an incident of un-\\nhappy fame. Modern research adds little in the way\\neither of correction or of amplification to Cromwell s\\nown story. He arrived before Drogheda on September\\n3d, the memorable date of three other decisive days in\\nhis history. A week later he summoned Ormond s\\ngarrison to surrender, and receiving no reply he opened\\nfire, and breached the wall in two places. The next\\nday, about five in the evening, he began the storm, and\\nafter a hot and stiff defense that twice beat back his\\nveterans, on the third assault, with Oliver himself at\\nthe head of it, they entered the town and were masters\\nof the Royalist entrenchments. Aston, the general in\\ncommand, scoured up a steep mound, a place very\\nstrong and of difficult access being exceedingly high,\\nhaving a good graft, and strongly palisaded. He\\nhad some three hundred men with him, and to storm\\nhis position would have cost several hundreds of lives.\\nA parley seems to have taken place, and Aston was per-\\nsuaded to disarm by a Cromwellian band who had pur-\\nsued him up the steep. At this point Cromwell ordered\\nthat they should all be put to the sword. It was done.\\nThen came another order. Being in the heat of\\naction, I forbade them to spare any that were in arms\\nin the town; and I think that night they put to the\\nsword about two thousand men; divers of the officers\\nand soldiers being fled over the bridge into the other\\n(the northern) part of the town. Eighty of them\\ntook refuge in the steeple of St. Peter s church; and\\nothers in the towers at two of the gates. Whereon I", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0378.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 289\\nordered the church steeple to be fired, when, one of\\nthem was heard to say, God damn me, God confound\\nme; I burn, I burn. Of the eighty wretches in the\\nsteeple, fifty were slain and thirty perished in the\\nflames. Cromwell notes with particular satisfaction\\nwhat took place at St. Peter s church. It is remark-\\nable, he says, that these people had grown so inso-\\nlent that the last Lord s Day, before the storm, the\\nProtestants were thrust out of the great church called\\nSt. Peter s, and they had public Mass there; and in this\\nvery place, near one thousand of them were put to the\\nsword, fleeing thither for safety. Of those in one of\\nthe towers, when they submitted, their officers were\\nknocked on the head, and every tentli man of the sol-\\ndiers killed, and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes.\\nThe soldiers in the other tower were all spared as to\\ntheir lives only, and shipped likewise for the Barba-\\ndoes. Even when time might have been expected\\nto slake the sanguinary frenzy, officers in hiding were\\nsought out and killed in cold blood. All the friars,\\nsays Cromwell, were knocked on the head promiscu-\\nously but two. The enemy were about three thou-\\nsand strong in the town. I believe we put to the sword\\nthe whole number of the defendants. I do not think\\nthirty of the whole number escaped with their Hves.\\nThese three thousand were killed, with a loss of only\\nsixty-four to those who killed them.\\nSuch is the unvarnished tale of the Drogheda mas-\\nsacre. Its perpetrator himself felt at the first moment\\nwhen the heat of action had passed, that it needed\\njustification. Such actions, he says, cannot but\\nwork remorse and regret, unless there be satisfactory\\ngrounds for them, and the grounds that he alleges are\\ntwo. One is revenge, and the other is policy. I am\\npersuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God\\n19", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0379.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "290 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nupon those barbarous wretches, who have imbrued\\ntheir hands in so much innocent blood and that it will\\ntend to prevent the effusion of blood in the future.\\nAnd then comes a theory of the divine tactics in these\\noperations, which must be counted one of the most\\nwonderful of all the recorded utterances of Puritan the-\\nology. And now give me leave to say how it comes to\\npass that this work is wrought. It was set upon some\\nof our hearts, that a great thing should be done, not by\\npower or might, but by the spirit of God. And is it\\nnot so, clearly That which caused your men to storm\\nso courageously, it was the spirit of God, who gave\\nyour men courage and took it away again and gave the\\nenemy courage, and took it away again and gave your\\nmen courage again, and therewith this happy success.\\nAnd therefore it is good that God alone have all the\\nglory.\\nThat Cromwell s ruthless severity may have been\\njustified by the strict letter of the military law of the\\ntime, is just possible. It may be true, as is contended,\\nthat this slaughter was no worse than some of the\\nworst acts of those commanders in the Thirty Years\\nWar, whose names have ever since stood out in crim-\\nson letters on the page of European history as bywords\\nof cruelty and savagery. That, after all, is but dubi-\\nous extenuation. Though he may have had a technical\\nright to give no cjuarter where a storm had followed\\nthe refusal to surrender, in England this right was\\nonly used by him once in the whole course of the war,\\nand in his own defense of the massacre it was not upon\\nmilitary right that he chose to stand. The language\\nused by Ludlow about it shows that even in the opinion\\nof that time what was done needed explanation. The\\nslaughter was continued all day and the next, he says,\\nwhich extraordinary severity, I presume, was used to", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0380.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 291\\ndiscourage others from making opposition. This, as we\\nhave seen, was one of the two explanations given by\\nOHver himself. The general question, how far in such\\na case the end warrants the means, is a question of\\nmilitary and Christian ethics which it is not for us to\\ndiscuss here, but we may remind the reader that not a\\nfew of the most barbarous enormities in human annals\\nhave been excused on the same ground, that in the long\\nrun the gibbet, stake, torch, sword, and bullet are the\\ntruest mercy, sometimes to men s lives here, sometimes\\nto their souls hereafter. No less equivocal was Crom-\\nwell s second plea. The massacre, he says, was a\\nrighteous vengeance upon the wretches who had im-\\nbrued their hands in so much innocent blood in Ulster\\neight years before. Yet he must have known that of\\nthe three thousand men who were butchered at Drog-\\nheda, of the friars who were knocked on the head pro-\\nmiscuously, and of the officers who were killed in cold\\nblood, not a single victim was likely to have had part\\nor lot in the Ulster atrocities of 1641. More than one\\ncontemporary authority (including Ludlow and Clar-\\nendon) says the garrison was mostly English, and\\nundoubtedly a contingent was English and Protestant.\\nThe better opinion on the whole now seems to be that\\nmost of the slain men were Irish and Catholic, but thafe\\nthey came from Kilkenny and other parts of the coun-\\ntry far outside of Ulster, and so were in the highest\\ndegree unlikely to have had any hand in the Ulster\\nmassacre of 1641.\\nAgain that the butchery of Drogheda did actually\\nprevent in any marked degree further effusion of\\nblood is not clear. Cromwell remained in Ireland\\nnine months longer, and the war was not extinguished\\nfor two years after his departure. The nine months of\\nhis sojourn in the country were a time of unrelaxing", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0381.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "292 OLIVER CROMWELL\\neffort on one side, and obstinate resistance on the other.\\nFrom Drogheda he marched south to Wexford. The\\ngarrison made a good stand for several days, but at last\\nwere compelled to parley. A traitor during the parley\\nyielded up the castle, and the Irish on the walls with-\\ndrew into the town. Which our men perceiving, ran\\nviolently upon the town with their ladder and stormed\\nit. And when they were come into the market-place,\\nthe enemy making a stiff resistance, our forces broke\\nthem and then put all to the sword that came in their\\nway. I believe in all there was lost of the enemy not\\nmany less than two thousand, and I believe not twenty\\nof ours from first to last of the siege. The town was\\nsacked, and priests and friars were again knocked on\\nthe head, some of them in a Protestant chapel which\\nthey had been audacious enough to turn into a Mass-\\nhouse. For all this Cromwell was not directly respon-\\nsible as he had been at Drogheda. Indeed it hath,\\nnot without cause, been set upon our hearts, that we,\\nintending better to this place than so great a ruin, hop-\\ning the town might be of more use to you and your\\narmy, yet God would not have it so but by an unex-\\npected providence in his righteous justice, brought a\\njust judgment upon them, causing them to become a\\nprey to the soldier, who in their piracies had made\\npreys of so many families, and now with their bloods\\nto answer the cruelties which they had exercised upon\\nthe lives of divers poor Protestants.\\nA heavy hand was laid upon southern Ireland all\\nthrough Cromwell s stay. Gowran was a strong\\ncastle, in command of a Kentishman, a principal actor\\nin the Kentish insurrection of 1648. He returned a\\nresolute refusal to Cromwell s invitation to surrender\\n(March, 1650). The batteries were opened, and after\\na short parley a treaty was made, the soldiers to have", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0382.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 293\\nquarter, the officers to be treated as the victors might\\nthink fit. The next day the officers were shot, and a\\npopish priest was hanged. In passing, we may ask in\\nface of this hanging of chaplains and promiscuous\\nknocking of friars on the head, what is the significance\\nof CromweU s challenge to prochice an instance of\\none man since my coming to Ireland, not in arms,\\nmassacred, destroyed, or banished?\\nThe effect of the massacre of Drogheda was cer-\\ntainly transient. As we have seen, it did not frighten\\nthe commandant at Wexford, and the resistance that\\nCromwell encountered during the winter at Ross, Dun-\\ncannon, Waterford, Kilkenny, and Clonmel was just\\nsuch as might have been looked for, if the garrison of\\nDrogheda had been treated like a defeated garrison at\\nBristol, Taunton, or Reading. At Clonmel, which\\ncame last, resistance was most obdurate of all. The\\nbloody lesson of Drogheda and Wexford had not been\\nlearned. They found in Clonmel the stoutest enemy\\nthis army had ever met in Ireland and there never was\\nseen so hot a storm, of so long continuance, and so gal-\\nlantly defended, either in England or Ireland. Crom-\\nwell lost over two thousand men. The garrison\\nrunning short of ammunition escaped in the night, and\\nthe subsequent surrender of the town (May 10, 1650)\\nwas no more than a husk without a kernel.\\nThe campaign made heavy demands upon the vigor\\nof the Parliamentary force. A considerable part of\\nthe army was described as fitter for an hospital than\\na field. Not one officer in forty escaped the dysentery,\\nwhich they called the disease of the country. Crom-\\nwell himself suffered a long attack of sickness. These\\ndistresses and difficulties much perplexed him. In\\nthe midst of our good successes. he says, wherein\\nthe kindness and mercy of God hath appeared, the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0383.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "294 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nLord in wisdom and for gracious ends best known to\\nhimself, hath interlaced some things which may give\\nus cause of serious consideration what His mind there-\\nin may be. You see how God mingles out\\nthe cup unto us. Indeed, we are at this time a crazy\\ncompany yet we live in His sight, and shall w ork the\\ntime that is appointed us, and shall rest after that in\\npeace.\\nHis general policy is set out by Cromwell in a docu-\\nment of cardinal importance, and it sheds too much\\nlight upon his Irish policy to be passed over. The\\nCatholic prelates met at Clonmacnoise, and issued a\\nmanifesto that only lives in history for the sake of\\nCromwell s declaration in reply to it (January, 1650).\\nThis has been called by our great transcendental eulo-\\ngist one of the most remarkable state papers ever pub-\\nlished in Ireland since Strongbow or even since St.\\nPatrick. Perhaps it is, for it combines in a unique\\ndegree profound ignorance of the Irish past with a\\nprofound miscalculation of the Irish future. T will\\ngive you some wormwood to bite upon, says Oliver,\\nand so he does. Yet it is easy now to see that the prel-\\nates were in fact, from the Irish point of view, hitting\\nthe nail upon the head, while Oliver goes to work with\\na want of insight and knowledge that puts his Irish\\nstatesmanship far below Strafford s. The prelates\\nwarned their flocks that union in their own ranks was\\nthe only thing that could frustrate the Parliamentary\\ndesign to extirpate their religion, to massacre or banish\\nthe Catholic inhabitants, and to plant the land with\\nEnglish colonies. This is exactly what Clement\\nWalker, the Puritan historian of Independency, tells\\nus. The Independents in the Parliament, he says,\\ninsisted openly to have the papists of Ireland rooted\\nout and their lands sold to adventurers. Meanwhile,", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0384.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 295\\nOliver flies at them with extraordinary fire and energy\\nof language, blazing with the polemic ot the time.\\nAfter a profuse bestowal of truculent compliments,\\ndeepl}^ tinged with what in our days is known as the\\nOrange hue, he comes to the practical matter in hand,\\nbut not until he has drawn one of the most daring of\\nall the imaginary pictures that English statesmen have\\never drawn of Ireland. Remember, ye hypocrites, Ire-\\nland was once united to England. Englishmen had\\ngood inheritances which many of them purchased with\\ntheir money; they and their ancestors from you and\\nyour ancestors. They lived peaceably and honestly\\namong you. You had generally equal benefit of the\\nprotection of England with them; and equal justice\\nfrom the laws saving what was necessary for the\\nstate, out of reasons of state, to put upon lew^ people\\napt to rebel upon the instigation of such as you. You\\nbroke this. You, unprovoked, put the English to the\\nmost unheard of, and most barbarous massacre that\\never the sun beheld.\\nAs if Cromwell had not stood by the side of Pym in\\nhis denunciations of Strafford in all their excess and all\\ntheir ignorance of Irish conditions, precisely for syste-\\nmatic violation of English law and the spirit of it\\nthroughout his long government of Ireland. As if\\nClare s famous sentence at the Union a hundred and\\nfifty years later about confiscation being the common\\ntitle, and the English settlement hemmed in on every\\nside by the old inhabitants brooding over their discon-\\ntents in sullen indignation, were at any time more true\\nof Ireland than in these halcyon days of Cromwell s\\nimagination. i\\\\s if what he calls the equal benefit of\\nthe protection of England had meant anything but\\nfraud, chicane, plunder, neglect and oppression, ending\\nin that smoldering rage, misery, and despair which", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0385.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "296 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nCromwell so ludicrously describes as the deep peace\\nand union of a trancjuil sheepfold, only disturbed by\\nthe ravening greed of the priestly wolves of Rome.\\nAs for religion, after some thin and heated quibbling\\nabout the word extirpate, he lets them know with all\\nplainness what he means to do. I shall not, where I\\nhave power, and the Lord is pleased to bless me, suffer\\nthe exercise of the Mass. Nor suffer you that are Pa-\\npists, where I can find you seducing the people, or by\\nany overt act violating the laws established. As for the\\npeople, what thoughts in the matter of religion they\\nhave in their own breasts, I cannot reach but shall\\nthink it my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably,\\nnot to cause them in the least to suffer for the same.\\nTo pretend that he was not meddling with any man s\\nconscience when he prohibited the central rite of the\\nCatholics, and all the ministrations by the clergy on\\nthose occasions of life where conscience under lawful\\npenalties demanded them, was as idle as if the Cath-\\nolics had pretended that they did not meddle with con-\\nscience if they forbade the possession or use of the\\nBible, or hunted Puritan preachers out of all the\\npulpits.\\nWe come, he proceeds, by the assistance of God\\nto hold forth and maintain the luster and glory of Eng-\\nlish liberty in a nation where we have an undoubted\\nright to do it; wdierein the people of Ireland (if they\\nlisten not to such seducers as you are) may equally\\nparticipate in all benefits; to use liberty and fortune\\necjually with Englishmen if they keep out of arms.\\nIt is true enough that the military conquest of Ire-\\nland was an indispensable preliminary to any healing\\npolicy. Nor in the prostrate and worn-out condition\\nof Ireland after ten years of such confusion as has not\\noften been seen on our planet, could military conquest", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0386.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 297\\nthough tedious be difficuh. If the words just quoted\\nwere to have any meaning, Cromwell s policy, after\\nthe necessary subjugation of the country, ought to have\\nbeen to see that the inhabitants of the country should\\nenjoy both their religion and their lands in peace. If he\\nhad been strong enough and enlightened enough to try\\nsuch a policy as this, there might have been a Cromwxl-\\nlian settlement indeed. As it was, the stern and haughty\\nassurances with which he wound up his declaration for\\nthe Undeceiving of Deluded and Seduced People were\\nto receive a dreadful interpretation, and in this lies the\\nhistoric pith of the whole transaction.\\nThe Long Parliament deliberately contemplated exe-\\ncutions on so merciless a scale that it was not even\\npracticable. But many hundreds were put to death.\\nThe same Parliament was originally responsible for\\nthe removal of the population, not so wholesale as is\\nsometimes supposed, but still enormous. All this\\nCromwell sanctioned if he did not initiate. Confis-\\ncation of the land proceeded over a vast area. Im-\\nmense tracts were handed over to the adventurers who\\nhad advanced money to the government for the pur-\\nposes of the war, and immense tracts to the Crom-\\nwellian soldiery in discharge of arrears of pay. The\\nold proprietors were transplanted with every circum-\\nstance of misery to the province west of the Shannon,\\nto the wasted and desperate wilds of Connaugl^t.\\nBetween thirty and forty thousand of the Irish were\\npermitted to go to foreign countries, where they took\\nservice in the armies of Spain, France, Poland. When\\nJamaica was taken from Spain in 1655, Oliver, ardent\\nfor its successful plantation, requested Henry Crom-\\nwell, then in Ireland, to engage fifteen hundred sol-\\ndiers to settle, and to send a thousand Irishwomen\\nwith them and we know from Thurloe that ships were", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0387.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "298 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmade ready for the transportation of the boys and girls\\nwhom Henry was forcibly collecting. Whether the\\ndesign was carried further we do not know. Strange\\nto say, the massacre in the valleys of Piedmont in\\n1655 increased the bitterness of the Dublin govern-\\nment and of the Protestant generals toward the un-\\nhappy Irish. Fleetwood says: The officers of the\\narmy here are very sensible of the horrid cruelties in\\nthe massacre of the poor Protestants in the Duke of\\nSavoy s dominions. It was less strange to\\nus when we heard that the insatiable Irish had a\\nhand in that bloodshed. The rigors of transplan-\\ntation became more severe. Of all these doings in\\nCromwell s Irish chapter, each of us may say what he\\nwill. Yet to every one it will at least be intelligible\\nhow his name has come to be hated in the tenacious\\nheart of Ireland. What is called his settlement aggra-\\nvated Irish misery to a degree that cannot be measured,\\nand before the end of a single generation events at\\nLimerick and the Boyne showed how hollow and in-\\neffectual, as well as how mischievous the Cromwellian\\nsettlement had been. Strafford too had aimed at the\\nincorporation of Ireland with England, at plantation by\\nEnglish colonists, and at religious uniformity within\\na united realm. But Strafford had a grasp of the\\ncomplications of social conditions in Ireland to which\\nCromwell could not pretend. He knew the need of\\ntime and management. A Puritan, armed with a mus-\\nket and the Old Testament, attempting to reconstruct\\nthe foundations of a community mainly Catholic, was\\nsure to end in clumsy failure, and to this clumsy failure\\nno appreciation of Oliver s greatness should blind\\nrational men. One partial glimpse into the root of\\nthe matter he unmistakably had. These poor people,\\nhe said (December, 1649), have been accustomed to as", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0388.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "CROMWELL IN IRELAND 299\\nmuch injustice, tyranny, andoppression from their land-\\nlords, the great men, and those who should have done\\nthem right, as any people in that which we call Christ-\\nendom. Sir, if justice were freely and impartially\\nadministered here, the foregoing darkness and corrup-\\ntion would make it look so much the more glorious and\\nbeautiful, and draw more hearts after it. This w^as\\nOliver s single glimpse of the main secret of the ever-\\nlasting Irish question; it came to little, and no other\\nEnglish ruler had so much for many generations\\nafterward.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0389.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nIN SCOTLAND\\nIT was the tnrn of Scotland next. There the Com-\\nmonweahh of England was wholly without friends.\\nReligious sentiment and national sentiment, so far as\\nin that country they can he conceived apart, combined\\nagainst a government that in the first place sprang\\nfrom the triumphs of Sectaries over Presbyterians,\\nand the violent slaying of a lawful Scottish king; and,\\nin the second place, had definitely substituted a prin-\\nciple of toleration for the milk of the covenanted word.\\nThe pure Royalist, the pure Covenanter, the men who\\nwere both Royalists and fervid Presbyterians, those\\nwho had gone with Montrose, those who went with\\nArgyll, the Engagers whom Cromwell had routed at\\nPreston, Whiggamores, nobles, and clergy all abhorred\\nthe new English system which dispelled at the same\\ntime both golden dreams of a Presbyterian king ruling\\nover a Presbyterian people, and constitutional visions\\nof the sway of the legitimate line. The spirit of intes-\\ntine faction was redhot, but the wiser Scots knew by\\ninstinct that the struggle before them was at bottom\\nas much a struggle for independent national existence,\\nas it had been in the days of Wallace and Bruce.\\nEqually the statesmen of the Commonwealth felt the\\nimpossibility of establishing their own rule over the\\nhost of malcontents in England, until they had sup-\\n300", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0390.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "IN SCOTLAND 301\\npressed a hostile Scotland. The alliance between the\\ntwo neighboring nations which ten years before had\\narisen from religious feeling in one and military needs\\nin the other, had now by slow stages become a struggle\\nfor national predominance and a great consolidated\\nstate. The proclamation of Charles II at Edinburgh,\\nthe long negotiations with him in Holland, his surren-\\nder to the inexorable demand that he should censure\\nhis father for resisting the Reformation, and his mother\\nfor being an idolatress, that he should himself turn\\nCovenanter, and finally his arrival on the soil of Scot-\\nland, all showed that no time was to be lost if the union\\nof the kingdoms was to be saved.\\nAn express messenger was sent to Ireland by the\\nCouncil of State in March (1650) to let Cromwell\\nknow that affairs were urgent, and that they desired\\nhis presence and assistance. He did not arrive until\\nthe first of June. He was saluted with joyful accla-\\nmation on every side, from the magnanimous Fairfax\\ndown to the multitudes that thronged the approaches to\\nWestminster. Both Parliament and the City gave him\\nformal thanks for his famous services in Ireland\\nwhich being added to the laurels of his English vic-\\ntories, crowned him in the opinion of all the world for\\none of the wisest and most accomplished leaders among\\nthe present and past generations. As against a\\npopish Ireland, all English parties were united.\\nIt was now that Fairfax, the brave and skilful com-\\nmander, but too wanting in the sovereign cjualities of\\ndecision and initiative to guide the councils of a revo-\\nlution, disappeared from conspicuous place. While\\nCromwell was in Ireland, Fairfax had still retained\\nthe office of lord-general, and Cromwell himself was\\nnow undoubtedly sincere in his urgency that the old\\narrangement should continue. Among other reasons", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0391.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "302 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe presence of Fairfax was a satisfaction to that Pres-\\nbyterian interest against whose active enmity the Com-\\nmonwealth could hardly stand. Fairfax had always\\nshown himself a man of scruple. After a single at-\\ntendance he had absented himself from the trial of the\\nking, and in the same spirit of scruple he refused the\\ncommand of the army destined for the invasion of Scot-\\nland, on the ground that invasion would be a breach\\nof the Solemn League and Covenant. Human prob-\\nabilities, he said, are not sufficient ground to make war\\nupon a neighbor nation. The point may seem minute\\nin modern eyes but in Fairfax at least moral punctilio\\nhad no association with disloyalty either to his\\npowerful comrade or to the Commonwealth. Crom-\\nwell was at once (June 26) appointed to be captain-\\ngeneral and commander-in-chief.\\nThe Scottish case was essentially different from the\\ncase of Ireland, and the national quarrel was definitely\\ndescribed by Oliver. To Ireland he had gone to ex-\\nact vengeance, to restore some sort of framework to a\\nsociety shattered even to dissolution, and to wage war\\nagainst the practice of a hated creed. Very dift erent\\nfrom his truculence against Irish prelates was his ear-\\nnest appeal to the General Assembly in Scotland. I\\nbeseech you, he said, enjoining a lesson that of all\\nlessons mankind are everywhere least willing to learn,\\nI beseech you, think it possible you may be mis-\\ntaken. He protested that they wished well to the\\nhonest people of Scotland as to their own souls, it\\nbeing no part of our business to hinder any of them\\nfrom worshiping God in that way they are satisfied in\\ntheir conscience by the word of God they ought. It\\nwas the political incoherencies of the Scots that forced\\nthe war upon England. They pretended, he told them,\\nthat to impose a king upon England was the cause of", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0392.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "IN SCOTLAND 303\\nGod, and the satisfaction of God s people in both coun-\\ntries. Yet this king, who now professed to submit to\\nthe covenant, had at that very moment a popish army\\nfighting under his orders in Ireland.\\nThe political exposure was unanswerable, and Crom-\\nwell spared no trouble to bring it home to the minds\\nof the godly. But the clergy hindered the passage of\\nthese things to the hearts of those to whom he intended\\nthem a deceived clergy, meddling with worldly poli-\\ncies and mixtures of earthly power, to set up that\\nwhich they call the Kingdom of Christ. Theirs was\\nno Kingdom of Christ, and if it were, no such means\\nas worldly policy would be effectual to set it up it is\\nthe sword of the Spirit alone that is powerful for the\\nsetting up of that kingdom. This mystic spirituality,\\never the indwelling essence of Cromwell s faith, struck\\nno response in the dour ecclesiastics to whom he was\\nspeaking. However all this might be, the battle must\\nbe fought. To have a king imposed by Scotland\\nwould be better than one imposed by Ireland, but if\\nmalignants were destined to win, it were better to have\\na restoration by English cavaliers than by Scottish\\nPresbyters, inflamed by spiritual pride and sodden in\\ntheological arrogance. At a critical hour, six years\\nlater, Cromwell deprecated despondency, and the argu-\\nment was as good now as then. We are English-\\nmen; that is one good fact. And if God gave a\\nnation valor and courage, it is honor and a mercy.\\nIt was upon this national valor and courage that he\\nnow counted, and the crowning mercy of Worcester\\nin the autumn of 165 1 justified him. But many\\nsombre episodes intervened.\\nCromwell (July 22) crossed the northern border\\nwith a force of some sixteen thousand men. For five\\nweeks, until the end of August, he was involved in a", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0393.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "304 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nseries of manoeuvers, extremely complicated in detail,\\nand turning on a fruitless attempt to draw the Scots\\nout of a strong and skilfully entrenched position in\\nEdinburgh, and to force them to an engagement in the\\nopen. The general was David Leslie, who six years\\nago had rendered such valiant and timely service on\\nthe day of Marston Moor. He knew that time,\\nweather, and scarcity of supplies must wear Cromwell\\nout and compel him to recross the border, and Leslie s\\nskill and steadfastness, in the absence of any of those\\nrapid and energetic blows that usually marked Crom-\\nwell s operations, ended in complete success. There\\nis an impossibility, said Fleetwood, in our forcing\\nthem to fight the passes being so many and so great\\nthat as soon as we go on the one side, they go over on\\nthe other. The English force retreated to Dunbar, a\\nshattered, hungry, discouraged host now some ten or\\neleven thousand in number. Leslie, with a force twice\\nas numerous, bent southward to the hills that over-\\nlook Dunbar, and there Cromwell was hemmed in. The\\nScots were in high spirits at thus cutting him off from\\nBerwick. In their presumption and arrogance they\\nhad disposed of us and of their business, in sufficient re-\\nvenge and wrath toward our persons and had swal-\\nlowed up the poor interest of England believing that\\ntheir army and their king would have marched to Lon-\\ndon without any interruption. This was indeed the\\nissue a king restored by the Ultras of the Scottish\\nchurch, with a new struggle in England between Ma-\\nlignants and Presbyterians to follow after. We lay\\nvery near him, says Oliver, being sensible of our dis-\\nadvantage, having some weakness of flesh, but yet con-\\nsolation and support from the Lord himself to our poor\\nweak faith. That because of their numbers, because\\nof their advantage, because of their confidence, because", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0394.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "From a print in the British Museum of a portrait by Sir Peter Lely, in the\\ncollection of the Duke of Hamilton.\\nDAVID LESLIE, FIRST LORD NEWARK.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0395.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0396.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "IN SCOTLAND 305\\nof our weakness, because of our strait, we were in the\\nMount, and in the Mount of the Lord he would be seen\\nand that he would find a way of deliverance and salva-\\ntion for us and indeed we had our consolations and our\\nhopes. This was written after the event; but a note\\nwritten on September 2d to the governor of Newcastle,\\nshows with even more reality into how desperate a\\nposition he felt chat Leslie s generalship had driven\\nhim. We are upon an engagement very difficult.\\nThe enemy hath blocked up our way at the Pass at\\nCopperspath, through which we cannot get without\\nalmost a miracle. He lieth so upon the hills, that we\\nknow not how to come that way without great diffi-\\nculty; and our lying here daily consumeth our men,\\nwho fall sick beyond imagination. Whatever becomes\\nof us, it will be well for you to get what forces you can\\ntogether; and the south to help what they can. The\\nbusiness nearly concerneth all good people. If your\\nforces had been here in a readiness to have fallen upon\\nthe back of Copperspath, it might have occasioned sup-\\nplies to come to us. All shall work for good. Our\\nspirits are comfortable, praised be the Lord though\\nour present condition be as it is. History possesses\\nno finer picture of the fortitude of the man of action,\\nwith eyes courageously open to dark facts closing\\nround him, yet with alacrity, vigilance, and a kind of\\ncheerful hope, taking thought for every detail of the\\nbusiness of the day. Where the purpose is lofty and\\nunselfish, this is indeed moral greatness.\\nWhether Leslie s idea was to allow the English to\\nretreat until they were engaged in the pass, and then\\nto fall upon them in the rear; or to drive them slowly\\nacross the border in humiliation and disgrace, we can-\\nnot tell. No more can we tell for certain whether\\nCromwell still held to his first project of fortifying", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0397.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "306 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nDunbar, or intended at all costs to cut his way through.\\nLeslie had naturally made up his mind that the English\\nmust either mo\\\\-e or surrender, and in either case if\\nhe remained on the heights victory was his. Unluck-\\nily for him. he was forced from his resolve, either by\\nwant of water, provisions, and shelter for his force, or\\nelse by the impatience of his committee, mainly min-\\nisters, who were weary of his triumphant Fabian\\nstrategy, and could not restrain their exultation at the\\nsight of the hated Sectaries lying entrapped at their\\nfeet, shut in between the sea at their back and a force\\ntwice as strong as them in front, w ith another force\\ncutting them off from the south in a position that one\\nman could hold against forty. Their minds were full\\nof Saul, Amalekites, Moabites, the fords of Jordan,\\nand all the rest of it, just as Oliver was full of the\\nMount of the Lord, taking care, however, never to let\\ntexts do duty for tactics. In an evil moment on the\\nmorning of September 26. the Scots began to descend\\nthe hill and to extend themselves on the ledge of a\\nmarshy glen at the foot. Cromwell walking about with\\nLambert, with a watchful eye for the hills, discerned\\nthe unexpected motions. I told the major-general,\\nsays Cromwell, I thought it did give us an opportunity\\nand advantage to attempt upon the enemy. To which\\nhe immediately replied, that he had thought to have\\nsaid the same thing to me. So that it pleased the Lord\\nto set this apprehension upon both of our hearts at the\\ninstant. They called for Monk; then going to their\\nquarters at night they all held a council of war, and\\nexplained their plans to some of the colonels, and these\\ncheerfully concurred. Leslie s move must mean either\\nan immediate attack, or a closer blockade; in either\\ncase, the only chance was to be first to engage. They\\ndetermined to fall on at daybreak, though as it hap-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0398.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "IN SCOTLAND 307\\npened the battle did not open before six (September 3).\\nThe weather was wet and stormy. The voice of\\nprayer and preaching sounding through the night-\\nwatches showed the piety and confirmed the confidence\\nof the Enghsh troopers. The Scots sought shelter\\nbehind the shocks of corn, against the wind and rain\\nfrom the sea, instead of obeying the orders to stand to\\ntheir arms. Tt was our own laziness, said Leslie;\\nT take God to witness that we might have as easily\\nbeaten them as we did James Graham at Philiphaugh,\\nif the officers had stayed by their troops and regi-\\nments.\\nThe English and the Scots faced one another across\\na brook with steep banks, only passable at a narrow\\nford, and here the fight was. The rout of Dunbar has\\nbeen described once for all by Carlyle, in one of the\\nfamous masterpieces of modern letters, with a force of\\nimagination, a faithfulness in detail, a moral depth, a\\npoetic beauty, that help to atone for the perplexing\\nhumors and whimsical philosophies that mar that fine\\nbiography. It is wuse for others not to attempt to turn\\ninto poetry the prose of politics and war. The battle\\nopened with a cannonade from the English guns, fol-\\nlowed by a charge of horse under Lambert. The\\nenemy wxre in a good position, had the advantage of\\nguns and foot against Lambert s horse, and at first\\nhad the best of it in the struggle. Before the English\\nfoot could come up, Cromwell says, the enemy made\\na gallant resistance, and there was a very hot dispute\\nat swords point between our horse and theirs. Then\\nthe first line of foot came up, and after they had dis-\\ncharged their duty (being overpowered with the\\nenemy) received some repulse which they soon re-\\ncovered. For my own regiment did come seasonably\\nin, and at the push of pike d^d repel the stoutest regi-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0399.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "3o8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nment the enemy had there, which proved a great\\namazement to the residue of their foot. The horse in\\nthe meantime did with a great deal of courage and\\nspirit beat back aU opposition; charging through the\\nbodies of the enemy s horse and of their foot; who\\nwere after the first repulse given, made by the Lord\\nof Hosts as stubble to their swords. The best of the\\nenemy s horse being broken through and through in\\nless than an hour s dispute, their whole army being put\\ninto confusion, it became a total rout, our men having\\nthe chase and execution of them near eight miles.\\nSuch is the whole story of this memorable hour s\\nfight as told by the victor. Rushworth, then Crom-\\nwell s secretary, is still more summary. About twilight\\nthe general advanced with the army, and charged them\\nboth in the valley and on the hill. The battle was\\nvery fierce for the time one part of their battalion\\nstood very stiffly to it, but the rest was presently\\nrouted. I never beheld a more terrible charge of foot\\nthan was given by our army our foot alone making\\nthe Scots foot give ground for three quarters of a mile\\ntogether. Whether the business was finally done by\\nLambert s second charge of horse after his first repulse,\\nor whether Cromwell turned the day by a flank move-\\nment of his own, the authorities do not enable us to\\nsettle. The best of them says this The day broke,\\nand we in disorder, and the major-general (Lambert)\\na-wanting, being ordering the guns. The general was\\nimpatient; the Scots a-preparing to make the attempt\\nupon us, sounding a trumpet, but soon desisted. At\\nlast the major-general came, and ordered Packer,\\nmajor to the general s regiment, Cough s and our two\\nfoot regiments to march about Roxburgh, House to-\\nward the sea, and so to fall upon the enemy s flank,\\nwhich was done with a great deal of resolution; and", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0400.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of\\nMrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nGENERAL JOHN LAMBERT.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0401.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0402.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "IN SCOTLAND 309\\none of the Scots brigades of foot would not yield,\\nthough at push of pike and butt-end of musket, until a\\ntroop of our horse charged from one end to another of\\nthem, and so left them at the mercy of the foot. The\\ngeneral himself comes in the rear of our regiment, and\\ncommands to incline to the left; that was to take more\\nground, to be clear of all bodies. And we did so, and\\nhorse and foot were engaged all over the field and the\\nScots all in confusion. And the sun appearing upon\\nthe sea, I heard Noll say, Now let God arise, and his\\nenemies shall be scattered and he following us as we\\nslowly marched, I heard him say, T profess they run\\nand then was the Scots army all in disorder and running,\\nboth right wing and left and main battle. They had\\nrouted one another after we had done their work on\\ntheir right wing; and we coming up to the top of the\\nhill with the straggling parties that had been engaged,\\nkept them from bodying.\\nCromwell s gazette was peculiar, perhaps not with-\\nout a moral for later days. Both your chief com-\\nmanders and others in their several places, and soldiers\\nalso were acted (actuated) with as much courage as\\never hath been seen in any action since this war. I\\nknow they look not to be named, and therefore I for-\\nbear particulars. Nor is a word said about the pre-\\ncise part taken by himself. An extraordinary fact\\nabout the drove of Dunbar is that though the battle was\\nso fierce, at such close quarters, and lasted more than\\nan hour, yet the English did not lose thirty men, or\\neven as Oliver says in another place, not twenty.\\nThey killed three thousand, and took ten thousand\\nprisoners.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0403.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nFROM DUNBAR TO WORCESTER\\nFOR nearly a year after the victory at Dunbar Crom-\\nwell remained in Scotland, and for five months of\\nthe year, with short intervals followed by relapses, he\\nsuffered from an illnesss from which he thought he\\nshould die. On the day after Dunbar he wrote to his\\nwife: My weak faith hath been upheld. I have been\\nin my inward man marvelously supported, though I\\nassure thee I grow an old man and feel infirmities of\\nage marvelously stealing upon me. Would my cor-\\nruptions did as fast decrease. He was only fifty\\n3 ears old, but for the last eight years his labors, hard-\\nships, privations, and anxieties had been incessant and\\nsevere. The winter in Ireland had brought on a long\\nand sharp attack of feverish ague. The climate of\\nScotland agreed with him no better. The bafiled\\nmarches and counter-marches that preceded Dunbar,\\nin dreadful weather and along miry ways, may well\\nhave depressed his vital energies. His friends in Lon-\\ndon took alarm (February, 1656), and Parliament\\ndespatched two physicians from London to see him,\\nand even made an order allowing him to return into\\nEngland for change of air. Of this unsolicited per-\\nmission he did not avail himself.\\nBoth the political and the military operations in\\nScotland between Dunbar and Worcester are as intricate\\n310", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0404.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "FROM DUNBAR TO WORCESTER 311\\na tangle as any in Cromwell s career. The student\\nwho unravels them in detail may easily convince us\\nwhat different results might have followed, if\\nmilitary tactics had heen other than they were, or if\\nreligious quarrels had been less vivid and less stub-\\nborn. The general outline is fairly plain. As Ranke\\nsays, the struggle was not between two ordinary\\narmies, but two politico-religious sects. On both sides\\nthey professed to be zealous Protestants. On both\\nsides they professed their conviction of the immediate\\nintervention of Providence in their affairs. On both\\nsides a savory text made an unanswerable argument,\\nand English and Scots in the seventeenth century of\\nthe Christian era found their morals and their politics\\nin the tribal warfare of the Hebrews of the old dis-\\npensation. The English likened themselves to Israel\\nagainst Benjamin and then to Joshua against the\\nCanaanites. The Scots repaid in the same scriptural\\ncoin. The quarrel was whether they should have a\\nking or not, and whether there should be a ruling\\nchurch or not. The rout of Leslie at Dunbar had\\nthrown the second of these issues into a secondary\\nplace.\\nIn vain did Cromwell, as his fashion was, appeal to\\nthe testimony of results. He could not comprehend\\nhow men worshiping the God of Israel, and thinking\\nthemselves the chosen people, could so perversely ig-\\nnore the moral of Dunbar, and the yet more eminent\\nwitness of the Lord against the family of Charles for\\nblood-guiltiness. The churchmen haughtily replied\\nthey had not learned to hang the equity of their cause\\nupon events. Events, retorted Oliver, with a scorn\\nmore fervid than their own; what blindness on your\\neyes to all those marvelous dispensations lately wrought\\nin England. But did you not solemnly appeal and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0405.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "312 OLIVER CROMWELL\\npray? Did we not do so too? And ought not you\\nand we to think with fear and trembHng of the hand\\nof the great God in this mighty and strange appearance\\nof his, instead of shghtly calhng it an event. Were\\nnot both your and our expectations renewed from\\ntime to time, whilst we waited upon God, to see which\\nway he would manifest himself upon our appeals?\\nAnd shall we after all these our prayers, fastings, tears,\\nexpectations, and solemn appeals, call these bare\\nevents The Lord pity you.\\nAfter bitter controversies that propagated them-\\nselves in Scotland for generations to come, after all\\nthe strife between Remonstrants, Resolutioners, and\\nProtesters, and after a victory by Lambert over the\\nzealots of the west, Scottish policy underwent a\\nmarked reaction. Argyll, the shifty and astute oppor-\\ntunist, who had attempted to combine fierce Covenan-\\nters with moderate Royalists, lost his game. The\\nfanatical clergy had been brought down from the mas-\\ntery which they had so arrogantly abused. The nobles\\nand gentry regained their ascendancy. The king\\nfound a large force at last in line upon his side, and saw\\na chance of throwing off the yoke of his Presbyterian\\ntyrants. All the violent and confused issues, political\\nand religious, had by the middle of 165 1 become sim-\\nplified into the one question of a Royalist restoration\\nto the throne of the two kingdoms.\\nThe headquarters of the Scots were at Stirling, and\\nhere David Leslie repeated the tactics that had been so\\ntriumphant at Edinburgh. Well entrenched within a\\nregion of marsh and moorland, he baffled all Oliver s\\nattempts to dislodge him or to open the way to Stirling.\\nThe English invaders were again to be steadily wearied\\nout. Cromwell says, We were gone as far as we could\\nin our counsel and action, and we did say to one an-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0406.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "FROM DUNBAR TO WORCESTER 313\\nother, we knew not what to do. The enemy was at\\nhis old lock, and with abundant supphes from the\\nnorth. *Tt is our business still to wait upon God, to\\nshow us our w^ay how to deal with this subtle enemy,\\nwhich I hope He will. Meanwhile, like the diligent\\nman of business that every good general must be, he\\nsends to the Council of State for more arms, more\\nspades and tools, more saddles and provisions, and\\nmore men, especially volunteers rather than pressed\\nmen. His position w^as not so critical as on the eve of\\nDunbar, but it was vexatious. There was always the\\nrisk of the Scots retiring in detached parties to the\\nHighlands and so prolonging the w^ar. On the other\\nhand, if he did not succeed in dislodging the king from\\nStirling, he must face another winter wath all the diffi-\\nculties of climate and health for his soldiers, and all\\nthe expense of English treasure for the government at\\nWhitehall. For many weeks he had been revolving-\\nplans for outflanking Stirling by an expedition\\nthrough Fife, and cutting the king off from his north-\\nern resources. In this plan also there was the risk\\nthat a march in force northward left the road to Eng-\\nland open, if the Scots in their desperation and fear\\nand inevitable necessity should try what they could do\\nin this way. In July Cromwell came at length to a\\ndecision. He despatched Lambert with four thousand\\nmen across the Forth to the shores of Fife, and after\\nLambert had overcome the stout resistance of a force\\nof Scots of about equal numbers at Inverkeithing,\\nCromwell transported the main body of his army on\\nto the same ground, and the whole force passing Stir-\\nling on the left advanced north as far as Perth. Here\\nCromwell arrived on August ist, and the City was sur-\\nrendered to him on the following day. This move\\nplaced the king and his force in the desperate dilemma", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0407.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "314 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthat had been foreseen. Their supphes would be cut\\noff, their men were beginning to desert, and the Eng-\\nlish were ready to close. Their only choice lay between\\na hopeless engagement in the open about Stirling, and a\\nmarch to the south. We must, said one of them,\\neither starve, disband, or go with a handful of men into\\nEngland. This last seems to be the least ill, yet it ap-\\npears very desperate. That was the way they chose;\\nthey started forth (July 31) for the invasion of Eng-\\nland. Cromwell, hearing the momentous news, acted\\nwith even more than his usual swiftness, and having\\ntaken Perth on August 2d, was back again at\\nLeith two days later, and off from Leith in\\npursuit two days after his arrival there. The chase\\nlasted a month. Charles and twenty thousand Scots\\ntook the western road, as Hamilton had done in 1648.\\nEngland was, in Cromwell s phrase, much more un-\\nsteady in Hamilton s time than now, and the Scots\\ntramped south from Carlisle to Worcester without any\\nsigns of that eager rising against the Commonwealth\\non which they had professed to count. They found\\nthemselves foreigners among stolid and scowling\\nnatives. The Council of State responded to Crom-\\nwell s appeal with extraordinary vigilance, fore-\\nthought, and energy. They despatched letters to the\\nmilitia commissioners over England, urging them to\\ncollect forces and to have them in the right places.\\nThey dwelt on the king s mistaken calculations, how\\nthe counties, instead of assisting him everywhere with\\nthe cheerfulness on which he was reckoning, had united\\nagainst him and how, after all his long march, scarcely\\nanybody joined him, except such whose other crimes\\nseek shelter there, by the addition of that one more.\\nThe lord-general, making his way south in hard\\nmarches by Berwick, York, Nottingham, was forced to", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0408.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "FROM DUNBAR TO WORCESTER 315\\nleave not a few of his veterans on the way, worn out\\nhy sickness and the hardships of the last winter s cam-\\npaign in Scotland. These the Council directed should\\nbe specially refreshed and tended.\\nCromwell s march from Perth to Worcester, and\\nthe combinations incident to it, have excited the warm\\nadmiration of the military critics of our own time.\\nThe precision of his operations would be deemed re-\\nmarkable even in the days of the telegraph, and their\\nsuccess testifies to Cromwell s extraordinary sureness\\nin all that concerned the movements of horse, as well\\nas to the extraordinary military talent of Lambert, on\\nwhich he knew that he could safely reckon. Harrison,\\nwho had instantly started after the Scottish invaders\\nupon his left flank, and Lambert, whom Cromwell\\nordered to hang upon their rear, effected a junction on\\nAugust 13th. Cromwell, marching steadily on a line\\nto the east, and receiving recruits as he advanced (from\\nFairfax in Yorkshire among others), came up with\\nLambert s column on August 24th. Fleetwood joined\\nthem with the forces of militia newly collected in the\\nsouth. Thus three separate corps, starting from three\\ndifferent bases and marching at long distances from\\none another, converged at the right point, and four\\ndays later the whole army, some thirty thousand strong,\\nlay around Worcester. Not Napoleon, not Moltke,\\ncould have done better (Honig, IIL, p. 136). The\\nenergy of the Council of State, the skill of Lambert\\nand Harrison, and above all the stanch aversion of the\\npopulation from the invaders, had hardly less to do\\nwith the result than the strategy of Oliver.\\nIt was indispensable that Cromwell s force should\\nbe able to operate at once on both banks of the Severn.\\nFleetwood succeeded in crossing Upton Bridge from\\nthe left bank to the right, seven miles below Worcester,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0409.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "3i6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthus securing access to both banks. About midway\\nbetween Worcester and Upton, the tributary Teme\\nflows into the Severn, and the decisive element in the\\nstruggle consisted in laying two bridges of boats, one\\nacross the Teme, and the other across the Severn, both\\nof them close to the junction of the broader stream\\nwith the less. This was the work of the afternoon of\\nSeptember 3d, the anniversary of Dunbar, and it be-\\ncame possible for the Cromwellians to work freely\\nwith a concentrated force on either left bank or right.\\nThe battle was opened by Fleetwood after he had\\ntransported one of his wrings by the bridge of boats\\nover the Teme, and the other by Powick Bridge, a\\nshort distance up the stream on the left. As soon as\\nFleetwood advanced to the attack, the Scots on the\\nright bank of the Severn offered a strong resistance.\\nCromwell passed a mixed force of horse and foot over\\nhis Severn Bridge to the relief of Fleetwood. To-\\ngether they beat the enemy from hedge to hedge, till\\nthey beat him into Worcester. The scene then\\nchanged to the left bank. Charles, from the cathedral\\ntower observing that Cromwell s main force was en-\\ngaged in the pursuit of the Scots betw^een the Teme and\\nthe city, drew all his men together and sallied out on\\nthe eastern side. Here they pressed as hard as they\\ncould upon the reserve that Cromwell had left behind\\nhim before joining Fleetwood. He now in all haste\\nrecrossed the Severn, and a furious engagement fol-\\nlowed, lasting for three hours at close quarters and\\noften at push of pike and from defense to defense. The\\nend was the total defeat and ruin of the enemy s\\narmy and a possession of the town, our men entering\\nat the enemy s heels and fighting with them in the\\nstreets with very great courage. The Scots fought\\nwith desperate tenacity. The carnage was what it", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0410.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "From a miniature on ivory in the collection of Sir Richard Tangye.\\nMAJOR-GENERAL CHARLES FLEETWOOD.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0411.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0412.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "FROM DUNBAR TO WORCESTER 317\\nalways is in street warfare. Some three thousand\\nmen lay dead twice or even three times as many were\\ntaken prisoners, including most of the men of high\\nstation Charles was a fugitive. Not many of the\\nScots ever saw their homes again.\\nSuch was the battle of Worcester, as stiff a contest,\\nsays the victor, as ever I have seen. It was Oliver s\\nlast battle, the Crowning Mercy. In what sense\\ndid this great military event deserve so high a title?\\nIt has been said, that as military commander Crom-\\nwell s special work was not the overthrow of Charles\\nI, but the rearrangement of the relations of the three\\nkingdoms. Such a distinction is arbitrary or para-\\ndoxical. Neither at Naseby and Preston, nor at\\nDunbar and Worcester, was any indelible stamp im-\\npressed upon the institutions of the realm; no real in-\\ncorporation of Ireland and Scotland took place or was\\nthen possible. Here, as elsewiiere, what Cromwell s\\nmilitary genius and persistency secured by the subju-\\ngation alike of king and kingdoms, was that the waves\\nof anarchy should not roll over the work, and that\\nenough of the conditions of unity and order should\\nbe preserved to ensure national safety and progress\\nwhen affairs returned to their normal course. In Ire-\\nland this provisional task was so ill comprehended as\\nto darken all the future. In Scotland its immediate\\nand positive results were transient, but there at least\\nno barriers were raised against the happier relations\\nthat were to come after.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0413.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nCIVIL PROBLEMS AND THE SOLDIER\\nWHEN God, said Milton, has given victory to the\\ncause, then comes the task to those worthies\\nwhich are the soul of that enterprise to be sweated and\\nlabored out amidst the throng and noises of vulgar and\\nirrational men. Often in later days Cromwell used\\nto declare that after the triumph of the cause at Wor-\\ncester, he would fain have withdrawn from promi-\\nnence and power. These signs of fatigue in strong men\\nare often sincere and always vain. Outer circumstance\\nprevents withdrawal, and the inspiring demon of\\nthe mind within prevents it. This was the climax of\\nhis glory. Nine years had gone since conscience,\\nduty, his country, the cause of civil freedom, the cause\\nof sacred truth and of the divine purpose, had all, as\\nhe believed, summoned him to arms. With miracu-\\nlous constancy victory had crowned his standards.\\nUnlike Conde, or Turenne, or almost any general that\\nhas ever lived, he had in all these years of incessant\\nwarfare never suffered a defeat. The rustic captain of\\nhorse was lord-general of the army that he had brought\\nto be the best disciplined force in Europe. It was now\\nto be seen whether the same genius and the same for-\\ntune would mark his handling of civil affairs and the\\nship of state plunging among the breakers. It was\\ncertain that he would be as active and indefatigable in\\n318", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0414.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "CIVIL PROBLEMS 319\\npeace as he had proved himself in war; that energy\\nwould never fail, even if depth of counsel often failed;\\nthat strenuous watchfulness would never relax, even\\nthough calculations went again and again amiss that\\nit would still be true of him to the end, that he was a\\nstrong man, and in the deep perils of war, in the high\\nplaces of the field, hope shone in him like a pillar of\\nfire when it had gone out in all others. A spirit of\\nconfident hope, and the halo of past success these are\\ntwo of the manifold secrets of a great man s power,\\nand a third is a certain moral unity that impresses him\\non others as a living whole. Cromwell possessed all\\nthree. Whether he had the other gifts of a wise ruler\\nin a desperate pass, only time could show.\\nThe victorious general had a triumphant return.\\nThe Parliament sent five of its most distinguished\\nmembers to greet him on his march, voted him a grant\\nof \u00c2\u00a34000 a year in addition to \u00c2\u00a32500 voted the year\\nbefore, and they gave him Hampton Court as a coun-\\ntry residence. He entered the metropolis, accom-\\npanied not only by the principal officers of the army,\\nbut by the Speaker, the Council of State, the Lord\\nMayor, the aldermen and sheriffs, and many thousand\\nother persons of quality, while an immense multitude\\nreceived the conqueror of Ireland and Scotland with\\nvolleys of musketry and loud rejoicing. In the midst\\nof acclamations that Cromwell took for no more than\\nthe} were worth, it was observed that he bore himself\\nwith great affability and seeming humility. With a\\ntouch of the irony that was rare in him, but can never\\nbe wholly absent in any that meddle with affairs of\\npolitics and party, he remarked that there would have\\nbeen a still mightier crowd to see him hanged. When-\\never Worcester was talked of, he never spoke of him-\\nself, but talked of the gallantry of his comrades, and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0415.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "320 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ngave the glory to God. Yet there were those who\\nsaid this man will make himself our king, and in\\ndays to come his present modesty was set down to\\ncraft. For it is one of the elements in the poverty of\\nhuman nature that as soon as people see a leader know-\\ning how to calculate, they slavishly assume that the\\naim of his calculations can be nothing else than his own\\ninterest. Cromwell s moderation was in truth the\\nnatural bearing of a man massive in simplicity, purged\\nof self, and who knew far too well how many circum-\\nstances work together for the unfolding of great\\nevents, to dream of gathering all the credit to a single\\nagent.\\nBacon in a single pithy sentence had, in 1606, fore-\\nshadowed the whole policy of the Commonwealth of\\n1650. This Kingdom of England, he told the House\\nof Commons, having Scotland united, Ireland re-\\nduced, the sea provinces of the Low Countries con-\\ntracted, and shipping maintained, is one of the greatest\\nmonarchies in forces truly esteemed that hath been in\\nthe world. The Commonwealth on Cromwell s re-\\nturn from the Crowning Mercy had lasted for two\\nyears and a half (February i, 1649 September,\\n1651). During this period its existence had been\\nsaved mainly by Cromwell s victorious suppression of\\nits foes in Ireland and in Scotland, and partly by cir-\\ncumstances in France and Spain that hindered either of\\nthe two great monarchies of western Europe from\\narmed intervention on behalf of monarchy in England.\\nIts Protestantism had helped to shut out the fallen\\nsovereignty from the active sympathy of the sacred\\ncircle of Catholic kings. Cromwell s military success\\nin the outlying kingdoms was matched by correspond-\\ning progress achieved through the energy and policy of\\nthe civil srovernment at Westminster. At Christmas,", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0416.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "CIVIL PROBLEMS 321\\n1650, or less than two years after the execution of\\nCharles, an ambassador from the King of Spain was\\nreceived in audience by the Parliament, and presented\\nhis credentials to the Speaker. France, torn by in-\\ntestine discord and with a more tortuous game to play,\\nwas slower, but in the winter of 1652 the Common-\\nwealth was duly recognized by the government of\\nLouis XIV, the nephew of the king whom the leaders\\nof the Commonwealth had slain.\\nLess than justice has usually been done to the bold\\nand skilful exertions by which the Council of State\\nhad made the friendship of England an object of keen\\ndesire both to France and to Spain. The creation of\\nthe navy, by which Blake and other of the amphibious\\nsea-generals won some of the proudest victories in all\\nthe annals of English seamanship, was not less strik-\\ning and hardly less momentous than the creation of the\\narmy of the New Model. For the first time, says\\nRanke, since the days of the Plantagenets an English\\nfleet was seen in the Mediterranean, and Blake, who\\nhad never been on the quarter-deck of a man-of-war\\nuntil he was fifty, was already only second in renown to\\nOliver himself. The task of maritime organization\\nwas carried through by the vigor, insight, and adminis-\\ntrative talents of Vane and the other men of the Parlia-\\nment, who are now so often far too summarily de-\\nspatched as mere egotists and pedants. By the time that\\nCromwell had effected the subjugation of Ireland which\\nIreton. Ludlow, and Fleetwood completed, and the sub-\\njugation of Scotland which Monk and Deane com-\\npleted, he found that the Council of State had been as\\nactive in suppressing the piratical civil war waged by\\nRupert at sea, as he himself had been with his iron vet-\\nerans on land. What was more, they had opened a mo-\\nmentous chapter of maritime and commercial policy.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0417.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "322 OLIVER CROMWELL\\n111 will had sprung up early between the Dutch and\\nEnglish republics, partly from the dynastic relations\\nbetween the house of Stuart and the house of Orange,\\npartly from repugnance in Holland to the shedding of\\nthe blood of King Charles, and most of all from the\\nkeen instincts of commercial rivalry. It has been justly\\nremarked as extraordinary that the two republics,\\nthreatened both of them by Stuart interests, by Catho-\\nlic interests, and by France, should now for the first\\ntime make war on each other. In the days of their\\nstruggle with Spain the Dutch did their best to per-\\nsuade Queen Elizabeth to accept their allegiance and\\nto incorporate the L nited Provinces in the English\\nrealm. Now it was statesmen of the English Com-\\nmonwealth who dreamed of adding the Dutch Republic\\nto the union of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Of\\nthis dream in shape so definite nothing could come, and\\neven minor projects of friendship were not discussed\\nwithout a degree of friction that speedily passed into\\ndownright animosity. To cripple the naval power of\\nHolland would at once satisfy the naval pride of the\\nnew Commonwealth, remove a source of military dan-\\nger, and exalt the maritime strength and the commer-\\ncial greatness of England. The Navigation Act of\\n165 1 was passed, the one durable moment of republican\\nlegislation. By this famous measure goods were only\\nto be admitted into England either in English ships,\\nor else in ships of the country to which the goods\\nbelonged. Whatever else came of it and its effects\\nto the direct and indirect were deep and far-reaching\\nfor many years to come the Navigation Act made\\na breach in the Dutch monopoly of the world s\\ncarrying trade. An unfriendly Holland seemed as\\ndirect a peril as the enmity of France or Spain, and\\nbefore long it was perceived how easily a combination", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0418.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "CIVIL, PROBLEMS 323\\nbetween Holland and Denmark, by closing the gates of\\nthe Baltic, might exclude England from free access to\\nthe tar, cordage, and the other prime requisites for the\\nbuilding and rigging of her ships. The blow at the\\nDutch trade monopoly was a fresh irritant to Dutch\\npride, already embittered by the English claim to\\nsupremacy and the outward symbols of supremacy in\\nthe narrow seas, as well as to a right of seizure of the\\ngoods of enemies in neutral ships. War followed\\n(1652) and was prosecuted by the Commonwealth\\nwith intrepidity, decision, and vigor not unworthy of\\nthe ancient Senate of Rome at its highest. Cromwell\\nhad little share, so far as we are able to discern, in this\\nmemorable attempt to found the maritime ascendancy\\nof England; that renown belongs to Vane, the organ-\\nizer, and to Blake, Deane, and Monk, the sea-generals.\\nTo Cromwell for the time a war between two Prot-\\nestant republics seemed a fratricidal war. It was in\\nconflict with that ideal of religious union and Eng-\\nland s place in Europe, which began to ripen in his\\nmind as soon. as the stress of war left his imagination\\nfree to survey the larger world. Apart from this, he\\ngrudged its consumption of treasure, and the vast bur-\\nden that it laid upon the people. He set the charge at\\n\u00c2\u00a3120,000 a month, or as much as the whole of the taxes\\ncame to, and there was besides the injury done by war\\nto trade. The sale of church lands, king s lands, and\\ndelinquent s lands did not suffice to fill the gulf. Em-\\nbarrassed finance as usual deepened popular discontent^\\nheightened the unpopularity of the government, and\\nput off the day of social and political consolidation.\\nEvents or visions were by-and-by to alter Cromwell s\\nmind, not for the better.\\nIn the settlement of the nation no progress was\\nmade. Dangerous reefs still showed at every hand on", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0419.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "324 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe face of the angry sea. The Parhament in 1646\\nhad ordered the estabHshment of the Presbyterian sys-\\ntem, but the country was indifferent or hostile classes,\\nelderships, synods were in decay; even the standard\\nconfession of faith was still in essential articles uncon-\\nfirmed by law the fierce struggle over toleration was\\nstill indecisive and unsettled ecclesiastical confusion\\nwas complete. The Westminster divines, after long\\nbuffetings from the Erastian Parliament, and the tri-\\numphs of the hated Independents, had ceased to sit\\nsoon after the king s death. Presbyterian had become\\nfrankly a name for a party purely political. The state\\nwas as little settled as the church. For the formal\\nmachinery of government Cromwell cared little. What\\nhe sought, what had been deep in his mind amid all\\nthe toils of war, was the opening of a new way for\\nrighteousness and justice. Parliament, the State, the\\nstrength and ordering of a nation, to him were only\\nmeans for making truth shine in the souls of men, and\\nright and duty prevail in their life and act. Disown\\nyourselves, he exhorted the Parliament after the vic-\\ntory at Dunbar, but own your authority and improve\\nit to curb the proud and insolent, such as would dis-\\nturb the tranquillity of England, though under what\\nspecious pretenses soever. Relieve the oppressed, hear\\nthe groans of poor prisoners in England. Be pleased\\nto reform the abuses of all professions and if there\\nbe any one that makes many poor to make a few rich,\\nthat suits not a Commonwealth.\\nIn the course of an interview that Cromwell sought\\nwith him, Ludlow hinted pretty plainly the suspicions\\nthat influenced this austere party. They had not liked\\nthe endeavor to come to terms with the king, and they\\nwere shocked by the execution of the mutineer at Ware.\\nCromwell owned dissatisfaction at the attempted treaty", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0420.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "CIVIL PROBLEMS 325\\nwith the king to be reasonable, and excused the exe-\\ncution done upon the soldier as absolutely necessary\\nto prevent things from falling into confusion. He\\nthen said that the Lord was accomplishing what was\\nprophesied in the iioth Psalm, and launched out for at\\nleast an hour, says Ludlow, with an audible moan, in\\nthe exposition of that Psalm. Finally he followed up\\nhis declaration of fidelity to a free and equal Common-\\nwealth by describing how the substance of what he\\nsought was a thorough reformation of the clergy and\\nthe law. And he traveled so far on the road with the\\nLeveler and the Digger as to declare that the law, as\\nit is now constituted, serves only to maintain the law-\\nyer, and to encourage the rich to oppress the poor.\\nThis was in truth the measure of Cromwell s ideals of\\nsocial reform. x\\\\lt.hough, however, law-reform and\\nchurch-reform were the immediate ends of government\\nin his eyes, the questions of Parliamentary or other\\nmachinery could not be evaded. Was the sitting frag-\\nment of a House of Commons fit to execute these re-\\nforms, or fit to frame a scheme for a future constitu-\\ntion? Was it to continue in permanence whole or\\npartial? Cromwell s first step on his return was to\\npersuade a majority to fix a date at which the Parlia-\\nment should come to an end, and when that was\\ndone we hear little more of him for many months.\\nIt was easy to see wdiat would follow. The date fixed\\nfor the expiry of the Parliament was three years off.\\nThe time was too long for effective concentration, and\\ntoo short for the institution of a great scheme of com-\\nprehensive reform. A provisional government work-\\ning within the limits of a fixed period, inevitably works\\nat a heavy disadvantage. Everything is expected\\nfrom it, yet its authority is impaired. Anxiety to\\nsecure the future blunts attention to the urs:encies of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0421.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "326 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe present. Men with a turn for corruption seek to\\nmake hay while the sun shines. Parties are shifting\\nand unstable. The host of men who are restless with-\\nout knowing what it is that they want, are never so\\ndangerous. A governing body in such a situation was\\ncertain to be unpopular. I told them/ said Crom-\\nwell afterward, for I knew it better than any one man\\nin the Parliament could know it because of my manner\\nof life which had led me everywhere up and down the\\nnation, thereby giving me to see and know the temper\\nand spirits of all men, and of the best of men that\\nthe nation loathed their sitting.\\nThis was probably true enough; unfortunately the\\nsystems that were now one after another to take the\\nplace of the Parliament w^ere loathed just as bitterly.\\nIt is not the manner of settling these constitutional\\nthings, he said, or the manner of one set of men\\nor another doing it there remains always the grand\\nquestion after that the grand question lies in the ac-\\nceptance of it by those who are concerned to yield\\nobedience to it and accept it. This essential truth of\\nall sound government he had in the old days pro-\\nclaimed against the constitution-mongers of the camp,\\nand this was the truth that brought to naught all the\\nconstructive schemes of the six years before him. For\\nit became more and more apparent that the bulk of the\\nnation was quite as little disposed to accept the rule of\\nthe army as the rule of the mutilated Parliament.\\nIn December (1651) Cromwell held one of the con-\\nferences, in which he had more faith than the event\\never justified, between prominent men in Parliament\\nand leading officers in the army. He propounded the\\ntwo questions, whether a republic or a mixed monarchy\\nwould be best and if a monarchy, then who should be\\nthe king. The lawyers, St. John, Lenthall, White-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0422.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "CIVIL PROBLEMS 327\\nlocke, were of opinion that the laws of England were\\ninterwoven \\\\A-ith monarchy. They were for naming a\\nperiod within which one of Charles s sons might come\\ninto the Parliament. Desborough and Whalley could\\nnot see why this, as well as other nations, should not\\nbe governed in the way of a republic. That was the\\nsentiment of the army. Cromwell thought that it\\nwould be difficult, and inclined to the belief that, if it\\ncould be done with safety and preservation of rights\\nboth as Englishmen and Christians, a settlement with\\nsomewhat of monarchical power in it would be very\\neffectual.\\nA little later his reflections brought him to use words\\nof deeper and more direct import. We need invoke\\nneither craft nor ambition to explain the rise of the\\nthought in Cromwell s mind that he was perhaps him-\\nself called to take the place and burden of chief gover-\\nnor. The providences of ten years had seemed to\\nmark him as the instrument chosen of heaven for the\\ndoing of a great work. He brooded, as he told men,\\nover the times and opportunities appointed to him by\\nGod to serve him in; and he felt that the blessings of\\nGod therein bore testimony to him. After Worcester,\\nhe hoped that he would be allowed to reap the fruits of\\nhis hard labors and hazards, the enjoyment, to wit, of\\npeace and liberty, and the privileges of a Christian and\\na man. Slowly he learned, and was earnestly assured\\nby others, that this could not be. The continuing un-\\nsettlement was a call to him that, like Joshua of old, he\\nhad still a portion of the Lord s work to do and must\\nbe foremost in its doing.\\nWalking one November day (1652) in St. James s\\nPark, he sought a conversation with Whitelocke, who,\\nbetter than any of these about him, represented the solid\\nprose of the national mind. Cromwell opened to hmi", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0423.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "328 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe dangers with which their jars and animosities beset\\nthe cause. Whitelocke boldly told him that the peril\\nsprang from the imperious temper of the army.\\nCromwell retorted that on the contrary it sprang rather\\nfrom the members of Parliament, who irritated the\\narmy by their self-seeking and greediness, their spirit\\nof faction, their delay in the public business, their de-\\nsign for prolonging their own power, their meddling in\\nprivate matters between party and party that ought to\\nhave been left to the law-courts. The lives of some of\\nthem were scandalous, he said. They were irrespon-\\nsible and uncontrolled what was wanted was some\\nauthority high enough to check all these exorbitances.\\nWithout that nothing in human reason could prevent\\nthe ruin of the Commonwealth. To this invective,\\nnot devoid of substance but deeply colored by the sol-\\ndier s impatience of a salutary slowness in human\\naffairs, Whitelocke replied by pressing the constitu-\\ntional difficulty of curbing the Parliamentary power\\nfrom which they themselves derived their own author-\\nity. Cromwell broke m upon him with the startling\\nexclamation What if a man should take upon him to\\nbe king? The obstacles in the path were plain enough,\\nand the lawyer set them before Cromwell without\\nflinching. For a short time longer the lord-general\\nsaid and did no more, but he and the army watched\\nthe Parliament with growing suspicion and ill will.\\nA military revolution became every day more\\nimminent.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0424.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nTHE BREAKING OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT\\nTHE military revolution of 1653 is the next tall\\nlandmark after the execution of the king. It is\\\\\\n/Almost a commonplace, that we do not know what\\nI party means, if we suppose that its leader is its mas^\\nVtej and the real extent of Cromwell s power over the\\narmy is hard to measure. In the spring of 1647, ^vhen\\nthe first violent breach between army and Parlia-\\nment took place, the extremists swept him off his feet.\\nThen he acquiesced in Pride s Purge, but he did not\\noriginate it. In the action that preceded the trial and\\ndespatching of the king, it seems to have been Harri-\\nson who took the leading part. In 1653 Cromwell\\nsaid Major-General Harrison is an honest man, and\\naims at good things yet from the impatience of his\\nspirit, he will not wait the Lord s leisure, but hurries\\none into that which he and all honest men will have\\ncause to repent. If we remember how hard it is to\\nfathom decisive passages in the historyof our own time,\\nwe see how much of that which we would most gladly\\nknow in the distant past must ever remain a surmise.\\nBut the best opinion in respect of the revolution of\\nApril, 1653, seems to be that the Royalists were not\\nwrong who wrote that Cromwell s authority in the\\narmy depended much on Harrison and Lambert and\\ntheir fanatical factions; that he was forced to go with\\n329", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0425.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "330 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthem in order to save himself; and that he was the\\nmember of the triumvirate who was most anxious to\\nwait the Lord s leisure yet a while longer.\\nThe immediate plea for the act of violence that now\\nfollowed is as obscure as any other of Cromwell s pro-\\nceedings. In the closing months of 1652 he once more\\nprocured occasions of conference between himself and\\nhis officers on the one hand, and members of Parlia-\\nment on the other. He besought the Parliament men\\nby their own means to bring forth of their own accord\\nthe good things that had been promised and were so\\nlong expected so tender were we to preserve them\\nin the reputation of the people. The list of good\\nthings demanded by the army in the autumn of 1652\\nhardly supports the modern exaltation of the army as\\nthe seat of political sagacity. The payment of arrears,\\nthe suppression of vagabonds, the provision of work\\nfor the poor, w^ere objects easy to ask, but impossible\\nto achieve. The request for a new election was the\\nleast sensible of all.\\nWhen it was known that the army was again wait-\\ning on God and confessing its sinfulness, things were\\nfelt to look grave. Seeing the agitation, the Parlia-\\nment applied themselves in earnest to frame a scheme\\nfor a new representative body. The army believed\\nthat the scheme was a sham, and that the semblance of\\ngiving the people a real right of choice was only to\\nfill up vacant seats by such persons as the House now\\nin possession should approve. This was nothing less\\nthan to perpetuate themselves indefinitely. Cromwell\\nand the officers had a scheme of their own that the\\nParliament should name a certain number of men of\\nthe right sort, and these nominees should build a con-\\nstitution. The Parliament in other words was to ab-\\ndicate after calling a constituent convention. On April", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0426.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "BREAKING THE PARLIAMENT 331\\n19th a meeting took place in Oliver s apartment at\\nWhitehall with a score of the more important members\\nof Parliament. There the plan of the officers and the\\nrival plan of Vane and his friends were brought face to\\nface. What the exact scheme of the Parliament was,\\nwe cannot accurately tell, and we are never likely to\\nknow. Cromwell s own descriptions of it are vague\\nand unintelligible. The bill itself he carried away\\nwith him under his cloak when the evil day came, and\\nno copy of it survived. It appears, however, that in\\nVane s belief the best device for a provisional govern-\\nment and no other than a provisional government\\nwas then possible was that the Remnant should con-\\ntinue to sit, the men who fought the deadly battles at\\nWestminster in 1647 1648, the men who had\\nfounded the Commonwealth in 1649, who had\\ncarried on its work with extraordinary energy and suc-\\ncess for four years and more. These were to continue\\nto sit as a nucleus for a full representative joining to\\nthemselves such new men from the constituencies as\\nthey thought not likely to betray the Cause. On the\\nwhole we may believe that this was perhaps the least\\nunpromising way out of difficulties where nothing was\\nvery promising. It was to avoid the most fatal of all\\nthe errors of the French Constituent, which excluded\\nall its members from office and from seats in the Legis-\\nlative Assembly to wdiose inexperienced hands it was\\nentrusting the government of France. To blame its\\nauthors for fettering the popular choice was absurd in\\nCromwell, whose own proposal instead of a legislature\\nto be partially and periodically renewed (if*that was\\nreally what Vane meant), was now for a nominated\\ncouncil without any element of popular choice at all.\\nThe army, we should not forget, were even less pre-\\npared than the Parliament for anything like a free", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0427.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "332 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand open general election. Both alike intended to re-\\nserve Parliamentary representation exclusively to such\\nas were(godly men and faithful to the interests of the\\nCommonwealth. An open general election would have\\nbeen as hazardous and probably as disastrous now\\nI as at any moment since the defeat of King Charles in\\nthe field; and a real appeal to the country would only\\nhave meant ruin to the Good Cause. Neither Crom-\\nwell, nor Lambert, nor Harrison, nor any of them,\\ndreamed that a Parliament to be chosen without restric-\\n/tions would be a safe experiment. The only questions\\nwere what the restrictions were to be; who was to im-\\nl pose them who was to guard and supervise them. N The\\nParliamentary Remnant regarded themselves as the\\nfittest custodians, and it is hard to say that they were\\nwrong. In judging these events of 1653 we must\\nlook forward to events three years later. Cromwell\\nhad a Parliament of his own in 1654; it consisted of\\nfour hundred and sixty members; almost his first step\\nwas to prevent more than a hundred of them from\\ntaking their seats. He may have been right but why\\nwas the Parliament wrong for acting on the same\\nprinciple? He had another Parliament in 1656, and\\nagain he began by shutting out nearly a hundred of its\\nelected members. When the army cried for a dissolu-\\ntion, they had no ideas as to the Parliament that was\\nto follow. At least this much is certain, that what-\\never failure might have overtaken the plan of Vane\\nand the Parliament, it could not have been more\\ncomplete than the failure that overtook the plan of\\nCromwefl.\\nApart from the question of the constitution of Par-\\nliament, and perhaps regarding that as secondary,\\nCromwell quarreled with what, rightly or wrongly, he\\ndescribes as the ultimate ideal of Vane and his friends.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0428.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0429.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0430.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "BREAKING THE PARLIAMENT 333\\nWe should have had fine work, he said four years later\\na Council of State and a Parliament of four hundred\\nmen executing arbitrary government, and continuing\\nthe existing usurpation of the duties of the law-courts\\nby legislature and executive. Undoubtedly a horrid\\ndegree of arbitrariness was practised by the Rump,\\nbut some allowance was to be made for a government\\nin revolution and if that plea be not good for the Par-\\nliament, one knows not why it should be good for the\\nno less horrid arbitrariness of the Protector. As for\\nthe general character of the constitution here said to be\\ncontemplated by the Remnant, it has been compared to\\nthe French Convention of 1793; but a less odious and\\na truer parallel would be with the Swiss Confederacy\\nto-day. How ever this may be, if dictatorship was in-\\ndispensable, the dictatorship of an energetic Parlia-\\nmentary oligarchy was at least as hopeful as that of an\\noligarchy of soldiers. When the soldiers had tried their\\nhands and failed, it was to some such plan as this that,\\nafter years of turmoil and vicissitude, Milton turned.\\nAt worst it was no plan that either required or justified\\nviolent deposition by a file of trgopers.\\nThe conference in Cromwell s apartments at White-\\nhall on April 19th was instantly followed by one of\\nthose violent outrages for which v^-e have to find a name\\nin the dialect of continental revolution. It had been\\nagreed that the discussion should be resumed the next\\nday, and meanwhile that nothing should be done with\\nthe bill in Parliament. When the next morning came,\\nnews was brought to Whitehall that the members had\\nalready assembled, were pushing the bill through at\\nfull speed, and that it was on the point of becoming\\nlaw forthwith. At first Cromwell and the officers could\\nnot believe that Vane and his friends were capable of\\nsuch a breach of their word. Soon there came a", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0431.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "334 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsecond messenger and a third, with assurance that the\\ntidings were true, and that not a moment was to be\\nlost if the bill was to be prevented from passing. It is\\nperfectly possible that there was no breach of word at\\nall. The Parliamentary probabilities are that the news\\nof the conference excited the jealousy of the private\\nmembers, as arrangements between front benches are\\nat all times apt to do, that they took the business into\\ntheir own hands, and that the leaders were powerless.\\nIn astonishment and. anger Cromwell, in no more cere-\\nmonial apparel than his plain black clothes and grey\\nworsted stockings, hastened to the House of Commons.\\nHe ordered a guard of soldiers to go with him. That\\nhe rose that morning with the intention of following\\nthe counsels that the impatience of the army had long\\nprompted, and finally completing the series of exclu-\\nsions, mutilations, and purges by breaking up the Par-\\nliament altogether, there is no reason to believe. Long\\npremeditation was never Cromwell s way. He w^aited\\nfor the indwelling voice, and more than once, in the\\nrough tempests of his life, that demoniac voice was a\\nblast of coarse and uncontrolled fury. Hence came\\none of the most memorable scenes of English history.\\nThere is a certain discord as to details among our too\\nscanty authorities some even describing the fatal\\ntransaction as passing with much modesty and as\\nlittle noise as can be imagined. The description de-\\nrived by Ludlow who was not present, from Harrison\\nwho was, gathers up all that seems material. There\\nappear to have been between fifty and sixty members\\npresent.\\nCromwell sat down and heard the debate for some time.\\nThen, calling to Major-General Harrison, who was on the\\nother side of the House, to come to him, he told him that he", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0432.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "BREAKING THE PARLIAMENT 335\\njudged the Parliament ripe for a dissolution and this to be the\\ntime for doing it. The major-general answered, as he since\\ntold me, Sir, the work is very great and dangerous: there-\\nfore I desire you seriously to consider of it before you engage\\nin it. You say 7f replied the general, and thereupon\\nsat still for about a quarter of an hour. Then, the question\\nfor passing the bill being to be put, he said to Major-General\\nHarrison This is the time I must do it and suddenly\\nstanding up, made a speech, wherein he loaded the Parlia-\\nment with the vilest reproaches, charging them not to have a\\nheart to do anything for the public good, to have espoused\\nthe corrupt interest of presbytery and the lawyers, who were\\nthe supporters of tyranny and oppression accusing them of\\nan intention to perpetuate themselves in power; had they not\\nbeen forced to the passing of this Act, which he affirmed they\\ndesigned never to observe, and thereupon told them that the\\nLord has done with them, and had chosen other instruments\\nfor the carrying on his work that were more worthy. This he\\nspoke with so much passion and discomposure of mind as if\\nhe had been distracted. Sir Peter Wentworth stood up to\\nanswer him, and said that this was the first time that ever he\\nheard such unbecoming language given to the Parliament,\\nand that it was the more horrid in that it came from their ser-\\nvant, and their servant whom they had so highly trusted and\\nobliged. But, as he was going on, the general stepped into\\nthe midst of the House, where, continuing his distracted lan-\\nguage, he said \u00e2\u0080\u00a2Come, come I will put an end to your prat-\\ning. Then, walking up and down the House like a mad-\\nman, and kicking the ground with his feet, he cried out, You\\nare no Parliament I say you are no Parliament I itnll put\\nan end to your sitting call them in, call them in. Where-\\nupon the sergeant attending the Parliament opened the* doors;\\nand Lieutenant- Colonel Wolseley, with two files of muske-\\nteers, entered the House; which Sir Henry Vane observing\\nfrom his place said aloud, This is not honest yea, it is\\nagainst morality and common honesty. Then Cromwell fell", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0433.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "336 OLIVER CROMWELL\\na-railing at him, crying out with a loud voice \u00e2\u0096\u00a0Oh, Sir Henry\\nVane, Sir Henry Vane, the Lord deliver me from Sir Henry\\nVane Then, looking to one of the members, he said\\nThere sits a drunkard and, giving much reviling\\nlanguage to others, he commanded the mace to be taken\\naway, saying, What shall we do with this bauble There,\\ntake it away. He having brought all into this disorder,\\nMajor-General Harrison went to the Speaker as he sat in the\\nchair, and told him that, seeing things were reduced to this\\npass, it would not be convenient for him to remain there.\\nThe Speaker answered that he would not come down unless\\nhe were forced. Sir, said Harrison, I will lend you my\\nhand; and thereupon, putting his hand within his, the\\nSpeaker came down. Then Cromwell applied himself to the\\nmembers of the House and said to them is you that\\nhave forced me to this, for I have sought the Lord night and\\nday that He would rather slay me than put me on the doing of\\nthis work [Then] Cromwell ordered the House to be\\ncleared of all the members after which he went to the\\nclerk, and snatching the Act of Dissolution, which was ready\\nto pass, out of his hand, he put it under his cloak, and, having\\ncommanded the doors to be locked up, went away to\\nWhitehall.\\nThe fierce work was consummated in the afternoon.\\nCromwell heard that the Council of State, the creation\\nof the destroyed legislature, was sitting as usual.\\nThither he repaired with Lambert and Harrison by his\\nside. He seems to have recovered composure. If\\nyou are met here as private persons, Cromwell said,\\nyou shall not be disturbed but if as a Council of\\nState, this is no place for yoti; and since you cannot\\nbut know what was done at the House in the morning,\\nso take notice that the Parliament is dissolved.\\nBradshaw, who was in the chair, was not cowed. He\\nhad not quailed before a more dread scene with", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0434.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "BREAKING THE PARLIAMENT Z2 7\\nCharles four years ago. Sir, he repHed, we have\\nheard what you did at the House in the morning, and\\nbefore many hours all England will hear it but, sir,\\nyou are mistaken to think that the Parliament is dis-\\nsolved for no power under heaven can dissolve them\\nbut themselves therefore take you notice of that.\\nWhatever else is to be said, it is well to remember\\nthat to condemn the Rump is to go a long way to-\\nward condemning the revolution. To justify Crom-\\nwell s violence in breaking it up, is to go a long way\\ntoward justifying Hyde and even Strafford. If the\\nCommons had really sunk into the condition described\\nby Oliver in his passion, such ignominy showed that\\nthe classes represented b}^ it were really incompetent,\\nas men like Strafford had always deliberately believed,\\nto take that supreme share in governing the country\\nfor which Pym and his generation of reformers had so\\nmanfully contended. For the Remnant was the quin-\\ntessence left after a long series of elaborate distilla-\\ntions. They w^ere not Presbyterians, moderates, re-\\nspectables, bourgeois, pedants, Girondins. They, or\\nthe great majority of them, were the men wdio had re-\\nsisted a continuance of the negotiations at Newport.\\nThey had made themselves accomplices in Pride s\\nPurge. They had ordered the trial of the king. They\\nhad set up the Commonwealth without lords or mon-\\narch. They were deep in all the proceedings of Crom-\\nwellian Thorough. They were the very cream after\\npurification upon purification. If they could not gov-\\nern who could\\nWe have seen the harsh complaints of Cromwell\\nagainst the Parliament in 1652, how selfish its members\\nwere, how ready to break into factions, how slow in\\nbusiness, how scandalous the lives of some of them.\\nYet this seems little better than the impatient indict-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0435.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "338 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nment of the soldier, if we remember how only a few\\nmonths before the French agent had told Mazarin of\\nthe new rulers of the Commonwealth Not only were\\nthey powerful by sea and land, but they live without\\nostentation. They were economical in their\\nprivate expenses, and prodigal in their devotion to pub-\\nlic affairs, for which each one toils as if for his personal\\ninterests. They handle large sums of money, which\\nthey administer honestly. We cannot suppose that\\ntwo years had transformed such men into the guilty ob-\\njects of Cromwell s censorious attack. Cromwell ad-\\nmitted, after he had violently broken them up, that there\\nwere persons of honor and integrity among them, who\\nhad eminently appeared for God and for the public\\ngood both before and throughout the war. It would in\\ntruth have been ludicrous to say otherwise of a body\\nthat contained patriots so unblemished in fidelity, en-\\nergy, and capacity as Vane, Scot, Bradshaw, and\\nothers. Nor is there any good reason to believe that\\nthese men of honor and integrity were a hopeless\\nminority. We need not indeed suppose that the Rump\\nwas without time-servers. Perhaps no deliberative as-\\nsembly in the world ever is without them, for time-\\nserving has its roots in human nature. The question is\\nwhat proportion the time-servers bore to the whole.\\nThere is no sign that it was large. But whether large\\nor small, to deal with time-servers is part, and no in-\\nconsiderable part, of the statesman s business, and it\\nis hard to see how with this poor breed Oliver could\\nhave dealt worse.\\nAgain, in breaking up the Parliament he committed\\nwhat in modern politics is counted the inexpiable sin\\nof breaking up his party. This was the gravest of all.\\nThis was what made the revolution of 1653 a turning-\\npoint. The Presbyterians hated him as the great-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0436.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "BREAKING THE PARLIAMENT 339\\nest of Independents. He had already set a deep gulf\\nbetween himself and the Royalists of every shade by\\nkilling the king. To the enmity of the legitimists of\\na dynasty was now added the enmity of the legitimists\\nof Parliament. By destroying the Parliamentary\\nRemnant he set a new gulf between himself and most\\nof the best men on his own side. Where was the\\npolicy? What foundations had he left himself to build\\nupon? What was his calculation, or had he no calcu-\\nlation, of forces, circumstances, individuals, for the\\nstep that was to come next? When he stamped in\\nwrath out of the desecrated House had he ever firmly\\ncounted the cost? Or was he in truth as improvident\\nas King Charles had been wdien he, too, marched down\\nthe same floor eleven years ago? In one sense his\\nown creed erected improvidence into a principle. Own\\nyour call, he says to the first of his own Parliaments,\\nfor it is marvelous, and it hath been unprojected. It s\\nnot long since either you or we came to know of it.\\nAnd indeed this hath been the way God dealt with us\\nall along. To keep things from our own eyes all\\nalong, so that we have seen nothing in all his dispen-\\nsations long beforehand. And there is the famous\\nsaying of his, that he goes furthest who knows not\\nwhere he is going of which Retz said that it\\nshowed Cromwell to be a simpleton. We may at least\\nadmit the peril of a helmsman who does not forecast\\nhis course.-\\nIt is true that the situation was a revolutionary one,\\nand the Remnant was no more a legal Parliament than\\nCromwell was legal monarch. The constitution had\\nlong vanished from the stage. From the day in May,\\n1641. when the king had assented to the bill making a\\ndissolution depend on the will of Parliament, down to\\nthe days in March, 1649, when the mutilated Commons", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0437.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "340 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nabolished the House of Lords and the office of a king,\\nstory after story of the constitutional fabric had come\\ncrashing- to the ground. The Rump alone was left to\\nstand for the old tradition of Parliament and it was\\nstill clothed, even in the minds of those who were most\\nquerulous about its present failure of performance,\\nwith a host of venerated associations the same asso-\\nciations that had lifted up men s hearts all through the\\nfierce tumults of civil war. The rude destruction of\\nthe Parliament gave men a shock that awakened in\\nsome of them angry distrust of Cromwell, in others a\\nbroad resentment at the overthrow of the noblest of ex-\\nperiments, and in the largest class of all, deep misgiv-\\nings as to the past, silent self-questioning whether the\\nwhole movement since 1641 had not been a grave and\\nterrible mistake.\\nGuizot truly says of Cromwell that he was one of\\nthe men who know that even the best course in political\\naction always has its drawbacks, and who accept, with-\\nout flinching, the difficulties that might be laid upon\\nthem by their own decisions. This time, however, the\\nday was not long in coming when Oliver saw reason\\nto look back with regret upon those whom he now\\nhandled with such impetuous severity. When he\\nquarreled with the first Parliament of his protectorate,\\nless than two years hence, he used his old foes, if foes\\nthey were, for a topic of reproach against his new ones.\\nI will say this on behalf of the Long Parliament,\\nthat had such an expedient as this government [the\\nInstrument] been proposed to them and could they\\nhave seen the cause of God provided for and been by\\ndebates enlightened in the grounds of it, whereby the\\ndifficulties might have been cleared to them, and the\\nreason of the whole enforced, and the circumstances of\\ntime and persons, with the temper and disposition of", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0438.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "BREAKING THE PARLIAMENT 341\\nthe people, and affairs both abroad and at home might\\nhave been well weighed, I think in my conscience\\nwell as they were thought to love their seats they\\nwould have proceeded in another manner than you have\\ndone. To cut off in a fit of passion the chance of\\nsuch a thing was a false step that he was never able\\nto retrieve.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0439.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII\\nTHE REIGN OF THE SAINTS\\nCROMWELL was now the one authority left stand-\\ning. By Act of ParHament, he said, T was\\ngeneral of all the forces in the three nations of Eng-\\nland, Scotland, and Ireland the authority I had in my\\nhand being so boundless as it was. This unlimited\\ncondition both displeased his judgment and pricked his\\nconscience; he protested that he did not desire to live\\nin it for a single day and his protest was sincere. Yet\\nin fact few were the days during the five years and a\\nhalf from the breaking of the Parliament to his death,\\nwhen the green withes of a constitution could bind the\\narms of this heroic Samson. We have seen how, in the\\ndistant times when Charles I was prisoner at Caris-\\nbrooke, Cromwell, not without a visible qualm, had\\nbrought to bear upon the scruples of Robert Hammond\\nthe doctrine of the People s Safety being the Supreme\\nLaw. Alas, Salus Populi is the daily bread of revolu-\\ntions. It was the foundation, and the only founda-\\ntion, of the Cromwellian dictatorship in all its chang-\\ning phases.\\nAfter the rude dispersion of the Long Parliament\\nnext came the Reign of the Saints. No experiment\\ncould have worked worse. Here is Cromwell s rueful\\nadmission. Truly I will now come and tell you a\\nstory of my own weakness and folly. And yet it was\\n342", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0440.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 343\\ndone in my simplicity, I dare avow it. It was thought\\nthen that men of our judgment, who had fought in\\nthe wars and were all of a piece upon that account,\\nsurely these men will hit it, and these men will do it to\\nthe purpose, whatever can be desired. And truly we\\ndid think, and I did think so, the more blame to me.\\nAnd such a company of men were chosen, and did pro-\\nceed to action. And this was the naked truth, that the\\nissue was not answerable to the simplicity and honesty\\nof the design. Such was Oliver s own tale related\\nfour years afterward. The discovery that the vast\\nand complex task of human government needs more\\nthan spiritual enthusiasm, that to have very scriptural\\nnotions is not enough for the reform of stubborn\\nearthly things, marks yet another stage in Cromwell s\\nprogress. He was no idealist turned cynic that\\nmournful spectacle but a warrior called by heaven, as\\nhe believed, to save civil order and religious freedom,\\nand it was with this duty heavy on his soul that he\\nwatched the working of the scheme that Han ison had\\nvehemently pressed upon him. As Ranke puts it,\\nCromwell viewed his own ideals, not from the point of\\nsubjective satisfaction, but of objective necessity; and\\nthis is one of the marks of the statesman. In the same\\nphilosophic diction, while the fighting men of a polit-\\nical party may be wrapped up in the absolute, the\\npractical leader is bound fast by the relative.\\nThe company of men so chosen constituted what\\nstands in history as the Little Parliament, or parodied\\nfrom the name of one of its members, Barebones Par-\\nliament. They were nominated by Cromwell and his\\ncouncil of officers at their own will and pleasure, helped\\nby the local knowledge of the Congregational churches\\nin the country. The writ of summons, reciting how\\nit was necessary to provide for the peace, safety, and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0441.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "344 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ng-ood government of the Commonwealth, by commit-\\nting the trust of such weighty affairs to men with good\\nassurance of love and courage for the interest of God s\\ncause, was issued in the name of Oliver Cromwell, cap-\\ntain-general and commander-in-chief. One hundred\\nand thirty-nine of these summonses went out, and pres-\\nently five other persons were invited by the convention\\nitself to join, including Cromwell, Lambert, and Har-\\nrison.\\nOne most remarkable feature was the appearance for\\nthe first time of five men to speak for Scotland and six\\nmen for Ireland. This was the earliest formal fore-\\nshadowing of legislative union. Of the six represen-\\ntatives of Ireland, four were English officers, including\\nHenry Cromwell; and the other two were English by\\ndescent. However devoid of any true representative\\nquality in a popular sense, and however transient the\\nplan, yet the presence of delegates sitting in the name\\nof the two outlying kingdoms in an English govern-\\ning assembly, was symbolical of that great consolidat-\\ning change in the English State wdiich the political\\ninstinct of the men of the Commonwealth had de-\\nmanded, and the sword of Cromwell had brought\\nwithin reach. The policy of incorporation originated in\\nthe Long Parliament. With profound wisdom they\\nhad based their Scottish schemes upon the emancipa-\\ntion of the common people and small tenants from the\\noppression of their lords and Vane, St. John, Lambert,\\nMonk, and others had to put the plan into shape. It\\nwas the curse of Ireland that no such emancipation was\\ntried there. In Scotland the policy encountered two\\nof the most powerful forces that affect a civilized so-\\nciety, a stubborn sentiment of nationality, and the bit-\\nter antagonism of the church. The sword, however,\\nbeat down military resistance, and it was left for the", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0442.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 345\\nInstrument of Government in 1653 to adopt the policy\\nwhich the men of the Commonwealth had bequeathed\\nto it.\\nThough so irregular in their source, the nominees of\\nthe officers were undoubtedly for the most part men of\\nworth, substance, and standing. Inspired throughout\\nits course by the enthusiastic Harrison, the conven-\\ntion is the high-water mark of the biblical politics of\\nthe time, of Puritanism applying itself to legislation\\npolitical construction, and social regeneration. It\\nhardly deserves to be described as the greatest attempt\\never made in history to found a civil society on the\\nliteral words of Scripture, but it was certainly the\\ngreatest failure of such an attempt. To the Council\\nChamber at Whitehall the chosen notables repaired on\\nthe fourth of July (1653), a day destined a century\\nand more later to be the date of higher things in the\\nannals of free government. They seated themselves\\nround the table, and the lord-general stood by the win-\\ndow near the middle of it. The room was crowded\\nwith officers. Cromwell in his speech made no attempt\\nto hide the military character of the revolution that\\nhad brought them together. The indenture, he told\\nthem, by which they were constituted the supreme au-\\nthority, had been drawn up by the advice of the prin-\\ncipal officers of the army; it was himself and his fellow\\nofficers who had vainly tried to stir up the Parliament\\nhe had been their mouthpiece to offer their sense for\\nthem it was the army to w hom the people had looked,\\nin their dissatisfaction at the breakdow^n of Parlia-\\nmentary performance. Yet the very thinking of an\\nact of violence was to them worse, he declared, than\\nany battle that ever they were in, or that could be, to\\nthe utmost hazard of their lives. They felt how bind-\\ning it was upon them not to grasp at power for them-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0443.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "346 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nselves, but to divest the sword of all power in the civil\\nadministration. So now God had called this new su-\\npreme authority to do his work, which had come to\\nthem by wise Providence through weak hands. Such\\nwas his opening story. That Cromwell was deeply\\nsincere in this intention of divesting the army of\\nsupremacy in civil affairs, and of becoming himself\\ntheir servant, there are few who doubt. But we only\\nvindicate his sincerity at the cost of his sagacity. The\\ndestruction of the old Parliament that had at least\\nsome spark of legislative authority; the alienation of\\nalmost all the stanchest and ablest partizans of the\\nscheme of a Commonwealth the desperate improba-\\nbility of attracting any large body of members by the\\nrule of the Saints, all left the new order without moral\\nor social foundation, and the power of the sword the\\nonly rampart standing.\\nMeanwhile, Oliver freely surrendered himself to the\\nspiritual raptures of the hour. I confess I never\\nlooked to see such a day as this, when Jesus Christ\\nshould be so owned as he is this day in this work.\\nGod manifests this to be the day of the Power of Christ,\\nhaving through so much blood, and so much trial as\\nhath been upon these nations, made this to be one of\\nthe great issues thereof; to have his people called to\\nthe supreme authority. Text upon text is quoted in\\nlyric excitement from prophets, psalmists, and apostles,\\nOld Testament dispensation, and New appeals to the\\nexamples of Moses and of Paul, wdio could wish them-\\nselves blotted out of God s book for the sake of the\\nwhole people the verses from James ;J30ut wisdom\\nfrom above being pure and peaceable, gentle and easy\\nto be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits and then\\nat last the sixty-eighth Psalm with its triumphs so ex-\\nceeding high and great.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0444.jp2"}, "443": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 347\\nSo far as the speech can be said to have any single\\npractical note, it is that of Tolerance. We should be\\npitiful that we may have a respect unto all,\\nand be pitiful and tender toward all though of differ-\\nent judgments. Love all, tender all, cherish\\nand countenance all, in all things that are good. And\\nif the poorest Christian, the most mistaken Christian,\\nshall desire to live peaceably and quietly under you I\\nsay, if any shall desire but to lead a life of godliness\\nand honesty, let him be protected. Toleration was\\nnow in Cromwell neither a conclusion drawn out by\\nlogical reason, nor a mere dictate of political expedi-\\nency. It flowed from a rich fountain in his heart of\\nsympathy with men, of kindness for their sore strug-\\ngles after saving truth, of compassion for their blind\\nstumbles and mistaken paths.\\nA few weeks began the dissipation of the dream.\\nThey were all sincere and zealous, but the most zealous\\nwere the worst simpletons. The soldier s jealousy of\\ncivil power, of which Cromwell had made himself the\\ninstrument on the twentieth of April, was a malady\\nwithout a cure. The impatience that had grown so\\nbitter against the old Parliament, soon revived against\\nthe new convention. It was the most unreasonable\\nbecause the convention represented the temper and\\nideas of the army, such as they were, and the failure\\nof the convention marks the essential sterility of the\\narmy viewed as a constructive party. Just as it is the\\nnature of courts of law to amplify the jurisdiction, so\\nit is the well-known nature of every political assembly\\nto extend its powers. The moderate or conservative\\nelement seems to have had a small majority in the\\nusual balance of parties, but the forward men made\\nup for inferiority in numbers by warmth and assiduity.\\nThe fervor of the forward section in the Parliament", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0445.jp2"}, "444": {"fulltext": "348 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwas stimulated by fanaticism out of doors by cries\\nthat their gold had become dim, the ways of Zion filled\\nwith mourning and a dry wind, but neither to fan nor\\nto cleanse upon the land above all by the assurances\\nof the preachers, that the four monarchies of Nebu-\\nchadnezzar and Cyrus, of Alexander and Rome, had\\neach of them passed away, and that the day had come\\nfor the fifth and final monarchy, the Kingdom of Jesus\\nChrist upon the earth and this, no mere reign set up\\nin men s hearts, but a scheme for governing nations\\nand giving laws for settling liberty, property, and the\\nfoundations of a commonwealth.\\nThe fidelity of the convention to Cromwell was\\nshown by the unanimous vote that placed him on the\\nCouncil of State; but the great dictator kept himself\\nin the background, and in good faith hoping against\\nhope he let things take their course. I am more\\ntroubled now, said he, with the fool than with the\\nknave. The new men at once and without leave\\ntook to themselves the name of Parliament. Instead\\nof carrying on their special business of a constituent\\nassembly, they set to work with a will at legislation,\\nand legislation moreover in the high temper of root\\nand branch, for cursed is he that doeth the work of the\\nLord negligently. A bill was run throvigh all its\\nstages in a single sitting, for the erection of a high\\ncourt of justice in cases where a jury could not be\\ntrusted to convict. Ominous language was freely\\nused upon taxation, and it was evident that the sacred\\nobligations of supply and the pay of the soldiers and\\nsailors were in peril. They passed a law requiring that\\nall good marriages must take place before a justice of\\nthe peace, after due publication of banns in some open\\nresort sacred or secular. Of the projects of law re-\\nform inherited from the Long Parliament they made", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0446.jp2"}, "445": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 349\\nnonsense. Before they had been a month in session,\\nthey passed a resolution that the Court of Chancery\\nshould be wholly taken away and abolished and after\\nthree bills had been brought in and dropped for carry-\\ning this resolution into act, they read a second time a\\nfourth bill for summarily deciding cases then pending,\\nand arranging that for the future the ordinary suits in\\nchancery should be promptly despatched at a cost of\\nfrom twenty to forty shillings. They set a committee,\\nwithout a lawyer upon it, to work on the reduction of\\nthe formless mass of laws, cases, and precedents, to a\\ncode that should be of no greater bigness than a pocket-\\nbook. The power of patrons to present to livings was\\ntaken away, though patronage was as truly property as\\nland. More vital aspects of the church question fol-\\nlowed. A committee reported in favor of the appoint-\\nment of a body of State Commissioners with power to\\neject unfit ministers and fill vacant livings and what\\nwas a more burning issue, in favor of the maintenance\\nof tithe as of legal obligation. By a majority of two\\n(fifty-six against fifty-four) the House disagreed with\\nthe report, and so indicated their intention to abolish\\ntithe and the endowment of ministers of religion by\\nthe State. This led to the crisis. The effect of pro-\\nceedings so singularly ill devised for the settlement of\\nthe nation v/as to irritate and alarm all the nation s\\nmost powerful elements. The army, the lawyers, the\\nclergy, the holders of property, all felt themselves at-\\ntacked; and the lord-general himself perceived, in his\\nown words afterward, that the issue of this assembly\\nwould have been the subversion of the laws, and of all\\nthe liberties of their nation, the destruction of the min-\\nisters of the gospel, in short the confusion of all things\\nand instead of order, to set up the judicial law of\\nMoses, in abrogation of all our administrations. The", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0447.jp2"}, "446": {"fulltext": "350 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndesign that shone so radiantly five months before had\\nsunk away in clouds and vain chimera. Nor had the\\nreign of chimera even brought popularity. Lilburne,\\nthe foe of all government, whether it was inspired by\\nfolly or by common-sense, appeared once more upon the\\nscene, and he was put upon his trial before a court of\\nlaw for offenses of which he had been pronounced\\nguilty by the Long Parliament. The jury found him\\ninnocent of any crime worthy of death, and the verdict\\nwas received with shouts of joy by the populace. This\\nwas to demonstrate that the government of the Saints\\nwas at least as odious as the government of the dis-\\npossessed Remnant.\\nThe narrow division on the abolition of tithe con-\\nvinced everybody that the ship was water-logged.\\nSunday, December nth, was passed in the concoction\\nof devices of bringing the life of the notables to an end.\\nOn Monday the Speaker took the chair at an early\\nhour, and a motion was promptly made that the sitting\\nof the Parliament was no longer for the public good\\nand therefore that they should deliver up to the lord-\\ngeneral the powers they had received from him. An\\nattempt to debate was made, but as no time was to be\\nlost, in case of members arriving in numbers sufficient\\nto carry a hostile motion, the Speaker rose from his\\nchair, told the sergeant to shoulder the mace, and fol-\\nlowed by some forty members who were in the secret\\nset forth in solemn procession to Whitehall. A minor-\\nity kept their seats, until a couple of colonels with a file\\nof soldiers came to turn them out. According to a\\nRoyalist story, one of the colonels asked them what\\nthey were doing. We are seeking the Lord, was the\\nanswer. Then you should go elsewhere, the colonel\\nreplied, for to my knowledge the Lord has not been\\nhere these twelve years past. We have Cromwell s", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0448.jp2"}, "447": {"fulltext": "THE REIGN OF THE SAINTS 351\\nwords that he knew nothing of this intention to re-\\nsign. If so, the dismissal of the fragment of the mem-\\nbers by a handful of troopers on their own author-\\nity is strange, and shows the extraordinary pitch that\\nmilitary manners had reached. Oliver received the\\nSpeaker and his retinue with genuine or feigned sur-\\nprise, but accepted the burden of power that the ab-\\ndication of the Parliament had once more laid upon\\nhim.\\nThese proceedings were an open breach with the\\nSaints, but, as has been justly said Weingarten), this\\ncircumstance involves no more contradiction between\\nthe Cromwell of the past and the Protector, than there\\nis contradiction between the Luther who issued in 1520\\nhis flaming manifesto to the Christian nobles of the\\nGerman nation, and the Luther that two years later\\nconfronted the misguided men who supposed them-\\nselves to be carrying out doctrines that they had learned\\nfrom him. Puritanism, like the Reformation gener-\\nally, was one of those revolts against the leaden\\nyoke of convention, ordinance, institution, in which,\\nwhether in individuals or in a tidal mass of men, the\\nhuman soul soars passionately forth toward new hori-\\nzons of life and hope. Then the case for convention\\nreturns, the need for institution comes back, the\\nnature of things will not be hurried nor defied. Re-\\nactions followed the execution of the king. Painfully\\nMilton now, five years later, bewailed the fact that the\\npeople with besotted and degenerate baseness of spirit,\\nexcept some few who yet retain in them the old Eng-\\nlish fortitude and love of freedom, imbastardized from\\nthe ancient nobleness of their ancestors, are ready to\\nfall flat and give adoration to the image and memory\\nof this man. These were the two strong floods be-\\ntween which, in their ebb and flow, Cromwell found", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0449.jp2"}, "448": {"fulltext": "352 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhimself caught. His practical eye discerned it all, and\\nwhat had happened. Yet this was perhaps the moment\\nwhen Cromwell first felt those misgivings of a devout\\nconscience that inspired the question put by him on\\nhis death-bed, whether it was certain that a man once in\\ngrace must be always in grace.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0450.jp2"}, "449": {"fulltext": "BOOK FIVE\\n23", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0451.jp2"}, "450": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0452.jp2"}, "451": {"fulltext": "IBook five\\nCHAPTER I\\nFIRST STAGE OF THE PROTECTORATE\\nIT THAT are all our histories, cried Cromwell in\\nVV 1655, what are all our traditions of actions in\\nformer times, but God manifesting himself, that hath\\nshaken and tumbled down and trampled upon every-\\nthing that he had not planted. It was not long after\\nthat Bossuet began to work out the same conception\\nin the glowing literary form of the discourse on uni-\\nversal history. What was in Bossuet the theme of a\\ndivine, was in Cromwell the life-breath of act, toil,\\nhope, submission. For him the drama of time is no\\nstage-play, but an inspired and foreordained dispen-\\nsation ever unfolding itself under a waking and all-\\nsearching Eye, and in this high epic England had the\\nhero s part. T look at the people of these nations\\nas the blessing of the Lord, he said, and they are a\\npeople blessed by God. If I had but a hope\\nfixed in me that this cause and this business was of\\nGod, I would many years ago have run from it.\\nBut if the Lord take pleasure in England, and if he\\nwill of us good, he is very able to bear us up.\\nAs England was the home of the Chosen People, so\\nalso he read in all the providences of battle-fields, from\\n355", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0453.jp2"}, "452": {"fulltext": "356 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nWinceby to Worcester, that he was called to be the\\nMoses or the Joshua of the new deliverance.\\nMilton s fervid Latin appeal of this date did but roll\\nforth in language of his own incomparable splendor,\\nthough in phrases savoring more of Pericles or Roman\\nstoic than of the Hebrew sacred books, the thoughts\\nthat lived in Cromwell. Milton had been made sec-\\nretary of the first Council of State almost immediately\\nafter the execution of the king in 1649,\\nemployed in the same or similar duties until the end of\\nCromwell and after. Historic imagination vainly\\nseeks to picture the personal relations between these\\ntwo master-spirits, but no trace remains. They must\\nsometimes have been in the council chamber together\\nbut whether they ever interchanged a w^ord we do not\\nknow. When asked for a letter of introduction for a\\nfriend to the English Ambassador in Holland (1657),\\nMilton excused himself, saying, I have very little ac-\\nquaintance with those in power, inasmuch as I keep\\nvery much to my own house, and prefer to do so. A\\npainter s fancy has depicted Oliver dictating to the\\nLatin secretary the famous despatches on the slaugh-\\ntered Saints whose bones lay scattered on the Alpine\\nmountains cold but by then the poet had lost his sight,\\nand himself probably dictated the English drafts from\\nThurloe s instructions, and then turned them into his\\nown sonorous Latin. He evidently approved the\\nsupersession of the Parliament, though we should re-\\nmember that he includes in all the breadth of his pane-\\ngyric both Bradshaw and Overton, who as strongly dis-\\napproved. He bids the new Protector to recall the\\naspect and the wounds of that host of valorous men\\nwho with him for a leader had fought so strenuous a\\nfight for freedom, and to revere their shades. Further\\nhe adjures him to revere himself, that thus the free-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0454.jp2"}, "453": {"fulltext": "A\\ngfUl\\nfc^\\nM\\n^Hj^S^\\n^^Hm^\\\\\\n(M\\n^^^^^K ^il^^\\nHDl\\n^^^K V^ f w||\\n^^^^^m\\nIm\\n^m -4i\\n^H^\\nIHI\\n^HL ^s^\\n^Hi\\nm M\\nK.^^1\\nHksifeB\\nj^\\\\ W l\\n^k^^H\\n^^^^^^^^Hfl|\\nI\\nx%^\\n-i^^^^^^^^P!^^^\\nP\\nFrom the original miniature by Samuel Cooper at INIontagu House,\\nby permission of the Duke of Buccleuch.\\nJOHN MILTON.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0455.jp2"}, "454": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0456.jp2"}, "455": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 357\\ndom for which he had faced countless perils and borne\\nsuch heavy cares, he would never suffer to be either\\nviolated by hand of his or impaired by any other.\\nThou canst not be free if we are not; for it is the law\\nof nature that he who takes away the liberty of others\\nis by that act the first himself to lose his own. A\\nmighty task hast thou undertaken it will probe thee to\\nthe core, it will show thee as thou art, thy carriage, thy\\nforce, thy weight; whether there be truly alive in thee\\nthat piety, fidelity, justice, and moderation of spirit,\\nfor which we believe that God hath exalted thee above\\nthy fellows. To guide three mighty states by counsel,\\nto conduct them from institutions of error to a wor-\\nthier discipline, to extend a provident care to furtherest\\nshores, to watch, to foresee, to shrink from no toil, to\\nflee all the empty shows of opulence and power these\\nindeed are things so arduous that, compared with them,\\nwar is but as the play of children.\\nSuch is the heroic strain in which the man of high\\naerial visions hailed the man with strength of heart\\nand arm and power of station. This Miltonian glory\\nof words marks the high-tide of the advance from the\\nhomely sages of 1640 to the grand though transient\\nrecasting of the fundamental conceptions of national\\nconsciousness and life. The apostle and the soldier\\nwere indeed two men of different type, and drew their\\ninspiration from very different fountains, but we may\\nwell believe Aubrey when he says that there were those\\nwho came over to England only to see Oliver Pro-\\ntector and John Milton.\\nII\\nFour days sufficed to erect a new government. The\\nscheme was prepared by the officers with Lambert at", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0457.jp2"}, "456": {"fulltext": "358 OLIVER CRO^IWELL\\ntheir head. Cromwell fell in with it, hearing little\\nabout formal constitutions either way. On the after-\\nnoon of December i6th, 1653. a procession set out\\nfrom Whitehall for estminster Hall. The judges\\nin their robes, the high officers of government, the Lord\\nMayor and the magnates of the city, made their way\\namid two lines of soldiers to the Chancery Court\\nwhere a chair of state had been placed upon a rich\\ncarpet. Oliver, clad in a suit and cloak of black velvet,\\nand with a gold band upon his hat, was invited by\\nLambert to take upon himself the office of Lord Pro-\\ntector of the Commonwealth of England. Scotland,\\nand Ireland, conformably to the terms of an Instru-\\nment of Government which was then read. The lord-\\ngeneral assented, and forthwith took and subscribed\\nthe solemn oath of fidelity to the matters and things\\nset out in the Instrument. Then, covered, he sat down\\nin the chair of state while those in attendance stood\\nbareheaded about him. The commissioners cere-\\nmoniously handed to him the great seal, and the Lord\\nMayor proffered him his sword of office. The Pro-\\ntector returned the seal and sword, and after he had\\nreceived the grave obeisance of the dignitaries around\\nhim, the act of state ended and he returned to the palace\\nof Whitehall, amid the acclamations of the soldiery\\nand the half ironic curiosity of the crowd. He was\\nproclaimed by sound of trumpet in Palace Yard, at the\\nOld Exchange, and in other places in London, the\\nLord Alayor attending in his robes, the sergeants with\\ntheir maces, and the heralds in their gold coats.\\nHenceforth the Lord Protector observed new and\\ngreat state, and all ceremonies and respects were paid to\\nhim by all sorts of men as to their prince. The new\\nconstitution thus founding the Protectorate was the\\nmost serious of the expedients of that distracted time.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0458.jp2"}, "457": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 359\\nThe first stage of the Protectorate was in fact a\\nnear approach to a monarchical system very Hke that\\nwhich Strafford would have set up for Charles, or\\nwhich Bismarck two hundred years later set up for the\\nKing of Prussia. One difference is that Cromwell\\nhonestly strove to conceal from himself as from the\\nworld the purely military foundations of his power.\\nHis social ideal was wide as the poles from Strafford s,\\nbut events forced him round to the same political ideal.\\nA more material difference is that the Protector had a\\npowerful and victorious army behind him, and Straf-\\nford and his master had none.\\nOn the breakdown of the Barebones Parliament\\nthe Sphinx once more propounded her riddle. How to\\nreconcile executive power with popular supremacy,\\nwhat should be the relations between executive and\\nlegislature, what the relations between the church and\\nthe magistrate these were the problems that divided\\nthe dead king and the dead Parliament, that had baffled\\nPym and Hyde, that had perplexed Ireton and the offi-\\ncers, and now confronted Oliver. It was easy to\\naffirm the sovereignty of the people as an abstract\\ntruth. But the machinery? We must count one of\\nthe curiosities of history the scene of this little group\\nof soldiers sitting down to settle in a few hours the\\nquestions that to this day, after ages of constitution-\\nmongering and infinitely diversified practice and ex-\\nperiment all over the civilized world, beset the path of\\nself-governing peoples. No doubt they had material\\nonly too abundant. Scheme after scheme had been\\npropounded, at Oxford, at Uxbridge, at Newcastle, at\\nNewport. The army had drawn up its Heads of Pro-\\nposals, and these were followed a few days before the\\nking was brought to the scaffold by the written con-\\nstitution known as the Agreement of the People. The", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0459.jp2"}, "458": {"fulltext": "36o OLIVER CROMWELL\\nofficers had well-trodden ground to go upon, and yet the\\njourney was nearly as obscure as it had ever been.\\nIn face of the lord-general, as in face of the Lord s\\nAnointed, the difficulty was the same, how to limit the\\npower of the executive over taxation and an army,\\nwithout removing all limits on the power of the repre-\\nsentative legislature. Cromwell, undoubtedly in ear-\\nnest as he was in desiring to restore Parliamentary\\ngovernment, and to set effective checks on the Single\\nPerson, nevertheless by temperament, by habit of mind\\nengendered of twelve years of military command, and\\nby his view of the requirements of the crisis, was the\\nlast man to work a Parliamentary Constitution. A\\nlimited dictator is an impossibility, and he might have\\nknown it, as Napoleon knew it. If Cromwell and his\\nmen could not work with the Rump, if they could not\\nwork with the Saints, the officers, as they rapidly ham-\\nmered together the Instrument of Government, might\\nhave known that no ingenuity would make their brand-\\nnew carpentering water-tight.\\nThe Magna Charta that now installed Oliver as\\nLord Protector of the Commonwealth, and survived\\nfor over three years, though loose enough in more than\\none essential particular, was compact. The govern-\\nment was to be in a single person and a Parliament,\\nbut to these two organs of rule was added a Council of\\nState. This was an imperfect analogue of the old\\nprivy council or of the modern cabinet. Its members\\nwere named in the Act and sat for life. The council\\nhad a voice, subject to confirmation by Parliament, in\\nappointments to certain of the high offices. Each of the\\nthree powers was a check upon the other two. Then\\ncame the clauses of a reform bill, and Cromwell has\\nbeen praised for anticipating Pitt s proposals for de-\\nmolishing rotten boroughs in fact, the reform bill was", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0460.jp2"}, "459": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 361\\nadopted bodily from the labors of Ireton, Vane, and\\nthe discarded Parliament.\\nThe Parliament, a single house, was to sit for at\\nleast five months in every three years. This got rid of\\nCromwell s bugbear of perpetuity. The Protector, if\\nsupported by a majority of his council, could summon a\\nParliament in an emergency, and in case of a future\\nwar with a foreign state he had no option. Scotland\\nand Ireland were each to send thirty members, and no\\nIrish Parliament was summoned until after the restor-\\nation. One sub-clause of most equivocal omen made\\na majority of the council into judges of the qualifica-\\ntions and disqualifications of the members returned;\\nand, as we shall see, this legislation of future mutila-\\ntions of the legislature by the executive did not long\\nremain a dead letter. Every bill passed by Parlia-\\nment was to be presented to the Protector for his con-\\nsent, and if he did not within twenty days give his\\nconsent, then the bill became law without it. unless he\\ncould persuade them to let it drop. The normal size\\nof the army and navy was fixed, and a fixed sum was\\nset down for civil charges. The Protector and council\\nwere to decide on ways and means of raising the rev-\\nenue required, and Parliament could neither lower\\nthe charges nor alter ways and means without the Pro-\\ntector s consent. In case of extraordinary charge, as\\nby reason of war, the consent of Parliament was\\nneeded; but if Parliament were not sitting, then the\\nProtector with the majority of his council had power\\nboth to raise money and to make ordinances, until Par-\\nliament should take order concerning them. This\\npower of making provisional laws was not exercised\\nafter the assembling of the first Parliament.\\nThe two cardinal questions of control of the army\\nand the settlement of religion were decided in a way", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0461.jp2"}, "460": {"fulltext": "362 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nlittle dreamed of by Eliot or Coke, by Pym or Hamp-\\nden. While Parliament was sitting, that is for five\\nmonths out of three years, its approval was required\\nfor the disposal of forces by land and sea when Parlia-\\nment was not sitting, the Protector, with the assent of\\na majority of the council, could do as he pleased. The\\nreligious clauses are vague, but they are remarkable as\\nlaying down for the first time with authority a prin-\\nciple of Toleration. A public profession of the Chris-\\ntian religion as contained in the Scriptures was to be\\nrecommended as the faith of these nations, and the\\nteachers of it were to be confirmed in their subsistence.\\nBut adherence was not to be compulsory, and all\\nChristians outside the national communion, save Pa-\\npists, Prelatists, and such as under the profession of\\nChrist hold forth licentiousness, were to be protected\\nin the exercise of their own creed. So far had re-\\nformers traveled from the famous section of the Grand\\nRemonstrance twelve years before, where the first stout\\nforefathers of the Commonwealth had explicitly dis-\\navowed all purpose of letting loose the golden reins\\nof discipline in church government, or leaving private\\npersons to believe and worship as they pleased. The\\nresult reduced this declaration to little more than the\\nplausible words of a pious opinion. The Indepen-\\ndents, when they found a chance, were to show them-\\nselves as vigorous and as narrow as other people.\\nThe Instrument of Government had a short life, and\\nnot an important one. It has a certain surviving in-\\nterest, unlike the French constitutions of the Year III,\\nthe Year VIII, and other ephemera of the same species,\\nbecause, along with its sequel of the Humble Petition\\nand Advice (1657), it is the only attempt in English\\nhistory to w ork in this island a wholly written system,\\nand because it has sometimes been taken to foreshadow", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0462.jp2"}, "461": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 3^3\\nthe Constitution of the United States. The American\\nanalogy does not hold. The Cromwellian separation\\nof executive from legislative power was but a fitful\\nand confused attempt. Historically, there are no indi-\\ncations that the framers of the American Constitution\\nhad the instrument in their minds, and there are, I be-\\nlieve, no references to it either in the pages of the\\nFederalist or in the recorded constitutional debates\\nof the several States. Nor was it necessary for the\\nAmerican draftsman to go back to the Commonwealth\\ntheir scheme was based upon State constitutions already\\nsubsisting, and it was in them that they found the\\nprinciple of fundamentals, or constitutional guarantees\\nnot alterable like ordinary laws. Apart from historical\\nconnection the coincidences between the Instrument\\nand the American Constitution are very slight, while\\nthe differences are marked. The Protector is to be\\nchosen by the council, not by the people. He has no\\nveto on legislation. His tenure is for life so is the\\ntenure of the council. There is no direct appeal to\\nthe electorate as to any executive office. Parliament,\\nunlike Congress, is to consist of one House. The two\\nschemes agree in embodying the principle of a rigid\\nconstitution, but in the Instrument there are, according\\nto Oliver himself, only four fundamentals, and all the\\nrest is as liable to amendment or repeal, and in the\\nsame way, as any other statute. This is essentially\\ndifferent from the American system alike in detail and\\nin principle. Make by act an American president master\\nfor life, with the assent of a small council of persons\\nnominated for life, of the power of the sword, of the\\nnormal power of the purse, of the power of religious\\nestablishment, for thirty-one months out of thirty-six,\\nand then you might have something like the Instru-\\nment of Government. The fatal passion for parallels", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0463.jp2"}, "462": {"fulltext": "364 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhas led to a still more singular comparison. Within\\nthe compass of a couple of pages Mommsen likens the\\ncynical and bloodthirsty Sulla to Don Juan because he\\nwas frivolous, to George Washington because he was\\nunselfish, and to Oliver Cromwell because they both\\nset up or restored order and a constitution.\\nIll\\nIn virtue of their legislative capacity Cromwell and\\nhis council passed more than eighty ordinances in the\\neight months between the establishment of the Pro-\\ntectorate and the meeting of the Parliament. This is\\ncalled Cromwell s great creative period, yet in truth the\\nlist is but a meager show of legislative fertility. Many\\nof them were no more than directions for administra-\\ntion. Some were regulations of public police. One\\nof them limited the numbers of hackney coaches in\\nLondon to two hundred. Duels and challenges were\\nprohibited, and to kill an adversary in a duel was made\\na capital offense. Drunkenness and swearing were\\npunished. Cock-fighting was suppressed, and so for\\na period was horse-racing. There were laws for rais-\\ning money upon the church lands, and laws for fixing\\nexcise. Among the earliest and most significant was\\nthe repeal of the memorable enactment of the first days\\nof the republic, that required an engagement of alle-\\ngiance to the Commonwealth. This relaxation of the\\nrepublican test was taken by the more ardent spirits as\\nstamping the final overthrow of the system consecrated\\nto freedom, and it still further embittered the enmity\\nof those who through so many vicissitudes had in more\\nhopeful days been Cromwell s closest allies. More\\nfar-reaching and fundamental were the edicts incor-", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0464.jp2"}, "463": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 365\\nporating Scotland and Ireland into one Commonwealth\\nwith England, but these were in conformity with the\\nbill of the Long Parliament in 1652. From the Long\\nParliament also descended the policy of the edict for\\nthe settlement of the lands in Ireland. One of the\\ncardinal subjects of the ordinances in this short period\\nof reforming and organizing activity was the Court of\\nChancery. The sixty-seven clauses reforming chan-\\ncery are elaborate, but they show no presiding mind.\\nImperious provisions, that every cause must be deter-\\nmined on the day on which it is set down for hearing,\\nsavor more of the sergeant and his guard-room than\\nof a law-court threading its way through mazes of dis-\\nputed fact, conflicting testimony, old precedents, new\\ncircumstances, elastic principles, and ambiguous\\napplication. Lenthall, now Master of the Rolls, vowed\\nthat he would be hanged up at the gate of his own\\ncourt rather than administer the ordinance. In revo-\\nlutionary times men are apt to change their minds, and\\nhe thought better of it. Others were more constant.\\nIt is impossible to read Whitelocke s criticisms without\\nperceiving that he and his brother commissioner of the\\ngreat seal had good grounds for their refusal to exe-\\ncute the ordinance. The judgment of modern legal\\ncritics, not unfriendly to Oliver, is that his attempt at\\nchancery reform shows more zeal than discretion that\\nit substituted hard and fast rules for the flexible sys-\\ntem that was indispensable in equity; that it was\\nspoiled by lack of moderation.\\nCromwell possessed far too much of the instinct for\\norder and government which is very narrowly de-\\nscribed when it is called conservative not to do his\\nbest to secure just administration of the law. Some of\\nthe most capable lawyers of the age were persuaded to\\nserve in the office of judge, and there is no doubt that", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0465.jp2"}, "464": {"fulltext": "366 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthey discharged with uprightness, good sense, and\\nefficiency both their strictly judicial duties and the im-\\nportant functions in respect of general county busi-\\nness which in those days fell upon the judges of assize.\\nSlackness in this vital department would speedily have\\ndissolved social order in a far deeper sense than any\\npolitical step, even the execution of a king or the break-\\ning of a Parliament. But whenever what he chose to\\nregard as reason of state affected him, Cromwell was\\njust as ready to interfere with established tribunals\\nand to set up tribunals specially to his purpose, as if he\\nhad been a Stuart or a Bourton.\\nOne of the strong impulses of the age was educa-\\ntional. Cromwell was keenly alive to it, and both in\\nthe universities and elsewhere he strove to further it.\\nNothing survived the Restoration. Most important\\nof all Cromwell s attempts at construction was the\\nscheme for the propagation of religion, and it deserves\\nattention. The dire controversy that split up the\\nPatriot party in the first years of the Long Parliament,\\nthat wrecked the throne, that was at the bottom of the\\nquarrels with the Scots, that inspired the fatal feud\\nbetween Presbyterian and Independent, that occupied\\nthe last days of the Rump, and brought to naught the\\nreign of the Saints, was still the question that went\\ndeepest in social life. The forefathers of the Com-\\nmonwealth had sought a state church with compulsory\\nuniformity. The fervid soul of Milton, on the con-\\ntrary, was eager for complete disassociation of church\\nfrom state, eager to save free conscience from the paw\\nof hireling wolves whose gospel is their maw. So\\nwere the most advanced meti in the Parliament of Bare-\\nbones. But voluntaryism and toleration of this un-\\ncompromising temper was assuredly not universal even\\namong Independents. Cromwell had never committed", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0466.jp2"}, "465": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 367\\nhimself to it. In adhesion to the general doctrine of\\nliberty of conscience, he had never wavered. Perhaps\\nit was the noblest element in his whole mental equip-\\nment. He valued dogmatic nicety as little in religion\\nas he valued constitutional precision in politics. His\\nwas the cast of mind to which the spirit of system is in\\nevery aspect wholly alien. The presence of God in the\\nhearts of men the growth of the perfect man within\\nus the inward transformation, not by literal or specu-\\nlative knowledge, but by participation in the divine, in\\nthings of the mind no compulsion but that of light and\\nreason such was ever his faith. I am not a man, he\\nsaid, scrupulous about words or names or such things.\\nThis was the ver}^ temper for a comprehensive set-\\ntlement, if only the nation had been ripe for compre-\\nhension. Cromwell had served on two important Par-\\nliamentary committees on propagation of the gospel\\nafter his return from Worcester. There on one occa-\\nsion it pleased somebody on the committee zealously to\\nargue against a Laodicean indifferency, professing that\\nhe would rather be a Saul than a Gallio. Then Crom-\\nwell made the vehement declaration that he would\\nrather have Mohammedanism permitted, than that one\\nof God s children should be persecuted. But the ques-\\ntion of Toleration was one, and that of a state-paid\\nministry was another. Toleration, with the two stereo-\\ntyped exclusions of popery and prelacy, as we have\\nseen, was definitely adopted, so far as words went, in\\ntwo sections of the Instrument of Government, and so\\ntoo was the principle of a public profession of religion\\nto be maintained from public funds. An Episcopal\\ncritic was angry at the amazing fact that in the Magna\\nCharta of the new constitution there was not a word of\\nchurches or ministers, nor anything else but the Chris-\\ntian religion in general as if the Christian religion in", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0467.jp2"}, "466": {"fulltext": "368 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ngeneral were but something meager and diminutive.\\nThe usual and inevitable controversy soon sprung into\\nbitter life as to what were the fundamentals covered by\\nthis bland and benignant phrase, and the divines had\\nnot effectually settled their controversy when they were\\novertaken by the Restoration. What Cromwell s ordi-\\nnance of 1654 did was, upon the principle of the In-\\nstrument, to frame a working system. In substance he\\nadopted the scheme that Dr. John Owen, now dean of\\nChrist Church, had submitted to the Parliament in\\n1652, and which was in principle accepted by the Rump\\nin its closing days. A story is told by Bishop Wilkins.\\nwho was the husband of Cromwell s youngest sister\\nRobina, that the Protector often said to him that no\\ntemporal government could have a sure support with-\\nout a national church that adhered to it, and that he\\nthought England was capable of no constitution but\\nEpiscopacy. The second imputation must be apocry-\\nphal, but Cromwell had undoubtedly by this time firmly\\nembraced the maxim alike of King Charles and of the\\nLong Parliament, that the care of religion is the busi-\\nness of the state. His ordinances institute a double\\nscheme for expelling bad ministers, and testing the ad-\\nmission of better. No man was henceforth to be\\ncapable of receiving a stipend who failed to satisfy of\\nhis character, conversation, and general fitness a com-\\nmission of divines and laymen, some forty in number,\\ndivines being to laymen as three to one. By the side\\nof this Commission of Triers was a smaller commis-\\nsion of Ejectors, for the converse task of removing\\nignorant, negligent, or scandalous persons. The tithe\\nwas maintained and patronage was maintained, only\\nsecurity was taken for the fitness of the presentee. No\\ntheological tests were prescribed. No particular church\\norganization was imposed, though Episcopacy like the", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0468.jp2"}, "467": {"fulltext": "From a miniature by J. Hoskip.s at Windsor Castle.\\nBy special permission of Her Majesty the Queen.\\nRICHARD CROMWELL.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0469.jp2"}, "468": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0470.jp2"}, "469": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 369\\nPrayer-book was forbidden. Of the three sorts of\\ngodly men, said OHver, Presbyterians, Baptists, and\\nIndependents, so long as a man had the root of the\\nmatter in him, it does not concern his admission to a\\nliving to whatever of the three judgments he may be-\\nlong. The parishes were to adopt the Presbyterian\\nor the Congregational form as they liked best. In\\npractice, outside of London and Lancashire, where the\\nPresbyterianism established by the Parliament in 1647\\nhad taken root, the established church during the Pro-\\ntectorate was on the Congregational model, with so\\nmuch of Presbyterianism about it as came from free\\nassociation for discipline and other purposes. The\\nimportant feature in Oliver s establishment was that a\\nman who did not relish the service or the doctrine or\\nthe parson provided for him by public authority at his\\nparish church, was free to seek truth and edification\\nafter his own fashion elsewhere. This wise liberality,\\nwhich wins Oliver so many friends to-day, in those\\ntimes bitterly offended by establishment the host of\\nsettled voluntaries, and offended the greater host of\\nrigorous Presbyterians by Toleration. It may well\\nhave been that he determined to set up his system of\\nchurch government by the summary way of ordinance\\nbefore Parliament met, because he knew that no Par-\\nliament even partially representative would pass it.\\nWe owe the best picture of the various moods of\\nthe pulpit men at this interesting moment to the pro-\\nfoundest theologian of them all. Baxter recognized,\\nlike other people, that the victorious revolutionary sol-\\ndier was now endeavoring to dam within safe banks\\nthe torrent that the Revolution had set running. Now,\\nhe says, Cromwell exclaims against the giddiness of\\nthe unruly extremists and earnestly pleads for order\\nand government. This putting about of the ship s\\n24", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0471.jp2"}, "470": {"fulltext": "370 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhelm affected men s minds in different ways. Some\\ndeclared that they would rather see both tithes and uni-\\nversities thrown overboard than submit to a treacher-\\nous usurpation. Others said that it was Providence\\nthat had brought the odious necessity about, whoever\\nmight be its instrument and necessity required them\\nto accept the rule of any one who could deliver them\\nfrom anarchy. Most ministers took a middle way,\\nand it was Baxter s own way I did in open confer-\\nence declare Cromwell and his adherents to be guilty\\nof treason and rebellion, aggravated by perfidiousness\\nand hypocrisy, but yet I did not think it my duty to\\nrave against him in the pulpit and the rather because,\\nas he kept up his approbation of a godly life in the\\ngeneral, and of all that was good except that which the\\ninterest of his sinful cause engaged him to be against\\nso I perceived that it was his design to do good in the\\nmain more than any had done before him.\\nEven against his will Baxter admits that the scheme\\nworked reasonably well. Some rigid Independents,\\nhe says, were too hard upon Arminians. They were\\ntoo long in seeking evidence of sanctification in the\\ncandidate, and not busy enough in scenting out his\\nAntinomianism or his Anabaptism. Still they kept\\nthe churches free of the heedless pastor whose notion\\nof a sermon was only a few good words patched to-\\ngether to talk the people asleep on Sunday, while all\\nthe other days of the week he would go with them to\\nthe ale-house and harden them in sin. Cromwell him-\\nself was an exemplary patron. Having near one half\\nof the livings in England in his own immediate dis-\\nposal, he seldom bestoweth one of them upon any man\\nwhom himself doth not first examine and make trial of\\nin person, save only that at such times as his great\\naffairs happen to be more urgent than ordinary, he", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0472.jp2"}, "471": {"fulltext": "THE PROTECTORATE S FIRST STAGE 371\\nnseth to appoint some other to do it in his behalf;\\nwhich is so rare an example of piety that the like is not\\nto be found in the stories of princes.\\nHis ideal was a state church, based upon a compre-\\nhension from which Episcopalians were to be shut out.\\nThe exclusion was fatal to it as a final settlement. The\\nrebellion itself, by arresting and diverting the liberal\\nmovement in progress within the church when the\\npolitical outbreak first began, had forever made a real\\ncomprehension impossible. This is perhaps the heav-\\niest charge against it, and the gravest set-off against\\nits indubitable gains.\\nThe mischief had been done in the years, roughly\\nspeaking, from 1643 to 1647, when some two thousand\\nof the Episcopal clergy were turned out of their churches\\nand homes vv ith every circumstance of suffering and\\nhardship. The authors of these hard proceedings did\\nnot foresee the distant issue, which made so deep and\\ndubious a mark upon the social life of England for\\ncenturies to come. When the day of reaction arrived,\\nless than twenty years later, it brought cruel reprisals.\\nIn 1662 the Episcopalians, when the wheel brought\\nthem uppermost, ejected two thousand nonconformists\\non the famous day of Saint Bartholomew, the patron\\nsaint of Christian enormities; and the nation fell\\nasunder into the two standing camps of churchman and\\ndissenter, which in their strife of so many ages for\\nsuperiority on the one hand and equality on the other,\\ndid so much to narrow public spirit and pervert the\\nnoble ideal of national citizenship. This disastrous\\ndirection was first imparted to church polity by the\\nPresbyterians, but Independents, when, in their turn\\nof faction, they grasped power, did nothing to redress\\nthe wrong that their rivals had committed.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0473.jp2"}, "472": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II\\nA QUARREL WITH PARLIAMENT\\nWHITELOCKE, in his mission to Sweden 1653-\\n1654), saw Oxenstierna, the renowned minister\\nwho had played so great a part in the history of Gus-\\ntavus Adolphus and of the Protestant world one of\\nthe sages, not too many of them on his own showing,\\nwho have tried their hand at the government of men.\\nThe chancellor enquired about Cromwell s age, health,\\nchildren, family, and temper, and said that the things\\nthat he had done argued as much courage and wisdom\\nas any actions that had been seen for many years. Still\\nthe veteran was not dazzled. He told Whitelocke that\\nthe new Protector s strength would depend upon the\\nconfirmation of his office by Parliament. As it was,\\nit looked to him like an election by the sword, and the\\nprecedents of such elections had always proved dan-\\ngerous and not peaceable, ever since the choice of Ro-\\nman emperors by the legion. Christina, the queen,\\nwent deeper, and hit on a parallel more to the point.\\nYour general, she said, hath done the greatest\\nthings of any man in the world the Prince of Conde\\nis next to him, but short of him. Much of his story,\\nshe proceeded, hath some parallel with that of my an-\\ncestor Gustavus the First, who from a private gentle-\\nman of a noble family was advanced to the title of\\n372", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0474.jp2"}, "473": {"fulltext": "A QUARREL WITH PARLIAMENT 373\\nMarshal of Sweden, because he had risen up and res-\\ncued his country from the bondage and oppression\\nwhich the King of Denmark had put upon them, and\\nexpelled that king; and for his reward he was at last\\nelected King of Sweden, and I believe that your gen-\\neral will be King of England in conclusion. Pardon\\nme, Madam, replied the sedate Whitelocke, that can-\\nnot be, because England is resolved into a Common-\\nwealth and my general hath already sufficient power\\nand greatness, as general of all their forces both by sea\\nand land, which may content him. Resolve what\\nyou will, the queen insisted, I believe he resolves to\\nbe king; and hardly can any power or greatness be\\ncalled sufficient, when the nature of man is so prone as\\nin these days to all ambition. Whitelocke could only\\nsay that he found no such nature in his general. Yet\\nit needed no ambition, but only inevitable memory of\\nnear events, to recall to Cromwell the career of Gus-\\ntavus Vasa, and we may be sure the case often flitted\\nthrough his mind.\\nTwo Parliaments were held during the Protectorate,\\nthe first of them assembling in 1654 on the third of Sep-\\ntember, the famous anniversary day of the Cromwel-\\nlian calendar. It lasted barely five months. A glance\\nat the composition of it was enough to disclose the ele-\\nments of a redoubtable opposition. The ghost of the\\nLong Parliament was there in the persons of Brad-\\nshaw, Scott, Hazelrigg, and others, and although Vane\\nwas absent, the spirit of irreconcilable alienation from\\na personal government resting on the drawn sword was\\nboth present and active. No Royalist was eligible,\\nbut the Presbyterians of what would now be called the\\nextreme right were not far from Royalists, and even\\nthe Presbyterians of the center could have little ardor\\nfor a man and a system that marked the triumph of the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0475.jp2"}, "474": {"fulltext": "374 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhated Independents. The material for combinations\\nunfriendly to the government was only too evident.\\nThey all heard a sermon in Westminster Abbey,\\nwhere the Protector had gone in his coach with pages,\\nlackeys, lifeguards, in full state. Henry Cromwell\\nand Lambert sat with him bareheaded in the coach,\\nperhaps in their different ways the two most capable\\nof all the men about him. After the sermon they\\ncrossed over from the Abbey to the Painted Chamber,\\nand there Oliver addressed them in one of his strange\\nspeeches not coherent, not smooth, not always even\\nintelligible, but with a strain of high-hearted fervor\\nin them that pierced through rugged and uncouth\\nforms with the note of a strong man having great\\nthings to say, and wrestling with their very greatness\\nin saying them often rambling, discursive, and over-\\nloaded; often little better than rigmarole, even though\\nthe rigmarole be lighted now and again with the flash\\nof a noble thought or penetrating phrase marked by a\\ncurious admixture of the tone of the statesman s coun-\\ncil-chamber with the tone of the ranter s chapel still\\nimpressive by their laboring sincerity, by the weight of\\ntheir topics, and by that which is the true force of all\\noratory worth talking about, the niomentum of the\\norator s history, personality, and purpose.\\nThe Protector opened on a high and characteristic\\nnote, by declaring his belief that they represented not\\nonly the interests of three great nations, but the in-\\nterest of all the Christian world. This was no rhetor-\\nician s phrase, but a vivid and unchanging ideal in his\\nmind after he had gained a position lofty enough to\\nopen to his gaze the prospect beyond the English\\nshores. Here hyperbole ended, and the speech became\\na protest against the Leveling delusions of the Saints\\nand the extremists a vindication of the policy of the", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0476.jp2"}, "475": {"fulltext": "A QUARREL WITH PARLIAMENT 375\\ngovernment in making peace abroad, and saving trea-\\nsure and settling religion at home and an exhortation\\nto a holy and gracious understanding of one another\\nand their business. The deeply marked difference in\\ntone from the language in which he had opened the\\nLittle Parliament indicates the growing reaction in\\nthe Protector s ow^n mind, and the rapidity with which\\nhe was realizing the loud call for conservative and\\ngoverning quality in face of the revolutionary wreck-\\nage.\\nThe specters of old dispute at once rose up. Those\\nwho could recall the quarrel between king and Parlia-\\nment found that after all nothing was settled, hardly\\neven so much as that the government of the three\\nkingdoms should be a Parliamentary government.\\nThe mutual suspicions of Parliament and army\\nwere as much alive as ever. The members no sooner\\nreturned to their own chamber than they began in-\\nstantly to consider the constitution under which they\\nexisted. In other words, they took themselves seri-\\nously. No Parliament supposing itself clothed with\\npopular authority could have been expected to accept\\nwithout criticism a ready-made scheme of government\\nfastened on it by a military junto. If the scheme was\\nto be Parliamentary, nothing could be more certain\\nthan that Parliament itself must make it so. A Pro-\\ntector by right of the army was as little tolerable to the\\nnew Parliament as a king by divine right had been to\\nthe old. They sat there by the authority of the good\\npeople of England, and how could it be contended that\\nthis authority did not include the right of judging the\\nsystem on which the good people of England were\\nhenceforth to be governed?\\nThat was the very ground on which Oliver had\\nquarreled with the Rump. Lie now dealt with the first", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0477.jp2"}, "476": {"fulltext": "376 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nParliament of the Protectorate as decisively, if not\\nquite so passionately, as with the Parliament of the\\nCommonwealth. After constitutional discussion had\\ngone on for less than a fortnight, members one morn-\\ning found Westminster Hall and its approaches full of\\nsoldiers, the door of the House locked in their faces,\\nand only the gruff explanation that the Protector de-\\nsired them to meet him in the Painted Chamber. Here\\nOliver addressed them in language of striking force,\\nwinding up with an act of power after the model of\\nPride s Purge and the other arbitrary exclusions. His\\nkeynote was patient and argumentative remonstrance,\\nbut he did not mince his meaning and he took high\\nground. He reminded them that it was he who by the\\nInstrument was laying down power, not assuming it.\\nThe authority he had in his hand, he told them, was\\nboundless. It was only of his own will that on this\\narbitrary power he accepted limits. His acceptance\\nwas approved by a vast body of public opinion first by\\nthe soldiers, who were a very considerable part of these\\nnations, when there was nothing to keep things in\\norder but the sword second by the capital city of Lon-\\ndon, and by Yorkshire, the greatest county in England\\nthird by the judges of the land; and last of all by the\\nParliament itself. For had not the members been\\nchosen on a written indenture, with the proviso that\\nthey should not have power to alter the government by\\na single person and a Parliament. Some things in the\\nInstrument, he said, were fundamental, others were\\nonly circumstantial. The circumstantials they might\\ntry to amend as they might think best. But the four\\nfundamentals government by a single person and a\\nParliament, liberty of conscience as a natural right, the\\nnon-perpetuation of Parliament, the divided or bal-\\nanced control of the militia these were thinsfs not to", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0478.jp2"}, "477": {"fulltext": "From the portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nHENRY CROMWELL.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0479.jp2"}, "478": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0480.jp2"}, "479": {"fulltext": "A QUARREL WITH PARLIAMENT nj\\nbe parted with and not to be touched. The wilful\\nthrowing away of this government, such as it is, so\\nowned by God, so approved by men, were a thing-\\nwhich, and in reference not to my good, but to the good\\nof these nations and of posterity, I can sooner be will-\\ning to be rolled into my grave and buried with infamy,\\nthan I can give my consent unto.\\nThen the stroke fell. As they had slighted the au-\\nthority that called them, he told them that he had\\ncaused a stop to be put to their entrance into the Par-\\nliament House, until they had signed a promise to be\\ntrue and faithful to the Lord Protector and the Com-\\nmonwealth, and not to alter the government as settled\\nin a single person and a Parliament. The test was\\ncertainly not a narrow nor a rigid one, and within a\\nfew days some three hundred out of the four hundred\\nand sixty subscribed. The rest, including Bradshaw.\\nHazelig, and others of that stalwart group refused\\nto sign, and went home. Such was the Protector s\\nshort way with a Parliamentary opposition.\\nThe purge was drastic, but it availed little. By the\\nvery law of its bemg the Parliament went on with the\\ninterrupted debate. Ample experience has taught us\\nsince those days that there is no such favorite battle-\\nground for party conflict as a revision of a constitution.\\nThey now passed a resolution making believe that\\nOliver s test was their own. They afifirmed the fun-\\ndamentals about the double seat of authority, about\\nOliver s Protectorate for life, about a Parliament every\\nthree years, as gravely as if members had not just\\nsigned a solemn promise not to reject them. Then\\nthey made their way through the rest of the two-and-\\nforty articles of the Instrument, expanding them into\\nsixty. They fought the question whether the Protec-\\ntorate should be hereditary, and by a large majority", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0481.jp2"}, "480": {"fulltext": "378 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ndecided that it should not. Protector and ParHament\\nwrre to determine in conjuction what composed the\\ndoctrines within the pubHc profession of rehgion, and\\nwhat on the other hand were damnable heresies; but\\nthese two things defined, then Parliament could pass\\nbills dealing with heresies, or with the teaching and dis-\\ncipline of established ministers, over the head of the\\nProtector. On the all-important chapter of the mili-\\ntary forces, the Parliament was as much bent upon ex-\\ntending its association in authority with the Proteetor.\\nas the Protector had in old days been bent upon the\\nsame thing in respect of King Charles. During his\\nlife Parliament was to have a voice in fixing the num-\\nbers of the armed force; after his death, it was to de-\\ncide the disposal of it; and the sum fixed for it was to\\nbe reconsidered by Parliament five years later. In all\\nthis there was nothing unreasonable, if Parliament was\\nin reality to be a living organ. Such was the work of\\nrevision.\\nIt was now that Oliver realized that perhaps he\\nmight as well have tried to live with the Rump. We\\nhave already seen the words in which he almost said\\nas much. The strange irony of events had brought\\nhim within sight of the doctrines of Strafford and of\\nCharles, and showed him to have as little grasp of\\nParliamentary rule and as little love of it as either of\\nthem. He was determined not to accept the revised\\nconstitution. Though some may think that it is an\\nhard thing, he said, to raise money without Parlia-\\nmentary authority upon this nation, yet I have another\\nargument to the good people of this nation, whether\\nthey prefer having their will, though it be their de-\\nstruction, rather than comply with things of Neces-\\nsity. But this is the principle of pure absolutism.\\nThen as to the armed forces, though for the present", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0482.jp2"}, "481": {"fulltext": "A QUARREL WITH PARLIAMENT 379\\nthat the Protector should have in his power the mihtia\\nseems the hardest thing, yet, if the power of the militia\\nshould be yielded up at such a time as this, when there\\nis as much need of it to keep this cause, as there was to\\nget it for the sake of this cause,what would become of\\nus all If he were to yield up at any time the power\\nof the militia, how could he do the good he ought, or\\nhinder Parliament from making themselves perpetual,\\nor imposing what religion they pleased upon men s\\nconscience?\\nIn other words, Cromwell did not in his heart believe\\nthat any Parliament was to be trusted. He may have\\nbeen right, but then this meant a dead-lock, and what\\nway could be devised out of it? The representatives\\nwere assuredly not to blame for doing their l^est to\\nconvert government by the sword into that Parlia-\\nmentary government which was the very object of the\\ncivil war, and which was still both the professed and\\nthe real object of Cromwell himself. What he did was\\nto dissolve them at the first hour at which the Instru-\\nment gave him the right.\\nA remarkable passage occurs in one of the letters of\\nHenry Cromwell to Thurloe two years later (March\\n4. 1657), which sheds a flood of light on this side of\\nthe Protectorate from its beginning to the end. The\\ncase could not be more wisely propounded. I wish\\nhis highness could consider how casual [incalculable]\\nthe motions of a Parliament are, and how many of\\nthem are called before one be found to answer the ends\\nthereof and that it is the natural genius of such great\\nassemblies to be various, inconsistent, and for the most\\npart froward with their superiors and therefore that\\nhe would not wholly reject so much of what they offer\\nas is necessary to the public welfare. And the Lord\\ngave him to see how much safer it is to rely upon", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0483.jp2"}, "482": {"fulltext": "38o OLIVER CROMWELL\\npersons of estate, interest, integrity, and wisdom, than\\nupon such as have so amply discovered their envy and\\nambition, and whose faculty it is by continuing of con-\\nfusion to support themselves. How much safer, that\\nis to say, to rely upon a Parliament with all its slovenly,\\nslow, and froward ways, than upon a close junto of\\nmilitary grandees with a standing army at their back.\\nThis is what the nation also thought, and burned into\\nits memory for a century to come. Here we have the\\nmaster-key to Cromwell s failure as a constructive\\nstatesman.", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0484.jp2"}, "483": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III\\nTHE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP\\nWITH the dismissal of the first ParHament a\\nnew era began. For twenty months the Pro-\\ntectorate was a system of despotic rule, as undisguised\\nas that of Tudor or Stuart. Yet it was not the dicta-\\ntorship of Elizabeth, for Cromwell shared authority\\nboth in name and fact with the council, that is, with the\\nleaders of the army. What were the working rela-\\ntions between Oliver and the eighteen men who com-\\nposed his Council of State, and to what extent his\\npolicy was inspired or modified by them, we cannot\\nconfidently describe. That he had not autocratic\\npower, the episode of the kingship in 1657 will show\\nus. That his hand was forced on critical occasions we\\nknow.\\nThe latter half of 1654 has sometimes been called\\nthe grand epoch of Oliver s government. Ireland and\\nScotland were in good order he had a surplus in the\\nchest the army and navy seemed loyal his star was\\nrising high among the European constellations. But\\nbelow the surface lurked a thousand perils, and the\\ndifficulties of government were enormous. So hard\\nmust it inevitably be to carry on conservative policy\\nwithout a conservative base of operations at any point\\nof the compass. Oliver had reproached his Parlia-\\nment with making themselves a shade under which\\n381", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0485.jp2"}, "484": {"fulltext": "382 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nweeds and nettles, briars and thorns, had thriven.\\nThey were hke a man, he told them, who should protest\\nabout his liberty of walking abroad, or his right to take\\na journey, when all the time his house was in a blaze.\\nThe conspiracies against public order and the founda-\\ntions of it were manifold. A serious plot for the Pro-\\ntector s assassination had been brought to light in the\\nsummer of 1654, and Gerard and Vowel, two of the\\nconspirators, had been put to death for it. They were\\nto fall upon him as he took his customary ride out from\\nWhitehall to Hampton Court on a Saturday afternoon.\\nThe king across the water was aware of Gerard s de-\\nsign, and encouraged him in it in spite of some of his\\nadvisers who thought assassination impolitic. It was\\nstill a device in the manners of the age, and Oliver s\\nshare in the execution of the king was taken, in many\\nminds to whom it might otherwise have been repug-\\nnant, in his case to justify sinister retaliation.\\nThe schisms created in the republican camp by the\\ndispersion of the old Parliament and the erection of\\nthe Protectorate naturally kindled new hopes in the\\nbreasts of the Royalists. Charles, with the sanguine\\ncredulity common to pretenders, encouraged them. If\\nthose, he told them, who wished the same thing only\\nknew each other s mind, the work would be done with-\\nout any difficulty. The only condition needed was a\\nhandsome appearance of a rising in one place, and then\\nthe rest would assuredly not sit still. All through the\\nlast six months of 1654 the Royalists were actively at\\nwork, under the direction of leaders at home in com-\\nmunication with Charles abroad. With the new year\\ntheir hopes began to fade. The division common to all\\nconspiracies broke out between the bold men and the\\nprudent men. The Royalist council in England,\\nknown as the Sealed Knot, told the king in February", "height": "2996", "width": "1837", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0486.jp2"}, "485": {"fulltext": "THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 383\\nthat things were quite unripe that no rising in the\\narmy was to be looked for, and this had been the mani-\\nstay of their hopes that the fleet was for the usurper\\nthat insurrection would be their own destruction, and\\nthe consolidation of their foes. The fighting section,\\non the other hand, were equally ready to charge the\\nSealed Knot with being cold and backward. They\\npressed the point that Cromwell had full knowledge of\\nthe plot and of the men engaged in it, and that it\\nwould be harder for him to crush them now than later.\\nTime would enable him to compose quarrels in his\\narmy, as he had so often composed them before. In\\nthe end the king put himself in the hands of the for-\\nward men, the conspiracy was pushed on, and at length\\nin March the smoldering fire broke into a flickering\\nand feeble flame. This is not the only time that an\\nabortive and insignificant rising has proved to be the\\nend of a wide-spread and dangerous combination. In\\nIreland we have not seldom seen the same, just as in\\nthe converse way formidable risings have followed\\nwhat looked like insignificant conspiracies.\\nThe Yorkshire Royalists met on the historic ground\\nof Marston Moor, and reckoned on surprising York\\nwith a force of four thousand men when the time\\ncame, a hundred made their appearance, and in despair\\nthey flung away their arms and dispersed. In North-\\numberland the cavaliers were to seize Newcastle and\\nTynemouth, but here, too, less than a hundred of them\\nventured to the field. At Rufford in Sherwood Forest\\nthere was to have been a gathering of several hundred,\\ninvolving gentlemen of consequence; but on the ap-\\npointed day, though horses and arms were ready, the\\ncountry would not stir. At midnight the handful\\ncried in a fright that they were betrayed, and made off\\nas fast as they could. Designs were planned in Staf-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0487.jp2"}, "486": {"fulltext": "384 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfordshire, Cheshire, Shropshire, but they came to\\nnothing, and not a blow was struck. Every county in\\nEngland, said Thurloe, instead of rising for them\\nwould have risen against them. The Protector, he\\ndeclared, if there had been any need, could have drawn\\ninto the field, within fourteen days, twenty thousand\\nmen, besides the standing army. So far are they\\nmistaken who dream that the affections of this people\\nare toward the House of Stuart.\\nThe only momentary semblance of success was what\\nis known as Penruddock s rising in the west. A band\\nof Wiltshire Royalists rode into Salisbury, seized in\\ntheir beds the judges who happened to be on circuit,\\nand the wilder blades were even for hanging them.\\nBut they could not get the greasy caps flung up for\\nKing Charles in Wilts, nor did better success await\\nthem in Dorset and Somerset. They were never more\\nthan four hundred. Even these numbers soon dwin-\\ndled, and within three or four days a Cromwellian\\ncaptain broke in upon them at South Molton, took\\nmost of them prisoners, and the others made off. Wag-\\nstaffe, one of the two principals, escaped to Holland,\\nand Penruddock, the other, was put upon his trial along\\nwith a number of his confederates. It is curious that\\nthis was the first time that treason against the govern-\\nment had been submitted to juries since 1646, and the\\nresult justified the confident hopes of a good issue.\\nThirty-nine offenders were condemned, but some of\\nthem Cromwell reprieved his course, says Thurloe,\\nbeing to use lenity rather than severity. Only some\\nfourteen or fifteen suffered death, including Pen-\\nruddock.\\nIn the army, though there was no disaffection, a\\n1 March i6, 1655. See Mr, Firth s examination of the\\nrising in English Historical Review, 1888-89.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0488.jp2"}, "487": {"fulltext": "THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 385\\nmutinous section was little less busy than the Royalists.\\nHarrison, who had been in charge of King Charles on\\nhis fatal journey from Hurst Castle to Windsor, was\\nnow himself sent a prisoner to Carisbrooke. Wildman,\\nwho had been one of the extremist agitators so far\\nback as 1647, arrested, and the guard found him\\nwriting a declaration of the free and well-affected\\npeople of England now in arms against the tyrant\\nOliver Cromwell, Esciuire. It is no irrational docu-\\nment on the face of it, being little more than a re-\\nstatement of the aims of the revolution for twelve\\nyears past. But it is not always palatable for men in\\npower to be confronted with their aims in opposition.\\nThe Protector spared no money in acquiring infor-\\nmation. He expended immense sums in secret service,\\nand little passed in the Royalist camp abroad that was\\nnot discovered by the agents of Thurloe. Cecil and\\nWalsingham were not more vigilant or more success-\\nful in their watch over the safety of Elizabeth than\\nwas Cromwell s wise, trusty, and unwearied secretary\\nof state. Plotters were so amazed how the Lord Pro-\\ntector came to hear of all the things contrived against\\nhim that they fell back on witchcraft and his familiar-\\nity with the devil. A gentleman got leave to travel,\\nand had an interview with the king at Cologne one\\nevening after dark. On his return, he saw the Pro-\\ntector, who asked him if he had kept his promise not\\nto visit Charles Stuart. The gentleman answered that\\nhe had. But who was it, asked Cromwell, that put\\nout the candles when you saw Charles Stuart? He\\nfurther startled the traveler by asking whether Charles\\nhad not sent a letter by him. The gentleman denied,\\nCromwell took his hat, found a letter sewn up in the\\nlining of it, and sent him to the Tower. Cromwell s\\ninformant was one Manning, and this transaction was\\n25", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0489.jp2"}, "488": {"fulltext": "386 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhis ruin. The RoyaHsts at Cologne suspected him,\\nhis rooms were searched, his ciphers discovered, and\\nhis correspondence read. Manning then made a clean\\nbreast of it, and excused his treason by his necessities,\\nand the fact that he was to have twelve hundred pounds\\na year from Cromwell for his work. His only chance\\nof life was a threat of retaliation by Cromwell on some\\nRoyalist in prison in England, but this was not forth-\\ncoming, and Manning was shot dead by two gentlemen\\nof the court in a wood near Cologne.\\nOn every side the government struck vigorous\\nblows. Especial watch was kept upon London. Orders\\nwere sent to the ports to be on guard against surprise,\\nand to stop suspected persons. The military forces\\nwere strengthened. Gatherings were put down.\\nMany arbitrary arrests were made among minor per-\\nsons and major and many were sent to Barbadoes to\\na condition of qualified slavery. The upright and\\nblameless Overton was arbitrarily flung into prison\\nwithout trial, kept there for three years, and not re-\\nleased until after Cromwell s death and the revival of\\nParliament. When that day arrived both Thurloe\\nand Barkstead, the governor of the Tower, quaked for\\nthe strong things that they had done on the personal\\nauthority of the Protector. The stories told in 1659\\nare a considerable deduction from Burke s praise of the\\nadmirable administration of the law under Cromwell.\\nBut though there was lawless severity, it did not often\\napproach ferocity.\\nSubterranean plots and the risings of hot-headed\\ncountry gentlemen were not all that Cromwell and the\\ncouncil had to encounter. The late Parliament had\\npassed no effective vote of money. The government\\nfell back upon its power of raising taxes by ordinance.\\nThe validity of the ordinance was disputed the judges", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0490.jp2"}, "489": {"fulltext": "THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 387\\ninclined to hold the objections good; and it looked for\\na moment as if a general refusal to pay customs and\\nexcise might bring the whole financial fabric to the\\nground. The three counsel for Cony, the merchant\\nwho had declined to pay the customs dues, were sum-\\nmoned before the Protector and the Council of State.\\nAfter hearing what they had to say, Oliver signed a\\nwarrant for their committal to the Tower for using\\nwords tending to sedition and subversive of the gov-\\nernment. Violation of the spirit and letter of the law\\ncould go no further. They were soon set free, and\\nCromwell bore them no malice, but the people not un-\\nreasonably saw in the proceeding a strong resemblance\\nto the old Star Chamber. The judges were sent for,\\nand humbly said something about Magna Charta.\\nThe Protector scoffed at Magna Charta with a mock\\ntoo coarse for modern manners, declared that it should\\nnot control actions which he knew to be required by\\npublic safety, reminded them that it was he who made\\nthem judges, and bade them no more to suffer the\\nlawyers to prate what it would not become them to\\nhear. The judges may have been wrong either in their\\nconstruction of the Instrument, or in their view that a\\nsection of the Instrument did not make a good law.\\nBut the committal of three counsel to prison by the\\nexecutive, because their arguments were too good to be\\nconvenient, w^as certainly not good law whatever else\\nit was. Judges who proved not complaisant enough\\nwere displaced. Sir Peter Wentworth, who had tried\\nto brave Cromwell at the breaking up of the Long Par-\\nliament, tried to brave him now by bringing a suit\\nagainst the tax collector. The Protector haled him\\nbefore the council Wentworth said that he had been\\nmoved by his constant principle that no money could\\nbe levied but by consent of Parliament. Cromwell", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0491.jp2"}, "490": {"fulltext": "388 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncommanded him to drop his suit, and Wentworth\\nsubmitted.\\nThe Protector never shrank in these days from\\nputting his defense in all its breadth. If nothing\\nshould be done/ he said with scorn, but what is ac-\\ncording to law, the throat of the nation might be cut\\nwhile we send for some one to make a law. It is a\\npitiful notion to think, though it be for ordinary gov-\\nernment to live by law and rule yet if a government\\nin extraordinary circumstances go beyond the law, it\\nis to be clamored at and blottered at. Sometimes he\\nwas not afraid to state the tyrant s plea even more\\nbroadly still. The ground of Necessity for justify-\\ning of men s actions is above all considerations of in-\\nstituted law, and if this or any other State should go\\nabout to make laws against events, against what Jiiay\\nhappen, then I think it is obvious to any man they will\\nbe making laws against Providence events and issues\\nof things being from God alone, to whom all issues\\nbelong. As if all law were not in its essence a device\\nagainst contingent cases. Nevertheless these pious\\ndisguises of what was really no more than common\\nreason of state, just as reason of state is always used\\nwhether by bad men or by good, do not affect the fact\\nthat Cromwell in his heart knew the value of legality\\nas well as anybody that ever held rule, only he was the\\nleast fortunate of men in affecting his aim.\\nIt was now, says Oliver, we did find out a little\\npoor invention, which I hear has been much regretted\\nI say there was a little thing invented, which was the\\nerection of your major-generals. This device had all\\nthe virtues of military simplicity. In the summer and\\nautumn of 1655 England and Wales were mapped out\\ninto a dozen districts. Over each district was planted\\na major-general, Lambert, Desborough, Fleetwood,", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0492.jp2"}, "491": {"fulltext": "From the portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nJOHN THURLOE, SECRETARY TO OLIVER CROMWELL.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0493.jp2"}, "492": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0494.jp2"}, "493": {"fulltext": "THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 389\\nSkippon, Whalley, Barkstead, Goffe, and the rest, all\\npicked veterans and the trustiest of them. Their first\\nduties were those of high pohce, to put down unlawful\\nassemblies by force; to disarm Papists and persons\\ndangerous to the peace of the nation; to exact a bond\\nfrom any householder considered to be disaffected\\nfor the good behavior of his servants, and the servants\\nwere to appear before the major-general or his deputy\\nwherever and whenever called upon. Persons in this\\ncategory were to be registered, and if they changed\\ntheir abode, the major-general was to be informed.\\nAnybody coming from beyond the sea was to report\\nhimself, and his later movements were to be followed\\nand recorded. The major-general was further to keep\\na sharp eye upon scandalous ministers, and to see that\\nno disaffected person should take any share in the edu-\\ncation of youth.\\nAll this, however, was the least material part of the\\nnew policy. The case for the change rested on the\\ndanger of more daring plots and more important ris-\\nings, the inadequateness of local justices and parish\\nconstables, the need of the central government for\\nhands and eyes of its own, finally on the shadows of\\ndivision in the army. There were those in the late\\nParliament who thought the peril inconsiderable, but\\nThurloe tells us that, his Highness saw a necessity\\nof raising more force, and in every county, unless he\\nwould give up his cause to the enemy. This involved\\na new standing militia for all the counties of England,\\nand that again involved a new money charge. What\\nso just as to put the charge upon those whose disaffec-\\ntion was the cause of it? Such a plan needed no more\\nthan the decimation of those against whom, after\\npersonal inquisition made, they chose to set the mark of\\ndelinquency or disaffection. From such persons they", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0495.jp2"}, "494": {"fulltext": "390 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwere instructed to exact one tenth of their annual in-\\ncome. For these exactions there was no pretense of\\nlaw nor could they be brought into the courts, the only\\nappeal being to the Protector in Council. The Parlia-\\nment had been dissolved for meddling with the Instru-\\nment of Government. Yet all this was contrary to the\\nInstrument. The scheme took some time to complete,\\nbut by the last three months of 1655 it was in full\\noperation.\\nTwo other remarkable measures of repression be-\\nlong to this stern epoch. An edict was passed for\\nsecuring the peace of the Commonwealth (November,\\n1655), ordering that no ejected clergyman should be\\nkept in any gentleman s house as chaplain or tutor, or\\nteach in a school, or baptize, or celebrate marriages, or\\nuse the Prayer Book. That this was a superfluity of\\nrigor is shown by the fact that it was never executed.\\nIt is probable that other measures of the time went\\nequally beyond the real necessities of the crisis, for ex-\\nperience shows that nothing is ever so certain to be\\noverdone as th^^ policy of military repression against\\ncivil disaffection. The second measure was still more\\nsignificant of the extent to which despotic reaction was\\ngoing in the methods of the government. Orders were\\nissued that no person whatever do presume to publish\\nin print any matter of public news or intelligence with-\\nout leave of the secretary of state. The result of this\\nwas to reduce the newspaper press in the capital of the\\ncountry to a single journal coming out twice a week\\nunder two different names. Milton was still Latin\\nsecretary, and it was only eleven years since the ap-\\npearance of his immortal plea for unlicensed printing.\\nOur ministers are bad, one of the major-generals\\nreports in 1655, our magistrates idle, and the people\\nall asleep. The new authorities set resolutely to", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0496.jp2"}, "495": {"fulltext": "THE MILITARY DICTATORSHIP 391\\nwork. They appointed commissioners to assess the\\ndecimation of dehnquents, not however without con-\\nstant reference to the Protector and Council for direc-\\ntions how individuals were to be dealt with. The\\nbusiness of taxing the Cavaliers in this high manner\\nwas of wonderful acceptation to all the Parliament\\nparty, and men of all opinions joined heartily therein.\\nThat men of one opinion should heartily rejoice at the\\ncompulsory exaction of rates and taxes from men of\\nanother opinion, is in accord with human nature not\\nthat the activity of the major-generals prevented the\\nimposition of a general property tax in 1656. The\\nCavaliers submitted with little ado. Wider irritation\\nwas created by stringent interference with ale houses,\\nbear-baiting, and cock-fighting. Lord Exeter came to\\nask Whalley whether he would allow the Lady Grant-\\nham cup to be run for at Lincoln, for if so he would\\nstart a horse. I assured him, reports Whalley to\\nthe Protector, that it was not your Highness inten-\\ntion in the suppression of horse-races, to abridge gen-\\ntlemen of that sport, but to prevent the great conflu-\\nences of irreconcilable enemies ana Exeter had his\\nrace. Profane and idle gentry whose lives were a\\nshame to a Christian commonwealth were hunted out,\\nand the government were adjured to banish them.\\nWe have imprisoned here, writes the choleric major-\\ngeneral in Shropshire, divers lewd fellows, some for\\nhaving a hand in the plot, others of dissolute life, as\\npersons dangerous to the peace of the nation amongst\\nothers those papists who went a-hunting when they\\nwere sent for by Major Waring; they are desperate\\npersons, and divers of them fit to grind sugar-cane or\\nplant tobacco, and if some of them were sent into the\\nIndies, it would do much good. One personage when\\nreprimanded warned the major-general that if he were", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0497.jp2"}, "496": {"fulltext": "392 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsent to prison it would cause the godly to pour forth\\nprayers and tears before the Lord. The staunch officer\\nreplied that thousands of men in tears would never dis-\\nquiet him, if he knew that he was doing his duty in the\\nway of Providence.\\nThe only defense of reason of state is success, and\\nhere the result soon proved to be not success but failure.\\nWhile so many individuals and orders were exasper-\\nated, no great class of society was reconciled. Rigid\\norder was kept, plotters were cowed, money was\\nsqueezed, but the keenest discontent was quickened in\\nall those various orr- ^ized bodies of men ith lively\\nminds and energetic interests, by whom in the long\\nrun effective public opinion in every community is gen-\\nerated. Oliver must soon have seen that his change of\\nsystem would cut up his policy of healing and con-\\nciliation by its roots.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0498.jp2"}, "497": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV\\nTHE REACTION\\nWANT of money has ever been the wholesome\\ncheck on king-s, on Parh -^ments, and cabinets,\\nand now in his turn it pinched tii i rotector. In spite\\nof the decimation screw, the militia often went short\\nof their pay, and suffered both trouble and jeers in\\nconsequence. Apart from the cost of domestic ad-\\nministration, Cromwell had embarked, as we shall see,\\non a course of intervention abroad and he was soon in\\nthe same straits as those against which Strafford had\\nlong ago warned his master, as the sure result of a\\nforeign policy to be paid for by discontented subjects.\\nIn June, 1656, the Protector held a conference with\\nhis council and some of the principal officers of the\\narmy. There were those who advised him to raise\\nmoney on his own direct authority by forced loans or\\ngeneral taxation. There is reason to suppose that\\nCromwell himself leaned this way, for before long he\\nchid the officers for urging the other course. The de-\\ncision, however, was taken to call a new Parliament.\\nThe election that went forward during the summer\\nof 1656 had all the rough animation of the age and\\nwell deserves consideration. Thurloe writes to Henry\\nCromwell that there is the greatest striving to get into\\nParliament that ever was known every faction is be-\\nstirring itself with all its might; and all sorts of dis-\\n393", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0499.jp2"}, "498": {"fulltext": "394 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncontented people are incessant in their endeavors. The\\nmajor-generals on their side were active in electioneer-\\ning arts, and their firmly expressed resignation to the\\nwill of over-ruling Providence did not hinder the most\\nalert wire-pulling. They pressed candidates of the\\nright color, and gave broad hints as to any who were\\nnot sober and suitable to the present work. Every\\nsingle major-general was himself a candidate and was\\nelected. At Dover the rabble were strong for Cony,\\nwho had fought the case of the customs dues, and the\\nmajor-general thinks he was likely to be elected unless\\nhe could be judiciously secluded. At Preston, once\\nthe scene of perhaps the most critical of all Cromwell s\\nvictories, the major-general expected much thwarting,\\nthrough the peevishness of friends and the disaffection\\nof enemies. In Norwich an opposition preacher of\\ngreat popularity was forbidden to go into the pulpit.\\nA sharp eye was kept upon all printed matter finding\\nits way through the post. Whalley reports that the\\nheart is sound in what he calls the mediterranean part\\nof the nation people know that money will be wanted\\nby the government, but they will not grudge it as the\\nprice of a settlement. At the same time he is unhappy\\nlest Colonel Hutchinson or Sir Arthur Hazelrig\\nshould get in, just as his superiors dreaded the return\\nof Sergeant Bradshaw and Sir Henry Vane. Des-\\nborough is uneasy about the west, but he makes it his\\nbusiness to strengthen the hands of the honest sober\\npeople, leaving the issue to the wise Disposer.\\nNorfolk was one of the most alarming cases. If\\nother counties should do as this, says the major-gen-\\neral, it would be a sufficient alarum to stand upon our\\nguard, the spirit of the people being most strangely\\nheightened and molded into a very great aptness to\\ntake the first hint for an insurrection, and the county\\nespecially so disposed may most probably begin the", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0500.jp2"}, "499": {"fulltext": "THE REACTION 395\\nscene. He suggests that preparations for calling out\\nthe militia would be a sensible encouragement for\\nthe friends of the government. At Ipswich, when the\\nwrit was read, somebody rose and complained of the\\nreference to his Highness Parliament; the king had\\nnever called it his Parliament and such an innovation\\nshould be a warning not to vote for swordmen nor for\\nthe Protector s friends thereupon another called out\\nthat they were all his friends. One opposition can-\\ndidate assured his audience that his Highness had sent\\nfor three thousand Swiss to be his body-guard that\\nhe had secretly sold the trade of England to the Dutch,\\nand would grant no convoy from Holland; that most\\nof the counties in England would bring up their num-\\nbers in thousands, in spite of Oliver and his redcoats\\nand that he would wager his life that not five hundred\\nin the whole army wouM resist them. Another cry\\nwas that the free people of England would have no\\nmore swordmen, no more decimators, nor anybody in\\nreceipt of a salary from the State.\\nOn Monday last, writes Goffe, T spoke with Mr.\\nCole of Southampton, whom I find to be a perfect\\nLeveler he is called by the name of Common Free-\\ndom. He told me he was where he was, and where the\\narmy was seven years ago, and pulled out of his pocket\\nthe Agreement of the People. He told me he would\\npromise me not to disperse any of those books, and that\\nit was his intention to live peaceable, for that he knew\\na war was not so easily ended as begun. Whereupon,\\nwith the best exhortation I could give him, I dismissed\\nhim for the present. Mr. Cole is very angry\\nat the Spanish war, and saith we deal most ungrate-\\nfully with them, for that they were so civil to us in\\nthe time of our late difference, and that all our trade\\nwill be lost.\\nAn energetic manifesto was put out against the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0501.jp2"}, "500": {"fulltext": "396 OLIVER CROMWELL\\ngovernment, stating with unusual force the reasons\\nwhy dear Christian friends and brethren should bestir\\nthemselves in a day of trouble, rebuke, and blasphemy\\nwhy they should make a stand for the pure principles\\nof free-born Englishmen against the power and pomp\\nof any man, however high he might bear himself.\\nHalf the books in the Old Testament are made to\\nsupply examples and warnings, and Hezekiah and\\nSennacherib, Jethro and Moses, Esther, Uzzah, Absa-\\nlom, are all turned into lessons of what a voter should\\ndo or abstain from doing. The whole piece gives an in-\\nstructive glimpse of the state of mind of the generation.\\nEarnest remonstrances are addressed to those who\\nthink that God has gone out of Parliaments, and that\\nthe time for Christ s kingdom is come. Others iiold\\nthat the Protector had at least given them liberty of\\nconscience in worshiping God, a thing worth all else\\nput together, and a thing that Parliament might very\\nlikely take away. Some again insist that elections are\\nof no purpose, because the Protector with his redcoats\\nwill very soon either make members do what he wants,\\nor else pack them off home again. All these partizans\\nof abstention the despair of party managers in every\\nage are faithfully dealt with, and the manifesto closes\\nwith the hackneyed asseverations of all oppositions, an-\\ncient and modern, that if only the right sort of Parlia-\\nment were returned burdens would be eased, trade\\nwould revive, and the honor of the country now lying\\nin the dust among all nations would be immediately\\nrestored. Did not their imprisoned friends speak?\\nDid not their banished neighbors speak Did not their\\ninfringed rights speak? Did not their invaded prop-\\nerties speak? Did not their affronted representatives\\nwho had been trodden upon with scorn, speak? Did\\nnot the blood of many thousands speak, some slain", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0502.jp2"}, "501": {"fulltext": "THE REACTION 397\\nwith the sword, others killed with hunger; witness\\nJamaica? Did not the cries of their honest seamen\\nspeak, the wall and bulwark of our nation, and now so\\nbarbarously forced from wives and children to serve\\nthe ambitions and fruitless designs of one man?\\nBy way of antidote the major-generals were armed\\nwith letters from the Protector and instructions from\\nThurloe, and any one found in possession of a bundle\\nof the seditious documents was quickly called to sharp\\naccount. Earlier in the summer Sir Henry Vane had\\nput out a pamphlet without his name, which at first was\\npopular, and then on second thoughts was found im-\\npracticable, because it simply aimed at the restoration\\nof the Long Parliament. Vane was haled before the\\nCouncil (August 21), where he admitted the writing\\nand publishing of the Healing Question, though in\\ndark and mysterious terms, as his manner was. He\\nwas ordered to give security, refused, and was sent to\\nprison at Carisbrooke, where he lay until the end of the\\nyear. An attempt was made to punish Bradshaw by\\nremoving him from his office of Chief-Justice of Chesh-\\nire, but the council changed their mind. The well-\\ndirected activity of the major-general was enough to\\nprevent Bradshaw s return for that county, and he\\nfailed elsewdiere. So the Protector was free of those\\nwho passed for the two leading incendiaries.\\nThe Parliament met in September, 1656, and Oliver\\nadddressed it in one of his most characteristic speeches.\\nHe appealed at great length to the hatred of Spain, on\\nthe standing ground of its bondage to the Pope for\\nits evil doings upon Englishmen in the West Indies,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0for its espousal of the Stuart interest. Then he\\nturned to the unholy friendliness at home between\\nPapists, all of them Spaniolized, and Cavaliers; be-\\ntween some of the Republicans and Royalists between", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0503.jp2"}, "502": {"fulltext": "398 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsome of the Commonwealth men and some of the mire\\nand dirt thrown up by the revolutionary waters. He\\nrecalled all the plots and the risings and attempted\\nrisings, and warned them against the indolent suppo-\\nsition that such things were no more than the nibbling\\nof a mouse at one s heel. For the major-generals and\\ntheir decimation of Royalist delinquents, he set up a\\nstout defense. Why was it not righteous to make that\\nparty pay for the suppression of disorder which had\\nmade the charge necessary? Apart from the mere\\npreservation of the peace, was it not true that the\\nmajor-generals had been more effectual for dis-\\ncountenancing vice and settling religion than anything\\ndone these fifty years? The mark of the cavalier in-\\nterest was profaneness, disorder, and wickedness; the\\nprofane nobility and gentry, that w as the interest that\\nhis officers had been engaged against. If it lives in\\nus, I say, if it be in the general heart, it is a thing I\\nam confident our liberty and prosperity depend upon\\nreformation of manners. By this you will be more\\nrepairer of breaches than by anything in the world.\\nTruly these things do respect the souls of men and the\\nspirits which arc the men. The mind is the man.\\nIf that be kept pure, a man signifies somewhat; if not,\\nI would very fain see what difference there is between\\nhim and a beast.\\nIn the mighty task that was laid upon them, it was\\nno neutral or Laodicean spirit that would do. With\\nthe instinct of a moral leader, with something more\\nthan trick of debate or a turn of tactics, Cromwell told\\nthem Doubting, hesitating men, they are not fit for\\nyour work. You must not expect that men of hesi-\\ntating spirits, under the bondage of scruples, will be\\nable to carry on this work. Do not think that men of\\nthis sort will ever rise to such a spiritual heat for the", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0504.jp2"}, "503": {"fulltext": "THE REACTION 399\\nnation as shall carry you a cause like this as will meet\\nall the oppositions that the devil and wicked men can\\nmake. Then he winds up with three high passages\\nfrom the Psalms, with no particular bearing on their\\nsession, but in those days well fitted to exalt men s\\nhearts, and surrounding the temporal anxieties of the\\nhour with radiant visions from another sphere for the\\ndiviner mind.\\nOf the real cause of their assembling, deficit, and\\ndebts, the Protector judiciously said little. As he ob-\\nserved of himself on another occasion and the double\\nadmission deserves to be carefully marked he was not\\nmuch better skilled in arithmetic than he was in law,\\nand his statement of accounts would certainly not\\nsatisfy the standards of a modern exchequer. In-\\ncapacity of legal apprehension, and incapacity in\\nfinance, are a terrible drawback in a statesman with a\\nnew state to build. Before business began, the Pro-\\ntector took precautions after his own fashion against\\nthe opposition critics. He and the council had already\\npondered the list of members returned to the Parlia-\\nment, and as the government made their way from the\\nPainted Chamber to their House, soldiers were found\\nguarding the door. There was no attempt to hide the\\niron hand in velvet glove. The clerk of the Common-\\nwealth was planted in the lobby with certificates of the\\napproval of the Council of State. Nearly a hundred\\nfound no such tickets, and for them there was no ad-\\nmission. This strong act of purification was legal\\nunder the Instrument, and the House when it was re-\\nported, was content with making an order that the per-\\nsons shut out should apply to the council for its appro-\\nbation. The excluded members, of whose fidelity to\\nhis government Cromwell could not be sure, comprised\\na faithful remnant of the Long Parliament; and they", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0505.jp2"}, "504": {"fulltext": "400 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand others, ninety-three in number, signed a remon-\\nstrance in terms that are a strident echo of the protests\\nwhich had so often l^een launched in old days against\\nthe king. Vehemently they denounced the practise\\nof the tyrant to use the name of God and religion and\\nformal fasts and prayer to color the blackness of the\\nfact and to command one hundred, two hundred, or\\nthree hundred to depart, and to call the rest a Parlia-\\nment by way of countenancing his oppression. The\\npresent assembly at Westminster, they protested, sits\\nunder the daily awe and terror of the Lord Protector s\\narmed men, not daring to consult or debate freely the\\ngreat concernments of their country, nor daring to\\noppose his usurpation and oppression, and no such\\nassembly can be the representative body of England.\\nW^e may be sure that if such was the temper of nearly\\none fourth of a Parliament that was itself just\\nchosen vmder close restrictions this remonstrance\\ngives a striking indication how little way had even yet\\nbeen made by Cromwell in converting popular opinion\\nto his support.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0506.jp2"}, "505": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V\\nA CHANGE OF TACK\\nTHE Parliament speedily showed signs that, win-\\nnowed and sifted as it had been, and loyally as it\\nalways meant to stand to the person of the Protector,\\nyet like the Rump, like the Barebones Convention,\\nand like the first Parliament under the Instrument,\\nall of them, one after another, banished in disgrace, it\\nwas resolved not to be a cipher in the constitution, but\\nwas full of that spirit of corporate self-esteem without\\nwhich any Parliament is a body void of soul. The\\nelections had taught them that the rule of the sword-\\nmen and the decimators was odious even to the honest\\nparty in the country. Oliver anxiously watching the\\nsigns of public feeling had probably learned the same\\nlesson, that his major-generals were a source of weak-\\nness and not of strength to his government. The\\nhour had come when the long struggle between army\\nand Parliament which in various forms had covered\\nnine troubled years, was to enter a fresh and closing-\\nphase. The nation, whether Royalist or Puritan, had\\nshown itself as a whole bitterly averse to the trans-\\nformation of the ancient realm of England into a mili-\\ntary state, and with this aversion, even from the early\\ndays of barrack debates at Windsor and Putney, Oliver\\nwas in perfect sympathy. Neither the habitudes of the\\ncamp, nor the fact that his own power which he rightly\\n401", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0507.jp2"}, "506": {"fulltext": "402 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nidentified with public order, had always depended and\\nmust still depend upon the army, dulled his instinct or\\nweakened his desire that the three kingdoms should be\\nwelded, not into a soldier state, but into a civil con-\\nstitution solidly reposing on its acceptance by the na-\\ntion. We cannot confidently divine the workings of\\nthat capacious, slow, and subtle mind, but this quick-\\nened perception seems to be the key to the dramatic\\nepisode that was now approaching.\\nThe opportunity for disclosing the resolve of the\\nParliament to try a fall with the military power soon\\ncame. It was preceded by an incident that revealed\\none of the dangers, so well known to Oliver, and\\nviewed by him with such sincere alarm as attending\\nany kind of free Parliament whether this or another.\\nThe general objects of the new Parliament of 1656,\\nlike the objects of its immediate predecessor of 1654,\\nwere to widen the powers of Parliament, to limit those\\nof the Protector, to curb the soldiers, and finally, al-\\nthough this was kept in discreet shade, to narrow the\\narea of religious tolerance. A test of tolerance oc-\\ncurred almost at once. Excesses of religious emotion\\nwere always a sore point with Protestant reformers,\\nfor all such excesses seemed a warrant for the bitter\\npredictions of the Catholics at the Reformation, that\\nto break with the church was to open the flood-gates of\\nextravagance and blasphemy in the heart of unregen-\\nerate man. Hence nobody was so infuriated as the\\npartisan of private judgment with those who carried\\nprivate judgment beyond a permitted point.\\nJames Nayler was an extreme example of the\\nmystics whom the hard children of this world dismiss\\nas crazy fanatics. For several years he had fought\\nwith good repute in the Parliamentary army, and he\\nwas present on the memorable day of Dunbar. Then", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0508.jp2"}, "507": {"fulltext": "A CHANGE OF TACK 403\\nhe joined George Fox, by-and-by carried Quaker prin-\\nciples to a higher pitch, and in time gave to his faith a\\npersonal turn by allowing enthusiastic disciples to\\nsalute him as the Messiah. In October, 1656, he rode\\ninto Bristol, attended by a crowd of frantic devotees,\\nsome of them casting branches on the road, all chant-\\ning loud hosannas, several even vowing that he had\\nmiraculously raised them from the dead. For his\\nshare in these transactions Nayler was brought before\\na committee of Parliament. No sworn evidence was\\ntaken. Nobody proved that he had spoken a word.\\nThe worst that could be alleged was that he had taken\\npart in a hideous parody. The House found that he\\nwas guilty of blasphemy, that he was a grand impostor,\\nand a seducer of the people. It was actually proposed\\nto inflict the capital sentence, and the offender only es-\\ncaped death by a majority of fourteen, in a division of\\na hundred and seventy-eight members. The debate\\nlasted over many days. The sentence finally imposed\\nwas this To stand in the pillory two hours at West-\\nminster; to be whipped by the hangman from West-\\nminster to the old Exchange, and there to undergo\\nanother two hours pillory; to have his tongue bored\\nthrough with a hot iron; to be branded on the brow\\nwith the letter B then to be sent to Bristol, carried on\\na horse barebacked with his face to the tail, and there\\nagain whipped in the market-place; thence to be\\nbrought back to London, to be put into solitary confine-\\nment with hard labor during the pleasure of Parlia-\\nment, without use of pen, ink, or paper. So hideous\\na thing could Puritanism be, so little was there in\\nmany things to choose between the spirit of Laud and\\nthe hard hearts of the people who cut off Laud s head.\\nCromwell showed his noblest quality. The year be-\\nfore he had interposed by executive act to remove John", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0509.jp2"}, "508": {"fulltext": "404 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nBiddle, charged with Socinian heresy, from the grasp\\nof the courts. Cromwell denounced the blasphemy of\\ndenying the godhead of Jesus Christ, but he secluded\\nBiddle from harm by sending him to Scilly with an\\nallowance of ten shillings a week and a supply of books.\\nSo now in Nayler s case he hated the cruelty, and h^\\nsaw the mischief of the assumption by Parliament of the\\nfunction of a court of law. The most ardent friends\\nof Parliament must still read with a lively thrill the\\nwords that Oliver now addressed to the Speaker:\\nHaving taken notice of a judgment lately given by\\nyourselves against one James Nayler; although we\\ndetest and abhor the giving or occasioning the least\\ncountenance to persons of such opinions and practice.\\nYet we, being interested in the present gov-\\nernment on behalf of the people of these nations and\\nnot knowing how far such proceeding, entered into\\nwholly without us, may extend in the consequence of\\nit Do desire that the House will let us know the\\ngrounds and reasons whereupon they have proceeded.\\n(December 12, 1656.) This rebuke notw^ithstanding.\\nthe execrable sentence was carried out to the letter.\\nIt galled Cromwell to find that under the Instrument\\nhe had no power to interfere with the Parliamentary\\nassumption of judicial attributes, and this became an\\nadditional reason for that grand constitutional revision\\nwhich was now coming into sight.\\nA few days after the disposal of Nayler a bill was\\nbrought in that raised the great Cjuestion of the major-\\ngenerals, their arbitrary power, and their unlawful\\ndecimations. By the new bill the system was to be\\ncontinued. The lawyers argued strongly against it,\\nand the members of the Council of State and the major-\\ngenerals themselves were of course as strongly for it.\\nThe debate was long and heated, for both sides under-", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0510.jp2"}, "509": {"fulltext": "A CHANGE OF TACK 405\\nstood that the issue was grave. When the final divi-\\nsion was taken, the bill was thrown out by a majority of\\nthirty-six in a House of two hundred and twelve. One\\ncurious result of the legislative union of the three king-\\ndoms of which the world has heard only too much in\\nlater days, was now first noted. The major-generals are\\nmuch offended at the Irish and Scottish members who,\\nbeing much united, do sway exceedingly by their votes.\\nI hope it will be for the best or if the proverb be true\\nthat the fox fares best when he is curst, those that serve\\nfor Ireland will bring home some good things for their\\ncountry. No Catholics were either electors or eli-\\ngible, and the Irish who thus helped to hold the balance\\nwere of course the colonists from England and Scot-\\nland.\\nSome gentlemen, Thurloe tells Henry Cromwell,\\ndo think themselves much trampled upon by this vote\\nagainst their bill, and are extrem.ely sensible thereof.\\nThat is to say, most of the major-generals, with the\\npopular and able Lambert at their head, recognized\\nthat the vote was nothing less than a formal decision\\nagainst the army and its influences. So bold a chal-\\nlenge from a Parliament in whose election and puri-\\nfication they had taken so prominent a part, roused\\nsharp anger, and the consequences of it were immedi-\\nately visible in the next and more startling move.\\nCromwell s share in either this first event, or in that\\nwhich now followed, is as obscure as his share in the\\nremoval of the king from Holmby, or in Pride s Purge,\\nor in the resolve to put Charles to death. The im-\\npression among the leaders of the army undoubtedly\\nseems to have been that in allowing the recent vote, the\\nLord Protector had in effect thrown his major-generals\\nover.\\nAs we are always repeating to ourselves, Cromwell", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0511.jp2"}, "510": {"fulltext": "4o6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nfrom 1647 had shown himself ready ro follow events\\nrather than go before. He was sometimes a consti-\\ntutional ruler, sometimes a dictator, sometimes the\\nagent of the barrack, each in turn as events appeared\\nto point and to demand. Now he reverted to the part\\nof constitutional ruler. The elections and the Parlia-\\nment showed him that the little invention of the\\nmajor-generals had been a mistake, but he was not so\\nsure of this as to say so. Ominous things happened.\\nDesborough, his brother-in-law, brought in the bill, but\\nClaypole, his son-in-law, was the first to oppose it. An-\\nother kinsman in the House denounced the major-gen-\\nerals roundly. People told him he would get a rating\\nwhen next he visited Whitehall. Nothing daunted, he\\nrepaired to the Protector, and stood to what he had\\nsaid with papers to prove his case. His Highness\\nanswered him with raillery, and taking a rich scarlet\\ncloak from his back and gloves from his hands threw\\nthem to his kinsman (Henry Cromwell), who strutted\\nin the House in his new finery next day, to the great\\nsatisfaction and delight of some, and trouble of others.\\nParliaments are easily electrified by small incidents,\\nand men felt that a new chapter was about to open.\\nIt was evident that Cromwell, who had only a few days\\nbefore so strongly defended the major-generals, was\\nnow for sailing on a fresh tack.\\nAbout this time was published the pamphlet with\\nthe famous title of Killing no Murder. It sets out\\nwith truculent vigor the arguments for death to\\ntyrants, with a direct and deadly exhortation to apply\\nthem to the case of the Lord Protector. The argu-\\nments had been familiar enough in the fifteenth and\\nsixteenth centuries, and though the writer does not for-\\nget Ehud and Eglon, Jehoiada and Athaliah, he has\\nmuch to say from pagans like Aristotle, Tacitus,", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0512.jp2"}, "511": {"fulltext": "A CHANGE OF TACK 407\\nCicero, Machiavelli. Had not his Highness, he\\nsays, been fluent in his tears and had a supple con-\\nscience; and besides had to do with a people of great\\nfaith but little wit, his courage and the rest of his moral\\nvirtues, with the help of his janissaries, had never been\\nable so far to advance him out of the reach of justice\\nthat we should have need to call for any other hand to\\nremove him but that of the hangman. The Royalists\\ndid not conceal their approval of this doctrine of dagger\\nand pistol. It is a most excellent treatise, says Nicho-\\nlas, the king s secretary of state. Cromwell, they said,\\nhad no more right to law than a wolf or a fox and the\\nexiles found comfort in telling one another that the\\nProtector went about in as much fright as Cain after he\\nhad murdered Abel. Three weeks before this pungent\\nincitement began to circulate, its author had almost\\nsucceeded in a design that would have made pamphlets\\nsuperfluous. Sexby, whom Cromwell had described\\nat the opening of the new Parliament as a wretched\\ncreature, an apostate from all honor and honesty, one\\nof the republicans whom Oliver s later proceedings\\nhad turned into a relentless enemy, was deep in plots\\nwith Royalists abroad and even with the Spaniards\\nagainst the life of the Protector. Diligent watch was\\nkept upon Sexby, and for long his foreign employers\\ngot nothing for their money. At length he secured\\na confederate as determined as himself and less well\\nknown to Thurloe s police in Miles Sindercombe, an\\nold trooper of Monk s, and a hater of tyrants rather\\nafter Roman than Hebrew example. Sindercombe\\ndogged the Protector with a pistol in his pocket, took\\na lodging in the road between Whitehall and Hampton\\nCourt, where Oliver passed every week, offered bribes\\nto the guards, and at last his pertinacity came very near\\nto success in a plan for setting fire to the Protector s", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0513.jp2"}, "512": {"fulltext": "4o8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\napartments in Whitehall. He was arrested, brought\\nbefore a jury a substantial body of men, most of\\nthem justices of the peace and was condemned. He\\ndied in his bed in the Tower the night before the exe-\\ncution. Sexby said that the governor had smothered\\nhim, but he afterward admitted that this was a fab-\\nrication. The evidence went to show that some\\nmineral poison had been secretly conveyed to Sinder-\\ncombe by three women who had been allowed to visit\\nhim.\\nThis dangerous plot was exploded in January\\n(1657), and the Protector s narrow escape made a\\nprofound impression on the public mind. It awoke\\nsober men, who are a majority in most countries when\\nopportunity gives them a chance, to the fact that only\\nOliver s life stood between them and either anarchy on\\nthe one hand, or a vindictive restoration on the other.\\nAnother design of the same sort came to light not long\\nafter. An obscure design of a few score of the extreme\\nFifth Monarchy men was discovered in the east of Lon-\\ndon in the month of April. Venner, a cooper, was the\\nleading spirit his confederates were of mean station,\\nand they appear to have had the same organization of\\ncircles and centers that marks the more squalid of mod-\\nern secret societies. They had no coherent political\\nideas, but they spoke desperate things about the mur-\\nder of the Protector, and Thurloe, with the natural\\ninstinct of the head of a criminal investigation depart-\\nment, was persuaded that stronger hands and heads\\nwere in the plot, and thought of Harrison, Rich, and\\nOkey. The government had long known all about it,\\nand at the proper moment laid its hand upon the\\nplotters. The opponents of the alterations in the gov-\\nernment professed to think that these alterations were\\nthe source of the conspiracy, and tried to make a little", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0514.jp2"}, "513": {"fulltext": "Drawn by George T. Tobin from the original portrait by\\nSir Peter Lely at Swarthmore College.\\nGEORGE FOX.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0515.jp2"}, "514": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0516.jp2"}, "515": {"fulltext": "A CHANGE OF TACK 409\\npolitical capital out of the discontent which it was sup-\\nposed to indicate in the honest party. The truth is,\\nsays the sage Thurloe, there is a sort of men who will\\nnever rest so long as they see troubled waters, and sup-\\npose a chance of carrying out their foolish principles.\\nVenner s plot was not of much more serious conse-\\nquence than the plot against Charles II, for which the\\nsame Venner was hanged four years later, but it now\\nheightened the general excitement.\\nThe confusion of the sects may have involved less\\ndirect political peril than some of the government sup-\\nposed, but it marked a social chaos without a parallel.\\nOliver was denounced as the Serpent, the Beast, the\\nBastard of Ashdod. The Saints, on the other hand,\\nwere engaged on Life and Death to stand or fall with\\nthe Lord Jesus, their captain-general on his red horse,\\nagainst the Beast s government. Cromwell was in-\\nfinitely patient and even sympathetic with the most\\nfantical of them. He could not bear to cjuarrel with\\nthe brave and open-hearted Harrison. He sent for\\nhim to Whitehall, gave him a handsome feast, and then\\ndischarged the duty of a friend by admonishing him\\nto quit deceitful and slippery ways. Like the sensible\\nstatesman that he was, he always liked to carry as\\nmany of his old friends with him as he could, only if\\nthey would not go with him, then he went on alone.\\nIt was in 1654 that the Quakers entered into history.\\nIt was indeed high time, for the worst of Puritanism\\nwas that in so many of its phases it dropped out the\\nSermon on the Mount, and left the best texts in the\\nNew Testament to Arianising heretics. Militant\\nPuritanism was often only half Christian. Quaker\\nism has undergone many developments, but in all of\\nthem it has been the most devout of all endeavors to\\nturn Christianity into the religion of Christ. In un-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0517.jp2"}, "516": {"fulltext": "4IO OLIVER CROMWELL\\ncouth phrases but with glowing souls they carried to\\nits furthest point the protest against outer form and\\nceremonial as degrading to the life of the spirit.\\nThey fell in with the corresponding principle of an-\\ntagonism to powers and institutions as hindrances to\\nhuman freedom. No other sect so alarmed and ex-\\nasperated the authorities for much the same military\\nand political reasons as had made statesmen persecute\\nthe Christian professors in the early days of imperial\\nRome. Cromwell treated them as kindly as he could.\\nHe listened in his chamber at Whitehall with atten-\\ntion and emotion to one of George Fox s exhortations,\\nsaying, That is very good, or That is true, and\\nwhen they parted Cromwell said to him, Come again\\nto my house if thou and I were but an hour of the day\\ntogether, we should be nearer one to the other. I wish\\nno more harm to thee than I do to my own soul.\\nWhen Fox lay in prison, a friend went to Cromwell\\nand begged to be allowed to suffer in his stead. The\\nProtector answered that it was contrary to the law.\\nand turning to his council, Which of you, quoth he,\\nwould do as much for me if I were in the same con-\\ndition\\nNotwithstanding his own good will the Quakers\\nsuffered much bitter usage from country justices, from\\njudges, and from military officers. The Friends com-\\nplained that justices delighted in tendering to them\\nthe oath of abjuration, knowing that they could not\\ntake it, and so designing to make a spoil of them. It\\nwas never intended for them, cried Oliver, I never\\nso intended it. When they were harshly punished\\nfor refusing to pay their tithe, Oliver disclaimed all\\nshare in such severities, and assured them that all per-\\nsecution and cruelty was against his mind. Thurloe,\\non the other hand, who represented that secular spirit", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0518.jp2"}, "517": {"fulltext": "A CHANGE OF TACK 411\\nwhich is so apt to be the counterfeit of statesmanship,\\nsaw in the Quakers foes of civil government, and re-\\ngarded them as the most serious enemies they had.\\nThe chapter of Quaker persecution must be considered\\na dark blot on the administration of the Protectorate.\\nA curious interview is recorded (1654) between the\\nProtector and some of his angry critics. John Rogers\\nhad denounced him from the pulpit, and written\\npamphlets lamenting over Oliver, Lord Cromwell, from\\nthat most useful of all texts, the everlasting Mcne,\\nMene,TekelUpharsiii and for these and other proceed-\\nings he was arrested. Cromwell admitted Rogers and\\na crowd of followers to an audience. Before they\\nreached him they were struck, hustled, and abused as\\na pack of cursed dogs and damned rogues by the guards\\ndown-stairs. When they came to the presence, The\\nGreat Man had with him two gentlemen more, who\\nstood by the fire-side, and a pistol lay prepared at the\\nwindow where he himself at first was. Then he came\\nto the fire-side in great majesty, without moving or\\nshowing the least civility of a man, though all stood\\nbare to him and gave respect. Cromwell listened\\nto them with rough good-nature, trying with homely\\nbanter to bring them to the point. I believe you speak\\nmany things according to the Gospel, but what you\\nsuffer for is railing and evil doing, and so forth, like\\na good-humored police magistrate trying to bring\\nstreet preachers to reason for blocking the thorough-\\nfare.\\nEven with Anglicanism, he was, in spite of the\\nordinance of 1656, for fair play. A deputation of Lon-\\ndon ministers waited upon the Protector and com-\\nplained that the Episcopal clergy got thei^ congrega-\\ntions away from them. Have they so, said Oliver,\\nmaking as if he would say something to the captain of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0519.jp2"}, "518": {"fulltext": "412 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe guard. But hold. said he. after what manner\\ndo the Cavaliers debauch your people? By preach-\\ning, said the ministers. Then preach back again,\\nsaid Oliver, and so left them to their reflections. Yet\\nCromwell s tolerance did not prevent a major-general\\nfrom sending the harmless and virtuous Jeremy Tay-\\nlor arbitrarily to prison.\\nCromwell s importance in church history has been\\nsaid to rest on this, that he brought Anabaptism or\\nenthusiasm, one of the marked epochs of that history,\\nto its close. In him, its greatest leader, Anabaptism\\nreaches its climax, and yet it is by his action that Ana-\\nbaptism ceases to be a historic force. Henceforth it\\nloses the universal significance that it has possessed\\nfor two centuries. Its political, like its general re-\\nforming influence, is at an end. and its religious in-\\nspirations close. When Mazarin (1656) pressed\\nfor the same toleration for Catholics in England as\\nwas asked for Protestants abroad, the Protector replied\\nthat he believed Mazarin had less reason to complain\\nof rigor on men s consciences under him than under\\nthe Parliament. And herein it is my purpose as soon as\\nI can remove impediments to make a further progress,\\nbut I may not (shall I tell you I cannot) at this\\njuncture of time answer your call for toleration I say\\nI cannot, as to a public declaration of my sense on that\\npoint. As constable of the parish Cromwell s power\\nwas only limited by the council of ofiicers, but national\\nleadership in the field of opinion he did not possess.\\nIn 1655 a retrograde proclamation was issued for the\\nexecution of the laws against Jesuits and priests, and\\nfor the conviction of popish recusants. Sensible men\\nlike Whitelocke protested that it was not needed, and\\nlittle came of it. In 1651 Peter Wright, a priest, was\\n1 Weingarten, p. 158.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0520.jp2"}, "519": {"fulltext": "A CHANGE OF TACK 413\\nhanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn, along with\\na group of ordinary criminals, for seducing the people\\nand in 1654 another priest, John South worth, an old\\nman of seventy-two, suffered the same fate for the\\nsame offense. In 1657 the Independents, whose politi-\\ncal existence had begun with their protest for tolera-\\ntion, passed an act by which anybody over sixteen sus-\\npected of being a Papist might be called upon to abjure\\nthe leading articles of Catholic belief, and if he failed\\nto purge himself should forfeit two thirds of his prop-\\nerty. From this flagitious law the Protector did not\\nwithhold his assent. It was one of the last legislative\\nperformances of the Cromwellian Parliament.\\nThe Jews had been banished by law from England\\nsince the end of the thirteenth century, yet it is pretty\\ncertain that their presence was not entirely unknown\\nin either country or town. Shakspere and Marlowe\\nhad made dark figures of them on the stage, though\\nShakspere s glorious humanity had put into the mouth\\nof Shylock one of the most pathetic appeals in litera-\\nture against the cruelty of theological hate. Puritanism\\nitself was impregnated with ideas, language, argument,\\nand history, all borrowed from Jewish antiquity and\\nsacred books. Roger \\\\\\\\^illiams, most unswerving of\\nthe advocates of toleration, argued strongly for break-\\ning down the wall of superstition between Jew and\\nGentile. Stern men like Whalley saw reasons, both of\\nreligion and policy, why Jews should be admitted, for\\nthey would bring much wealth into the State, and they\\nwould be all the more likely to be converted. Crom-\\nwell with great earnestness held the same view, but\\nthough the question was debated candidly and without\\nheat, opinion in his council was divided. In the end\\nall that he felt himself able to do was to grant a certain\\nnumber of private dispensations to individuals, and to", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0521.jp2"}, "520": {"fulltext": "414 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nconnive at a small synagogue and a cemetery. It was\\nenough to show him on the side of freedom, pity, and\\nlight. But the tolerance of the Puritanism around\\nhim was still strictly limited. It would be graceless\\nindeed to underestimate or forget the debt we owe to\\nboth Quakers and Independents they it was who at a\\ncritical time made liberty of conscience a broad, an\\nactual, and a fighting issue. Yet it was from the\\nrising spirit of rationalism, and neither from the liberal\\nAnglicans like Taylor nor from the liberal Puritans\\nlike Cromwell and Milton, that the central stream of\\ntoleration flowed, with strength enough in time to miti-\\ngate law and pervade the national mind.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0522.jp2"}, "521": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VI\\nKINGSHIP\\nHE entered the sanctuary, says Cardinal de Retz\\nof a French poHtician, he Hfted the veil that\\nshould always cover everything that can be said or can\\nbe believed, as to the right of peoples and the right of\\nkings rights that never agree so well together as in\\nunbroken silence. This was the root of the difficul-\\nties that for nine years baffled the energy of Cromwell.\\nThe old monarchy had a mystic as well as a historical\\nfoundation. The soldier s monarchy, though Crom-\\nwell believed it to rest upon the direct will of heaven,\\nyet could only be established on positive and practical\\nfoundations, and these must of necessity be laid in face\\nof jealous discussion, without the curtain of convention\\nto screen the builders.\\nMeanwhile a new and striking scene was opening.\\nThe breakdown of military rule, consternation caused\\nby plot upon plot, the fact that four years of dictator-\\nship had brought settlement no nearer, all gave an irre-\\nsistible impetus to the desire to try fresh paths. Sir\\nChristopher Packe, an active and influential representa-\\ntive of the city of London and once Lord Mayor, star-\\ntled the House one day (February 2-^, 1657) by asking\\nleave to bring forward a proposal for a new govern-\\nment, in which the chief magistrate was to take upon\\nhimself the title of king, and the Parliament was to\\n415", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0523.jp2"}, "522": {"fulltext": "4i6 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nconsist of two Houses. Violent controversy immedi-\\nately broke out, and Packfe was even hustled to the\\nbar to answer for his boldness. The storm quickly\\ndied down he had only precipitated a move for which\\nthe mind of the House was ready; leave was given\\nto read his paper; and the Humble Petition and Ad-\\nvice, as that paper came in time to be called, absorbed\\nthe whole attention of the public for four months to\\ncome.\\nThat Cromwell should have had no share in such a\\nstep as this may seem incredible in view^ of the im-\\nmense power in his hands and of his supreme command\\nover popular imagination. Yet the whole proceeding\\nwas obviously a censure of some of his most decisive\\nacts. He had applauded the Listrument of Govern-\\nment that had made him Protector. The Instrument\\nwas now to be remodeled, if not overthrown. He had\\nbroken the first Parliament of the Protectorate for\\nwasting its tmie on constitutional reform; yet consti-\\ntutional reform was the very task that his second Par-\\nliament was now setting about more earnestly than\\never. He had tried government by major-generals,\\nand exacted taxes for which no sanction was given by\\nlaw^ That system was swept away, and in the new\\nproject a clause was passed against taxation without\\nconsent of Parliament, stringent enough to satisfy the\\nsternest of popular reformers. Only six months ago\\nhe had shut the doors of the House against a hundred\\nduly elected members and in the previous Parliament\\nhe had in the same way insisted that no member should\\nsit who had not signed a recognition of his own au-\\nthority. All these high-handed acts were now for-\\nmally stamped as wrong. It Avas laid dow^n that\\npersons legally chosen by free election could only be\\nexcluded from Parliament by judgment and consent", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0524.jp2"}, "523": {"fulltext": "KINGSHIP 417\\nof that House whereof they were members. The sub-\\nstitution of the title of king for protector was there-\\nfore the least part of the matter. The real question\\nthat must have weighed upon Cromwell was whether\\nthe greater title did not carry with it lessened power;\\nwhether, although his style and dignity were undoubt-\\nedly exalted, the exaltation in substance was not rather\\nthat of the Parliament. Assent to a change in name\\nand form Avas at bottom a revolution in policy, and in\\nthis revolution, with all that it involved, Cromwell\\nslowly, ponderously, and after long periods of doubt\\nand misgivings decided to acquiesce. Yet the change\\nof title was a momentous thing in itself, in the eyes\\nalike of those who sought it and those who resisted.\\nThe strongest advocates of the kingship were the law-\\nyers, that powerful profession of which historians and\\npoliticians do not always recognize the permeating\\ninfluence even through the motions of revolutionary\\npolitics. The lawyers argued for a king, and their\\npoints were cogent. The office of a king, they said,\\nis interwoven with the whole body of the law and the\\nwhole working of national institutions. The pre-\\nrogatives of a king with all their limits and dimensions\\nare well understood, but who can define the rights or\\nthe duties of a protector The people, again, only love\\nwhat they know; and what they know is the crown,\\nthe ancient symbol of order, unity, and rule. These\\nwere sound arguments, appealing to Cromwell s con-\\nservative instincts. The only argument by which he\\ncould have refuted them was a demonstration that\\nthe Protectorate had brought a settlement, and this was\\njust what the Protectorate had as yet notoriously failed\\nto do. It is impossible not to believe that in this crisis\\nof things Cromwell had convinced himself that the\\nlawyers were right.\\n27", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0525.jp2"}, "524": {"fulltext": "41 8 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nFrom the balance of argument he turned, as states-\\nmen must or should, to the balance of forces; to that\\nformidable host of armed men whom he had welded\\ninto the most powerful military instrument in Europe,\\nwhom he had led to one victory after another in nine\\nyears of toil and peril, whom he had followed rather\\nthan led in all the successive stages of their revolution-\\nary fervor, whose enthusiasms were the breath of his\\nnostrils. How would these stern warriors view the\\nsight of their chief putting on the mantle of that hated\\noffice and title which they had been taught to regard\\nas the ensigns of bondage, and against which the Lord\\nof Hosts had borne such crushing witness. Well\\nmight Oliver say that he had lived all the latter part\\nof his life in the fire, in the midst of troubles, and that\\nall the things together that had befallen him since he\\nwas first engaged in the affairs of the Commonwealth\\ncould not so move his heart and spirit as did this\\nproposal.\\nWith angry promptness the officers showed their\\nteeth. Lambert and others of the military leaders\\ninstantly declared against the new design. Within\\nthree days of Packe s announcement a hundred of\\nthem waited on the Protector and besought him not\\nto listen to the proffer of the crown. It would dis-\\nplease the army, and the godly it would be a danger\\nto the nation and to his own person it would one day\\nbring back the exiled line. Cromwell dealt very faith-\\nfully with them in reply. He liked the title as little\\nas they liked it, a mere feather in a hat, a toy for a\\nchild. But had they not themselves proposed it in\\nthe Instrument? Here he glanced at Lambert, for-\\nmerly the main author of such a proposal in 1653, and\\nnow in 1657 the main instigator of opposition. Crom-\\nwell continued in the same vein of enersfetic remon-", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0526.jp2"}, "525": {"fulltext": "KINGSHIP 419\\nstrance, like a man wearied, as he said, of being on all\\noccasions made a drudge. Strangely does he light up\\nthe past. His reply was a double arraignment of him-\\nself and of them for the most important things that\\nmost of them had done. He said it was they who had\\nmade him dissolve the Long Parliament. It was they\\nwho had named the convention that followed, which\\nwent to such fantastic lengths that nobody could be\\nsure of calling anything his own. It was they who\\nhad pressed him to starve out the ministers of religion.\\nWas it not they too who must needs dissolve the Par-\\nliament in 1655 for trying to mend the Instrument, as\\nif the Instrument did not need to be mended? They\\nhad thought it necessary to have major-generals, and\\nthe major-generals did their part well. Then after\\nthat, nothing would content them till a Parliament was\\ncalled. He gave his vote against it, but they were con-\\nfident that somehow they would get men chosen to\\ntheir heart s desire. How they had failed therein, and\\nhow much the country had been disobliged, was only\\ntoo well known. Among other things, this string of\\nreproaches helps to explain the curious remark of\\nHenry Cromwell while walking in the garden of Lud-\\nlow s country house at Monkstown in Dublin Bay.\\nYou that are here, he said, may think that my\\nfather has power, but they make a very kickshaw of\\nhim at London.\\nOliver s rebuke made the impression that he had cal-\\nculated. Time was gained, and a compromise agreed\\nto. The question of the kingly title was postponed\\nuntil the end of the bill, and the rest of its proposals\\nwent forward in order. On any view this delay on\\nCromwell s part was a piece of sound tactics. Those\\nwho would not have valued the other reforms without\\na king as keystone of the reconstructed arch, assented", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0527.jp2"}, "526": {"fulltext": "420 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nto the reforms in the hope that kingship would follow.\\nThose who hated the kingship, pressed for enlargement\\nof the constitution with the hope that the question of\\nthe crown would drop. When the clause was at last\\nreached (March 25), the title of king was carried by\\none hundred and twenty-three to sixty-two. Opera-\\ntions in the House were completed by the end of March,\\nand on the last day of the month 1657) the new con-\\nstitution engrossed on vellum was submitted to the\\nProtector at Whitehall. He replied in a tone of dig-\\nnity not without pathos, that it was the greatest weight\\nof anything that was ever laid upon a man; that he\\nmight perhaps be at the end of his work; that were he\\nto make a mistake in judgment here, it were better that\\nhe had never been born and that he must take time\\nfor the utmost deliberaton and consideration. Then\\nbegan a series of parleys and conferences that lasted\\nfor the whole of the month of April, with endless du-\\nbitances, postponements, and adjournments, iteration\\nand reiteration of arguments. Cromwell s speeches\\nwere found dark and promiscuous, nor can a modern\\nreader wonder; and he undoubtedly showed extraor-\\ndinary readiness in keeping off the point and balking\\nthe eager interlocutor. One passage (April 13) is\\nfamous. He told them that he had undertaken his\\nposition originally not so much out of a hope of doing\\nany good, as from a desire to prevent mischief and evil.\\nFor truly I have often thought that I could not tell\\nwhat my business was, nor what I was in the place I\\nstood in, save comparing myself to a good constable\\nset to keep the peace of the parish. That, he said,\\nhad been his content and satisfaction in all the troubles\\nhe had undergone, that they still had peace. Nobody\\nany longer doubts that this homely image was the\\nwhole truth. The question was whether the con-", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0528.jp2"}, "527": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait in possession of Miss Disbrowe.\\nSAMUEL DESBOROUGH.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0529.jp2"}, "528": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0530.jp2"}, "529": {"fulltext": "KINGSHIP 421\\nstable s truncheon should now be struck from his hand,\\nor more boldly grasped. Time after time they parted,\\nin the words of Clarendon, all men standing at gaze\\nand in terrible suspense according to their several hopes\\nand fears, till they knew what he would determine.\\nAll the dispute was now within his own chamber, and\\nthere is no question that the man was in great agony,\\nand in his own mind he did heartily desire to be king,\\nand thought it the only way to be safe.\\nThe feeling of his friends may be gathered from\\nHenry Cromwell, then in Ireland. I look on some\\nof them, he said, speaking of the contrariant offi-\\ncers, as vainly arrogating to themselves too great a\\nshare in his Highness government, and to have too\\nbig an opinion of their own merit in subverting the\\nold. He thinks the gaudy feather in the hat of au-\\nthority a matter of little concern either way. If the\\narmy men were foolish in resenting it with so much\\nheat, the heat of those who insisted on it was foolish\\ntoo. Whether the gaudy feather decked the hat or\\nnot, anything would be better than the loss of the\\nscheme as a whole; the scheme was good in itself, and\\nits loss would puff up the contrariants and make it\\neasier for them, still remaining in power as they would\\nremain, to have their own way. It is plain that the\\npresent dissension on the kingship was an explosion of\\ngriefs and jealousies that were not new.\\nAt last Cromwell declared to several members that\\nhe was resolved to accept. Lambert, Desborough, and\\nFleetwood warned him that if he did, they must with-\\ndraw from all public employment, and that other offi-\\ncers of quality would certainly go with them. Desbor-\\nough, happening after he knew the momentous decision\\nto meet Colonel Pride, told him that Cromwell had\\nmade up his mind to accept the crown. That he shall", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0531.jp2"}, "530": {"fulltext": "422 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nnot, said the unfaltering Pride. Why, asked the\\nother, how wilt thou hinder it? Get me a petition\\ndrawn, answered Pride, and I will prevent it. The\\npetition was drawn, and on the day when the House\\nwas expecting Oliver s assent, a group of seven-and-\\ntwenty officers appeared at the bar with the prayer\\nthat they should not press the kingship any further.\\nPride s confidence in the effect of a remonstrance from\\nthe officers was justified by the event. When news of\\nthis daring move against both the determination of the\\nProtector, and the strong feeling of the Parliament,\\nreached Whitehall, Cromwell was reported as ex-\\ntremely angry, calling it a high breach of privilege,\\nand the greatest injury they could have offered him\\nshort of cutting his throat. He sent for Fleetwood,\\nreproached him for allowing things to go so far, while\\nknowing so well that without the assent of the army\\nhe was decided against the kingship and bade him go\\nimmediately to Westminster to stay further proceed-\\nings on the petition, and instantly invite the House to\\ncome to \\\\\\\\niitehall to hear his definite reply. They\\ncame. He gave his decision in a short, firm speech,\\nto the effect that if he accepted the kingship, at the\\nbest he should do it doubtingly, and assuredly what-\\never was done doubtingly was not of faith. I can-\\nnot, he said, undertake this government with the\\ntitle of king; and that is mine answer to this great\\nand weighty business. This was all he said, but\\neverybody knew that he had suffered his first repulse,\\na wound in the house of his friend. He set his mark\\non those who had withstood him, and Lambert was\\nspeedily dismissed. It is not easy to explain why, if\\nCromwell did not fear to exile Lambert from place,\\nas he had not feared to send Harrison to prison, he\\nshould not have held to his course in reliance on his", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0532.jp2"}, "531": {"fulltext": "KINGSHIP 423\\nown authority in the army. Clarendon supposes his\\ncourage for once to have failed, and his genius to have\\nforsaken him. Swift, in that whimsical list of Mean\\nand Great Figures made by several persons in some\\nparticular action of their lives, counts Cromwell a\\ngreat figure when he quelled a mutiny in Hyde Park,\\nand a mean one the day when, out of fear, he refused\\nthe kingship. As usual Cromwell was more politic\\nthan the army. It is strange that some who eulogize\\nhim as a great conservative statesman, yet eulogize\\nwith equal fervor the political sagacity of the army,\\nwho as a matter of fact resisted almost every conserva-\\ntive step that he wished to take, while they hurried\\nhim on to all those revolutionary steps to which he\\nwas most averse. However this may be, we may at\\nleast be sure that few men were better judges of what\\nmight be achieved by daring. and that if he deter-\\nmined that the occasion was not ripe, he must be\\nassumed to have known what he was about.\\nThe House proceeded with their measure on the\\nnew footing, and on June 26th Oliver was solemnly in-\\nstalled as Lord Protector under the new law. Though\\nthe royal title was in abeyance, the scene marked the\\nconversion of what had first been a military dictator-\\nship, and then the Protectorate of a Republic, into a\\nconstitutional monarchy. A rich canopy was prepared\\nat the upper end of Westminster Hall, and under it\\nwas placed the royal Coronation Chair of Scotland,\\nwhich had been brought from the Abbey. On the\\ntable lay a magnificent Bible, and the sword and scepter\\nof the Commonwealth. When the Lord Protector\\nhad entered, the Speaker, in the name of the Parlia-\\nment, placed upon his shoulders a mantle of purple vel-\\nvet lined with ermine, girt him with the sword, de-\\nlivered into his hands the scepter of massy gold, and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0533.jp2"}, "532": {"fulltext": "424 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nadministered the oath of fidelity to the new constitu-\\ntion. A prayer was offered up, and then Cromwell,\\namid trumpet blasts and loud shouting from the peo-\\nple who thronged the hall, took his seat in the chair,\\nholding the scepter in his right hand, with the am-\\nbassador of Louis XIV on the one side, and the\\nambassador of the United Provinces on the other.\\nWhat a comely and glorious sight it is, said the\\nSpeaker, to behold a Lord Protector in a purple robe,\\nwith a scepter in his hand, with the sword of justice\\ngirt about him, and his eyes fixed upon the Bible!\\nLong may you enjoy them all to your own comfort and\\nthe comfort of the people of these nations. Before\\nmany months were over, Oliver was declaring to them,\\nI can say in the presence of God, in comparison with\\nwhom we are but like poor creeping ants upon the\\nearth, that I would have been glad to have lived under\\nmy woodside, to have kept a flock of sheep, rather than\\nundertake such a government as this.\\nThe Protectorate has sometimes been treated as a\\nnew and original settlement of the crucial question of\\nParliamentary sovereignty. On the contrary, the his-\\ntory of the Protectorate in its two phases, under the\\ntwo Instruments of 1653 and 1657 by which it was\\nconstituted, seems rather to mark a progressive return\\nto an old system than the creation of a new one. The\\nAgreement of the People (1649) ^^s the embodi-\\nment of the idea of the absolute supremacy of a single\\nelective House. The Instrument of Government\\n(1653) went a certain way toward mitigating this\\nsupremacy by entrusting executive power to a single\\nperson, subject to the assent and cooperation of a coun-\\ncil itself the creation, at first direct and afterward in-\\nVflirect, of the single House. The Humble Petition\\nAdvice (1657) in effect restored the principle of", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0534.jp2"}, "533": {"fulltext": "KINGSHIP 425\\nmonarchy, and took away from Parliament the right in\\nfuture to choose the monarch. The oath prescribed\\nfor a privy council was an oath of allegiance to the per-\\nson and authority of the Lord Protector and his suc-\\ncessors, and he was clothed with the more than regal\\nright of deciding who the successor should be. On\\nhim was conferred the further power of naming the\\nmembers of the new Second House. On the other\\nhand, the council or cabinet by whose advice the\\nLord Protector was bound to govern, was to be ap-\\nproved by both Houses, and to be irremovable without\\nthe consent of Parliament. The Protectorate then was\\nfinally established, so far as constitutional documents\\ngo and in rudimentary forms, on the same principles\\nof Parliamentary supremacy over the executive and of\\nministerial responsibility that have developed our mod-\\nern system of government by Parliamentary cabinet.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0535.jp2"}, "534": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VII\\nPERSONAL TRAITS\\nTHERE is no sign that the wonderful fortunes that\\nhad befallen him in the seventeen years since\\nhe quitted his woodside, his fields and flocks, had\\naltered the soundness of Cromwell s nature. Large af-\\nfairs had made his vision broader power had hardened\\nhis grasp; manifold necessities of men and things had\\ntaught him lessons of reserve, compliance, suppleness,\\nand silence; great station brought out new dignity of\\ncarriage. But the foundations were unchanged. Time\\nnever choked the springs of warm afifection in him, the\\ntrue refreshment of every careworn life. In his family\\nhe was as tender and as solicitous in the hour of his\\nglory as he had been in the distant days at St. Ives and\\nEly. It was in the spring of 1654 that he took up his\\nresidence at hitehall. His wife seemed at first un-\\nwilling to remove thither, tho she afterward became\\nbetter satisfied with her grandeur. His mother, who\\nby reason of her great age was not so easily flattered\\nwith these temptations, very much mistrusted the issue\\nof affairs, and would be often afraid, when she heard\\nthe noise of a musket, that her son was shot, being\\nexceedingly dissatisfied unless she might see him once\\na day at least. Only six months after her installation\\nin the splendors of Whitehall the aged woman passed\\n426", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0536.jp2"}, "535": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL TRAITS 427\\naway. My Lord Protector s mother, writes Thurloe\\nin November, of ninety-four years old, died the last\\nnight, and a little before her death gave my lord her\\nblessing in these words The Lord cause his face to\\nshine upon you, and comfort ye in all your adversities,\\nand enable 3^ou to do great things for the glory of your\\nmost high God, and to be a relief unto his people my\\ndear son, I leave my heart with thee; a good-night.\\nHis letters to his wife tell their own tale of fond\\nimportunity and affectionate response:\\nI have not leisure to write much, he says to her from\\nDunbar. But I could chide thee that in many of thy letters\\nthou writest to me, that I should not be unmindful of thee and\\nthy little ones. Truly if I love you not too well, I think I err\\nnot on the other hand much. Thou art dearer to me than\\nany creature, let that suffice.\\nAnd then he told her, as we have seen, that he was\\ngrowing an old man and felt the infirmities of age\\nmarvelously stealing upon him. He was little more\\nthan fifty, and their union had lasted thirty years.\\nSeven months later he writes to her that he is increased\\nin strength in his outward man\\nBut that will not satisfy me, except I get a heart to love\\nand serve my heavenly Father better. Pray for me; truly\\nI do daily for thee and the dear family, and God Almighty\\nbless ye all with his spiritual blessings. My love to the\\ndear little ones I pray for grace for them. I thank them for\\ntheir letters: let me have them often. If Dick Cromwell\\nand his wife be with you, my dear love to them. I pray for\\nthem; they shall, God wilhng, hear from me. I love them\\nvery dearly. Truly I am not able as yet to write much. I\\nam weary, and rest, ever thine.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0537.jp2"}, "536": {"fulltext": "428 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nHe was ever, says Thurloe, a most indulgent and\\ntender father. Richard Cromwell, as history well\\nknows, had little share of the mastering energies that\\nmade his father chief of men. With none but re-\\nspectable qualities, with a taste for hawking, hunting,\\nand horse-racing, he lacked strenuous purpose, taking\\nlife as it came, not shaping it. When the time arrived\\nfor his son s marriage, Cromwell, though plunged\\ndeep in public anxieties, did his share about the choice\\nof a wise connection, about money, about the life of\\nthe young couple, with prudent care. Henry Crom-\\nwell, an active soldier, an administrator of conspicuous\\njudgment and tact, and a politician with sense and\\nacuteness, had been commander-in-chief in Ireland\\nsince 1655, and his father thought well enough of him\\nin 1657, though still hardly thirty, to make him lord-\\ndeputy in succession to Fleetwood. Five years before,\\nFleetwood had married Bridget Cromwell, widow of\\nthe brave and keen-witted Ireton. Elizabeth, said to\\nhave been Oliver s favorite daughter, was married to\\nClaypole, a Northamptonshire gentleman, of respect-\\nable family and estate. These two were staying at the\\nCockpit in Whitehall in 165 1. Mind poor Betty of\\nthe Lord s great mercy, writes Cromwell to her\\nmother. Oh, I desire her not only to seek the Lord\\nin her necessity, but in deed and in truth to turn to the\\nLord; and to take heed to a departing heart, and of\\nbeing cozened with worldly vanities and worldly com-\\npany, which I doubt she is too subject to. I earnestly\\nand frequently pray for her and for him. Truly they\\nare dear to me, very dear and I am in fear lest Satan\\nshould deceive them knowing how weak our hearts\\nare, and how subtle the Adversary is, and what way\\nthe deceitfulness of our hearts and the vain world make\\nfor his temptations.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0538.jp2"}, "537": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait at Chequers Court, by permission\\nof Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nELIZABETH CROMWELL, DAUGHTER OF SIR THOMAS STEWARD\\nOF ELY, WIFE OF ROBERT CROMWELL, AND\\nMOTHER OF OLIVER CROMWELL.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0539.jp2"}, "538": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0540.jp2"}, "539": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL TRAITS 429\\nNot long after the establishment of the second Pro-\\ntectorate, the youngest daughters made matches which\\nwere taken by jealous onlookers to be still further signs\\nof the growth of Cromwell s reactionary ambition.\\nLady Mary, now one-and-twenty, married Lord Fau-\\nconberg, and Lady Frances in the same week married\\nRobert Rich, grandson and heir of the Earl of War-\\nwick. Swift tells Stella how he met Lady Faucon-\\nberg at a christening in 17 10, two years before her\\ndeath. He thought her extremely like her father s\\npictures.\\nThe Protector delighted in music, was fond of\\nhawking, hunting, coursing, liked a game of bowls,\\nand took more than a sportsman s pleasure in fine\\nhorses. There is little evidence that he was other than\\nindifferent to profane letters, but as Chancellor of the\\nUniversity of Oxford he encouraged the religious\\nstudies of the place, helped in the production of Wal-\\nton s polyglot bible, and set up a college at Durham.\\nCromwell had compass of mind enough to realise the\\nduty of a state to learning, but the promotion of reli-\\ngion was always his commanding interest.\\nPrecisians found the court at Whitehall frivolous\\nand lax, but what the} called frivolity was nothing\\nworse than the venial sin of cheerfulness. One of the\\nDutch ambassadors in 1654 describes what life at court\\nwas like on occasions of state, and the picture is worth\\nreproducing\\nThe Master of the Ceremonies came to fetch us in two\\ncoaches of His Highness about half an hour past one, and\\nbrought us to Whitehall, where twelve trumpeters were ready,\\nsounding against our coming. My lady Nieuport and my\\nwife were brought to His Highness presently who re-\\nceived us with great demonstration of amity. After we staid a", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0541.jp2"}, "540": {"fulltext": "430 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nlittle, we were conducted into another room, where we found\\na table ready covered. His Highness sat on one side of it\\nalone; my lord B., N., and myself at the upper end, and\\nLord President Lawrence and others next to us. There\\nwas in the same room another table covered for other\\nlords of the council and others. At the table of my Lady\\nProtectrice dined my lady N., my wife, my lady Lambert,\\nmy lord Protector s daughter, and mine. The music played\\nall the while we were at dinner. The Lord Protector [then]\\nhad us into another room, where the lady Protectrice and\\nothers came to us: where we had also music, and wine, and a\\npsalm sung which His Highness gave us, and told us it was\\nyet the best paper that had been exchanged between us and\\nfrom thence we were had into a gallery, next the river, where\\nwe walked with His Highness about half an hour, and then\\ntook our leaves, and were conducted back again to our houses,\\nafter the same manner as we were brought.\\nBaxter tells a less genial story. Cromwell, after\\nhearing him preach, sent for him. The great divine\\nfound him with Broghill, Lambert, and Thurloe.\\nCromwell began a long and tedious speech of God s\\nprovidence in the change of government, and how God\\nhad owned it, and what great things had been done at\\nhome and abroad in Spain and Holland. Lambert\\nfell asleep. Baxter attacked the change of govern-\\nment, and Cromwell with some passion defended it.\\nA few days after, he sent for me again to hear my\\njudgment about liberty of conscience, which he pre-\\ntended to be most zealous for, before almost all his\\nprivy council where, after another slow tedious speech\\nof his, I told him a little of my judgment. And when\\ntwo of his company had spun out a great deal more of\\nthe time in such-like tedious, but more ignorant\\nspeeches, some four or five hours being spent, I told\\nhim that if he w^ould be at the labor to read it, I could", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0542.jp2"}, "541": {"fulltext": "From the portrait at Chequers Court, by permission of Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nJOHN CLAYPOLE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0543.jp2"}, "542": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0544.jp2"}, "543": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL TRAITS 431\\ntell him more of my mind in writing in two sheets, than\\nin that wa} of speaking in many days. And this in\\ntruth we may well believe. It was the age of long dis-\\ncourse and ecstatic exercises. John Howe, who had\\nfirst attracted Cromwell by preaching for two hours,\\nand then turning the hour-glass for a third, has told us\\nthat on a Sunday or a fast-day he began about nine in\\nthe morning A\\\\ith a prayer for about quarter of an\\nhour, in which he begged a blessing on the work of the\\nday, and afterward expounded a chapter for about three\\nquarters; then prayed for an hour, preached for an-\\nother hour, and prayed for half an hour: then he re-\\ntired to refresh himself for quarter of an hour or more,\\nthe people singing all the while, and then came again\\ninto the pulpit, and prayed for another hour, and gave\\nthem another sermon of about an hour s length and\\nthen concluded toward four o clock with a final half\\nhour of prayer.\\nCromwell had that mark of greatness in a ruler that\\nhe was well served. No prince had ever abler or\\nmore faithful agents in arms, diplomacy, administra-\\ntion. Blake, Monk, Lockhart, Thurloe are conspicu-\\nous names in a list that might easily be made longer.\\nFamiliars Cromwell had none. The sage and in-\\ndefatigable Thurloe, who more closely than any of the\\nothers resembled the deep-browed counselors that\\nstood around the throne of Elizabeth, came nearest to\\nthe heart of the Protector s deliberations. Thurloe\\ntells us ot himself that he always distrusted his own\\ncounsels, when they sprang from moments of despond-\\nency an implication that wisdom goes with cheerful-\\nness, of which Cromwell was most likely the inspirer.\\nThe extent and manner of his resort to advice is no\\nsmall measure of the fitness of a man for large affairs.\\nOliver was not of the evil Napoleonic build. He was", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0545.jp2"}, "544": {"fulltext": "432 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nliable to bursts of passion, he had his moods, he was un-\\nwisely and fatally impatient of Parliamentary discus-\\nsion but nobody knew better the value of consultation\\nin good faith, of serious conference among men sin-\\ncerely bent on common aims, of the arts of honest per-\\nsuasion as distinguished from cajolery. Of that pettish\\negotism which regards a step taken on advice as humili-\\nation, he had not a trace he was a man. There are no\\nsigns that he ever had, what even strong men have not\\nalways been without, a taste for sycophants. White-\\nlocke has described how upon great 1)usinesses the Pro-\\ntector was wont to advise with himself, Thurloe, and\\na few others; how he would shut himself up with them\\nfor three or four hours together, would sometimes be\\nvery cheerful, and laying aside his greatness would be\\nexceedingly familiar, and by way of diversion would\\nmake verses with them, and every one must try his\\nfancy. He commonly called for tobacco, pipes, and a\\ncandle, and would now and then take tobacco himself;\\nthen he would fall again to his serious and great busi-\\nness. This did not prevent persons around him from\\nknowing that whatever resolutions His Highness took\\nwould be his own. Chatham inveighing against Lord\\nNorth in 1770, charged him with being without that\\nsagacity which is the true source of information\\nsagacity to compare causes and effects, to judge of the\\npresent state of things, and to discern the future by\\na careful review of the past. Oliver Cromwell, who\\nastonished mankind by his intelligence, he proceeds,\\ndid not derive it from spies in the cabinet of every\\nprince in Europe he drew it from the cabinet of his\\nown sagacious mind. Yet there is a passage in a letter\\nfrom Thurloe to Henry Cromwell not many weeks\\nbefore the end, where that faithful servant regrets his\\nmaster s too ready compliance. His Highness finding", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0546.jp2"}, "545": {"fulltext": "PERSONAL TRAITS 433\\nhe can have no advice from those he most expected it\\nfrom, saith he will take his own resolutions, and that\\nhe cannot any longer satisfy himself to sit still, and\\nmake himself guilty of the loss of all the honest party;\\nand truly I have long wished that His Highness would\\nproceed according to his own satisfaction, and not so\\nmuch consider others.\\n28", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0547.jp2"}, "546": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII\\nFOREIGN POLICY\\n(w\\nE have all learned that no inconsiderable part of\\nhistory is a record of the illusions of statesmen^\\n^Was Cromwell s foreign policy one of them To the\\nprior question what his foreign policy was, no single\\ncomprehensive answer can be given. It was mixed;\\ndefensive and aggressive, pacific and warlike zeal for\\nreligion and zeal for trade; pride of empire and a\\nsteadfast resistance to a restoration of the royal line\\nby foreign action. Like every other great ruler in\\nintricate times and in a situation without a precedent,\\nhe was compelled to change alliances, weave fresh com-\\nbinations, abandon to-day the ardent conception of\\nyesterday. His grand professed object was indeed\\nfixed the unity of the Protestant interest in Christen-\\ndom, with England in the van. Characteristically\\nCromwell had settled this in his mind by impulse and\\nthe indwelling light. It proved to be an object that\\ndid not happen to fit in with the nature of things.\\nUnluckily, in the shoals and shifting channels of inter-\\nnational affairs, the indwelling light is but a treacher-\\nous beacon. So far as purely national aims were con-\\ncerned, Cromwell s external policy was in its broad\\nfeatures the policy of the Commonwealth before him.^\\n1 See above iv, chap. 5.\\n434", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0548.jp2"}, "547": {"fulltext": "FOREIQN POLICY 435\\nWhat went beyond purely national aims and was in a\\nsense his own, however imposing, was of questionable\\nservice either to the State or to the Cause.\\nAt the outset his policy was peace. The Common-\\nwealth had gone to war with the Dutch, and Crom-\\nwell s first use of his new power was to bring the con-\\nflict to an end (April, 1654). His first boast to his\\nParliament was that he had made treaties not only\\nwith Holland, but with Sweden, Denmark, and Por-\\ntugal. These treaties were essentially commercial, but\\nthey implied general amity, which in the Dutch case\\ndid not go very deep. Peace, said Oliver, using the\\nconventional formula since worn so painfully thread-\\nbare on the eve of every war by men armed to the teeth,\\npeace is desirable with all men, so far as it may be had\\nwith conscience and honor. As time went on, designs\\nshaped themselves in his mind that pointed not to peace\\nbut to energetic action. He went back to the maritime\\npolicy of the Long Parliament. Even in coming to\\nterms with the Dutch in 1654 he had shown a severity\\nthat indicated both a strong consciousness of mastery,\\nand a stiff intention to use it to the uttermost. This\\nsecond policy was a trunk with two branches, a daring\\nideal with a double aspect, one moral, the other mate-\\nrial. The Protector intended to create a Protestant as-\\ncendancy in continental Europe, and to assert the rights\\nand claims of English ships and English trade at sea.\\nThe union of all the Protestant churches had long been\\na dream of more than one pious zealot, but Cromwell\\ncrystallized the aspirations after spiritual communion\\ninto schemes of secular policy. In spirit it was not\\nvery unlike the Arab invaders who centuries before\\nhad swept into Europe, the sword in one hand and the\\nKoran in the other, to conquer and to convert. If he\\nhad only lived, we are told, his continental policy might", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0549.jp2"}, "548": {"fulltext": "436 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nhave been the rudiment of something great, the foun-\\ndation of a Protestant and military state that might\\nhave been as powerful as the Spanish monarchy at the\\nbeginning of the century, and might have opened for\\nEngland an age if not of happiness, yet of vast great-\\nness and ascendancy (Seeley). There is no reason to\\nthink that any such sacrifice of national happiness to\\nnational ascendancy was ever a true account of Oliver\\nor of his ideals. Those baleful policies were left for\\nthe next generation and Louis XIV, the solar orb now\\nfirst diffusing its morning glow above the horizon.\\nJustly has it been said (Gardiner) that if Oliver had\\nbeen granted these twenty years more of life that en-\\nthusiastic worshipers hold necessary for the success\\nof his schemes, a European coalition would have been\\nformed against the English Protector as surely as one\\nwas formed against Louis of France.\\nWhen peace was made with the Dutch (April, 1654)\\nthe government found themselves with one hundred\\nand sixty sail of brave and well-appointed ships swim-\\nming at sea. The Protector and his council held\\ngrave debate whether they should be laid up or em-\\nployed in some advantageous design, and against which\\nof the two great crowns, France or Spain, that design\\nshould be directed or whether they would not do bet-\\nter to sell their friendship to both the powers for a\\ngood sum of money down. Lambert opposed the pol-\\nicy of aggression in the Spanish Indies. The scene,\\nhe said, was too far ofif; the difSculties and the cost\\nhad not been thought out; it would not advance the\\nProtestant cause; we had far more important work\\nat home the reform of the law, the settlement of Ire-\\nland, and other high concernments. Whether Lam-\\nbert stood alone, or held views that were shared by\\ncolleagues in the council, we cannot say. Cromwell", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0550.jp2"}, "549": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN POLICY 437\\nargued, on the other hand, that God had brought\\nthem there to consider the work that they might do\\nall over the world as well as at home, and if they\\nwaited for a surplus they might as well put off that\\nwork forever. Surely the one hundred and sixty\\nships were a leading of Providence. The design would\\ncost little more than laying up the ships, and there was\\na chance of immense profit. The proceedings of the\\nSpaniard in working his silver mines, his shipping and\\ntransshipping, his startings and his stoppages, his man-\\nagement of trade-winds and ocean-currents in bringing\\nthe annual treasure home all these things were con-\\nsidered with as much care as in the old days, a couple\\nof generations ago, when Drake and Hawkins and the\\nrest carried on their mighty raids against the colonial\\ntrade of Spain, and opened the first spacious chapter\\nin the history of the maritime power of England.\\nFrom the point of view of modern public law the pic-\\nture of the Council of State, with Oliver at the head of\\nthe board discussing the feasibility of seizing the West\\nIndies, is like so many hearty corsairs with pistols,\\ncutlasses, and boarding-caps resolving their plans in\\nthe cabin of the Red Rover or Paul Jones s Ranger.\\nBut modern public law, such as it was, did not extend\\nto the Spanish Main. It is true that Spain refused to\\ngrant freedom from the Inquisition and free sailing\\nin the West Indies, and these might have been legiti-\\nmate grounds of war. But it is hard to contend that\\nthey were the real or the only grounds. Historians\\nmay differ whether the expedition to the West Indies\\nwas a scheme for trade, territorial aggrandizement,\\nand naked plunder of Spanish silver or only a spirited\\nProtestant demonstration in force. Carnal and spir-\\nitual were strangely mingled in those times. We that\\nlook to Zion, wrote a gallant Anabaptist admiral of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0551.jp2"}, "550": {"fulltext": "438 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nthe age, should hold Christian communion. We have\\nall the guns aboard. Whether as substance of the\\npolicy or accident, plunder followed.\\nTo disarm the Spanish king s suspicion the Pro-\\ntector wrote to assure him that the despatch of the fleet\\nto the Mediterranean implied no ill intent to any ally\\nor friend, in the number of which we count your\\nmajesty (August 5, 1654). If the king could have\\nheard the arguments at the Council of State he might\\nhave thought that this amicable language hardly an-\\nswered to the facts. Cromwell s earliest move in his\\nnew line was to despatch Blake with one strong fleet to\\nthe Mediterranean (October), and Penn and Venables\\n(December, 1654) with another to the West Indies.\\nIn each case the instructions were not less explicit\\nagainst French ships than Spanish. Blake alarmed\\nFrance and Spain, menaced the Pope, and attacked\\nthe Barbary pirates. The expedition against Saint\\nDomingo was a failure it was ill-found, ill-conceived,\\nand ill-led. Before returning in disgrace the com-\\nmanders, hoping to retrieve their name, acquired\\nthe prize of Jamaica. These proceedings brought the\\nProtector directly within the sphere of the great Euro-\\npean conflict of the age, and drew England into the\\nheart of the new distribution of power in Europe that\\nmarked the middle epoch of the seventeenth century.\\nFrom the Elizabethan times conflict on the high seas\\nhad ranked as general reprisal and did not constitute\\na state of war, nor did it necessarily now. The status\\nof possessions over sea was still unfixed.^ Cromwell,\\nhowever, had no right to be surprised when Philip\\nchose to regard aggression in the Indies as justifying\\ndeclaration of war in Europe. A further consequence\\nwas that Spain now began warmly to espouse the cause\\n1 Corbet s Spanish War, 1585-S7, viii-ix. Navy Record Society, 1898.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0552.jp2"}, "551": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN POLICY 439\\nof the exiled line, and in the spring of 1656 Philip IV\\nformally bound himself to definite measures for the\\ntransport of a Royalist force from Flanders to aid in\\nthe English Restoration.\\nThe power of Spain had begun to shrink with the\\nabdication of Charles V. Before the middle of the\\nseventeenth century Portugal had broken off; revolt\\nhad shaken her hold in Italy Catalonia was in stand-\\ning insurrection; the United Provinces had finally\\nachieved their independence; by the barbarous expul-\\nsion of Moors and Jews she lost three millions of the\\nbest of her industrial population her maritime suprem-\\nacy was at an end. Philip IV, the Spanish sovereign\\nfrom a little time before the accession of Charles I in\\nEngland to a little time after the restoration of Charles\\nII, was called by flatterers the Great. Like a ditch,\\nsaid Spanish humor the more you dig away from it.\\nthe greater the ditch. The Treaty of Westphalia\\n(1648), the fruit of the toil, the foresight, and the\\ngenius of Richelieu, though others gathered it, weak-\\nened the power of the Germanic branch of the House\\nof Hapsburg, and Mazarin, the second of the two fa-\\nmous cardinals who for forty years governed France,\\nwas now in the crisis of his struggle with the Spanish\\nbranch. In this long struggle between two states, each\\ntorn by intestine dissension as well as by an external\\nenemy, the power of England was recognized as a\\ndecisive factor after the rise of the republic; and be-\\nfore Cromwell assumed the government Spain had\\nhastened to recognize the new Commonwealth. Crom-\\nwell, as we have seen, long hesitated between Spain\\nand France. Traditional policy pointed to France, for\\nthough she was predominantly Catholic, yet ever since\\nthe days of Francis I the greatest of her statesmen, in-\\ncluding Henry IV and Richelieu, had favored the Ger-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0553.jp2"}, "552": {"fulltext": "440 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nman princes and the Protestant powers, from no special\\ncare for the reformed faith, but because the Protestant\\npowers were the adversaries of the emperor, the head\\nof the Cathohc party in Europe.\\nMazarin endeavored to gain Cromwell from the\\nmoment of his triumphant return from Worcester. It\\nis the mark of genius to be able to satisfy new demands\\nas they arise, and to play new parts with skill. Ex-\\npecting to deal with a rough soldier whom fortune and\\nhis sword had brought to the front, Mazarin found\\ninstead of this a diplomatist as wary, as supple, as\\ntenacious, as dexterous, as capable of large views, as\\nincapable of dejection, as he was all these things him-\\nself. The rude vigor of the English demands and the\\nLord Protector s haughty pretensions never irritated\\nMazarin, of whom it has been aptly said (Mignet)\\nthat his ambition raised him above self-love, and that\\nhe was so scientifically cool that even adversaries never\\nappeared to him in the light of enemies to be hated,\\nbut only as obstacles to be moved or turned. It was\\nat one time even conjectured idly enough that Maza-\\nrin designed to marry one of his nieces to the sec-\\nond son of Oliver. For years the match went on be-\\ntween the Puritan chief who held the English to be\\nthe chosen people, and the Italian cardinal who de-\\nclared that though his language was not French, his\\nheart was. Mazarin s diplomacy followed the vicis-\\nsitudes of Cromwell s political fortune, and the pur-\\nsuit of an alliance waxed hotter or cooler, as the Pro-\\ntector seemed likely to consolidate his power or to let\\nit slip. Still both of them were at bottom men of di-\\nrect common sense, and their friendship stood on nearly\\nas good a basis for six or seven years as that which\\nfor twenty years of the next century supported the\\nmore fruitful friendship between Sir Robert Walpole", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0554.jp2"}, "553": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN POLICY 441\\nand Cardinal Fleury. A French writer, eminent both\\nas historian and actor in state affairs, says of these\\nnegotiations that it is the supreme art of great states-\\nmen to treat business simply and with frankness, when\\nthey know that they have to deal with rivals who will\\nnot let themselves be either duped or frightened\\n(Guizot). The comment is just. Cromwell was\\nharder and less pliant, and had nothing of the caress\\nunder which an Italian often hides both sense and firm-\\nness. But each was alive to the difficulties of the other,\\nand neither expected short cuts nor a straight road.\\nMazarin had very early penetrated Cromwell s idea of\\nmaking himself the guardian both of the Huguenots in\\nFrance, and of the Protestant interest throughout\\nEurope. In the spring of 1655 the massacre of the\\nProtestants in the Piedmontese valleys stirred a wave\\nof passion in England that still vibrates in Milton s\\nsonnet, and that Cromwell s impressive energy forced\\non Europe. At no other time in his history did the\\nflame in his own breast burn w4th an intenser glow.\\nThe incident both roused his deepest feelings and was\\na practical occasion for realizing his policy of a con-\\nfederation of Protestant powers, with England at the\\nhead of them, and France acting in concert. To be\\nindifferent to such doings, he said, is a great sin, and\\na deeper sin still to be blind to them from policy or\\nambition. He associated his own personality with the\\ncase in a tone of almost jealous directness that struck\\na new note. It was his diplomatic pressure upon\\nFrance that secured redress, though Mazarin, not with-\\nout craft, kept for himself a foremost place.\\nNo English ruler has ever shown a nobler figure\\nthan Cromwell in the case of the Vaudois, and he had\\nall the highest impulses of the nation with him. He\\nsaid to the French ambassador that the woes of the", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0555.jp2"}, "554": {"fulltext": "442 OLIVER CROMWELL\\npoor Piedmontese went as close to his heart as if they\\nwere his own nearest kin and he gave personal proof\\nof the sincerity of his concern by a munificent contri-\\nbution to the fund for the relief of the martyred popu-\\nlation. Never was the great conception of a powerful\\nstate having duties along with interests more mag-\\nnanimously realized.\\nNow was the time when the Council of State directed\\ntheir secretary to buy a new atlas for their use. and to\\nkeep the globe always standing in the council chamber.\\nThe Venetian representative in London in 1655\\nclares that the court of the Protector was the most\\nbrilliant and most regarded in all Europe six kings\\nhad sent ambassadors and solicited his friendship. The\\nglory of all this in the eyes of Cromwell, like its inter-\\nest in history, is the height that was thus reached\\namong the ruling and established forces of Europe by\\nProtestantism. The influence of France, says Ranke.\\nhad rescued Protestantism from destruction; it was\\nthrough Cromwell that Protestantism took up an inde-\\npendent position among the powers of the world. A\\nposition so dazzling was a marvelous achievement of\\nforce and purpose, if only the foundation had been\\nsounder and held better promise of duration.\\nThe war with Spain in which England was now in-\\nvolved by her aggression in the West Indies roused\\nlittle enthusiasm in the nation. The Parliament did\\nnot disapprove the war, but showed no readiness to\\nvote the money. The Spanish trade in wine, oil, sugar,\\nfruit, cochineal, silver, was more important to English\\ncommerce than the trade with France. It is worthy\\nof remark that the Long Parliament had directed its\\nresentment and ambition against the Dutch, and dis-\\nplayed no ill will to Spain and much the same is true\\nof the Little Parliament and even of Cromwell him-", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0556.jp2"}, "555": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN POLICY 443\\nself in early stages. The association of France in\\nthe mind of England with Mary Stuart, with the\\nqueen of Charles I, and with distant centuries of by-\\ngone war, was some set-off to the odium that sur-\\nrounded the Holy Office, the somber engine of religious\\ncruelty in the Peninsula and the Spanish Armada was\\nbalanced in popular imagination by the Bartholomew\\nMassacre in France, of which Burleigh said that it\\nwas the most horrible crime since the Crucifixion.\\nNo question of public opinion and no difficulties at the\\nexchequer prevented the vigorous prosecution of the\\nwar. Blake, though himself a republican, served the\\nProtector with the same patriotic energy and resource\\nthat he had given to the Commonwealth until after\\nthe most renowned of all his victories, and worn out\\nby years of service the hero died on reaching Ply-\\nmouth Sound (1657).\\nBy October of 1655 Mazarin had brought Cromwell\\nso far as to sign the treaty of Westminster, but the\\ntreaty did not go to the length of alliance. The two\\npowers agreed to keep the peace among the mariners\\nof their respective countries, who had in fact for years\\nbeen in a state of informal war to suppress obnoxious\\nport dues, and duties of customs, and otherwise to\\nintroduce better order into their maritime affairs. By\\na secret article, political exiles were to be sent out of\\nboth England and France. The treaty relieved\\nMazarin of his anxieties on the side of England, and\\nbrought him a step nearer to his great object of impos-\\ning peace upon Spain.\\nIt was not until March 23, 1657, that the next step\\nwas taken, and the Treaty of Paris concluded. This\\nmarked again a new phase of the Protector s policy, for\\nhe now at last directly bound himself to active partici-\\npation in the play of European politics, and he acquired", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0557.jp2"}, "556": {"fulltext": "444 OLIVER CROMWELL\\na continental stronghold. The preamble of the new\\ntreaty states with sonorous and edifying decorum that\\nthe intention of the very Christian King and the Lord\\nProtector, moved by their singular love of public tran-\\nquillity, is to compel the common enemy to allow the\\nChristian world at length to enjoy peace. England is\\nto send six thousand men for the siege of Gravelines,\\nMardyke, and Dunkirk, as well as a fleet to support\\nthem on the coast. When these strong places have\\nbeen recovered from the Spanish, the two last-named\\nare to be handed over to the Protector. Mazarin\\ndescribed the English alliance as the best day s work\\nof his life, and begged his assailants at the Vatican and\\nin Paris to remember that the Protector had his free\\nchoice between France and the cession of Dunkirk on\\nthe one hand, and Spain and the cession of Calais on\\nthe other, and that only the new treaty had averted\\nthe choice that would have been the wrong choice for\\nFrance.\\nThe English force was duly despatched. The young\\nFrench king with lively curiosity reviewed the iron\\nmen by whom his uncle had been vanquished, de-\\nthroned, and put to death. Turenne, the famous\\nmarshal, a Protestant with the blood of the House of\\nOrange in his veins, but destined to a strange con-\\nversion and to be the instrument of one of the great\\npublic crimes of the century, pronounced the Crom-\\nwellian contingent to be the finest troops in the world.\\nAfter some delay Mardyke was taken, and then for-\\nmally handed over to the English representative (Oc-\\ntober, 1657). It was the first foothold gained by Eng-\\nland on continental soil since the loss of Calais in the\\ntime of Queen Mary a hundred years before. Dun-\\nkirk was left until the next season. The glory then\\nwon by English arms belongs to a later page.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0558.jp2"}, "557": {"fulltext": "Frurn tlie painting by Philippe dc Ch.iinpaiguc ai\\nCARDINAL JULES MAZARIN.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0559.jp2"}, "558": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0560.jp2"}, "559": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN POLICY 445\\nAt the end of 1655, Cromwell told the agent from\\nthe Great Elector that it was not only to rule over the\\nEnglish Republic that he had received a call from God,\\nbut to introduce union and friendship among the\\nprinces of Europe. Cool observers from Venice, who\\nknew thoroughly the ground that the Protector knew\\nso little, predicted in 1655 that his vast and ill-con-\\nceived designs must end in spreading confusion all\\nover Christendom. These designs made little prog-\\nress. The Great Elector remonstrated. He warned\\nCromwelTs ambassador that in the present state of\\nEurope the interest of Protestantism itself required\\nthem to follow safe rather than specious counsels,\\nand to be content with trying to secure freedom of\\nconscience by treaty. Instead of a grand Protestant\\nleague against the German branch of the House of\\nAustria, what Oliver saw, with perplexity and anger,\\nwas violent territorial conflict among the Baltic Prot-\\nestant powers themselves. The Swedish king, the\\nDanish king, the Great Elector, were all in hot quar-\\nrel wnth one another the quarrel in which Charles X,\\ngrandson of Gustavus Adolphus, and grandfather of\\nCharles XII, astounded Europe by marching twenty\\nthousand men across some thirteen miles of frozen sea\\non his path to territorial conquest. The dream of\\nCharles, from whom Cromwell hoped so much, was not\\nreligious, but the foundation of a new Gothic Empire.\\nAnabaptists were not more disappointing at home than\\nVv ere the northern powers abroad. Even the Protes-\\ntant cantons of Switzerland did not help him to avenge\\nthe barbarities in Piedmont. When a new emperor\\ncame to be chosen, only three of the electors were Prot-\\nestant, and one of the Protestant three actually voted\\nfor the Austrian Leopold. The presence of Crom-\\nwell s troops in Flanders naturally filled the Dutch with", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0561.jp2"}, "560": {"fulltext": "446 .OLIVER CROMWELL\\nuneasiness, and inclined one Protestant republic again\\nto take arms against another. Finally, to hasten the\\ndecline of Spain was directly to prepare for the ascen-\\ndancy of France of a country, that is to say, where all\\nthe predominant influences were Catholic and would\\ninevitably revive in unrestrained force as soon as the\\nmonarchy was once secure.\\nBolingbroke mentions a tradition of which he had\\nheard from persons who lived in those days, and whom\\nhe supposes to have got it from Thurloe, that Crom-\\nwell was in treaty with Spain and ready to turn his\\narms against France at the moment when he died. So\\nsoon, it is inferred, did he perceive the harm that would\\nbe done to the general interest of Europe by that\\nFrench preponderance which his diplomacy had made\\npossible and his arms had furthered. But, they say,\\nto do great things a man must act as if he will never\\ndie, and if Cromwell had only lived, Louis XIV\\nwould never have dared to revoke the edict of Nantes.\\nThis is problematical indeed. If the view ascribed\\nto Cromwell by some modern admirers was really\\nhis, it must rank among the contradictory chimeras\\nthat sometimes haunt great minds. Suppose that\\nCromwell s scheme of Protestant ascendancy in Eu-\\nrope had been less hard to reconcile with actual con-\\nditions than it was, how was he to execute it? How\\nwas the conversion of England into a crusading\\nmilitary state, and the vast increase of taxation neces-\\nsary to support such a state, calculated to give\\neither popularity or strength to a government so pre-\\ncarious and so unstable, that after five years of experi-\\nment upon experiment it could exist neither with a\\nParliament nor without one? It was the cost of the\\nwar with Spain that prevented Oliver from being able\\nto help the Protestant against the Catholic cantons in", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0562.jp2"}, "561": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN POLICY 447\\nSwitzerland, zealous as were his sympathies. And\\none ground of his anxiety to possess Dunkirk was\\ntrade antagonism to the Dutch, who were at least as\\ngood Protestants as the English. Oliver s ideal was\\nnot without a grandeur of its own, but it was incongru-\\nous in its parts, and prolonged trial of it could only\\nhave made its un workableness more manifest.\\nYou have accounted yourselves happy, said the\\nProtector in his speech in January, 1658, in being en-\\nvironed by a great ditch from all the world beside.\\nTruly you will not be able to keep your ditch nor your\\nshipping unless you turn your ships and shipping into\\ntroops of horse and companies of foot, and fight to\\ndefend yourselves on terra firma. The great Eliza-\\nbeth, like Lambert at Cromwell s own council-table,\\nbelieved in the policy of the ditch and the felicity of\\nfull coffers, and she left a contented people and a\\nsettled realm. Cromwell, notwithstanding all the\\nglory of his imperial vision of England as a fighting\\ncontinental state, was in fact doing his best to prevent\\neither content or the settlement of his own rule in the\\nisland whence alone all this splendor could first radiate.\\nThe future growth of vast West Indian interests, of\\nwhich the seizure of Jamaica was the initial step, has\\nmade it possible to depict Cromwell as the conscious\\nauthor of a great system of colonial expansion. What\\nis undoubtedly true is that such ideas were then alive.\\nNor had the famous traditions of the Elizabethans\\ndied. The Commonwealth from the time of its birth,\\nwhile Cromwell was still engaged in the reduction of\\nScotland, had show^i the same vigor in the case of in-\\nsurgent colonies as against royalist foes in waters\\nnearer home, or against the forces of distraction in\\nthe two outlying kingdoms. The Navigation Act,\\nwhich belongs to the same date, has been truly de-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0563.jp2"}, "562": {"fulltext": "448 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nscribed as designed among other nearer objects to\\nstrengthen the hold of England on her distant posses-\\nsions, though it is perhaps a reading of modern phrases\\ninto old events to say that the statesmen of the Re-\\npublic deliberately designed to show that England was\\nto be not merely a European power, but the center of a\\nworld-wide empire. Be this as it may, Cromwell s col-\\nonial policy was that of his predecessors, as it was that\\nof the statemen who followed him. He watched the\\ncolonies in a rational and conciliatory spirit, and at-\\ntended with energy to the settlement of Jamaica,\\nthough some of his expedients were too hurried to be\\nwise, for with the energetic temperament we have to\\ntake its drawbacks. For his time little came of his\\nzealous hopes for the West Indies, and English mer-\\nchants thought bitterly on their heavy losses in the\\nSpanish trade for which a barren acquisition seemed\\nthe only recompense. Colonial expansion came in\\nspite of the misgivings of interested traders or the\\npassing miscalculations of statesmen.\\nIt had its spring in the abiding demands of national\\ncircumstance, in the continuous action of economic\\nnecessities upon a national character of incomparable\\nenergy and adventure. Such a policy was not, and\\ncould not be the idea of one man, or the mark of a\\nsingle generation.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0564.jp2"}, "563": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX\\nGROWING EMBARRASSMENTS\\nIN France, a century and a quarter after Cromwell s\\nday, they said that every clerk who had read Rous-\\nseau s New Helo isa, every schoolmaster who had\\ntranslated ten pages of Livy, every journalist who\\nknew by heart the sophisms of the Social Contract, was\\nsure that he had found the philosopher s stone and was\\ninstantly ready to frame a constitution. Our brave\\nfathers of the Cromwellian times were almost as rash.\\nThere is no branch of political industry that men ap-\\nproach with hearts so light, and yet that leaves them\\nat the end so dubious and melancholy, as the concoc-\\ntion of a Second Chamber. Cromwell and his Parlia-\\nment set foot on this pons asinorum of democracy\\nwithout a suspicion of its dangers.\\nThe Protector made it a condition at his conferences,\\nin the spring of 1657, that if he was to go on there must\\nbe other persons interposed between him and the House\\nof Commons. To prevent tumultuary and popular\\nspirits he sought a screen. It was granted that he\\nshould name another House. Nothing seemed simpler\\nor more plausible, and yet he was steering straight\\nupon reefs and shoals. A mistake here, said Thur-\\nloe, will be like war or marriage; it admits of no re-\\npentance. If the old House of Lords had been alive,\\n29 449", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0565.jp2"}, "564": {"fulltext": "450 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nand had also by miracle been sincerely in the humor\\nto work for national pacification, to restore it might\\nhave tended to union. As it was, to call out of empty\\nspace an artificial House, without the hold upon men s\\nminds of history and ancient association, without de-\\nfined powers, without marked distinction of persons\\nor interests, and then to try to make it an effective\\nscreen against an elected House to whose assent it owed\\nits own being, was not to promote union but directly\\nto provoke division and to intensify it. Confident in\\nhis own good faith, and with a conviction that to frame\\nlaws in view of contingent possibilities has a tincture\\nof impiety in it as a distrust of Providence, Cromwell\\nnever thought out the scheme he left it in the Humble\\nPetition and Advice with leaks, chinks, and wide aper-\\ntures that might horrify the newest apprentice of a\\nParliamentary draughtsman. The natural result fol-\\nlowed. The new House was not to be more than\\nseventy in number nor less than forty, to be named by\\nthe Protector and approved by the House of Commons\\na place in it was not hereditary; and it received no\\nmore impressive title than the Other House. Crom-\\nwell selected a very respectable body of some sixty\\nmen, beginning with his two sons, Richard and Henry,\\nand including good lawyers, judges, generals, and less\\nthan a dozen of the old nobles. Some of the ablest,\\nlike Lockhart and Monk and Henry Cromwell, were\\nabsent from England, and all of the old nobles save\\nfive held aloof. Like smaller reformers since, Crom-\\nwell had never decided, to begin with, whether to make\\nhis lords strong or weak strong enough to curb the\\nCommons, and yet weak enough for the Commons to\\ncurb them. The riddle seems unanswered to this day.\\nHe forgot too that by removing so many men of expe-\\nrience and capacity away from the Commons he was", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0566.jp2"}, "565": {"fulltext": "GROWING EMBARRASSMENTS 451\\nimpairing the strength of his own government at the\\ncentral point of attack. Attack was certain, for on the\\nopening of the second session of his second Parhament\\n(January 20, 1658) the ninety members whom he had\\nshut out from the first session were to be admitted.\\nSome of them, after much consideration, deemed it their\\nduty to leave that tyrant and his packed convention to\\nstand upon his sandy foundation, but the majority\\nseem to have thought otherwise and they reappeared.\\nThe looseness of the constituting document made the\\nbusiness of an opposition easy, if it were inclined to\\naction. One clause undoubtedly enacted that no stand-\\ning law could be altered and no new law made except by\\nact of Parliament. As a previous clause had defined\\na Parliament to consist of two Houses, this seemed to\\nconfer on the Other House a coordinate share in legis-\\nlation. On the other hand, the only section dealing\\nwith the specific attributes of the new House regards it\\nas a court of civil and criminal appeal, and the oppo-\\nsition argued that the Other House was to be that and\\nnothing else. It was here, and on the question of\\ngovernment by a single House, that the ground of\\nparty battle was chosen. Cromwell s enemies had a\\nslight majority. After the debate had gone on for\\nfour days, he addressed them in an urgent remon-\\nstrance. He dwelt on the alarming state of Europe,\\nthe combinations against the Protestant interest, the\\ndiscord within that interest itself, the danger of a Span-\\nish invasion to restore the Stuarts, the deadly perils of\\ndisunion at home.\\nThe House was deaf. For ten days more the stub-\\nborn debate on the name and place of the Other House\\nwent on. Stealthy attempts were made to pervert the\\narmy in the interest of a republican revival. As in the\\nold times of the Long Parliament, the opposition", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0567.jp2"}, "566": {"fulltext": "452 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nworked up petitions in the city. These petitions were\\ndesigned by the malcontents to serve as texts for mo-\\ntions and debates in favor of returning to a pure\\ncommonwealth. On the other wing there were some\\nin the Parliament who even held commissions from\\nthe king. The Protector, well aware of all that was\\non foot, at last could endure it no more. In opening\\nthe session he had referred to his infirmity of health,\\nand the labor of wrestling with the difficulties of his\\nplace, as Maidstone says, drank up his spirits, of\\nwhich his natural constitution yielded a vast stock.\\nRoyalists consoled themselves with stories that he was\\nnot well in mind or body; that his mutinous officers\\nvexed him strangely; and that he was forced to take\\nopium to make him sleep. The story of the circum-\\nstances of the last dealings of Oliver with a Parliament\\nwas related as follows A mysterious porter brought\\nletters addressed to the Protector Thurloe directed\\nMaidstone, the steward, to take them to his Highness.\\nThe door of the apartment was closed, but on his\\nknocking very hard, Cromwell cried out angrily to\\nknow who was there. Presently he unbarred the door,\\ntook the letters, and shut himself in again. By-and-\\nl^y he sent for Whalley and Desborough, who were\\nto be in command of the guard that night. Lie asked\\nthem if they had heard no news, and on their saying\\nno, he again asked if they had not heard of a petition.\\nHe bade them go to Westminster. On their way they\\nheard some of the soldiers using disaffected words.\\nThis they immediately reported, and Oliver told them\\nto change the ordering of the guards for the night. The\\nnext morning (February 4), before nine o clock he\\ncalled for his breakfast, telling Thurloe, who chanced\\nto be ill, that he would go to the House, at which Thur-\\nloe wondered why his Highness resolved so suddenly.", "height": "3032", "width": "1910", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0568.jp2"}, "567": {"fulltext": "GROWING EMBARRASSMENTS 453\\nHe did not tell him why, but he was resolved to go.\\nAnd when he had his meal, he withdrew himself,\\nand went the back way, intending alone to have gone\\nby water; but the ice was so as he could not; then he\\ncame the foot way, and the first man of the guard he\\nsaw he commanded him to press the nearest coach,\\nwhich he did, with but two horses in it, and so he went\\nwith not above four footmen, and about five or six of\\nthe guards to the House after which, retiring into the\\nwithdrawing room, drank a cup of ale and ate a piece\\nof toast. Then the Lord Fiennes, near to him, asked\\nhis Highness what he intended he said he would dis-\\nsolve the House. Upon which the Lord Fleetwood\\nsaid, T beseech your Highness consider first well of it\\nit is of great consequence. He replied, You are a\\nmilksop: by the living God I will dissolve the House.\\n(Some say he iterated this twice, and some say it was,\\nAs the Lord liveth.\\nHis speech was for once short and concentrated, and\\nhe did not dissemble his anger. What is like to\\ncome upon this, he concluded, the enemy being ready\\nto invade us, but our present blood and confusion?\\nAnd if this be so, I do assign it to this cause your not\\nassenting to what you did invite me to by your Petition\\nand Advice, as that which might prove the settlement\\nof the nation. And if this be the end of your sitting,\\nand this be your carriage, I think it high time that an\\nend be put to your sitting. And I so dissolve this\\nParliament. And let God be judge between you and\\nme. To which end, says one report, many of the\\nCommons cried Amen.\\nCromwell s government had gone through six stages\\nin the five years since the revolution of 1653. The\\nfirst was a dictatorship tempered by a military council.\\nSecond, while wielding executive power as lord-gen-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0569.jp2"}, "568": {"fulltext": "454 OLIVER CROMWELL\\neral, he called a Parliamentary convention. Third,\\nthe convention vanished, and the soldiers installed him\\nas Protector under the Instrument. Fourth, the sys-\\ntem under the Instrument broke down, and for months\\nthe Protectorate again meant the personal rule of the\\nhead of the army. Fifth, the rule of the major-gen-\\nerals broke down, and was followed by a kind of con-\\nstitutional monarchy. Sixth, the monarch and the\\nParliament quarreled, and the constitution broke\\ndown. This succession of expedients and experi-\\nments may have been inevitable in view of the fun-\\ndamental dislocation of things after rebellion and\\nwar. But in face of such a spectacle and such results\\nit is hardly possible to claim for the triumphant soldier\\na high place in the history of original and creative\\nstatesmanship.\\nThe Protector next flung himself into the work of\\ntracking out the conspirators. That the design of a\\nSpanish invasion to fit in with domestic insurrection\\nwould hopelessly miscarry may have been probable.\\nThat the fidelity of the army could be relied upon, he\\nhardly can have doubted. But a ruler bearing all the\\nresponsibilities of a cause and a nation cannot afford\\nto trust to the chapter of accidents. We who live two\\ncenturies off cannot pretend to measure the extent of\\nthe danger, but nobody can read the depositions of\\nwitnesses in the cases of the spring of 1658 without\\nfeeling the presence of mischief that even the most\\nmerciful of magistrates was bound to treat as grave.\\nThe nation showed no resentment against treasonable\\ndesigns it was not an ordered and accepted govern-\\nment against which they were directed. This did not\\nlighten the necessity of striking hard at what Henry\\nCromwell called these recurring anniversary mischiefs.\\nExamples were made in the persons of Sir Henry", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0570.jp2"}, "569": {"fulltext": "m^mmnmf i mmmnnnmummmmmmm mmmmmmm\\nmmmmmmmmmimmmmmmmmm mmm\\nFrom the original portrait by Cornelius Janssen at Chequers Court, by permission\\nof Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley.\\nMARY CROMWELL (LADY FAUCONBERG).", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0571.jp2"}, "570": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0572.jp2"}, "571": {"fulltext": "GROWING EMBARRASSMENTS 455\\nSliiigsby, Dr. Hewitt, and some obscurer persons.\\nHewitt was an Episcopal clergyman, an acceptable\\npreacher to those of his own way of thinking, a fervent\\nRoyalist the evidence is strong that he was deep in\\nStuart plots. Slingsby s case is less clear. That he\\nwas a Royalist and a plotter is certain, but the evidence\\nsuggests that there was some ugly truth in what he\\nsaid on his trial that he was trepanned by agents of\\nthe government who, while he was in their custody at\\nHull, extracted his secrets from him by pretending to\\nfavor his aims. The high courts of justice before\\nwhich these and other prisoners of the same stamp were\\narraigned did not please steady lawyers like White-\\nlocke, but the Protector thought them better fitted to\\nterrify evil-doers than an ordinary trial at common\\nlaw. Though open to all the objections against special\\ncriminal tribunals, the high courts of justice during\\nCromwell s reign were conducted with temper and\\nfairness they always had good lawyers among them,\\nand the size of the court, never composed of less than\\nthirty members, gave it something of the quality of\\ntrial by jury. It is said that Hewitt had privately per-\\nformed the service according to the Anglican rite at\\nthe recent marriage of Mary Cromwell with Lord\\nFauconberg, and that the bride interceded for his\\nlife, but the Protector was immovable, and both\\nSlingsby and Hewitt were sent to the scalTold (June.\\n1658). Plots were once more for a season driven\\nunderground. But it is impossible that the grim and\\nbloody circumstances of their suppression could have\\nhelped the popularity of the government.\\nMeanwhile the Protectorate was sinking deeper and\\ndeeper into the bog of financial difficulty. We are so\\nout at the heels here, Thurloe says in April, that I\\nknow not what we shall do for money. At the end", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0573.jp2"}, "572": {"fulltext": "456 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof the month he reports that the clamor for money\\nboth from the sea and land is such that they can scarce\\nbe borne. Henry Cromwell, now lord deputy in Ire-\\nland, is in the last extremity. Hunger, he says, will\\nbreak through stone walls, and if they are kept so bare,\\nthey will soon have to cease all industry and sink to\\nthe brutish practices of the Irish themselves. Fleet-\\nwood is sure they spend as little public money except\\nfor public needs as any government ever did but their\\nexpenses, he admits, were extraordinary, and could not\\nwith safety be retrenched. In June things are still\\ndeclared to be at a standstill. The sums required could\\nnot possibly be supplied without a Parliament, and in\\nthat direction endless perils lurked. Truly, I think,\\nsays Thurloe, that nothing but some unexpected Provi-\\ndence can remove the present difficulties, which the\\nLord, it may be, will afford us, if He hath thoughts of\\npeace toward us. By July things are even worse,\\nour necessities much increasing every day.\\nCromwell threw the deliberations on the subject of\\na Parliament on to a junto of nine. What was the\\nParliament to do when it should meet How was the\\ngovernment to secure itself against Cavaliers on one\\nhand, and Commonwealth ultras on the other? For\\nthe Cavaliers some of the junto suggested an oath of\\nabjuration and a fine of half their estates. This was\\nnot very promising. The Cavaliers might take the\\noath, and yet not keep it. To punish Cavaliers who\\nwere innocent, for the sins of the plotters would be\\nrecognized as flagrantly unjust; and as many of the\\nold Cavaliers were now dead, it was clearly impolitic\\nby such injustice to turn their sons into irreconcilables.\\nThe only thing in the whole list of constitutional diffi-\\nculties on which the junto could agree was that the", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0574.jp2"}, "573": {"fulltext": "GROWING EMBARRASSMENTS 457\\nProtector should name his successor. If this close\\ncouncil could only come to such meager conclusion\\nupon the vexed questions inseparable from that revi-\\nsion which, as everybody knew, must be faced, what\\ngain could be expected from throwing the same ques-\\ntions on the floor of a vehemently distracted Parlia-\\nment? There is reason even for supposing that in his\\nstraits Oliver sounded some of the republicans, includ-\\ning men of such hard grit as Ludlow and Vane. Henry\\nCromwell was doubtful and suspicious of any such\\ncombination, and laid down the wholesome principle,\\nin party concerns, that one that runs along with you\\nmay more easily trip up the heels than he that wrestles\\nwith you. We go wrong in political judgment if we\\nleave out rivalries, heart-burnings, personalities, even\\namong leading men and great men. History is apt\\nto smooth out these rugosities; hero-worship may\\nsmooth them out; time hides them; but they do their\\nwork. Less trace of personal jealousy or cabal is to\\nbe found in the English rebellion than in almost any\\nother revolutionary movement in history, and Crom-\\nwell himself was free from these disfigurements of\\npublic life. Of Lambert, fine soldier and capable man\\nas he was, we cannot affirm so much, and he had\\nconfederates. Henry Cromwell s clear sight never\\nfailed him, and he perceived that the discussion was\\nidle. Have you, after all, he asks Thurloe, got any\\nsettlement for men to swear to Does not your peace\\ndepend upon his Highness life, and upon his peculiar\\nskill and faculty, and personal interest in the army as\\nnow modelled and commanded? I say, beneath the\\nimmediate hand of God, if I know anything of the\\naffairs of England, there is no other reason why we are\\nnot in blood at this day. In other words, no settle-", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0575.jp2"}, "574": {"fulltext": "458 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nment was even now in sight, and none was possible if\\nCromwell s mighty personality should be withdrawn.\\nThis judgment from such a man is worth a whole\\nchapter of modern dissertation. It was the whole\\ntruth, to none known better than to the Lord Protector\\nhimself.", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0576.jp2"}, "575": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X\\nTHE CLOSE\\nONE parting beam of splendor broke through the\\nclouded skies. The Protector, in conformity\\nwith the revised treaty made with France in March\\n(1658), had despatched six thousand foot, as well as a\\nnaval contingent, as auxiliaries to the French in an\\nattack by land and sea upon Dunkirk. The famous\\nTurenne was in general command of the allied forces,\\nwith Lockhart under his orders at the head of the Eng-\\nlish six thousand. Dramatic elements were not want-\\ning. Cardinal Mazarin was on the ground, and Louis\\nXIV, then a youth of twenty, was learning one of his\\nearly lessons in the art of war. In the motley Spanish\\nforces confronting the French king were his cousins\\nthe Duke of York and the Duke of Gloucester, the two\\nsons of Charles I, and like Louis himself grandsons of\\nHenry of X^avarre. Along with the English princes\\nwere the brigades of Irish and Royalist English who\\nhad followed the fortunes of the exiled line, and who\\nnow once more faced the ever-victorious Ironsides.\\nCromwell sent Fauconberg, his new son-in-law, to\\nCalais with letters of salutation and compliment to\\nthe French king and his minister, accompanied by a\\npresent of superb English horses. The emissary was\\nreceived with extraordinary courtesies alike by the\\n459", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0577.jp2"}, "576": {"fulltext": "46o OLIVER CROMWELL\\nmonarch and the cardinal, and the latter even conducted\\nhim by the hand to the outer door, a compliment that\\nhe had never before been known to pay to the ambassa-\\ndor of any crowned head.\\nThe Battle of the Dunes (June 14) was fought\\namong the sandhills of Dunkirk, and ended in the de-\\nstruction of the Spanish army. The English, says\\na French eye-witness, pike in hand, charged with such\\nstubborn vigor the eight Spanish battalions posted on\\nthe high ground of the downs, that in face of musketry\\nfire and stout resistance the English drove them head-\\nlong from their position. These were the old or\\nnatural Spaniards as distinguished from Walloon and\\nGerman, and were the flowei of the Spanish army.\\nTheir position was so strong that Lockhart at first\\nthought it desperate; and when all was over he called\\nit the hottest dispute that he had ever seen. The two\\n.Stuart princes are said to have forgotten their wrongs\\nat the hand of the soldier who had trained that invin-\\ncible band, and to have felt a thrill of honorable pride\\nat the gallantry of their countrymen. Turenne s vic-\\ntory was complete, and in a week Dunkirk surrendered.\\nThen came a bitter moment for the French. The king\\nreceived Dunkirk from the Spaniards, only to hand\\nover the keys according to treaty to the English, and\\nLockhart at once took possession in the name of the\\nLord Protector. Mazarin knew the price he was pay-\\ning to be tremendous. The French historians^ think\\nthat he foresaw that English quarrels would one day\\nbe sure to enable France to recover it by sword or\\npurse, and so in time they did. Meanwhile the Iron-\\nsides gave the sage and valiant Lockhart trouble by\\ntheir curiosity about the churches they insisted on\\nkeeping their heads covered some saw in the sacred\\n1 Bourelly, p. 261. Cheruel Hist, de F^-ance sons Mazarin, iii. 292-5.", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0578.jp2"}, "577": {"fulltext": "From the original portrait by John Riley, by permission of\\nthe Rev. T. Cromwell Bush.\\nFRANCES CROMWELL (MRS. RICH, AFTERWARD LADY RUSSELL).", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0579.jp2"}, "578": {"fulltext": "41", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0580.jp2"}, "579": {"fulltext": "THE CLOSE 461\\ntreasures good material for loot and one of them\\nnearly caused a violent affray by lighting his pipe at\\na candle on the altar where a priest was saying Mass.\\nBut Lockhart was strict, and discipline prevailed.\\nHardly less embarrassing than want of reverence in the\\nsoldiery were the long discourses with which Hugh\\nPeters, the Boanerges of the military pulpit, would\\nfain have regaled his singular ally, the omnipotent\\ncardinal. Louis XIV despatched a mission of much\\nmagnificence bearing to Cromwell a present of a sword\\nof honor with a hilt adorned with precious gems. In\\nafter days when Louis had become the arch-persecutor\\nand the shining champion of divine right, the pride of\\nthe Most Christian King was mortified by recollecting\\nthe profuse compliments that he had once paid to the\\nimpious regicide.\\nThe glory of their ruler s commanding place in\\nEurope gratified English pride, but it brought no com-\\nposure into the confused and jarring scene. It rather\\ngave new nourishment to the root of evil. The\\nLord is pleased to do wonderfully for his Highness,\\nsaid Thurloe after Dunkirk, and to bless him in his\\naffairs beyond expression, but- he speedily reverts\\nto the grinding necessity of putting affairs on some\\nbetter footing. Men with cool heads perceived that\\nthough continental acquisitions might strengthen our\\nsecurity in one way, yet by their vast cost they must\\nadd heavily to the financial burdens that constituted\\nthe central weakness of the Protectorate, and pre-\\nvented the real settlement of a governing system.\\nFor the Protector himself the civil difiiculties against\\nwhich he had for seven years with such manful faith\\nand heroic persistency contended were now soon to\\ncome to an end. He told his last Parliament that he\\nlooked upon himself as one set on a watch-tower to", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0581.jp2"}, "580": {"fulltext": "462 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nsee what may be for the good of these nations, and\\nwhat may be for the preventing of evil. The hour of\\nthe dauntless sentinel s relief soon sounded. Death\\nhad already this year stricken his household more than\\none sore blow. Rich, who had married Frances\\nCromwell in November, died in February. Elizabeth\\nClaypole lost her youngest son in June. All through\\nthe summer Elizabeth herself was torn by a cruel\\nmalady, and in August she died at Hampton Court.\\nFor many days her father, insensible even to the cares\\nof public business, watched with ceaseless devotion by\\nthe bedside of the dearest of his children. He was\\nhimself ill with gout and other distempers, and his\\ndisorders were aggravated by close vigils and the depth\\nof his affliction. A low fever seized him, presently\\nturning to a dangerous ague. He met his council\\nfrom time to time and attended to affairs as long as\\nhe was able. It was in these days (August 20) that\\nGeorge Fox met him riding in Hampton Court, and\\nbefore I came to him, says the mystic, as he rode at\\nthe head of his lifeguard I saw and felt a waft of death\\ngo forth against him. A little later he was taken to\\nLondon, and while St. James s was being made ready,\\nhe stayed at Whitehall. He quitted it no more. He\\nhad great discoveries of the Lord to him in his sickness,\\nand had some assurances of his being restored and\\nmade further serviceable in his work. Never was\\nthere a greater stock of prayers going for any man\\nthan there is now going for him, and truly there is a\\ngeneral consternation upon the spirits of all men, good\\nand bad, fearing what may be the event of it, should it\\nplease God to take his Highness at this time. Men s\\nhearts seemed as sunk within them. When the great\\nwarrior knew that the end was sure, he met it with the\\nconfident resignation of his faith. He had seen death", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0582.jp2"}, "581": {"fulltext": "THE CLOSE 463\\ntoo often and too near to dread the parting hour of\\nmortal anguish. Chaplains, preachers, godly persons,\\nattended in an adjoining room, and came in and out,\\nas the heavy hours went on, to read the Bible to him or\\nto pray with him. To one of them he put the moving\\nquestion, so deep with penitential meaning, so pathetic\\nin its humility and misgiving, in its wistful recall of\\nthe bright bygone dawn of life in the soul Tell me,\\nis it possible to fall from grace f No, it is not pos-\\nsible, said the minister. Then, said the dying\\nCromwell, am safe, for I knozv that I zvas once in\\ngrace.\\nWith weighty repetitions and great vehemency of\\nspirit he quoted the texts that have awed or consoled\\nso many generations of believing men. In broken\\nmurmurs of prayer he besought the favor of Heaven\\nfor the people; that they might have consistency of\\njudgment, one heart, and mutual love that they and\\nthe work of reformation might be delivered. Thou\\nhast made me, though very unworthy, a mean instru-\\nment to do them some good, and thee service and\\nmany of them have set too high a value upon me,\\nthough others wish and would be glad of my death.\\nPardon such as desire to trample on the dust of a poor\\nworm, for they are thy people too. All the night of\\nthe 2d of September he was very restless, and there\\nbeing something to drink offered him, he was desired\\nto take the same and to endeavor to sleep unto which\\nhe answered, It is not my design to drink or to sleep,\\nbut my design is to make zvhat haste I can to be gone.\\nOn Monday, the 30th of August, a wild storm had\\nraged over land and sea, and while Cromwell was\\nslowly sinking, the days broke upon houses shattered,\\nmighty trees torn up by the roots, foundered ships, and\\ndrowninsf men.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0583.jp2"}, "582": {"fulltext": "464 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nFriday, the 3d of September, was the anniversary\\nof two of his most famous victories. It was just eight\\nyears since with radiant eye he had watched the sun\\nrise over the ghstening waters at Dunbar, and seen the\\nscattering of the enemies of the Lord. Now he lay in\\nthe stupor of helpless death, and about four o clock in\\nthe afternoon his days came to their end.\\nHis remains were privately interred in King Henry\\nthe Seventh s chapel three weeks later, and for a cou-\\nple of months a waxen effigy in robes of state with\\ncrown and scepter was exhibited at Somerset House.\\nThen (November 23) the public funeral took place,\\nwith profuse and regal pomp, and amid princes, law-\\ngivers, and warriors who have brought renown and\\npower to the name of England the dust of Oliver\\nCromwell lay for a season in the great time-hallowed\\nMinster.\\nIn a little more than two years the hour of ven-\\ngeance struck, and a base and impious revenge it\\nproved. A unanimous resolution of the House of Com-\\nmons directed the savage ceremonial, and the date was\\nthe anniversary (January 30, 1661) of the execution of\\nKing Charles twelve years before. It was kept as a\\nvery solemn day of fasting and prayer. This morn-\\ning the carcases of Cromwell, Ireton, and Bradshaw\\n(which the day before had been brought from the\\nRed Lion Inn, Holborn) were drawn upon a sledge\\nto Tyburn .[a stone s throw from where the Marble\\nArch now stands], and then taken out of their coffins,\\nand in their shrouds hanged by the neck until the\\ngoing down of the sun. They were then cut down,\\ntheir heads taken off, and their bodies buried in a\\ngrave under the gallows. The coffin in which was\\nthe body of Cromwell was a very rich thing, very\\nfull of gilded hinges and nails. The three heads", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0584.jp2"}, "583": {"fulltext": ":ji\\n1\\n^^^H\\nI^Hl 1^\\ninvmHI\\n^H\\nV-\u00c2\u00bb-^ --v^^^^H\\nH^.\\nM mm\\nH\\n|%t ~^^^H\\n^^^H\\nH\\nk j^^H\\nHK\\\\^-\\nH^H\\n^1\\n^^l^ita^^^l\\n^B^^\\nm\\nP\\n|R^B \u00e2\u0099\u00a6^.s^.aiiu!*^^^^^^^\\nW\\n-vV\\nw\\nFrom a miniature by Crosse at Windsor Castle. By special\\npermission of Her Majesty the Queen.\\nELIZABETH CROMWELL (MRS. CLAYPOLE).", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0585.jp2"}, "584": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0586.jp2"}, "585": {"fulltext": "THE CLOSE 465\\nwere fixed upon poles, and set np at the southern end\\nof Westminster Hall, where Pepys saw them four\\ndays after on the spot at which the regicides had\\njudged the king.^\\nTo imply that Cromwell stands in the line of Euro-\\npean dictators with Charles V or Louis XIV or Napo-\\nleon is a hyperbole which does him both less than\\njustice and more. Guizot brings us nearer to the\\ntruth when he counts Cromwell, William HI, and\\nWashington as chief and representative of sovereign\\ncrises that have settled the destinies of nations. When\\nwe go on to ask what was Cromwell s special share\\nin a mission so supreme, the answer, if we seek it\\naway from the prepossessions of modern controversy,\\nis not hard to discern. It was by his military genius,\\nby the might of the legions that he created and con-\\ntrolled and led to victory upon victory it was at Mars-\\nton and Naseby, at Preston and Worcester, in Ireland\\nand at Dunbar, that Cromwell set his deep mark on\\nthe destinies of England as she was, and of that vaster\\ndominion into which the English realm was in the\\ncourse of ages to be transformed. He was chief of a\\nparty who shared his own strong perception that nei-\\nther civil freedom nor political could be made secure\\nwithout the sword, and happily the swordsman showed\\nhimself consummate. In speed and vigor, in dash and\\nin prudence, in force of shock and quick steadiness\\nof recovery; in sieges, marches, long, wasting cam-\\npaigns, pitched engagements as commander of horse,\\nas tactician, and as strategist, the modern expert ranks\\nCromwell among the foremost masters of the rough\\nart of war. Above all, he created the instrument\\n1 So I read Pepys. In any case, however, evidence points to the fact\\nthat the heads were ultimately fixed on the roof outside.\\n30", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0587.jp2"}, "586": {"fulltext": "466 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nwhich, in discipHne, skill, and those highest military\\nvirtues that come of moral virtues, has never been\\nsurpassed.\\nIn our own half-century now closing, alike in west-\\nern Europe and across the Atlantic, the torch of war\\nhas been lighted rather for Unity of race or state than\\nfor Liberty. Cromwell struck for both. It was his\\narmed right hand that crushed the absolutist preten-\\nsions alike of crown and miter, and then forced the\\nthree kingdoms into the mold of a single state. It\\nwas at those decisive moments when the trembling bal-\\nance hung on fortune in the battle-field that the un-\\nconquerable captain turned the scale. After we have\\ndiscussed all the minor aspects of his special policies\\non this occasion or the other, after we have scanned all\\nthe secondary features of his rule, this is still what in\\na single sentence defines the true place of Cromwell in\\nour history.\\nAlong with this paramount claim, he performed the\\nservice of keeping a provisional form of peace and de-\\nlivering the nation from the anarchy in which both\\norder and freedom w^ould have been submerged. He\\nmade what some of the best of his contemporaries\\nthought mistakes he forsook some principles, in his\\nchoice of means, which he intended to preserve in work-\\ning out the end and some of his difficulties were of his\\nown creation. Yet watchfulness, self-effacement, ver-\\nsatility and resource, for the time and on the surface,\\nrepaired all, and as constable of the parish his per-\\nsistency was unfaltering and unmatched. In the\\nharder task of laying the foundations of a deeper order\\nthat might be expected to stand after his own imperious\\ncontrol should be withdrawn, he was beaten. He\\nhardly counted on more. In words already quoted, I\\ndid out of necessity, he said, undertake that business,.", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0588.jp2"}, "587": {"fulltext": "THE CLOSE 467\\nnot so much out of a hope of doing any good as out\\nof a desire to prevent mischief and evil. He reared\\nno dam, no bulwark strong enough to coerce either\\nthe floods of revolutionary faction or the reactionary\\ntides that came after. Does not your peace, as\\nHenry Cromwell asked, depend upon his Highness s\\nlife, and upon his peculiar skill and faculty and per-\\nsonal interest in the army? That is to say, the Pro-\\ntectorate was no system, but only an expedient of indi-\\nvidual supremacy.\\nRichard Cromwell, it is true, acceded without oppo-\\nsition. For a few months the new Protector bore the\\noutward ensigns of supreme power, but the reality of\\nit was not his for a day. The exchequer was so di-\\nlapidated that he underwent the humiliation of beg-\\nging Mazarin to lend him fifty thousand pounds. The\\nCouncil of War sought an early opportunity of setting\\nup their claim to military predominance. The ma-\\njority in the new Parliament was undoubtedly favor-\\nable at first to Richard and his government, but a\\nconstitution depending for its life on the fluctuations\\nof majority and minority in incessant divisions in the\\nlobbies of the House of Commons was evidently not\\nworth a month s purchase. Authority in the present\\nwas sapped and dislodged by arraigning the past.\\nFinancial deficit and abuses in administration were ex-\\nposed to rigorous assault. Prisoners of state, com-\\nmitted on no more lawful warrant than the Protector s\\nwill, were brought up to the bar from the Tower and\\nstrong places elsewhere, attended by applauding\\ncrowds, and received with marks of sympathy for the\\nvictim and resentment against the dead oppressor.\\nDunkirk, Jamaica, the glories of Blake, the humili-\\nation of Spain, went for nothing against the losses of\\ntrade. The struggle between Parliament and army.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0589.jp2"}, "588": {"fulltext": "468 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nso long quelled by the iron hand of Oliver, but which\\nhe was never able to bring to enduring adjustment,\\nbroke into flame. Richard Cromwell, a man of honor\\nand sense, but without the prestige of a soldier, suc-\\ncumbed and disappeared (May, 1659). The old quar-\\nrel between military power and civil fought itself to\\nan end in one of those squalid scenes of intrigue,\\negotism, mutual reproach, political impotency, in\\nwhich so many revolutions since have expired. Hap-\\npily no blood was shed. Then the ancient line was\\nrecalled, the Cavaliers infuriated by old defeat and\\npresent ruin, the bishops eager to clamber into their\\nthrones again, the bulk of the nation on the same\\nside. At the new king s right hand was Clarendon\\nbut fourteen years of exile, with all its privations, con-\\ntumelies, and heartsickness of hope perpetually de-\\nferred, had soured him and blotted out from his mind\\nthe principles and aspirations of the old days when he\\nhad stood by the side of Pym and Hampden against\\nLaud, Strafford, and Charles. The monarchy no\\ndoubt came back with its claims abated. So much the\\nsword of Oliver had made safe. But how little had\\nbeen permanently done for that other cause, more pre-\\ncious in Oliver s sight than all the rest, w^as soon shown\\nby the Act of Uniformity, the Test Act, the Conven-\\nticle Act, the Five Mile Act, and the rest of the appa-\\nratus of church privilege and proscription.\\nIt is hard to resist the view that Cromwell s revolu-\\ntion was the end of the medieval, rather than the be-\\nginning of the modern era. He certainly had little\\nof that faith in Progress that became the inspiration of\\na later age. His respect for Public Opinion, supposed\\nto be the driving force of modern government, was a\\nstrictly limited regard. In one sense he was no demo-\\ncrat, for he declared, as we have seen, that the ques-", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0590.jp2"}, "589": {"fulltext": "Drawn by George T. Tobin from the portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the\\nPitti Gallery, Florence.\\nOMVER CROMWELL AT THE AGE OF FIFTY-ONE.", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0591.jp2"}, "590": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0592.jp2"}, "591": {"fulltext": "THE CLOSE 469\\ntion is not what pleases people, but what is for their\\ngood. This came rather near to Charles s words upon\\nthe scaffold, that the people s liberty lay in the laws,\\nnot their having a share in government; that is noth-\\ning pertaining to them.\\nOn the other hand, he was equally strong that\\nthings obtained by force, though never so good in\\nthemselves, are both less to the ruler s honor and less\\nlikely to last. What we gain in a free way, it is bet-\\nter than twice as much in a forced, and will be more\\ntruly ours and our posterity s (ante, Book III., Chap,\\niii. and the safest test of any constitution is its ac-\\nceptance by the people. And again It will be found\\nan unjust and unwise jealousy to deprive a man of his\\nnatural liberty upon a supposition he may abuse it.\\nThe root of all external freedom is here.\\nIn saying that Cromwxll had the spirit, insight, and\\ngrasp that fit a man to wield power in the greatest\\naffairs, we only repeat that he had the instinct of gov-\\nernment, and this is a very different thing from either\\na taste for the abstract ideas of politics, or the passion\\nfor liberty. The instinct of order has been as often\\nthe gift of a tyrant as of a hero, as common to some\\nof the worst hearts in human history as to some of the\\nbest. Cromwell was no Frederick the Great, who\\nspoke of mankind as diese vcrdammte Race that ac-\\ncursed tribe. He belonged to the rarer and nobler type\\nof governing men who see the golden side, who count\\nfaith, pity, hope, among the counsels of practical wis-\\ndom, and who for political power must ever seek a\\nmoral base. This is a key to men s admiration for\\nhim. His ideals were high, his fidelity to them, while\\nsometimes clouded, was still enduring, his ambition\\nwas pure. Yet it can hardly be accident that has\\nturned him into one of the idols of the school who hold,", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0593.jp2"}, "592": {"fulltext": "470 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nshyly as yet in England, but nakedly in Germany, that\\nmight is a token of right, and that the strength and\\npower of the state is an end that tests and justifies\\nall means.\\nWhen it is claimed that no English ruler did more\\nthan Cromwell to shape the future of the land he gov-\\nerned, we run some risk of straining history only to\\nprocure incense for retrograde ideals. Many would\\ncontend that Thomas Cromwell, in deciding the future\\nof one of the most powerful standing institutions of\\nthe country, exercised a profounder influence than\\nOliver. Then, if Cromwell did little to shape the fu-\\nture of the Church of England, neither did he shape\\nthe future of the Parliament of England. On the side\\nof constitutional construction, unwelcome as it may\\nsound, a more important place belongs to the sage and\\nsteadfast, though most unheroic, Walpole. The devel-\\nopment of the English constitution has in truth pro-\\nceeded on lines that Cromwell profoundly disliked.\\nThe idea of a Parliament always sitting and actively\\nreviewing the details of administration was in his sight\\nan intolerable mischief. It was almost the only sys-\\ntem against which his supple mind, so indifferent as it\\nwas to all constitutional forms, was inflexible. Yet\\nthis for good or ill is our system to-day, and the sys-\\ntem of the great host of political communities that\\nhave followed our parliamentary model. When it is\\nsaid, again, that it was owing to Cromwell that non-\\nconformity had time to take such deep root as to defy\\nthe storm of the Restoration, do we not overlook the\\noriginal strength of all those great Puritan fibers from\\nwhich both the Rebellion and Cromwell himself had\\nsprung? It was not a man, not even such a man as\\nOliver; it was the same underlying spiritual forces that\\nhad made the Revolution which also held fast against", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0594.jp2"}, "593": {"fulltext": "THE CLOSE 471\\nthe Pvcstoration. We might as well say that Crom-\\nwell was the founder of nonconformity.\\nIt has been called a common error of our day to\\nascribe far too much to the designs and the influence\\nof eminent men, of rulers, and of governments. The\\nreproach is just and should impress us. The momen-\\ntum of past events, the spontaneous impulses of the\\nmass of a nation or a race, the pressure of general\\nhopes and fears, the new things learned in novel\\nspheres of thought, all have more to do with the\\nprogress of human affairs than the deliberate views\\nof even the most determined and far-sighted of our\\nindividual leaders. Thirty years after the death of\\nthe Protector a more successful revolution came about.\\nThe law was made more just, the tribunals were puri-\\nfied, the press began to enjoy a freedom for which\\nMilton had made a glorious appeal, but which Crom-\\nwell dared not concede, the rights of conscience re-\\nceived at least a partial recognition. Yet the Decla-\\nration of Right and the Toleration Act issued from a\\nstream of ideas and maxims, aims and methods, that\\nwere not Puritan. New tributaries had already swol-\\nlen the volume and changed the currents of that broad\\nconfluence of manners, morals, government, belief, on\\nwhose breast Time guides the voyages of mankind.\\nThe age of rationalism, with its bright lights and\\nsobering shadows, had begun. Some ninety years\\nafter 1688 another revolution followed in the England\\nacross the Atlantic, and the gulf between Cromwell\\nand Jefferson is measure of the vast distance that the\\nminds of men had traveled. With the death of Crom-\\nwell the brief life of Puritan theocracy in England ex-\\npired. It was a phase of a movement that left an in-\\nheritance of some noble thoughts, the memory of a\\nbrave struggle for human freedom, and a procession", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0595.jp2"}, "594": {"fulltext": "4/2 OLIVER CROMWELL\\nof strenuous master spirits, with Milton and Crom-\\nwell at their head. Political ends miscarry, and the\\nrevolutionary leader treads a path of fire. It is our\\ntrue W isdom to learn how to combine sane and equit-\\nable historic verdicts with a just value for those eternal\\nqualities of high endeavor, on which amid all changes\\nof fashion, formula, direction, fortune, in all times and\\nplaces the world s best hopes depend.", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0596.jp2"}, "595": {"fulltext": "INDEX", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0597.jp2"}, "596": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0598.jp2"}, "597": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nAdwalton, 134\\nAgitators (army representatives),\\n213-215, 222, 237\\nAgreement of the People (1647), 221,\\n225; (1648), 225; (1649), 225,\\n359. 424\\nAmerican Constitution, Instrument\\nof Government compared with,\\n362-3\\nAnabaptism, Cromwell s relation to,\\n412\\nAndrews, Dean of Limerick, 33\\nAnglican Church\\nArminianism in, 52; assumptions\\nof, 22 Charles I s devotion to,\\n201-2 Cromwell s attitude to-\\nward, 368, 411; ecclesiastical\\ncourts, 57; endowments of, cov-\\neted, 170; episcopacy, abolition\\nof, proposed, 145 excluded from\\ntoleration, 362, 367 forbidden by\\nordinance, 368, 371 influence of,\\nafter the Restoration, 5 reform of,\\nattempted (1641), 88-91 West-\\nminster Assembly, non-attend-\\nance of Anglicans at, 147\\nAnne of Denmark, 25\\nArchers, Il6\\nAreopagitica, 159\\nArgyle, Marquis of, Hamilton vic-\\ntorious over, 238 Cromwell s bar-\\ngain with, 246; defeat of, 312\\nArminianism denounced at Synod\\nof Dort, II; Pym s attitude to-\\nward, 39; doctrines of, 52-54;\\nparliamentary declaration against,\\n59\\nArmor, disuse of, 1 16\\nArms, 1 16- 1 18\\nArmy, the\\nAgitators, 213-215, 222, 237;\\nagreement of the people issued\\nby (1647), 221, 225; Case of the\\nArmy Stated issued by, 225 con-\\ntrol and numbers of, regulated by\\nInstrument of Government, 361,\\n378; control retained by Crom-\\nwell, 379; debates of, 222-3, 224-\\n232 depression of, 239 disband-\\nment of, attempted, 212-214, 223\\nheads of the proposals of, 225,\\n359 i legislative incapacity of, 348-\\n349; London, march on (1648),\\n259; mutiny in, 237 New Model,\\ncomposition of, 170-3; contem-\\nporary estimates of, 177; parlia-\\nment threatened by, 217-18;\\nremonstrance presented to Par-\\nliament by (1648), 251; sickness\\nof, in Ireland, 293 temper of,\\nafter Naseby, 222\\nArtillery, 1 1 7-18\\nAssassination of Cromwell plotted,\\n385, 406-8\\nBaillie, Robert, cited on Strafford s\\ntrial, 80; on Independents, 154;\\non confiscation of Church endow-\\nments, 170; on the New Model,\\n177; Major-General William, at\\nMarston, 137, 143; ordered to\\nsurrender to Cromwell, 245\\nBarebones s Parliament. See Little\\nParliament\\nBasing House, storming of, 190-1\\nBaxter, Richard, ecclesiastical views\\nof, 90; two interviews with Crom-\\nwell, 430-1 cited on rehgious\\nferment in 1644, 147; on the New\\nModel, 172, 222; on Cromwell s\\necclesiastical settlement, 369-70\\nBeard, Dr., Ii\\nBehemoth, cited, 54\\nBerwick, pacification of, 65 Crom-\\nwell s recovery of, 246\\n475", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0599.jp2"}, "598": {"fulltext": "476\\nINDEX\\nBible, the, Cromwell s acceptance\\nof, 50-52 Walton s polyglot ver-\\nsion of, 429\\nBiddle, Jehn, Cromwell s protection\\nof, 403-4\\nBlake, Admiral, naval successes of,\\n198, 321, 323; ability of, 431;\\nsent by Cromwell to Mediterra-\\nnean, 438; death of, 443\\nBossuet, cited on Queen Henrietta\\nMaria, 27-9; on universal his-\\ntory. 355\\nBourchier, Elizabeth, wife of Crom-\\nwell, 13\\nBradshaw, John, president at\\nCharles s trial, 264, 269-70; with-\\nstands Cromwell at the dissolu-\\ntion of Long Parliament, 336-7;\\nin first parliament of Protectorate,\\n373 withstands Cromwell s com-\\npulsion of parliament (1654), 377;\\nCromwell s efforts against, 397;\\nremains of, desecrated, 464; en-\\nergy and capacity of, 338\\nBramhall, John, Cromwell s opinion\\nof, 90\\nBristol, royalist capture of, 134\\ncapitulation of, to Fairfax, Ib8;\\nNayler at, 403\\nBrook, Lord, death of, 1 30\\nBunker Hill, Marston Moor com-\\npared with, 168\\nBurke, Edmund, Cromwell esti-\\nmated by, 2 Cromwell and Ire-\\nton compared with, 225-33\\nBurnet, Gilbert, cited on Cromwell s\\nLatin, 1 1-12 on Henrietta Maria,\\n31\\nBurton, Henry, 61-2, 146\\nButler, Bishop, opinion on Charles s\\ntrial, 268-9\\nCalvinism, Arminianism crushed\\nby, II scope of, 47-48, 55\\nCambridge, Cromwell at Sidney\\nSussex College, 11 his represen-\\ntation of, in Short Parliament, 66\\nin Long Parliament, 74 his ac-\\ntivity in (1642), 119\\nCarlyle, Thomas, estimate of Crom-\\nwell, 2-3 contrast of French\\nJacobins and English sectaries,\\n221 estimate of Charles s execu-\\ntion, 272-3 enthusiasm for action\\nwithout rhetoric, 286 description\\nof Dunbar, 307\\nCarnwath, Lord, at Naseby, 184\\nCase of the Army Stated, 224-5\\nCatholicism\\nCourt, at, 25, 43 Cromwell s re-\\nply to manifesto of prelates, 294-5\\nFrance, predominant in, 43, 439,\\n446; Holland, in, 43; Ireland, in,\\n95, 283-4, 405 Ormonde s Kil-\\nkenny treaty, 284; Laud s attitude\\ntoward, 37; persecution of, 412-\\n413; toleration denied to, 158,\\n362,367,412\\nCavalry tactics, 1 15, 1 18, 126-7, 137-\\n140, 182\\nChalgrove Field, 131\\nChancery, Court of, abolition of,\\n349; Cromwell s attempted re-\\nform of, 365\\nCharles I\\nChronological Seqiience of Career.\\nAttempts religious coercion in\\nScotland, 64; persecutes Sir John\\nEliot, 66, 86, 286 dismisses Short\\nParliament, 68; abandons Straf-\\nford, 84; declares adherence to\\nChurch of England, 93 returns\\nfrom Scotland, 100; approaches\\nparliamentary leaders, 102 im-\\npeaches five members, 103 raises\\nroyal standard, 106; gains military\\nsuccesses, 134; storms Leicester,\\n176; Naseby, 180, 184; escapes\\nfrom Oxford, 195 surrenders to\\nthe Scots, 196 considers terms\\nof settlement, 201 at Holmby,\\n208; removed from Holmby, 214,\\n215 escapes from Hampton Court\\nto Carisbrooke Castle, 233-4\\nconcludes secret treaty with the\\nScots, 236; negotiates with par-\\nliamentary leaders at Newport,\\n248-50; transferred to Hurst\\nCastle, 259 conveyed to Wind-\\nsor, 261 trial, 266-70 execu-\\ntion and burial, 270-2 Crom-\\nwell s judgment of the execu-\\ntion, 272 Fox and Carlyle on\\nthe execution, 272-3 popular\\nsentiment aroused by the execu-\\ntion, 351\\nPe7-sonal Characteristics. Ap-\\npearance, 248-9 artistic taste, 12,\\n26 blindness to events, 204-5", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0600.jp2"}, "599": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n477\\ndetermination, 188-201, 220, 234;\\ndevotion to the queen, 27, 206 to\\nthe Church, 201-2\\nGeneral Traits, 23, 24, 25-7, 69,\\n133, 188, 201, 202, 220, 270\\nCharles II Sent to France, 207;\\nScottish negotiations with (1650),\\n301 advance from Stirling to\\nWorcester, 314; flight, 317; con-\\nnives at plot to assassinate Crom-\\nwell, 382 royalist s interview\\nwith, at Cologne, 385 restora-\\ntion of, 468\\nChatham, estimate of Cromwell,\\n432\\nChillingworth, William, 38, 1 10,\\n191\\nChurch, national (see also Angli-\\ncan Church) Cromwell s im-\\nportance in history of, 412 estab-\\nlishment and endowment of,\\nprovided by instrument of gov-\\nernment, 362; government of, de-\\nbated, 152-4; iconoclasm in, 91\\nPresbyterian system introduced\\ninto, 155-6; separation of, from\\nState advocated by Milton, 366\\nClarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of,\\nbanishment ofStrafford advocated\\nby, 83 Charles s overtures to,\\n102 return of, from exile, 468\\ncharacter of, 91 cited on Crom-\\nwell s characteristics, 2, 88; on\\nEssex, 173; on Independents\\nand Presbyterians, 212 on bur-\\nial of Charles I, 271 on Drog-\\nheda massacre, 291 on Crom-\\nwell s deliberation regarding\\nkingship, 420\\nClaypole, John, opposes bill regard-\\ning major-generals, 406; mar-\\nriage of, to Elizabeth Cromwell.\\n428\\nClonmel, siege of, 293\\nCoke, Sir Edward, 12, 16, 23, 66,\\n362\\nColchester, siege of, iii, 242\\nColeman s defense of Erastianism,\\n54\\nCologne, royalist interview with\\nCharles II at, 385\\nCommittee of both kingdoms, 169,\\n176,237\\nCommonwealth, proclamation of,\\n278\\nCony, case of, 387 popular sym-\\npathy with, 394\\nCotton, Sir Robert, 21, 67\\nCouncil of State, establishment; of,\\n278 Cromwell s report to, on\\nIreland and Scotland, 284-5;\\npromptitude and eificiency of,\\n314,321-3\\nCourt of High Commission, illegali-\\nties of, 61 abolition of, 85\\nCrawford, Lawrence, rebuked by\\nCromwell, 121\\nCromwell\\nBridget (daughter of Oliver), mar-\\nried to Ireton, 200; to Fleetwood,\\n428 Elizabeth (daughter of Oli-\\nver), married to Claypole, 428\\ndeath of, 462; Elizabeth (wife of\\nOliver), 13-14; Frances (daugh-\\nter of Oliver), 429 Henry, Sir\\n(grandfather of Oliver), 9-10;\\nHenry (son ofOliver), Cromwell s\\ninstructions to, in Ireland, 297;\\nrepresentative of Ireland in Little\\nParliament, 344; correspondence\\nwith Thurloe, 379, 393-4, 405 fi-\\nnancial straits of, in Ireland, 456;\\nsuspicious of combination, 457;\\ncomment on Cromwell s position\\nin London, 419 opinion on the\\nkingship, 421 estimate of the\\nsituation in 1658, 457-8; ability\\nof, 374, 428 Henry, incident of\\nthe scarlet cloak, 406 Mary\\n(daughter of Oliver), married to\\nFauconberg, 429 intercedes for\\nHewitt, 455; Oliver Chrono-\\nlogical Sequence of Career. De-\\nscent and family, 9-10; early\\nlife, lO-il, 12-13; niarriage, 13;\\nreligious gloom, 14- 1 5 member\\nfor Huntingdon, 16; first speech\\nin Parliament, 17; removal to S.\\nIves, 17; to Ely, 18; dispute\\nover Huntingdon charter, 18;\\ndeath of eldest son (1639), 19;\\nmember for Cambridge in Short\\nParliament, 66 in Long Par-\\nliament, 74; service on parlia-\\nmentary committees, 88 Edge-\\nhill, 119-20; conversation with\\nHampden on choice of officers,\\n1 20-1 obstruction in Ely Ca-\\nthedral, 123-4; Marston Moor,\\n136-43 proposes abolition of", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0601.jp2"}, "600": {"fulltext": "478\\nINDEX\\nepiscopacy, 145 attacks Lord\\nManchester, 164-6; appointed\\nlieutenant-general under Fairfax,\\n174; Naseby, 176-183; thanked\\nand rewarded by parliament, 192\\nnegotiates with the army for dis-\\nbandment, 213, 223; threatens\\nparliament with military force,\\n217-18; army debates, 224-32;\\noperations in South Wales, 242\\nPreston, 244-5 5 Charles s trial,\\n266-70; Irish campaign, 286-99;\\nthanked and rewarded by parlia-\\nment, 301; Dunbar, 304-9; ill-\\nness, 310; advance to Perth, 313\\nto Worcester, 314-15; battle of\\nWorcester, 315-77; thanked and\\nrewarded by parliament, 319;\\ndissolution of Rump Parliament,\\n334-7; made Lord Protector\\n(1653), 358; legislative activity,\\n364-71 compulsion of first par-\\nliament of Protectorate, 376-7;\\nplot to assassinate, 385 purge\\nof parliament (1656), 399; plots\\nto assassinate, 406-8; refuses\\nkingship, 422 again installed as\\nLord Protector (1657), 423-4;\\ndissolves second parliament\\n(1658), 453 illness and death,\\n462-3 remains desecrated, 464-5\\nPersonal Characteristics, etc.\\nAffection, 426-8, 462 appear-\\nance and manner, 74-6, 223\\nBible, attitude toward, 50-2\\nbroadmindedness, 6, 228; cau-\\ntion, 77, 107, 210, 258, 319,\\n439, 466 compassion and ten-\\nderness, 77, 245, 347, 426-8;\\nconstructive statesmanship, de-\\nficiency of, 380, 456; courage\\nand fortitude, 6, 18, 77, 210, 304-\\n305 education, views on, 12-13 5\\nfurtherance of, 366, 429 energy,\\n6, 78, 88, 174, 310, 319, 448;\\nfaith, 18, 50-2, 77, 303, 305,\\n355, 462-3 finance, incapacity\\nfor, 399 force, distrust of, 223,\\n469 form and dogma, indiffer-\\nence to, 228, 324, 358, 367;\\ngeniality, 429-30 honor, 6 hope-\\nfulness, 176, 305, 319, 440; im-\\npetuosity and passionateness, 18,\\n76-7, 210, 336, 432; jesting,\\nlove of, 77, 209 legal apprehen-\\nsion, incapacity ot, 399 military\\nexcellence, 465, et passim mod-\\neration, 221, 320, 384; moral\\nunity, 319; music, love of, 429;\\nmysticism, 303 national senti-\\nment, 255, 303; order and gov-\\nernment, instinct for, 365, 388,\\n417, 469; persistency and pa-\\ntience, 6, 107, 174, 266, 440, 461,\\n466 popularity with his troops,\\n209; public opinion, attitude to-\\nward, 468 reserve, 77, 253 sa-\\ngacity, 107, 219, 432; lack of\\nsagacity, 346 speech, style, and\\nmanner of, 374; sport, love of,\\n429; toleration, 122, 162, 186,\\n189, 198, 347; unity, desire for,\\n224, 228 Oliver, Sir (uncle of\\nOliver), 10; Richard, Sir (great-\\ngrandfather of Oliver), 9 Richard\\n(son of Oliver), Cromwell s ad-\\nmonition to, 51; character and\\ntastes of, 428, 468; Richard\\n(uncle of Oliver), 17; Robert\\n(father of Oliver), 10, 15 Thomas,\\n9.470\\nCulpeper, 102\\nDe paucitate credendorum, 150\\nDe Retz, cited, 219, 339, 415\\nDeane, Admiral, 321-3\\nDeclaration of Right, 471\\nDenmark, Anne of, 25 Cromwell s\\ntreaty with, 435\\nDerby House Committee, 163, 246\\nDesborough, John, republican form\\nof government advocated by, 327;\\nanxiety of, regarding elections,\\n394; introduces bill regarding\\nmajor-generals, 406 opposes\\nCromwell s acceptance of king-\\nship, 421\\nD Ewes, Henrietta Maria described\\nby, 30-31\\nDiggers, 281-2, 325\\nDort, Synod of, li, 52, 56\\nDrogheda massacre, 288-291\\nDunbar, Cromwell s position at,\\n304-6; battle of, 307-9; Crom-\\nwell s estimate of, 52, 311-12\\nDunes, battle of the, 460\\nDunkirk, treaty for cession of, 444\\ncapture of, and cession to Eng-\\nland, 459-60", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0602.jp2"}, "601": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n479\\nDurham, college at, founded by\\nCromwell, 429\\nEdgehill, 119-20, 136\\nEducation, Cromwell s views on,\\n12-13; his furtherance of, 366,\\n429\\nEjectors and triers, 368\\nElector Palatine, 103, 189\\nEliot, Sir John, Cromwell contrasted\\nwith, 12 resolutions of, put in\\ndefiance of Charles, 17; imprison-\\nment and death of, 66, 286\\nElizabeth, Queen, Henry Cromwell\\nknighted by, 9 policy of, 24, 34,\\n447; Ireland under, 94; duplicity\\nof, 203\\nEly, Cromwell s removal to, 18\\nhis defense of, 1 77-8 his obstruc-\\ntion in the cathedral, 123-4\\nEngagers, 245, 300\\nEpiscopacy. See Anglican Church\\nErastianism, 153-4\\nEssex, Earl of, advocates Straf-\\nford s execution, 83 unsuccessful\\nagainst Oxford, 134; successful\\nat Gloucester, 135 escapes from\\nPlymouth, 163; Scotch commis-\\nsioners debate with, on Crom-\\nwell s conduct, 166 resignation\\nof, 173; characteristics of, 131\\ncontemporary estimate of, 107-8\\nExeter, capture of, by Fairfax, 191\\nExeter, Lord, inquiry of, on horse-\\nracing, 391\\nFaction, 90\\nFairfax, Sir Thomas, at Marston\\nMoor, 137, 140-41 appointed\\nparliamentarian commander-in-\\nchief, 170, 197; petitions for\\nCromwell s appointment as lieu-\\ntenant-general, 174; appreciation\\nof Cromwell, 178; at Naseby,\\n178-80, 182-3; Bristol capitulates\\nto, :88; successes of, in Devon,\\n191; at Colchester, ill, 246;\\ntreatment of mutineers, 282\\nwithdraws from prominent posi-\\ntion, 301-2 energy and ability\\nof, 134, 180, 242 scrupulousness\\nof, 302 otherwise mentioned,\\n135,217,234,264,271,315\\nFalkland, Lord, Cromwell con-\\ntrasted with, 12; abstains from\\nvoting on Strafford s attainder,\\n83 court party supported by,\\n91-2; Charles s overtures to, 102;\\ndeath of, 130 estimate of, 130\\nFauconberg, Lord, marriage of, to\\nLady Mary Cromwell, 429 sent\\nby Cromwell to Calais, 459-60\\nFifth Monarchy men, 280, 348, 408\\nFleet\\nCromwell supported by, 383;\\nmutiny in, 237; organization of,\\nby Council of State, 321 parlia-\\nmentarians supported by, no;\\nWest Indies expedition, 436-8\\nFleetwood, Charles, advanced views\\nof, 198 negotiates with the army\\nfor disbandment, 213; battle of\\nWorcester, 315-16; opposes\\nCromwell s acceptance of king-\\nship, 421 married to Bridget\\nCromwell, 428 tries to dissuade\\nCromwell from dissolving parlia-\\nment, 453 otherwise mentioned,\\n298, 304, 321, 456\\nFox, Charles, on execution of\\nCharles I, 272\\nFox, George, Nayler a disciple of,\\n402-3 Cromwell s regard for, 410\\nFrance\\nCommonwealth recognized by,\\n321 convention of 1793 compared\\nwith the Rump s proposed con-\\nstitution, 333 Cromwell s rela-\\ntions with, 439-41 Fronde, the,\\ncontrasted with the civil war,\\n209; Protestantism in, 157\\nGainsborough, cavalry victory at,\\n124-6\\nGardiner, S. R., cited, 3, 179, 436\\nGerard, Cromwell s assassination\\nplotted by, 382\\nGlamorgan treaty, 206\\nGloucester, siege of, 135\\nGloucester, Duke of, 327, 459\\nGodwin, W., estimate of Cromwell, 2\\nGoffe, Col., 227, 230, 395\\nGoring, Lord, 137, 140-1, 177\\nGowran, surrender of, 292-3\\nGrand Remonstrance, the (1641),\\ndemands of, loo-l, 145-6; In-\\nstrument of Government con-\\ntrasted with, 362\\nGrantham, cavalry skirmish near,\\n124", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0603.jp2"}, "602": {"fulltext": "48o\\nINDEX\\nGuizot, cited, 340, 441, 465\\nGustavus Adolphus, influence of,\\non military tactics, 1 15\\nGustavus Vasa, position of, com-\\npared with Cromwell s, 372-3\\nHallam on Long Parliament, 85-6\\nHamilton, James, Duke of, 238,\\n241-5\\nHammond, Col., Cromwell s letters\\nto, 254-5\\nHampden, John, claims of, 23\\nship-money case decided against,\\n62-3 Strafford s attainder op-\\nposed by, 83 watches Charles\\nin Scotland, 92 impeached by\\nCharles, 103 proposes parlia-\\nmentary control of militia, 105\\nCromwell s advice to, about offi-\\ncers, I20-I death of, 131 Crom-\\nwell contrasted with, 12; other-\\nwise mentioned, 16, 19, 61, 122,\\n362\\nHarrison, Major, Charles conveyed\\nto Windsor by, 260- 1 march on\\nWorcester, 315; at dismissal 01\\nLong Parliament, 334-6; mem-\\nber of Little Parliament, 344;\\nconvention inspired by, 345 im-\\nprisonment of, 385, 422 sus-\\npected of designs on Cromwell,\\n408 extreme views of, 329, 343\\nCromwell s regard for, 408 other-\\nwise mentioned, 252, 271\\nHaselrig, Sir Arthur, impeached by\\nCharles, 103 in first parliament\\nof Protectorate, 373; withstands\\nCromwell s compulsion of parlia-\\nment, 377; influence of, feared\\nby Whalley, 394\\nHeads of the Proposals of the Army,\\n225, 359\\nHealing Question, the, 397\\nHenderson, Alexander, 149-50\\nHenrietta Maria, Queen, charac-\\nteristics and influence of, 25,\\n29-31 correspondence of, with\\nCharles, 202-3, 205-6\\nHenry of Navarre, 25, 30, 203\\nHerbert, George, Laud s influence\\non, 38\\nHerbert, Lady, on Naseby field,\\n184-5\\nHewitt, Dr., case of, 455\\nHinchinbrook, 9, 15\\nHitch, Mr., Cromwell s dispute\\nwith, 123-4\\nHobbes, 54, 73, 133\\nHolland\\nArminianism in, 52-3; Catholic\\ninfluence in, 43 Cromwell s\\ntreaty with, 435 hostility be-\\ntween English parliament and,\\n280, 322-3, 442 Wagstafife s\\nflight to, 384 war with, 323\\nHolies, Denzil, Speaker detained\\nby, 17; impeached by Charles,\\n103 hostility of, to Cromwell,\\n166-7; Presbyterians led by, 247\\nHolmby, Charles I at, 208 his re-\\nmoval from, 214-15\\nHopton, Ralph, Lord, no, 134, 191\\nHorncastle fight, 126-7\\nHowe, John, devotional feats of,\\n431\\nHull, Charles I refused entry of,\\n106; Fairfax s withdrawal to,\\n134 siege of, raised by New-\\ncastle, 136\\nHumble Petition and Advice, na-\\nture of, 362,424-5; introduction\\nof, 416\\nHuntingdon, Cromwell member for,\\n16; charter dispute, 18\\nHurst Castle, 259\\nHyde. See Clarendon\\nIndependents (see also Puritan-\\nism)\\nCromwell supported by, 162; in-\\ntolerance of, 414; Irish policy of,\\n294 Long Parliament reinforced\\nby, 198; numerical inferiority of,\\n279; Presbyterians opposed by,\\n153, 161-2, 198, 201, 204, 366;\\ncontrasted with, 212\\nInstruments of Government\\nAdoption of, 358 American con-\\nstitution compared with, 363\\narmy, control and numbers of,\\nregulated by, 361-2, 378-9;\\nCromwell s contravention of, 390;\\nfundamentals of, 363, 377-8;\\nprovisions of, 360-2, 424; re-\\nmodeling of, 416; toleration af-\\nfirmed by, 362, 367\\nInverkeithing, 313\\nIreland\\nCatholicism in, 95, 283-4, 405\\nCharles I s proposed abandon-", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0604.jp2"}, "603": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\nment of, 202 CromweH s settle-\\nment of, 287, 297-9, 317; danger\\nto England from, 207 Henry\\nCromwell Lord Deputy of, 428\\nincorporation of, with England\\noriginated by Long Parliament,\\n344, 365; land settlement scheme\\nfor, 365; O Neill s importance in,\\n283 Ormonde s policy in, 283-4\\nrebellion of 1641, causes of, 94-6\\nscope of, 96-8; representation of,\\nin English parliament, 344 par-\\nliamentary influence of, 405\\nRinuccini s aims in, 2S3 Straf\\nford s rule and policy in, 20, 32-3,\\n61, 95; his unpopularity in, 81,\\n95\\nIreton, Henry, at Naseby, 180-1,183,\\n199; at Marston, Gainsborough,\\nand Edgehill, 199; negotiates with\\nthe army for disbandment, 213;\\nHeads of the Proposals of the\\nArmy framed by, 225 debates\\nmeasures with extremists in the\\narmy, 225-231 remonstrance of\\nthe army drawn up by, 251 dese-\\ncration of remains of, 464; ad-\\nvanced views of, 198 character\\nand ability of, 199-200; otherwise\\nmentioned. III, 198, 271, 321\\nIrish camp followers slain at\\nNaseby, 184, 286; defeat of, un-\\nder Montrose, 187; English con-\\ntrasted with, 219; transportations\\nof, to Jamaica, 297\\nIronside, origin of nickname, 139\\nJamaica, Irish transportation to,\\n297; seizure of, 43S, 447\\nJefferson, Cromwell contrasted with,\\n471\\nJesuits, influence of, 42 proposed\\nrigorous legislation against, 412\\nJews, position of, under Cromwell,\\n413\\nJohnson, Dr., on Laud s execution,\\n55\\nJoyce, Cornet, 214-15\\nJuxon, bishop of London, 57, 83\\nKilling no Murder, 406\\nKirk sessions, powers of, 57\\nKnox, John, 55\\nLambert, John, at Dunbar, 307-8\\nin Scotland, 312-13; march on\\n31\\nWorcester, 315 member of Little\\nParhament, 344; Instrument of\\nGovernment prepared by, 357;\\nresents parliamentary attack on\\nmajor-generals, 405; opposes\\nCromwell s acceptance of king-\\nship, 418, 42 dismissed by\\nCromwell, 422 opposes aggres-\\nsion in West Indies, 436; military\\ntalent and ability of, 263, 315,\\n374; extreme views of, 329;\\notherwise mentioned, 242, 336,\\n344. 430 457\\nLangdale, Sir Marmaduke, 180-2,\\n242-4\\nLansdown, royalist victory at, 134\\nLaud, archbishop of Canterbury,\\nSidney Sussex College denounced\\nby, 1 1 Scotch policy of, 20, 64\\nArminianism approved by, 52\\nchief justice censured by, 58;\\nflight of, from Lambeth, 69\\nStrafford s case estimated by,\\n84 Prynne victimized by, 286\\nexecution of, 155, 191 charac-\\nteristics of, 37-9; estimate of.\\nby historians, 35-6; Bramhall\\ncompared with, by Cromwell, 90\\nLecturers, Cromwell s plea for, 18\\nLeicester, storming of, by Charles I,\\n176\\nLeighton, Alexander, 61-2, 90\\nLenthall, William, Speaker of the\\nHouse of Commons, withstands\\nCharles s violation of parliamen-\\ntary privilege, 103-4; joins the\\narmy, 217; Cromwell s confer-\\nences with, 263 Cromwell ac-\\ncompanied by, on entering I on-\\ndon, 319; monarchy advocated\\nby, 326-7 protests against dis-\\nsolution of the Rump Parliament,\\n337; his view of Cromwell s\\nChancery ordinance, 365\\nLeslie, David, Cromwell supported\\nby, at Marston Moor, 137-9, 141,\\n143; Montrose defeated by, 187;\\nCromwell opposed by, in Edin-\\nburgh, 304; at Dunbar, 304-7;\\nat Stirling, 312\\nLevelers, 225, 230, 231, 281-2, 325\\nLeven, Lord, 136\\nLilburne, John, persecution of,6i-2;\\nAgreement of the People drawn\\nup by (1648;, 225; trial and", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0605.jp2"}, "604": {"fulltext": "482\\nINDEX\\nacquittal of, 350; characteristics\\nof, 280\\nLittle Parliament, summoning of,\\n343-4; Scotland and Ireland\\nrepresented in, 344; Cromwell s\\ninaugural address to, 345-7; fidel-\\nity of, to Cromwell, 348 legisla-\\ntive attempts of, 349-50; dissolu-\\ntion of, 350-1\\nLockhart, Sir William, 431, 459-61\\nLondon, City of\\nArmy, hostility to, 223 disband-\\nnient of, urged, 212; Charles I,\\nwelcomed by, 100; his cause fa-\\nvored by (1648), 246; Cromwell\\nthanked by, for Irish victories,\\n301; acclaimedby, after Worcester,\\n319; his vigilance over, 386; fer-\\nment of, in 1644, 147; parliamen-\\ntarians supported by, 109; peace\\ndesired by, 211; petitions pre-\\nsented by, 452; Presbyterianism\\nstrong in, 279, 369; Puritanism\\nstrong in, 68; riots in (1647),\\n216-7; (1648), 238\\nLong Parliament\\nCalling of, 70 Charles s attack on\\nfive members of, 103-5 compo-\\nsition of, 71-3 Cromwell s rela-\\ntions numerous in, 74; Holland,\\nattitude toward, 280, 322-3, 442\\nmilitary force, threatened with,\\n216-18; numbers of, in divisions,\\nin early days, 197; after Pride s\\nPurge, 277; Pride s Purge, 259-\\n260, 329\\nLords, House of\\nAbolition of, 277-8; bishops ex-\\nclusion from, proposed, 89, 93,\\n145; Charles I, cause of, sup-\\nported by, 92, 247; ordinance for\\nimpeachment of, rejected by, 262\\nCommons supported by (1640),\\n73 in disagreement with, 92,\\n247, 262 insignificance of, in\\n1647, 197 rioters attack on, 217\\nroyalism of, 92, 247, 262 Straf-\\nford, attitude toward, 79-80\\nLudlow, Edmund, comment on the\\nDrogheda massacre, 290-1 com-\\nplaints to Cromwell, 324 disso-\\nlution of Rump Parliament de-\\nscribed by, 334-6 Cromwell s\\novertures to, 457; otherwise\\nmentioned, 198, 266, 321\\nLynn, Elizabeth (wife of Robert\\nCromwell), 10\\nMagna Charta, Cromwell s mock at,\\n387\\nMajor-Generals, scope of work of,\\n388-9 failure of, 401 parlia-\\nmentary decision against, 404-5\\nManchester, Earl of, attacked by\\nCromwell, 164-6; resignation of,\\n173; temperament of, 131, 163;\\notherwise mentioned, 15, 121,\\n135.\\nManning, Cromwell informed of\\nroyalist doings by, 385-6\\nMardyke, 444\\nMarston Moor, battle of, 136-143\\nmoral effect of victory, 154-5\\ncompared with Bunker Hill, 168;\\nwith Naseby, 182-3 royalist\\nrendezvous near site of, 383\\nMary of Guise, 25\\nMary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 25, 85\\nMary Tudor, Queen of England, 42\\nMayor, Richard, extract from Crom-\\nwell s letter to, 51\\nMazarm, Richelieu succeeded by,\\n130; Scottish intrigues with, 203;\\ncorrespondence with Cromwell\\nregarding toleration for Catho-\\nlics, 203, 412 at Dunkirk, 459\\nidea of, in ceding Dunkirk, 460;\\ncharacter and policy of, 439-43\\nMediterranean, English fleet in, \u00e2\u0080\u00a2;2I,\\n438\\nMilitia Bill (1641), loi\\nMilton, John\\nAreopagitica published by, 159;\\nChurch and State, separation of,\\nadvocated by, 366 Cromwell\\ncontrasted with, 12; advised by,\\n356-7 national sentiment of,\\n255 secretaryship of the Coun-\\ncil of State held by, 356, 390\\ntoleration advocated by, 45, 159-\\n161 cited on state of London\\nin 1644, 147; on national free-\\ndom, 221 on toil of construc-\\ntive policy, 318; on popular\\nsentiment for Charles I, 351\\notherwise mentioned, 56, 73 -73\\n333. 414. 472\\nMommsen, Sulla compared to Crom-\\nwell by, 364", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0606.jp2"}, "605": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n48:\\nMonk, General George, 321, 323,\\n344. 431\\nMontrose, Marquis of, 146, 187,\\n205\\nMozley, J. B., estimate of Crom-\\nwell, 253\\nNapoleon, numbers under, 136\\nNaseby, battle of, 176-86; Irish\\ncamp-followers slain after, 184,\\n286; moral effects of victory, 222\\nNavarre, Henry of, 25, 30, 203\\nNavigation Act (1651), 322, 447-8\\nNavy. See Fleet\\nNayler, James, case of, 403-4\\nNewark, royalist stronghold at, 124\\nNewburn, 69\\nNewbury, 130, 135, 164\\nNewcastle, royahst port at, 134;\\nnineteen propositions of, 201\\nNewcastle, Earl of, at Gainsbor-\\nough, 125 besieged in York,\\n136; at Marston Moor, 137-8,\\n141 character of, 133\\nNew England, I uritan exodus to, 39\\nNewman, on Eaud, 36\\nNew Model. See under Army\\nNewport treaty, terms of, 248-50;\\nCromwell s view of, 258\\nO Byrnes, treatment of, 96\\nOkey, John, social position of, 1 71\\nat Naseby, 181; suspected 01\\ndesigns on Cromwell, 408\\nO Neil, Sir Phelim, 98\\nO Neill, Owen Roe, 283\\nOrmonde, Earl of, Charles s instruc-\\ntions to, 250-1 character and\\npolicy of, 283-4\\nOther House, the, 480-1\\nOverton, Richard, imprisonment of,\\n386\\nOwen, Dr. John, ecclesiastical\\nscheme of, adopted by Crom-\\nwell, 368\\nOxenstierna, Whitelocke s inter-\\nview with, concerning Cromwell,\\n372\\nOxford\\nCharles I s escape from, 195\\nEssex unsuccessful at, 134; sur-\\nrender of, 196; treaty of (1643),\\n200 university men in Long\\nParliament, 72\\nPacke, Sir Christopher, proposals\\nof, 415-16\\nParis, treaty of, 443\\nParliament\\nLong, Sliort, etc. See those titles;\\npurges of (1647), 216; Pride s,\\n259-60, 329; (1654), 332, 376-7;\\n(1656), 329, 399\\nPeers. See Lords\\nPembroke Castle, Cromwell s cap-\\nture of, 242\\nPenruddock s rising, 384\\nPerth, Cromwell s advance to, 313\\nPeters, Hugh, 191, 461\\nPetition of Right, 16\\nPhilip IV of Spain, 439\\nPhiliphaugh, 187\\nPiedmontese, massacre of, 298, 441\\nPortugal, Cromwell s treaty with,\\n435\\nPrelacy. See Anglican Church\\nEpiscopacy\\nPress, censorship of, under parlia-\\nmentarians, 282 under Protec-\\ntorate. 390\\nPresbyterianism\\nCharles I s dislike of, 201; Eng-\\nland, introduced into, 155-6\\nkirk sessions, powers of, 57\\nLondon, strong in, 279, 369\\nMontrose s dislike of, 146-7\\nparty aspect of, 161, 324\\nPresbyterians\\nExasperation of (1649), 279;\\nFairfax s position a satisfaction\\nto, 302 Independents opposed\\nto, 153-4, 161, 198, 201, 204,366;\\ncontrasted with, 212; toleration\\nopposed by, 158, 247-8, 300, 369\\nPreston, battles of, 244-5\\nPride, Col., social position of, 171\\nPride s Purge, 259-60, 329 peti-\\ntion of, against Cromwell s ac-\\nceptance of kingship, 422\\nPropagation of religion, Cromwell s\\neagerness for, 366-7, 429, 450\\nProtesters, 312\\nPrynne, William, 61-2, 286\\nPublic opinion, Cromwell s atti-\\ntude toward, 468\\nPunishments, barbarity of, 61-2, 96\\nPurges of Parliament. See under\\nParliament\\nPuritanism (see also Anabaptism\\nand Independents)", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0607.jp2"}, "606": {"fulltext": "484\\nINDEX\\nAims of, 47-8; austerity of, un-\\npopular 238, 390 exodus of Puri-\\ntans to New Englarifl, 39; intol-\\nerance and violence of, 146, 159,\\n162, 169, 403 Irish troubles ag-\\ngravated by, 95-6 legislative in-\\ncapacity of, 349 national cove-\\nnant the center of, 65 Presbyte-\\nrianism contrasted with, 129\\nProtestant left wing, 44; rise of,\\n55-6; strength of, 176; vague-\\nness in ideas of, 209\\nPym, John, claims of, 23 leader of\\nparliamentary party, 67, 88, 92\\nStrafford impeached by, 79\\nStrafford s attainder opposed by,\\n83; bill for excluding bishops\\nfrom parliament supported by,\\n93; Charles s overtures to, 102;\\nCharles s impeachment of, 103\\nScottish treaty concluded by,\\n127-9; death of, 131 character-\\nistics and ability of, 39-41, 67,\\n105-6 otherwise mentioned, 16,\\n63, 86, 105, 122, 362\\nQuakers, persecutions of, under the\\nProtectorate, 409-u\\nRainborough, Thomas, arguments\\nwith, 227, 230-1\\nRanke, cited, 311, 321, 343, 442\\nRationalism, toleration sprung from,\\n414, 471\\nRemonstrants, 312\\nResolutioners, 312\\nRetz, de, cited, 219, 339, 415\\nRich, Robert, married to Lady\\nFrances Cromwell, 429 death of,\\n462\\nRichelieu, Strafford compared with,\\n34 Scotland promised aid by, 65\\nMazarin the successor of, 130\\ntreaty of Westphalia due to, 439\\nRinuccini, papal nuncio in Ireland,\\n283-4\\nRogers, John, Cromwell s inter-\\nview with, 411\\nRoot-and-Branch policy, 63, 89-\\n90, 93\\nRound way Down, 134\\nRump Parliament, unpopularity of,\\n328 constitutional plans of, 330\\ndissolution of, 334-7; estimate\\nof transaction, 337-41\\nRupert, Prince, in York and after,\\n136, 163 at Marston Moor, 137-\\n140, 143; at Xaseby, iSo, 1S3;\\nCharles s letter to, 188-9; es-\\ncape of, from Bristol, 188-9;\\nnaval o]3erations of, 280 tem-\\nperament and ability of, 107, 127\\nSaint Domingo, failure of expedi-\\ntion to, 438\\nSt. Ives, Cromwell s removal to, 17\\nSt. John, Oliver, 20, 23, 82, 326-7,\\n344\\nSalisbury, royalist rising at, 384\\nScotland\\nCharles I s religious policy in,\\n64-5; visit to, 87; Charles IPs\\narrival in, 301 Cromwell s appeal\\nto the General Assembly, 302-3\\nEngland s ignorance of affairs in,\\n65 parliamentary support of,\\n67 danger to England appre-\\nhended from, 200 hostility of,\\nto England (1649-50), 282-3,\\n300-1 incorporation of, with\\nEngland originated by Long\\nParliament, 344, 365; representa-\\ntion of, in English parliament,\\n344 influenceof representatives,\\n405; kirk sessions, powers of,\\n57; Knox s influence in, 55;\\nMazarin s dealings with, 203;\\nNational Covenant, inauguration\\nof, 64-5 Pym s treaty with, 127-9,\\n148; Richelieu s dealings with,\\n65 Shorter Catechism s effect\\non, 151 Strafford s unpopular-\\nity in, 81\\nScots\\nAdvance of, to Durham, 69\\nover the border (1644), 136;\\nsufferings in north of England\\nunder, 169; Charles I, enthu-\\nsiasm for, 187; his surrender to,\\n196 his abandonment by, 207-8\\nhis secret treaty with, 236 his\\ncause favored by, 241 Charles\\nII, negotiations with, in Hol-\\nland, 301 march south with,\\n314; Committee of Both King-\\ndoms, represented on, 237\\nCromwell s unpopularity with\\nScotch commissioners, 166-7,", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0608.jp2"}, "607": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n485\\ncampaign of 1650, 300-15 Eng-\\nlish contrasted with, 219; Ire-\\nland, in, 99\\nSealed Knot, the, 382-3\\nSeekers, 2!0\\nSelby, 136\\nSelden, John, 16, 23, 67, 72, 83,\\n148\\nSelf-denying Ordinance, 174-5, 197;\\nsecond, 174\\nSexby, Crom Aell s assassination\\nplotted by, 407\\nShip-money, opposition to, 62, 68\\nabolition of, 85\\nShort Parliament, 56-8\\nSidney, Algernon, 198, 267\\nSindercombe, Miles, Cromwell s as-\\nsassination plotted by, 407\\nSkippon, Philip, 179, 180-I, 213\\nSlingsby, Sir Henry, case of, 455\\nSolemn League and Covenant, 128-\\n129, 148\\nSouthworth, John, fate of, 413\\nSpain\\nCommonwealth recognized by,\\n321 Cromwell s assurances to,\\n438 alleged negotiations with,\\n446; hostility of, to England\\n(1656 438; war with, 442\\nStar Chamber, illegalities of, 61\\nabolition of, 85\\nSteward, Elizabeth, wife of Robert\\nCromwell, 10\\nStrafford, Thomas Wentworth, Earl\\nof, popular party supported by,\\n16; rule and policy of, in Ire-\\nland, 20, 32-3, 61, 95 court\\npartly supported by, 31; recall\\nof, from Ireland, 70 impeach-\\nment and death of, 77-84 char-\\nacter and aims of, 31-5; Crom-\\nwell compared with, 294-5, 29S,\\n359 otherwise mentioned, 337,\\n393\\nStratton, 134\\nStrode, Charles s impeachment of,\\n103\\nSweden\\nCromwell s treaty with, 435\\nquarrels of, 445 Queen Chris-\\ntina of, on Cromwell, 372-3\\nSwift, cited, 423, 429\\nTadcaster, 134\\nTaylor, Jeremy, 38, 412\\nThirty Years War, religious ele-\\nment in, 43-4; numbers of troops\\nengaged in, 136\\nThorough, policy of, 63\\nThurloe, John, correspondence of,\\nwith Henry Cromwell, 379, 393-\\n394 405 vigilance of, 385, 397\\nhostility of, to Quakers, 410;\\nCromwell s relations with, 43 1\\nfinancial straits of, 455, 461\\ncited, 384, 389, 427-8, 455 other-\\nwise mentioned, 386, 432-3, 446\\nToleration\\nCatholicism excluded from, 160,\\n362, 367, 412; Cromwell s ad-\\nherence to, 122, 159, 186, 189,\\n198, 347; Instrument of Govern-\\nment s adoption of, 362, 367;\\nMilton s view of, 45, 159-61\\nparliamentary attitude toward,\\n158, 402 prelacy excluded from,\\n362, 369; Presbyterian attitude\\ntoward, 158, 247-8, 300, 369\\nToleration Act, 471\\nTriers and ejectors, 368\\nTurenne, Cromwell s veterans\\npraised by, 444 commanding at\\nDunkirk, 459\\nUlster rebellion, alleged connec-\\ntion of, with Drogheda massacre,\\n291\\nUsher, archbishop of Armagh, 83,\\n90\\nUxbridge, treaty of (1644-5 200\\nVane, Sir Henry, abolition of\\nepiscopacy proposed by, 145\\nCharles s trial disapproved by,\\n267; maritime policy of, 321,\\n323 constitutional scheme of,\\n33^~3 i withstands Cromwell at\\ndissolution of Rump Parliament,\\n335 Scottish policy of, 344\\nHealing Question published by,\\n397 imprisonment of, 397\\nCromwell s overtures to, 457;\\nenergy and capacity of, 338\\notherwise mentioned, 72, 394\\nVaudois, case of the, 298, 441-2\\nVenner, plot of, 408\\nVowel, Cromwell s assassination\\nplotted by, 382", "height": "3026", "width": "1873", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0609.jp2"}, "608": {"fulltext": "486\\nINDEX\\nWales, Cromwell s operations in,\\n242\\nWalker, Clement, on Irish policy\\nof Independents, 294\\nWaller, Sir William, letter of, to\\nHopton, 1 10 defeat of, 134 res-\\nignation of, 173; Cromwell de-\\nscribed by, 164\\nWalton s polyglot Bible, Cromwell s\\ninterest in, 429\\nWard, Dr. Saimiel, Cromwell under,\\nat Cambridge, II\\nWashington, George, Cromwell\\ncompared with, 167-8, 465\\nWeingarten, cited, 351, 412\\nWentvvorth, Sir Peter, Cromwell\\nrebuked by, at dissolution of\\nKump Parliament, 335; suit of,\\nagainst tax-collector, 387\\nWentworth, Sir Thomas. See\\nSirafford\\nWest Indies, English aggression in,\\n436-8, 442\\nWestminster, treaty of, 443\\nWestminster Assembly, the, 144-\\nWestphalia, treaty of, 439\\nWexford, sack of, 292\\nWhalley, Major, at Gainsborough,\\n126; at Naseby, 181 Cromwell s\\nletter to, regarding Charles I,\\n233 republican form of govern-\\nment advocated by, 327; horse-\\nracing permitted by, 391 anxiety\\nof, on election prospects, 394;\\nadmission of Jews advocated by,\\nhitelocke, Bulstrode, hostilities\\nagainst Cromwell deprecated by,\\n167; monarchy advocated by,\\n326-7 Cromwell s conversation\\nwith, on inefficiency of parlia-\\nment, 327-8 conversation on\\nCromwell at Swedish court, 372-\\n373; rigorous legislation against\\nJesuits opposed by, 412; irregu-\\nlar courts disapproval by, 455.;\\ncited, on Laud, 36 on Crom-\\nwell s geniality, 432\\nWildman, Major John, 226, 385\\nWilkins, Bishop, on Cromwell s\\nview of episcopacy, 368\\nWilliam III, Cromwell compared\\nwith, 465\\nWilliams, Bishop, 83-4\\nWilliams, Richard (afterward Rich-\\nard Cromwell), 9\\nWilliams, Roger, 413\\nWinceby, Cromwell s success at,\\n126-7, 135-6\\nWinchester, fall of, 190\\nWindsor prayer-meetings, 239-40\\nWinstanley, Gerrard, cited, 282\\nWinwick, 244\\nWorcester, Cromwell s march to,\\n314-15; battle of, 315-17\\nWright, Peter, fate of, 412-13\\nYork, Duke of, 459\\n^W\\\\.", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0610.jp2"}, "609": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3016", "width": "1821", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0611.jp2"}, "610": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2980", "width": "1858", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0612.jp2"}, "611": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2837", "width": "1842", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0613.jp2"}, "612": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3106", "width": "2090", "jp2-path": "olivercromwell00mor_0614.jp2"}}