{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3366", "width": "2117", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nCliap. Copyright No.\\nSlielf..tiB-l7l.7\\nP- lb\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "3273", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3229", "width": "2029", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED;\\nOR.\\nLET US ALL DIVIDE UP AND START EVEN.\\nBY\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0s-U\\nO\\nJ. A. CONWELL.\\nThou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.\\n^1 Jesus Christ.\\nBut they shall sit every man under his vine and\\nunder his fig-tree and none shall make them afraid.\\nThe Lord.\\n(Cop3rright, igoo, by C. M. George.)\\nNEW YORK:\\nJ. S. OGILVIE PUBLISHING COMPANY,\\n57 Rose Street.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "61399\\nl,itai?\u00c2\u00abtry of Congrree*\\n^VM C J Pits HeceivEO\\nOCT 15 1900\\nCc( yrpW entry\\nOCT 24 1 900", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Personal letters to The Author of this book may be addressed td\\n57 Rose Street, New York.\\nCONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I. p^GK\\nIntroductory The Philosophy of a Divide-up and Start-even 15\\nCHAPTER II.\\nWhat a Divide-up and Start-even Would Involve 33\\nCHAPTER III.\\nHow Could It Be Done 41\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nWould It Be Honest to Divide Up 55\\nCHAPTER V.\\nIt Has Been Done 73\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nAre We Prepared for a Divide-up 83\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nWould the Country Be Benefited 91\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nTo Divide-up Would Give the Young a Chance 105\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nBusiness Affairs Could be Recast and Renovated 119", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "IV Contents.\\nCHAPTER X. PAGB\\nThe Moral and Social Influence 133\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nPresent Political Issues 149\\nCHAPTER Xn\\nA Livide-up as a Political Issue 187\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nA Divide-up and Natural Inequalities 203\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nSocial Advantages of a Divide-up 209\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nA Divide-up and Christian Citizenship 231\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\nIs It Our Duty?.. 237", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nA DIVISION of our national wealth among all the people,\\nas a political measure, must be regarded as an entirely\\nnew featut-e in American politics. A variety of remedies\\nfor existing evils and conditions has been proposed by\\npolitical economists and championed by political parties,\\nbut a divide-up and start-even has not been one of them.\\nThe measure will not impress the mind favorably at\\nfirst thought. It appears too far-reaching, too difficult,\\ntoo revolutionary. But when the subject is carefully and\\ndeeply studied these impressions vanish, and the adoption\\nof the measure appears not only possible, but practicable\\nand wise. In magnitude it is no greater than the nation.\\nIn its scope it is no farther-reaching than the claims and\\ninterests of citizenship and family life.\\nThat a political question should embrace every section\\nof the country and place equal privileges within reach of\\nevery individual is a paramount merit. To make a prop-\\naganda of sectional issues or to thrust into political life\\nthose things which benefit merely a few can only be pro-\\nductive of evil. Genuine statesmanship can consider\\nnothing less than the interests of all the people.\\nA divide-up and start-even may be revolutionary, but\\nthis is no reason why it should not be adopted. The\\nworld owes untold obligations to revolutionary measures.\\nIt requires a great issue to arouse mankind to action.\\nReforms are almost sure of defeat. History is crowded\\nwith dead reforms that expired through lack of support,\\nbut revolutions have made history. The lesser measures\\nfail to secure the following that is essential to success.\\nAmerica is rapidly making a new history. Neither the\\nexperiences of its own past career nor the example of other\\nnations can point out our future pathway, Our higher", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "7i PREFACE.\\ncivilization and unrivaled progress demand the adoption\\nof new and extraordinary factors in government. While\\nthese facts are true when applied to human affairs in\\ngeneral, they are specially true when applied to financial\\ninequalities among the people. Nothing but a tremen-\\ndous force can uproot long-established customs and deep-\\nseated conditions, no matter how unjust or oppressive\\nthey may be.\\nConcentrated wealth and diffused poverty has become\\na national characteristic. The condition is so pro-\\nnounced that the border line of danger has been crossed.\\nThat plutocracy and poverty, with their attendant evils,\\nshall become the dominant issue in politics in the near\\nfuture is inevitable. Nothing less than an equitable divi-\\nsion of all property among all the people will meet exist-\\ning requirements. It is the quickest, the easiest, and the\\nfairest remedy for the evils that beset us. Wealth is too\\nstrong and aggressive to submit, and poverty is too weak\\nand apathetic to respond, to ordinary remedies.\\nThis book is the result of a long and systematic course\\nof study among men. Our national conditions and cus-\\ntoms, including the political, financial, industrial, and\\nsocial situation, have been carefully considered. Thou-\\nsands of miles have been traveled, and the farm and the\\nstore, the mine and the mill, the church and the school,\\nthe young and the old, the rich and the poor, the educated\\nand the ignorant, the high and the low people and things\\nas they are have been severally and collectively studied.\\nHistory, while its fabric was being woven in the complex\\nloom of activity, rather than books, has been the chief\\nsource of investigation. As Luther said at the Diet of\\nWorms, Hier stehe ich; ich Jcann nicht anders so it\\ncan be claimed that what is here written has been penned\\nunder the full assurance of its wisdom and truth. Con-\\nviction and not sentiment here seeks expression.\\nThe principles involved in a general divide-up and start-\\neven have an authoritative history, and of the honesty\\nand fairness of the measure, if exigencies demand it,\\nthere is not room for the remotest doubt. It was first\\ninstituted in obedience to a direct command from God.\\nIt is conspicuous and distinguishing feature of Holy", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PBEFAGE. vii\\nWrit. It was practiced with more or less regularity by\\na chosen people for seven centuries. These commands are\\nstill preserved as a sacred and inspired message to men. If\\nnot literally binding, they are of preeminent value for our\\ninstruction. During the ages in which these laws were\\nobeyed the world reached its highest wisdom and enjoyed\\nits richest favors. Stretching over the destinies of the\\nHebrew race and as enduring as the dome of heaven were\\nthe promises of the Almighty; in its care were the sacred\\noracles of divine law, and in the veins of its people flowed\\nthe ancestral blood of the Messiah. Upon th e strict ob-\\nservance of these laws did the prosperity and peace of the\\npeople depend. History plainly teaches that the decline\\nof power and the misfortunes among the people of ancient\\nCanaan were a sure result when selfishness supplanted\\nequity and justice among the people. When the princi-\\nples of equity were again established under the reign of\\nChristianity, dividing-up, in all its essential features, was\\nagain practiced. And again do we learn from history\\nthat the Dark Ages were the direct result of the triumph\\nof greed over the principles taught by the disciples.\\nThat the teachings of this book will meet opposition is\\ninevitable. But adverse criticism is not conclusive evi-\\ndence that a doctrine is false or that a book is vicious.\\nIf any thought or sentiment here expressed conflicts with\\nt i highest type of patriotism, the best interests of the\\nnation, or the most critical rendering of divine teaching,\\nnone could more profoundly regret it than the author.\\nMoreover, it has been the constant aim to be fair at every\\npoint to both rich and poor, and it is hoped that the\\nvolume will be found entirely free from everything that\\nneed arouse a spirit of hatred or passion.\\nWith charity for all and malice toward none has\\nbeen the spirit in which the book has been written. While\\nthe study of the subject has profoundly impressed the\\nauthor with the imperative need of a divide-up and start-\\neven, yet at no time have feelings other than those of\\ngenuine love for both rich and poor stirred his heart.\\nHe who searches the book to feed fires of hatred toward\\nthe rich will search in vain. He who reads it to find food\\n{or thought and ^n inspiration to patriotic political ser-?", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "viii PREFACE.\\nvice, it is prayerfully and tearfully hoped, will not be\\nturned away empty.\\nThere is cause in the state of our beloved country for\\nserious concern. Every man in the nation is responsi-\\nble for, and is called upon to exercise, his best thought and\\neffort. We cannot all see alike. We cannot all agree.\\nBut we can all be sincere in faith and loyal in action,\\nOut of our honest differences and inevitablv conflicting\\nopinions will come, in due time, the happy solution of\\nall questions upon which the peace and prosperity of our\\ncountry depend.\\nThe book is not sent forth as an exhaustive treatise\\nupon the subject. Not only could almost every point\\nhave been enlarged upon, but a legion of facts and\\nthoughts crowd about the subject for recognition. The\\nsubject is boundless in its scope and its application is\\nalmost without limit. Nothing but determined effort has\\nkept the book within its present compass. The theme\\noffers a rich field for study and thought. It is worthy\\nto engage the services of the best intellect and talent the\\nnation possesses. May many so endowed enlist in its\\ncause\\nTHE AUTHOE.\\nSeptember, 1900,", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PUBLISHERS NOTE.\\nIt is with special pleasure that the Publishers send forth\\nthe present volume to the public. Widely as men may\\ndiffer in opinions regarding the teachi7igs set forth in the\\nbooh, all must agree that it is a valuable contribution to\\nthe political literature of the day. It is a signal illustration\\nof how political questions of the most advanced sort can be\\ndiscussed with a sweet temper and in a Christian spirit.\\nExisting parties are not even mentioned, and no man is\\nthrust with a single arrow. The booJc is a mine of infor-\\nmation. It is rich in thought. In suggestion it has, we\\nbelieve, no rival. Many of its paragraphs are gems of\\ntruth and wisdom worthy of the widest circulation. Those\\ninterested in political progress will find it an indispensable\\ncompanion and booh of reference. It is not the ventila-\\ntion of a hobby, but it is broad and comprehensive in its\\nscope. It is timely. It is wholesome and instructive. It\\nis forceful and inspiring. Its universal perusal could not\\nbe other than a great uplift to the politics of the nation.\\nTHE PUBLISHERSc", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "On earth peace, good-will toward men.**\\nMy country, tis of thee.\\nSweet land of liberty.\\nOf thee I sing:\\nLand where my fathers died.\\nLand of the pilgrim s pride,\\nFrom every mountain side\\nLet freedom ring. Smith.\\nNo man has come to true greatness who has not felt, in some\\ndegree, that his life belongs to his race, and that what God\\ngives him He gives him for mankind. Phillips Bbooks.\\nProsperity is best secured when the medium-clas* income pre-\\nvails; when no citizen is so rich that he can buy others, and no\\none so poor that he might be compelled to sell himself.\\nEOUSSEAU.\\nWe hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are cre-\\nated equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain\\nunalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the\\npursuit of happiness. Declabation of Independence.\\nIt is not to be assumed, as is done by most writers on this\\nsubject, that the modern form of the distribution of wealth is\\nthe final and perfect one; and that society, as it is now, is\\nsubstantially what it must be in ail coming ages, or what our\\nLord contemplated in His future Kingdom of Heaven. C.\\nLoRiNG Brace.\\nHalf the world is on the wrong scent in pursuit of happiness.\\nThey think it consists in having and getting and in being served\\nby others. It consists in giving and serving others. He that\\nwould be great among you, said Christ, let him remember\\nthat there is but one way it is more blessed, it is more happy,\\nto give than to receive. ^Henry Drummond.\\n14", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED.\\nCHAPTEE I.\\nINTRODUCTORY THE PHILOSOPHY OF A DIVIDE-UP.\\nIn considering the subject of a general divide-up of\\nthe wealth of the United States among all the people and\\nallowing everybody to start even, it is to be decided, first,\\nwhether or not the measure is a legitimate or essential\\nfactor in popular government. Can the process of gov-\\nernment operate in the broadest, fairest, and best\\nsense indefinitely without resort to it? Does the com-\\nmon good never require the adoption of such a measure?\\nWould a divide-up and start-even correct abuses and re-\\nmove unjust conditions which will not yield to any other\\ninfluence? In a word, is it the only remedy for certain\\nevils which, in the course of human events, even under\\nthe best form of government, are liable to fasten them-\\nselves upon a nation?\\nIf a divide-up of property is never necessary; if other\\nmeasures will meet all requirements; if other available\\nremedies are less objectionable and more easily applied;\\nif the machinery of popular government is complete and\\nadequate without it, then the subject has no claims what-\\never to serious consideration.\\nBut if it is necessary; if other measures fail to remove\\nunjust conditions and to remedy prevailing evils; if the\\ncombined action of all other legitimate policies fails to\\nmeet the demands of progress and civilization and if the\\nexecution of a general divide-up will give to our laws and\\nefforts a sjrmmetry and completeness which they now lack,\\nthen the measure is entitled to respect and should be\\nadopted. If it is the only cure, or even the best remedy,\\nlor certain inevitable andl otherwise incorrigible evils, it", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "16 OUE NATI0N^8 NEED,\\nbecomes a patriotic and sacred duty to resort to it and\\nthus secure the benefits and blessings which it alone can\\nbring.\\nIf we closely examine the philosophy which underlies\\nthe measure, we shall plainly see that it would counteract\\ncertain morbid outgrowths of human nature that can be\\nreached in no other way. Dividing-up and the cancella-\\ntion of debts were not enjoined upon the government of\\nIsrael forty centuries ago without a good reason. From\\nthe councils of heaven it came forth as a vital part of the\\nmost perfect plan to promote peace and prosperity among\\na favored nation that divine wisdom could teach.\\nIt was then an actual necessity. It aims at and effectu-\\nally holds in reasonable check those traits in our make-up\\nthe essence of human nature which are beyond the\\ncontrol of law or even religion. No fact is more evident\\nor more universally admitted than that man s human\\nnature is his chief development, and that nothing so\\nquickly errs, nothing so often invades forbidden fields,\\nand nothing is so difficult to control; and at no time is\\nthis human nature so erring, so intensely selfish, or so\\nheedless and uncontrollable as when running in the race\\nfor wealth.\\nISTo matter how thoroughly a people may be provided\\nwith good laws, or how consistently they may obey the\\nprecepts of religion, they will inevitably, as time passes\\non, show a great diversity of achievement. Our inherent\\nforce and talents exhibit marked extremes, and we oper-\\nate in an endless variety of fields. Only time and the\\nfull exercise of our energies are needed for extremes in\\naccomplishment, including the acquirement of wealth, to\\nensue. Some will succeed, while others fail. Out of the\\nsame materials some will build palaces and others hovels.\\nSome will grow rich, while others will become poor.\\nSome avocations tend toward wealth and others toward\\nits opposite. The same talent, or effort, or amuition may\\nlead to either financial extreme success or failure.\\nThe final result will be unnatural, undesirable, and un-\\njust conditions. Perhaps, after all, the actual ability of\\nman has less to do with financial success than many\\nthoughtful observers are apt to believe.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "OXIR NATION S NEED. 17\\nWhen extremes of wealth and poverty have grown so\\npronounced as to become a menace to the public good, if\\nno other adequate remedy exists a divide-up is a neces-\\nsity. At such times it becomes not simply a philan-\\nthropic, but an economic measure. It might well be con-\\nsidered as the missing link in our political history, as the\\nlost art in the genius of government.\\nViewed from a proper standpoint, a divide-up and\\nstart-even at once becomes a subject of vital interest.\\nFor there is every reason for believing that it would\\nlargely settle the unsolved problems of the nations. The\\nmomentous questions of modern times are those which\\nconcern wealth and poverty, capital and labor. In the\\nmidst of the extremes, which have grown so pronounced\\nand universal, the greatest statesmen of the world stand\\napparently helpless. In the face of persistent discon-\\ntent, intense political agitation, and legislative considera-\\ntion, unjust inequalities and financial evils exist and con-\\nstantly increase. Subjected to all applied remedies, they\\nsurvive as the incurable political and social disease.\\nInequalities, although natural and wholesome at first,\\nbecome actual evils through slow processes. Their in-\\njustice may exist and grow in a nation for generations\\nand not seriously disturb industry or society and to some\\nextent it will correct itself. But when a certain point is\\nreached; when the injustice becomes widespread and over-\\npowering; when its burdens begin to crush; when man\\nmust bow to it and not simply endure when industry and\\nsociety lose their recuperative powers; when permanent\\nand organic lesions in the body financial, social, and\\npolitical have become fixed, then ordinary laws and or-\\ndinary remedies, no matter how vigilantly applied, become\\nnoneffective and vain. At such times mankind is thrown\\nupon its own responsibility. The deeper qualities of soul\\nare stirred. Character is tempered in the furnace of\\nsacrifice. But in the struggle humanity triumphs and\\nlifts itself to a higher plane. The world has witnessed\\nmany such struggles. It is God s way of making a foot-\\nprint in human history.\\nAs with an individual, so it is with a nation. For the\\nestablishment of its own stability of character it is essen-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "18 OUR NATION S NEED.\\ntial that it occasionally undergo a test of its strength and\\nvirtue. Pure gold is secured only through the applica-\\ntion of the purifying fire, and only through hotly con-\\ntested warfares between right and wrong, justice and\\noppression, are the worthy principles of nations developed\\nand made secure. Nations are benefited for ages, says\\nCarlyle, by being thrown once into divine white heat\\nin this manner, and no nation that has not had such divine\\nparoxysms at any time is apt to come to much. It is\\nessential that every element, whether true or false, noble\\nor base, face the force of the storm that all things be\\nshaken that those things which cannot be shaken may\\nremain.\\nConditions demanding the exercise of extraordinary\\nforces in government exist to-day. Current laws, no mat-\\nter how impartial or how considerate they are of the\\nweak against the strong, fail to meet the requirements.\\nThe demand for a special force in the realm of govern-\\nment is heard and felt upon every side. The chief\\nneed of this force is shown in the widespread prevalence\\nof concentrated wealth and diffused poverty. The need\\nand practicability of a general divide-up and start-even\\nare as clear to the unbiased mind as the need of rain\\nwhen the earth is parched by continued sunshine or the\\nneed of bread when the people are starving with hunger.\\nWhen accorded the place it deserves among the issues\\noperating to promote the best welfare of the nation, a\\ndivide-up becomes not only an honest and desirable\\npolicy, but accords with wise statesmanship and sound\\nbusiness principles.\\nA fact not to be misconstrued is: a divide-up would be\\nsimply the application of a remedy and not the adoption\\nof a political system to rule or embarrass the future. It\\nis a cure for the present great national disease and the\\nevils growing out of it, and not the creation of a new\\nform of government. As a remedy it may be severe, but\\nits execution has no binding effect upon the future.\\nMedicine is often unpleasant in its taste and action, and\\nwhen the disease for which it is administered is cured\\nit is discontinued. When a nation takes up arms and\\nengages in warfare, it is not the intention that such action", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "OJTB NATION^S NEED, 19\\nshall be perpetual. So it is with a divide-up of property.\\nThere are doubtless unpleasant features surrounding it.\\nIt would disturb the ease of many. It would thwart the\\nplans of not a few. Its virtue may be limited to actual\\nneeds. Its operation should cease when normal condi-\\ntions were restored. It is not here even claimed that a\\nuniversal level of wealth among all the people is in itself\\ndesirable. On the contrary, a reasonable diversity of owner-\\nship is both wholesome and proper. To coerce the people\\nto such a universal level as a permanent state, through the\\npower of law, would be a doom rather than blessing.\\nBut a universal level is absolutely safe and affords a\\ndesirable starting-point from which natural and desir-\\nable diversities of wealth and action radiate.\\nIf extremes of wealth and poverty need correcting, it\\nis deeply essential that only proper and effective remedies\\nbe employed. By analyzing the various forces, issues,\\nand policies which have molded and are now shaping\\npublic affairs, it is easily seen that to each belongs a\\nlimited scope of usefulness, and that each has been a\\nblessing only when operating within its own legitimate\\nfield. Warfare, legislation, religion, and social move-\\nments have resulted in good only when filling their respec-\\ntive missions. War, the most conspicuous factor in his-\\ntory, has benefited mankind only when its aid was im-\\nperative to enthrone a righteous cause. Laws, although\\nthey form the structure upon which society is founded\\nand are of varied application, lose their virtue and in-\\nflict an injury when they operate beyond their proper\\nsphere. Eeligion, the most sacred and potent force in the\\nworld, has often become a cruel despotism by assuming\\nan authority it has no right to claim.\\nLegislators and statesmen have no plainer duty than\\nto see that these and every other worthy measure per-\\nform their proper mission. Within its own sphere, every\\ndesirable element of force should be made to exercise its\\nfull power. The nation is entitled to all the benefits that\\ncan come from the harmonious cooperation of every-\\nthing that leads in the direction of the greatest good to\\nthe greatest number. To secure such to the people is the\\nproper function of statesmanship.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "20 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nIn the rapid evolutions of civilization, it is natural\\nthat some forces, which served well a former age, should\\nlose their virtue, and that other factors rise to meet the\\nrequirements of new occasions. But it is seldom safe\\nto lay aside the implements of past victories until we\\npossess the armor of new conquests. Eternal vigilance\\nis the price of liberty. We can become independent of\\nwar only by learning the arts of peace. No sooner are the\\ncruelties of superstition and ignorance overcome than the\\nconflicts against the vices of civilization must begin.\\n.When indifference and apathy have been aroused into\\nactivity, tempted by morbid ambition, they soon become\\ngiants of avarice and greed, to rule or ruin until, through\\nthe power of justice, they are subdued.\\nIt is important to learn what forces are involved in\\npresent transitions. What elements of power suited to\\nthe past have outlived their usefulness?\\nThe chief of these is, unquestionably, war.\\nFor forty centuries war has been a chief dependence\\nin times of great public controversies. Thousands of our\\ncitizens believe that the differences existing between\\ncapital and labor will eventually culminate in a resort to\\narms. It is the impression that war purifies and strength-\\nens a government that it makes business active and profit-\\nable that it removes a surplus of men, giving more room\\nand opportunity for those who survive and that, in addi-\\ntion to settling differences, it is an essential and economic\\nfactor in progressive civilization. The evidences of the\\npast, to the average mind at least, encourage such opin-\\nions. While war has been universally deplored, it has\\nbeen regarded as a necessary evil.\\nNothing has been so fruitful of popular glory, nothing\\nso lavish in bestowing fame and renown as war. In-\\ndelibly do we write the names of warriors in history, and\\nwe adorn sacred niches with monuments to their memory.\\nBut war is doomed. The prophecy that war shall cease,\\nlet us hope, is being rapidly fulfilled. It has grown dis-\\ntasteful and is abhorred. War is hell. It is con-\\ndemned by public sentiment and by the popular heart.\\nModem statesmen are rapidly ignoring its claims, and it\\nhas ceased to be even considered in genuine reform.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "OUR I^ATION^S NEED, 21\\nThe brutality of war, its cost in life and property, and\\nits antagonism to genuine progress render it peculiarly\\nrepugnant to the world s present state of civilization.\\nThe Czar of Eussia, who is at the head of the largest army\\nin the world, some time ago proposed a peace conference\\nof the nations of the earth. His appeal has not only\\nfavorably impressed other rulers, but has sensibly touched\\nthe hearts of all mankind. As an outgrowth of his efforts\\nwas held the World s Peace Conference, every advance step\\nof which was hailed with universal approval and delight.\\nWar has already burdened the nations of the earth by debt\\nto the verge of bankruptcy. Nothing has so impoverished\\nand weakened governments, many of which are hopelessly\\ninvolved. ^^Militarism, said Gladstone, lies like a vam-\\npire over Europe. Queen Victoria recently declared:\\nSooner than see my kingdom again resort to war, I\\nwould pray God that I might die. Yet war has clouded\\nher declining years. War is not only inhuman and un-\\nchristian, but, on account of improved armaments, all\\nhumanity stands appalled at its future inevitable magni-\\ntude and power to destroy.\\nBut it is a mistake to imagine that war will cease of\\nitself. Nor is it to be subdued by resolutions or inter-\\nnational agreements. It will cease only when it is out-\\ngrown. It is folly to believe that war can be abolished\\nunless more desirable and effective forces take its place\\nin our political system. It is a delusion to think that\\nwhen war is no more peace will be free. To be relieved\\nof its dangers and dread is to be clothed with new duties\\nand responsibilities.\\nA lesson well worth learning is that in the midst of ordi-\\nnary civilization, war is a law unto itself. It submits to\\nno force, heeds no counsel, obeys no command. War is\\ngreater than nations, stronger than resolves, mightier than\\nhuman will. Power has ever been its willing vassal.\\nGovernments have cowered before it like brutes before\\ntheir master. Heroes and patriots have vied with each\\nother in worshiping at its altars. Religion has been as\\ntinder to feed its crimson flames. Its carnage and blood,\\nits destruction and death only bring glory, dazzling to\\nthe brain and inspiring to the heart of all mankind.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "22 OUR NATION S NEED,\\nGentlemen may cry peace peace But there is no peace\\nexclaimed Patrick Henry, and his words will remain true\\nuntil war is outwitted and peace honestly and intelli-\\ngently won. Give me liberty or give me death has been\\nthe invincible battle-cry of all the ages, and wherever\\nslavery, injustice or oppression abounds, its direful mut-\\nterings can be heard to-day. Channing has well said that\\nwar will never yield but to the principles of universal\\njustice and love. Suggestive and true are the words of\\nWhittier:\\nBut dream not helm and harness\\nThe sign of valor true;\\nPeace hath higher tests of manhood\\nThan battle ever knew/*\\nIf war is the declining star in the political firmament,\\nwhat new elements of force are required to meet present\\nconditions and harmonize the conflicting interests of\\nprogress? What is to characterize the new political\\nsystem\\nThe answer to these questions suggests itself. A right-\\neous and equitable adjustment of existing wrongs; just\\nlaws; equal privileges and security to all; protection to\\nthe home; religious and civil liberty; clean politics; pub-\\nlic honesty; private virtue; protection of the innocent\\nagainst the vicious and of the weak against the strong;\\nproper recognition of labor; equal rights to every one;\\nopportunities to the young; support to the -aged; relief\\nto the suffering and maintenance of the national honor.\\nThese things must become tenets of faith in the realm of\\ncitizenship. That these things become established verities\\nis the prayer of every loyal heart and the zealous aim ol\\nall true patriots. These things must in the future, more\\nthan they have in the past, characterize our political life\\nif the country is to survive and liberty prevail.\\nBut citizenship is now being denied its political ideals.\\nA gigantic wrong usurps the popular will. This great\\nevil the concentration of wealth and power in the hands\\nof the few and the diffusion of poverty and industrial\\nslavery among the many ^is seen and felt everywhere. It", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "OUR N ATION^S NEED. 23\\npermeates every phase of life and has intrenched itself in\\nevery form of society. American pluck and ambition,\\nspurred on by unprecedented success, has become an out-\\nlaw. Mankind, inspired by a new love, has turned to the\\nworship of Mammon; and mammonism has become the\\noctopus of modern civilization, menacing all that is essen-\\ntial to life and corrupting all that is precious to the heart.\\nMoney has become a god and as such is the root of\\nall evil. Mammonism is the source of most of the misery,\\ncrime, and perfidy things which are constantly growing\\nmore pronounced. It has filled our land with distrust\\nand discontent. Its unjust, cruel, and enslaving domin-\\nion is a familiar subject at almost every American fireside.\\nAs the outgrowth of the existing extremes of wealth\\nand poverty, a formidable array of evils has developed\\nand their endurance has become the nations shame.\\nLabor is robbed of its just reward. Success is made\\nwithin reach of only a fev\u00c2\u00bb^. Crushing competition pre-\\nvents normal enterprise. The ambitions of the young\\nare defeated and their opportunities destroyed. The poor\\nare made helpless and the aged dependent. The great\\nmiddle class in trade and enterprise is being wiped out.\\nTrusts and syndicates conspire against the people.\\nBribery is practiced wholesale. The political boss is en-\\nthroned. Elections are little else than a game of farce.\\nLegislation has become a commercial commodity. ISTo\\nbusiness is too base and no practice too vile for human\\ngreed. Vice and shame are staple commodities in the\\nmarkets of sin. The love of gold barters away the bodies\\nand blights the souls of the people. Nothing is more\\ntruly remarkable than the way in which all the evils of\\nthe present age converge toward a common center and\\nthat center is mammonism.\\nIt is also remarkable how these curses prevail through-\\nout civilization. Mammonism is the besetting sin of\\nChristendom. Concentrated wealth and diffused poverty\\nare the dominating evil in almost every land. Empires,\\nkingdoms, and republics are alike facing the same formid-\\nable enemy. Mammonism is the central political prob-\\nlem and the chief barrier to progress everywhere. That\\nthe curse universally prevails shows that the same weak\\nfeature marks the career of all forms of government.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "24 OITB NATION S NEED.\\nProof is abundant that ordinary remedies completely\\nfail in conflicts against the powers of money. In the face\\nof all opposition, the curse of mammonism has constantly\\ngrown and become more and more established. Systems\\nof law have proved a failure; organized forces have been\\nin vain. It has fortified itself against every opposition.\\nIt has fattened upon war. It is the subtle tempter and\\ncanker-worm in times of peace.\\nBut there is a remedy that would destroy this universal\\nplague. A divide-up and start-even exactly meets the re-\\nquirements. It is the political, the social, and the re-\\nligious issue of the world. Its practicability is not a\\nva^ue theory. It is not a far-fetched, mysterious scheme\\nthat only a few can comprehend. Its results, if carried\\nout, are too plainly apparent to be mere speculation. As\\nan issue in politics it would represent every section and\\ninterest.\\nAs an illustration: it would not be difficult to appreci-\\nate what a boom a divide-up and start-even would be to\\nthe older nations. Take Great Britain and Ireland. For\\nmore than a half century the people of these isles have\\nsubmitted to conditions unfair and infamous in the ex-\\ntreme. Fifty years ago they supported 400,000 paupers,\\nand the number has constantly increased until at pres-\\nent nearly 1,000,000 are receiving public help. The\\npopulation is a little over 37,000,000, and of these 8,000,-\\n000 are constantly on the verge of destitution and 20,000,-\\n000 are actually poor. On the other hand, one-half of\\nthe national income flows into the pockets of 10,000\\npersons, and 30,000 capitalists, peers, and lords own 90\\nper cent, of the land. Over 90 per cent, of the people\\nown no land whatever. Legions are born in poverty, live\\nin penury, and are buried in the potter s field. During\\nthese fifty years Great Britain and Ireland have produced\\nsome of the greatest statesmen that ever lived. They have\\nbeen ruled by a sovereign who for private virtue and pub-\\nlic interest has seldom been equaled. And the loyalty of\\nthe people has been unbounded. In the development of\\nthose forces which pertain to material progress and in the\\nintelligence and enterprise of the people no nation has\\nmore right to boast. But concentrated wealth and dif-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "UB NATION 8 NEED, 25\\nfused poverty hang like a plague over the people. Plu-\\ntocracy and poverty is the monumental curse of Great\\nBritain and Ireland to-day, and unless the people arise\\nand free themselves their condition is hopeless. For them\\nto live in submission means privation, oppression, squalor,\\nand dependence for themselves and their children.\\nIf the earth and the fullness thereof is the Lord^s and\\nif all mankind are the children of a common Father, it\\nis dishonor to God and disloyalty to human brotherhood\\nnot to rise up and, in the name of justice and humanity,\\nto demand a universal and equitable division of property\\namong all the people of these richly favored isles.\\nYet what Great Britain and Ireland have done we are\\ndoing. We are becoming plutocrats and paupers at a\\nrate without a precedent in all history. By continuing\\nour present policies of finance and business we shall\\nsoon exhibit a condition similar in all its chief features\\nand, on account of our free form of government, far more\\nintolerable. Sordid conservation is already trying to rec-\\noncile the laboring man and the masses to their lot. It\\nis being industriously taught that equality, prosperity,\\nand plenty, in the liberal sense, is an idle dream. Mam-\\nmonism was never more vigilant in organizing and array-\\ning itself against the interests of the people. If allowed\\nto continue it will eventually make poverty a hopeless\\nfate and riches a power invulnerable.\\nNothing can he more apparent than the claims of a\\ndivide-up of property as an issue in American politics.\\nTo destroy the greatest evil or to enthrone the greatest\\ngood to the greatest number should always be the first aim\\nin political action.\\nThat concentrated wealth and diffused poverty exist\\nas the greatest curse in our nation is apparent to every\\nunbiased and thoughtful observer. It is not only the\\ngreatest, but it is the parent evil, and other evils are its\\noffspring. It is of all curses the most world-wide. It\\nhas no rival. No other evil is so established; none so\\nuniversal; none so defiant to law; none so destructive to\\nlife and character; none so menacing to human liberty\\nand the life of the republic. It forms the source of con-\\ntention between capital and labor. It is the bane of so-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "26 OUR NATION S NEED,\\neiety, placing a gnlf between the classes and the masses.\\nIt is the skeleton in the church whose presence God and\\nthe angels forsake. It is the autocrat in businesSj killing\\nthe weak and protecting the strong. It is the potent\\ndanger behind the monopoly and trust. That it exists\\nin foreign countries to a greater degree than in our own\\nland, making wage-earning more abject and its slavery\\nmore secure, is the vital point of the tariff issue. Its\\npower is the backbone of the money question. It is the\\nprotecting wall of the liquor business. It is the cesspool\\nin which is drowned the character of men and the virtue\\nof women. It furnishes the sinews of w^ar in dirty poli-\\ntics. It is the sin of the bribe-giver and the shame of\\nthe bribe-taker. It is the destruction of the rich and the\\ndoom of the poor.\\nThe Civil War opened up a new era in money-making.\\nSteadily and with increasing momentum great fortunes\\nhave multiplied and become established. For three dec-\\nades men have been drifting toward the two extremes\\nuntil a few possess a very large part the very cream of\\nour nation^s wealth and the majority of the people are\\nbeing crushed into poverty, industrial slavery, and hope-\\nless despair.\\nAccording to recent and trustworthy authorities upon\\nthe subject, the concentration of wealth and the wide-\\nspread prevalence of poverty is appalling. The safety\\nlimit has been crossed.\\nWhat are the facts?\\nOne per cent, of the people own over 50 per cent, of\\nthe wealth of the United States, and their possessions are\\nthe most productive and profitable of which the nation can\\nboast.\\nNinety-nine per cent, of the people own less than one-\\nhalf of the nation^ s wealth.\\nOne family in a hundred, take the country over, own\\nmore than the other ninety-nine families. In other words,\\nten families in each 1,000 families could buy out the other\\n990 families and have something left.\\nFifty per cent, of the people over 6,000,000 families\\nown practically nothing; only their clothes and a little\\nfurniture.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION 8 NEED. 27\\nMillionaires are counted by thousands. Several for-\\ntunes, it is claimed, have passed beyond $100,000,000 each.\\nSeventy per cent, of the wealth of the entire nation is\\ncontrolled by 200,000 men.\\nOne million men practically own the United States,\\nwhile a vast majority of the people are forced to struggle\\nfor shelter and bread. The great middle class, so long\\nthe strength and glory of the republic is being crowded\\nout. Prosperity is being limited to the few.\\nAccording to Dun s Review the number of failures in\\nMay, 1900, was ^^not only the largest ever known in that\\nmonth since such records were made, but of eighty months\\ncovered by these returns only six have shown such large\\nliabilities.^^ Of these 947 failures only one was a great\\nconcern; the rest were all from the smaller or medium\\nclass. Dun s Review further says that the amount in-\\nvolved in failures for the first six months of 1900 was\\nmore than double that of 1899. Prosperity increasing\\nFailures doubling!\\nNotwithstanding the fact that failures among the med-\\nium-class enterprises doubled in one year, prosperity\\namong great concerns was never so great. Among the\\nbeginners and middle class, competition and bankruptcy\\nwere never such a scourge. Fatness and famine are be-\\ncoming related counterparts in the realm of business.\\nWealth has grown not only powerful, but aggressive and\\nconsuming. Poverty is becoming not only weak, but\\nindifferent and a willing prey. It is a new condition that\\nconfronts the American people. Class distinctions, affect-\\ning every phase of existence, that have cursed and crushed\\nempires and kingdoms are settling like a vampire upon\\nour own land and are devouring the life-blood of the\\nnation. This condition is becoming a fixed fact and\\ndominates and controls our social and financial system.\\nIts power is overwhelming. It ignores law. It defies\\ncorrection. It robs youth of opportunity and drives age\\nto penury. It is vice s alluring companion; it is virtue s\\nrelentless foe. It blights character and religion. It\\ncrushes hope and ambition. It petrifies the heart of the\\nrich and deadens the faith of the poor. It makes of\\ncapital an unwilling tyrant and of labor a helpless slave.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "28 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nIt has turned wholesome competition into a wild race for\\nsupremacy. In the realm of business men are no longer\\nbrothers, but antagonists in a conflict in which money, not\\nmanhood, is the ruling force. The abnormal success of\\nthe few has made money-making a passion. In the mad\\nrush for fortune we devour each other. In business we\\nhave become cannibals those with much eat up those\\nwith little. As the small fish are swallowed by the mon-\\nster, so it is that the small merchant and manufacturer\\nare swallowed by the great concern whose abundancce of\\ncapital can control the market and maintain a monopoly.\\nThe condition has become the nation^s scourge. In its\\npresence law is as tinder and legislators as clay to be\\nr *ded and manipulated at will. Its continuation means\\nan -aristocracy holding the nation^s wealth and a people\\nenslaved by poverty and fated to despair. Genuine patri-\\notism can no longer deny its ravages nor ignore its pres-\\nence. Justice, liberty, humanity, and the common herit-\\nages of citizenship demand its overthrow.\\nThat the accumulated powers of greed he destroyed is\\nimperative. Too long already has it crushed and cursed\\nmankind. The unjust conditions which prevail every-\\nwhere and which constantly grow more powerful and op-\\npressive suggest but one remedy a divide-up of all prop-\\nerty among all the people and when this is accomplished,\\nthe enactment of such laws as will insure justice and fail\\nopportunities to all in the future.\\nThe division of property among the people and the\\ncancellation of debt at proper intervals, as laws, for the\\ngovernment of human affairs, have an authoritative\\norigin. The world seems to have forgotten that these\\ncommands were given to mankind by God and stand in\\nthe Bible beside the Ten Commandments. Viewed from\\nthe proper standpoint, they are an essential part of a com-\\nplete governmental system. A division of property can-\\nnot be regarded as other than God s law, and divine laws\\nare perfect in that they harmonize with each other. They\\nare all connected by vital relations. Whoever offends in\\none point is guilty of all. To divide up is a part of a\\ncomplete circle. To ignore it is to break the circle and\\nconfuse everything.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 29\\nFurthermore, to divide up, like all divine commands,\\nis a natural law. It is a vital part of the natural law of\\nthe political world. Its need is as visibly read in the\\noppressions endured by an outraged society as is the\\ninspired language upon the sacred page. The literal\\nstatus of the original command is a question upon which\\nmen may differ. To decide either way matters little.\\nBut human nature remains the same. A special force\\nis still needed to maintain the normal equipoise. If a\\ndivide-up would harmonize business and financial rela-\\ntions and create natural conditions, it cannot be safely set\\naside and ignored. Freed from prejudice, it awakens the\\ndeepest convictions of patriotism. Thus viewed, it be-\\ncomes as much a duty as though God should again make\\nknown His will, as He did from Sinai, and write a com-\\nmand to divide up all property and cancel all debts across\\nthe dome of the heavens.\\nAs a political issue, a divide-up and start-even need not\\nbe a wrangle of hatreds between the rich and the poor.\\nSuch a measure should be instituted, not that the rich\\nare loved less, but that justice and country are loved and\\nhonored more. The hatred and calumny heaped upon\\nthe rich are unwarranted, and show a covetous rather than\\na patriotic spirit. There are very few who would not be\\nrich were it within their power. The rich are no worse\\nthan the poor. The rich and the poor are perhaps equally\\nselfish. Many are rich because they are honorable and\\nupright through habits of economy, industry, and per-\\nseverance. There can never be a serious conflict exclu-\\nsively between the rich and the poor. Nor is it possible\\nto condemn either and exalt the other. ISTeither wealth\\nnor poverty gives us any clew to character or furnishes us\\na criterion by which we may measure the soul and judge\\nof the dimensions of the man himself. Legions of men\\nare well-to-do, and even rich, because they deserve to be;\\nand legions are poor because they are conscientious and\\nunselfish. The lives of many men are one long self-sacri-\\nfice, like that of Professor Agassiz, who said: I have no\\ntime to make money. On the other hand, many are\\nrich and many are poor for reasons which are neither a\\ncredit nor an honor, Kiches and poverty are pften a", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "30 OUB NATION S NEED.\\nmatter of birth, of circumstances, of sheer luck, or the\\nlack of it. Indeed, wealth and poverty are so haphazard\\nand inconsistent in their dealings with mankind that their\\nregulation by a force more powerful than either is made\\nimperative.\\nTo adopt the measure, therefore, would be the enthrone-\\nment of a principle and not an issue between classes of\\nmankind. It should be adopted because it is an impera-\\ntive requirement of a progressive and enlightened age,\\nand not as a sentiment. It should be carried out, not that\\nsome might gain, but as a matter of straightforward busi-\\nness; not because it would bless a part, but that it is\\nnecessary for the good of all; not because it is rigfht, but\\nbecause nothing else will meet the present demands of\\nhumanity and common justice.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even\\nBO to them. Christ.\\nAnd thou, my country, write it on my heart\\nThy sons are they who nobly take thy part;\\nWho dedicates his manhood at thy shrine,\\nWherever born, is born a son of thine. Van Dyke.\\nOur Government, by its organization, is necessarily identified\\nwith the interests of the people; and it relies exclusively on\\ntheir attachment for its durability and support. George\\nBancroft.\\nWealth, so far as it consists in comfortable shelter, and food,\\nand raiment for all mankind, in competence for every bodily\\nwant and in abundance for every mental and spiritual need,\\nis so valuable, so precious, that if any earthly object should be\\nworthy of idolatry, this might be the idol. But\\nwealth as the means of an idle or voluptuous life; wealth as a\\nfosterer of pride and the petrifier of the human heart; wealth\\nas the iron rod with which to beat the poor into submission to\\nits will this is all the curses of Pandora concentrated into\\none. Horace Mann.\\nAnd for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance\\non the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to\\neach other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.\\nDeclaration of Independence.\\nAll tyranny begins with denial by men to their brothers of\\nthe equal use of the gifts of a common Father. So to-day the\\nmonopolist, the destroyer of liberty, like Cain, his ancient pro-\\ntotype, conspires against his brothers, seeking to possess him-\\nself of the favors of God bestowed equally upon all. Gov.\\nJohn D. Rodgers.\\nGather the young and teach them that their\\ncountry has appointed only one altar and one sacrifice for all\\nher sons; and that ambition and avarice must be slain on that\\naltar, for it is consecrated to humanity. William H. Seward.\\n8^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "OJIB NATION S NEED. 33\\nCHAPTEK II.\\nWHAT A DIVIDE-UP AND STAKT-EVEN WOULD INVOLVE.\\nTo DIVIDE up all the wealth of the United States among\\nthe people would not only be a radical measure, but far-\\nreaching in its influence and results. At the same time,\\nit is not difficult to comprehend, with considerable\\ndefiniteness, what the undertaking would involve.\\nThere is no reason why such a measure could not be\\ninstituted and carried out peacefully, systematically,\\nhonestly, and thoroughly. In these respects it would\\nradically differ from what is witnessed when new condi-\\ntions are accomplished as the results of war, with its\\nattendant bloodshed and devastation of property. A com-\\nplete and universal division could be made without shed-\\nding a drop of blood, blighting a single life, or crush-\\ning beyond repair a single home.\\nThe difficulties which seem to interdict the measure\\nare imaginary rather than real. It is possible at any time\\nto ascertain with marked exactness the entire possessions\\nof the United States, and to learn of what materials this\\nwealth consists. We have repeatedly measured the extent\\nof our domain, counted the number of acres and farms\\nand homes, and estimated with expert care the wealth\\nand worth of mountain, mine, and forest.\\nIt is a part of our governmental routine at proper in-\\ntervals to investigate the more interesting developments\\nof the nation and record them. Once in each decade\\nwe place upon record the number of men, the number of\\nwomen, and the number of children. We learn what they\\ndo to earn a livelihood, what they receive for their services,\\nand what constitutes their individual possessions, so far\\nas necessary to serve the purposes of public interests. We\\nlearn much regarding the social standing, the religious\\nrelations, and the industrial and business enterprise of", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "34 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nthe people. We learn how many persons are born each\\nyear, how many get married, and how many die. Vv^e.\\nlearn approximately how many are able-bodied and capable\\nof earning a living, and how many are defective and un-\\nable to support themselves. We know how many are en-\\ngaged in the various professions, trades, and other depart-\\nments of enterprise. We learn the number of vocations\\nand their relation to each other. We know about how\\nmuch business the nation is doing, the kind and quantity of\\ngoods we consume ourselves, how many we send to foreign\\nlands, and how many and what kind of goods we import\\nin return. We know the natural advantages of our coun-\\ntry, its resources and productions, its rivers and harvests,\\nits enterprise and its varied possibilities. We know its\\nsettled principles of government, the foundations upon\\nwhich it rests, and the constant and loyal devotion it de-\\nmands of its citizens.\\nThe great magnitude of our country need not materially\\nadd to the difficulties attending a division of property\\namong the people. It can be truthfully claimed that the\\nUnited States as a whole are more completely and ac-\\ncurately epitomized and estimated than is possible with\\nany of its divisions or subdivisions. We are a unit rather\\nthan a collection of units. Only as an inseparable union\\ndo we hold supremacy or can our possessions be measured.\\nThe nation as a whole is also more permanent than any\\nof its parts. Not only men, but inventions, vocations,\\nlaws, professions, customs, and policies of government are\\nborn, serve a period of usefulness, die, and pass into his-\\ntory. But the nation as a whole, as a concrete unit, sur-\\nvives and maintains a rapid development.\\nAccording to the abstract of the census of 1890, the\\ntotal true valuation of all tangible property in the United\\nStates exclusive of Alaska, at the census period of 1890,\\namounted to $65,037,091,197, of which amount $39,544,-\\n544,333 represents the value of real estate and improve-\\nments thereon, and $25,492,546,964 that of personal prop-\\nerty, including railroads, mines, and quarries. These\\nfigures represent what would be a fair selling price at the\\ntime the census was taken.\\nThe population of the United States on June 1, 1890,", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 35\\nas shown by tKe general enumeration for the States and\\norganized Territories, was 62,622,250. This included\\nevery person and all ages.\\nIf the total wealth was $65,037,091,197 and the total\\npopulation 62,622,250, the per capita wealth of the nation\\nwas, therefore, a little over $1,038. To this should be\\nadded about $22 in money for each individual, which\\nwould make $1,060 for each man, woman, and child at\\nthe last census.\\nThe increase of wealth of the United States from 1850\\nto 1890, a period of forty years, is as follows\\nValue of real and personal property in\\n1850 $7,135,780,228\\nValue of real and personal property in\\n1860 16,159,616,068\\nValue of real and personal property in\\n1870 30,068,518,507\\nValue of real and personal property in\\n1880 4*^,642,000,000\\nValue of real and personal property in\\n1890 65,037,091,197\\nThe above figures show a remarkable increase of wealth.\\nIt is interesting to note that the increase in value of the\\nUnited States was threefold greater between 1880 and\\n1890 than the entire value of the nation in 1850. In\\nother words, the gain in wealth in America during the\\nfirst 350 years was not one-third as great as it was during\\nthe years from 1880 to 1890. One year of modern prog-\\nress adds more to the wealth of the nation than a century\\ndid in its earlier history.\\nThe per capita wealth for the past forty years, accord-\\ning to official census reports, is as follows:\\nPer capita valuation in 1850 $308\\n1860 614\\n1870 780\\n1880 870\\n1890 1,038", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "86 OVR NATION S NEED.\\nIf the same general increase that characterized the ten\\nyears between 1880 and 1890 continues, at the end of the\\npresent census decade (1900) the population will be about\\n77,000,000, the wealth will be over $92,000,000,000, and\\nthe per capita wealth will be not far from $1,200.\\nIf a divide-up of property were to take place it woul\\nbe accompanied by various incidental reforms and adjust-\\nments which would change, to some extent, the total valua-\\ntion of our national possessions.\\nFor instance there has been for many years a growing\\ndemand that the Government assume ownership of mines,\\nrailroads, telegraph and telephone lines, and other national\\nmonopolies. There is also a similar demand that munici-\\npalities and other public bodies assume the ownership of\\nvarious enterprises of a public nature, such as water-works,\\nlight-plants, and street-railway lines, which are now\\nlargely held by private interests. In the event of a divide-\\nup a large amount of land now unimproved, especially in\\nthe Western States, would become public domain.\\nAgain there have grown up many schemes of enterprise\\nof a questionable character which injure society and de-\\nfraud the people and are an actual menace to the public\\ngood. These could during a general divide-up be con-\\ndemned and forbidden in the future, without embarrass-\\ning those who now profit by them.\\nOn the other hand, there is a large number of enter-\\nprises which represent great actual value, but escape being\\nproperly considered in census reports. These would\\ngreatly augment the total valuation of the wealth of the\\nnation as usually estimated.\\nIf the changes made balanced each other, and in the\\nadjustment between public and private interests property\\nto the value of $15,000,000,000 (which must be considered\\na liberal allowance) were transferred from the realm of\\nprivate property to public ownership, there would remain,\\nbased upon the prospects for 1900, wealth to the value of\\n$77,000,000,000, or $1,000 in property for each man,\\nwoman, and child in the nation.\\nIt is evident, therefore, that if a general and universal\\ndivide-up of property were made it would consist in the\\nGovernment, through the exercise of its inherent and", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 37\\nsovereign powers, assuming, for the time being, absolute\\ncontrol of all property and wealth, and with the exception\\nof natural monopolies, which would become national.\\nState, county, and municipal possessions, making a fair,\\nimpartial, and judicious division of the same among all\\nthe people. And it is quite evident that the share of each\\nindividual would consist of property the value of which\\nwould not be far from $1,000.\\nA divide-up would not be honest, American, or even\\npossible unless it were made general, complete, and equi-\\ntable. No matter what the race or color of a person be or\\nwhat the previous condition, if he or she is by birth or\\nadoption a legal subject or citizen, such an one, in all\\nfairness and justice, is entitled to an equal share. Were\\nfavors shown, there are many reasons why they should\\nbe given to those who apparently least deserve them. In\\nrunning a race it is the swiftest-footed that are handi-\\ncapped. There are men who could start with nothing and\\neventually surpass in achievement others who had much\\nto start with. An even division, share and share alike\\nso far as possible, and without favor or distinction, except\\nto conform to good judgment and discretion, would be the\\nonly practical, wise, and just method to pursue.\\nOf course^ the discussion of the measure would give\\nrise to many perplexing questions. All great measures\\ndo this. Some would oppose giving the same value to an\\ninfant as to an adult; others would object to giving the\\nsame amount to an ignorant and indifferent family with a\\nflock of unpromising children as to those more worthy\\nand highly cultured. Many would see in the wide range\\nof property values, running from the hovel to the palace,\\napparent insurmountable difficulties in making an equal\\ndivision of property with fairness to all. A thousand\\nimpossibilities would be seen by opposers. Some would\\nthink that a graded apportionment should apply to chil-\\ndren. While it might not seem fair to include childhood\\nin an equal distribution, yet by doing so twenty-one years\\nwould be given in which to solve those problems con-\\nnected with the rights and needs of oncoming generations.\\nWhile giving to the ignorant and indifferent an equal\\nshare in a divide-up would cause much to be sacrificed, yet", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "38 OUB NATION S NEED,\\nthe loss would be many times compensated for in the\\naroused manhood and womanhood that would result. That\\nthe existence of palaces and hovels would embarrass an\\nequal division of property, none can deny. For years\\nwealth has been tearing down and building larger, while\\npoverty has been shifting as best it could. The nation\\nhas become a jumble of financial monstrosities. But these\\nextremes represent abuses in need of correction. Men\\ndie every day in houses their children cannot afford to\\nkeep up and occupy. When properly viewed, the very\\nthings that seem to prohibit a divide-up are conditions\\nwhich a division of property, and it alone, will remedy\\nand cure. One of the astonishing features of our large\\ntowns and cities now is the great number of dwelling\\nhouses, intended for families of the middle class, stand-\\ning empty, while there are not enough hovels and flats and\\navenue palaces to meet the demand. If a leveling of\\nwealth filled up these medium-sized but vacant houses\\nand built more like them and emptied both extremes, it\\nwould be a vast improvement over what now exists.\\nIt would not only be a duty to make a thorough and\\nhonest distribution of property, but to see that each allot-\\nment were legally secured to the owner. If property to\\nthe value of $1,000 represented each person s share, this\\namount should be given to every man or woman of full\\nage, to be accepted by them and subject to their absolute\\nlegal control. Every married couple would receive prop-\\nerty to the value of $2,000 and, in addition, the value of\\n$1,000 for each child in the family. Every orphan child\\nwould receive, through a legally authorized guadianship,\\nthe value of $1,000.\\nDefective, helpless, incapable persons, through special\\nprovisions, should receive the benefit of their apportion-\\nment. What would otherwise go directly to these persons\\ncould be represented by substantial profit-producing in-\\nvestments, and the income therefrom to be used for their\\nsupport in such institutions as are essential to the best\\nwelfare and comfort of those who, through physical or\\nmental defects, are rendered unfortunate. The shares of^\\nall criminals in custody should be held in trust, and when\\neach has served his sentence and is set at liberty he should", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 39\\nreceive his portion. There is also a considerable number\\nof persons who, although incapable of managing their own\\naffairs to good advantage, are nevertheless harmless and\\nuseful members of society. The property of such persons\\ncould also be in the form of well-secured and paying in-\\nvestments, and the income of the same, through duly\\nauthorized guardianships used for their support. The\\naged and infirm and invalid classes comprise a large num-\\nber in the aggregate, and the same kind of investments\\nwould be appropriate for them. All of these would\\nabsorb no little property, and such wealth as large office\\nbuildings and mammoth business blocks in towns and cities\\ncould be appropriated in this way.\\nWhen the process of dividing-up had been completed\\nand the new order of things become effective, there is no\\nreason why a rapid adjustment of affairs would not follow.\\nIt could scarcely be called a revolution. The people would\\nbecome so absorbed in their new environments and in the\\nfuture that they would forget the past. The blessings of\\nsunshine and rain would continue. Spring, summer,\\nautumn, and winter would follow each other the same as\\nnow. But until some one should be dishonest or recreant\\nto his duty, there would not be a destitute man, woman,\\nor child in the United States ^not one. Nor would there\\nbe a rich person until riches had been earned not one.\\nEvery legitimate American would be worth property to the\\nvalue of $1,000, and the possessions of every family would\\nbe wealth commensurate with its numbers.\\nFinancially all would be upon an equitable basis. None\\nwould be so independent as to live without labor or effort\\nof some kind. STone would be dependent entirely upon\\ntoil for food and shelter. Those who are now rich, would\\nbe shorn of the power that money can buy and would find\\nit necessary to become useful, and those who are now\\nenslaved to capital and humiliated by poverty would be\\ngiven what is the natural and legitimate birthright of\\nevery man, woman, and child born upon America s beloved\\nand free soil a visible chance to life, liberty, and the\\npursuit of happiness.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "Moreover, the profit of the earth is for all. Solomon\\nHave love. Not love alone for one.\\nBut man, as man, thy brother call;\\nAnd scatter, like the circling sun,\\nThy charities on all. Schiller.\\nWhen the struggle assumes the form of a contest with power\\nin all its subtlety or with undermining or corrupting wealth,\\nas it some time may, rather than with turbulence, sedition, or\\nupon aggression by the needy and desperate, it will be indis-\\npensable to employ still greater diligence; to cherish earnest-\\nness of purpose, resoluteness in conduct; to apply hard and con-\\nstant blows to real abuses, rather than milk-and-water remedies,\\nand encourage not only bold, free, and original thinking, but\\ndetermined action. Levi Woodbury.\\nVast tracts of our domain, not simply the public domain or\\nfrontier, but in some of our nearer States, are passing into the\\nhands of wealthy foreigners. This evil requires early\\nattention, and that Congress should, by law, restrain the acquisi-\\ntion of such tracts of land by aliens. Our policy should be\\nsmall farms worked by men who own them. Benjamin Harri-\\nson.\\nAnd now, wealth, learning, statesmanship, law and religion,\\nas well as labor, are unceasingly seeking for settlement that\\nwill be in accordance with the divine law, with the greatest\\ngood to all and that will give prosperity to society, justice to\\nthe individual, and stability to the state. ^H. W. Cadman,\\n(Prize Essay).\\nThe universal blunder of this world is in thinking that there\\nare certain persons put into the world to govern and certain\\nothers to obey. Everybody is in the world to govern and\\neverybody to obey. There are no benefactors and no beneficiar-\\nies in distinct classes. Every man is at once both benefactor\\nand beneficiary. Phillips Brooks.\\n40", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 41\\nCHAPTEE III.\\nHOW COULD IT BE DONE?\\nWould it be possible to divide up and start even?\\nYes.\\nThe chief reason, no doubt, why the measure has not\\nbeen oftener discussed is because people imagine that it\\nwould be impossible to carry it out. But it would not be\\nan extraordinarily difficult thing to do. There are other\\nmeasures now being pressed by political parties quite as\\ndifficult to establish as a divide-up would be.\\nA nation, in some respects, has characteristics in com-\\nmon with the individual, and one of them is: it is easier\\nto undergo a wholesale reform than to reform in a single\\nspot. To correct a life is an easier matter than to abandon\\na habit. To adopt a sweeping, radical change is not so\\ndifficult as it is to uproot a single evil. Eevolutions have\\nmade history, while the lap of time is filled with dead re-\\nforms.\\nThere are many reasons why it would be easier to bring\\nto pass a divide-up of property among all the people thjn\\nit would be to materially change, as an isolated reform,\\nour financial system, to prohibit the liquor traffic, or bring\\nabout the public ownership of railroads and other natural\\nmonopolies. These things, desirable as they may be, lack\\nthe essential motive power. Every defeated wrong in his-\\ntory shows that there was a great motive force that im-\\npelled volunteers to storm its forts and invade the as-\\nsumed rights of its friends. Behind the proposition to\\ndivide up and start even are the forfeited rights of 50,-\\n000,000 people. It would mean the restoration to these\\npeople of $50,000,000,000 in property that justly belongs\\nto themx. It would mean business prosperity in the future\\nto the whole country. The question would possess both\\nthe force of motive and the momentum of magnitude.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "42 OTIB NATIOI^ S NEED.\\nIt would be a political question. In its scope it would\\nbe local, state and national. It wonld of necessity oper-\\nate through political channels supported by a platform\\nwhich proclaimed and advocated the principles involved.\\nIt is the proper mission and legitimate function of a\\npolitical movement to embody some definite principle or\\nplan of action in its platform and to submit the same to\\nthe people for adoption or rejection at the ballot-box. It\\nis the highest privilege of citizenship to express convic-\\ntions and desires regarding political policies on election\\nday, and a duty, no less exalted, is to give absolute\\nacquiescence in the decisions of the majority, which Jef-\\nferson has placed as one of the fixed stars in the bright\\nconstellation of principles that illumine our national path-\\nway. So expressed and so voted upon it would establish,\\nbeyond all controversy, the universally accepted but much-\\nabused doctrine that this is a government of the people,\\nfor the people, and by the people.\\nTo carry out a divide-up and start-even would require\\nthe election and installation into office of a majority of\\nthe members of our national Congress pledged to the adop-\\ntion of the measure. Congress alone would have the right\\nto proceed. In its official aspects it would resemble a\\ncivil war. Although no war would attend its operation,\\nfrom a governmental standpoint it would be a war meas-\\nure. Except in the absence of the implements of warfare,\\nthe two measures are identical.\\nWar, in its intent and issues, is governmental disci-\\npline to protect the national life and to secure the guar-\\nanteed rights of the people. This is exactly the motive\\nand intent of a divide-up and start-even.\\nMen will diligently labor to invent more destructive\\nimplements of warfare, and it should be no less a duty\\nto invent more effective implements of peace. When cor-\\nporal punishment is prohibited in school, discipline con-\\ntinues to rule; and when the bloodshed and wholesale de-\\nstruction of war shall end, it is not to be expected that\\ngovernmental authority to exact justice among the people\\nshall cease. The fact that the Constitution invests Con-\\ngress with the right to declare war gives it the right to\\n9^c|aT\u00c2\u00a7 popie other pae^sure that will^ better than i^ar^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 43\\nanswer the purpose of some desirable end, although\\npowder and bullets, bayonets and swords are not em-\\nployed to enforce its decrees. To deny Congress this right\\nwould make of war the Ultima Thule of government and\\nforestall the advancement of civilization.\\nIt would further resemble a war measure in the per-\\nformance of the task. It would require the services of\\nfrom 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 men in the various depart-\\nments connected with the work. This vast army of men\\nwould be under the direct jurisdiction of the Government.\\nIt would require that every state, every county, and every\\ntownship, ward, or school district be organized.\\nMen of sterling character, good judgment, and unswerv-\\ning integrity should be chosen to perform the task. Per-\\nsons specially familiar with each branch of industry, class\\nof property and commodities should inspect and adjust\\nany variation from a fair and uniform estimate that might\\nbe found placed upon values.\\nIt need not be a difficult matter to select the number of\\nmen necessary to perform the task. Were Congress to\\norder an election to be held in every voting precinct in the\\nUnited States, to elect at least 10 per cent, of the citizens\\nin each, nearly 1,500,000 men would at once be legally\\nauthorized to proceed with the work.\\nThese locally elected committees could, in turn, elect\\ntownship, city, and county committees, and these in like\\nmanner could elect state and national boards. These\\nvarious committees and boards could employ such helpers,\\neither professional, expert, or clerical, as would be neces-\\nsary to best perform the duties involved. In this manner\\nthe task could be systematically and intelligently inaugu-\\nrated and thoroughly carried out. While the work would\\nbe monumental in proportions, it need not be difficult in\\nexecution.\\nOne of the first and important things to be done would\\nbe to fix the exact day and hour at which the new con-\\nditions should become binding and in force. At least one\\nyear from the commencement of proceedings should be al-\\nlowed in which to perform the details connected with the\\nivork.\\nJ^ the pieantim^ buiinesg^ labor^ \u00c2\u00a7n4 the various iiidus^", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "44 OUR NATION S NEED.\\ntries and enterprises might continue jnst the same as if no\\nchange were going to take place. Merchants should con-\\ntinue to buy and sell^ manufacturers should keep the\\nwheels of industry turning, the farmer plant and garner\\nhis crops, and the artist and artisan, the editor and the\\nminister, the teacher and the servant should continue\\ntheir various dutes. Interference with the natural\\nprocesses of the various activities and industries might be\\nso avoided that the proceedings would escape all ordinary\\nobservation. In the building of this new temple of lib-\\nerty the sound of the hammer need not be heard.\\nTo insure every one absolute fairness, and in order to\\ncounteract any dishonesty attending the measure, the com-\\nmittees might remain in force for one year following the\\ndivision and continue to hold full martial or military\\npowers. In this way all dishonesty or unjust advantages,\\neither acidental or willful, could be rectified.\\nA requirement of supreme importance would be to make\\nan accurate, thorough, and uniform appraisement of the\\nvalue of all the property, both personal and real, in the\\nUnited States. Definite and uniform rules _ and regula-\\ntions should apply to all sections of the country. Aside\\nfrom local committees, specially qualified persons, in suf-\\nficient numbers to thoroughly cover the field, should travel\\nfrom place to place to insure uniformity and fairness to\\nall. Each branch of industry and each kind of merchan-\\ndise should be thus inspected by men familiar with the\\nline represented.\\nAll persons would, of course, be required, under the\\nmost stringent regulations, to give a full and complete\\nreport of all belongings. All gold and silver coin would,\\nof necessity, be demanded and held by the Government\\nfor the time being, and only paper money used until the\\nday officially set for the adoption of the new administra-\\ntion. All misrepresentation and fraud should be subject\\nto proper punishment.\\nAn important matter would be to decide what individual\\npossessions would be exempt in making the appraisement.\\nOf course personal clothing would not be included, nor,\\nwith rare exceptions, household furniture. Among those\\nthings which YiovldL not as a rule be considered are tools", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED, 45\\nowned and used by carpenters and other mechanics in se-\\ncuring a livelihood, instruments and libraries of profes-\\nsional men, farming implements and such live-stock as\\nare used exclusively for individual or family purposes,\\nand outfits generally which pertain to individual or family\\nemployment. It would, however, be necessary to place a\\nreasonable limit to all such possessions and require obedi-\\nence to such rules as would best insure fairness to all.\\nThat the jewels and ornaments of many rich persons are\\nin themselves a fortune, and that the furnishings of some\\nhouseholds are of immense value, are facts not to be over-\\nlooked and which would require special adjustment.\\nAs a part of the programme, it would be required that\\nnew dies be made for coin, and that all gold, silver, and\\nother metallic money be recoined at the mints. None of\\nour present coin would be used after the division took\\nplace, and any coin now in use discovered after such\\ndivision, unless it came from a foreignsland, would belong\\nto the Grovernment.\\nAn entirely new supply of paper money would also be\\nrequired, its use to begin simultaneously with the new\\norder of things. The paper money now in use might be\\ncontinued until the day upon which the new money should\\ncome into use, when the present paper money would be-\\ncome counterfeit, and any person trying to pass it would\\nbe guilty of a crime. This would entirely prevent fraud\\nas far as paper money is concerned, and reduce dishon-\\nesty in the use of gold, silver, and small coins to a mini-\\nmum. To prevent fraud in the use of postage stamps and\\npostal cards, new designs could be printed, those now in\\nuse to be worthless after the change took place.\\nIn order to facilitate the distribution of property\\namong the people it could well be represented by printed\\ncertificates. They should be uniform and specific in char-\\nacter. Those representing personal propert}^ might well\\nbe placed at $25 and those representing real estate at $50\\neach. Upon the face of each certificate should be stated\\nspecifically the exact property it represented. When the\\ndivision had been completed each person would be entitled\\nto the property his certificates called for, possession to take\\neffect upon the official day as named.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "46 OUB WATION 8 NEED.\\nTo illustrate the advantage of issuing certificates: sup-\\npose a family of four were assigned a business and a home,\\nor a farm, the value of which had been placed at $3,500.\\nThis family would be entitled to $500 worth of certificates\\ncalling for their face value in some other propert}^ But\\nsuppose the business and home or farm were valued at\\n$4,500. Then some one else would be given the surplus\\ncertificates and they would have a legal claim against the\\nproperty specified upon their face. In this way the cer-\\ntificates would facilitate the equalization of allotments,\\nand the holders of them would be expected to protect their\\nown interests after the division had been pronounced ef-\\nfective. The parties holding a majority of certificates\\nrepresenting any particular property would be entitled to\\na warranty deed for the same when presented to the coun-\\nty clerk of the county in which it was located. And any\\none holding less than a majority of certificates would be\\nentitled to an official first claim when presented to the\\ncounty clerk in the same way. In the case of certificates\\nrepresenting large concerns, such as department stores or\\nmanufacturing plants, they could be construed as so much\\nstock, according to the system now prevailing.\\nAnother important duty would be to enumerate and\\nclassify the people. For this purpose only men of known\\nintegrity and good judgment should be chosen. Tkeir\\nduties would consist in numbering all the people within\\nthe nation carefully and accurately, reporting the age, sex,\\nnativity, and occupation of each, and deciding whether,\\nby birth or adoption, each one were entitled to a share in\\nthe nation s wealth. It would be required that profes-\\nsional aids decide concerning those incapable of managing\\ntheir own affairs. A uniform and reliable system should\\nbe adopted providing each locality with responsible guar-\\ndianship over those who for any reason are incapable of\\naccepting and managing their allotments. And the same\\nsystem would apply to all children who are orphans or\\nwho desire guardianship. And it should be the duty of\\nthese committees to exclude all persons who are not genu-\\nine legal Americans.\\nIn the distribution of allotments, it is plainly apparent\\nth^t the grea,test wisdorp. and Justice filioiiM be shoTO? iThf", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 47\\nhighest integrity and the best common sense would be re-\\nquired to measure up to the high level of duty here im-\\nperative. Those who now own a home, or a business, or\\nother property should, of course, be given an option upon\\nsuch as they possess and occupy. Those who labor in fac-\\ntories or in other places where wealth is invested should\\nbe given an option on that to which they are devoting their\\nskill, time, and energy. While special conditions, circum-\\nstances, and personal adaptation should, in a measure, in-\\nfluence the distribution of property, the final and supreme\\npower to decide, in case of controversy, should be vested\\nentirely in those charged with the division, and not left to\\nthe recipient.\\nAside from the stupendous magnitude of the undertak-\\ning there is nothing extraordinary about a divide-up and\\nstart-even. The duties involved are not at all uncommon.\\nIt is going on every day through orphans courts. Such\\nduties are being fulfilled constantly in settling estates, in\\nthe exchange of property, in collecting census statistics,\\nand in assessments made for taxes and for other purposes.\\nIt might be claimed that once during each generation the\\nproperty of the country is subjected to such a change. The\\nentire process is susceptible of being executed in a manner\\ndeserving the most implicit confidence.\\nIt is to be observed that a divide-up simply compels a\\ngeneral average. It takes the superabundance from the\\nfew rich. It gives it to the many who now have little or\\nnothing. A large number of families would not materially\\ngain or lose. There is a large number of farmers, small\\nmerchants, mechanics, professional men, and those en-\\ngaged in vocations where industry and economy are en-\\ncouraged who escape the slavery of wage servitude on the\\none hand and the crushing effect of overgrown competition\\non the other who possess already a fair general average\\nof wealth.\\nThe disparity of wealth is much greater in the cities\\nthan in rural districts. The farmers of the country, as a\\nclass, would gain by the measure. It would result in the\\nsubdivision of many farms, especially of the bonanza\\nfarms of the West. But to do this should be a part of our\\norganic law regardless of a divide-up of property^ in order", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "48 OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\nto give new recruits an opportunity. There ought to be a\\nlimit to the amount of land that one person may own, and\\nsuch a law will necessarily at some time force itself into\\nadoption.\\nA uniform rule should apply to the size and value of\\nfarms. When a farm should require dividing into two or\\nmore allotments, or perhaps two farms into three allot-\\nments by taking a portion from each, the present owners\\nshould be given that part supplied with buildings, while\\nyoung men and young women should be given the unim-\\nproved portion. In sparsely settled sections, where large\\ntracts of land are held for speculation, it should revert to\\nthe governm^ent or to the state in which it is located and\\nbe held for future settlers.\\nThe most revolutionary changes would take place in the\\nownership and control of large manufacturing concerns\\nand business enterprises. V/hat is nov/ a manufacturing\\nplant worth $1,000,000 and employing 1,000 persons, but\\nowned by a corporation consisting of a few stockholders,\\nwould become the property of a thousand men who do not\\nnow own a dollar s worth of stock, but who do all the work.\\nThe present stockholders would become fellow-members\\nwith the rest. If a large store carries a stock of $100,000\\nand employs 100 clerks, these clerks would become the\\nproprietors, and the present owners would be placed upon\\nan equality with those now under them.\\nIf the former owners of factories and stores were in\\nreality suited to fill official positions and manage business\\nacceptably, they would, in most instances, be chosen to con-\\ntinue in the capacity of managers. In most instances the\\nresidences of the present owners and officials of large con-\\ncerns would doubtless be retained as a part of the plant,\\nand under the new order of things they would become the\\nexecutive residence and the residences of the chief of-\\nficials, to be occupied by them during terms of office.\\nWith the exception, therefore, that the management and\\nprofits of these large concerns would be transferred to their\\nnatural and legitimate owners the workers there would\\nnot be many revolutionary changes. It would be the duty\\nof those employed in these large concerns, in anticipation\\nof the new order of things^ to organize and elect officers", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "OVB NATION 8 NEED. 49\\nand make such arrangements as might be required to con-\\ntinue business without any interruption.\\nThere is a great number of private residences in large\\ntowns and cities that would, under the new order of things,\\nbe entirely too expensive for private ownership. No private\\nindividual could afford to live in them. These could, with\\ntheir chief contents, be reserved for public purposes, and\\nthey would serve a real need under the new conditions, as\\nwill be shown in a future chapter. All theaters, opera-\\nhouses, public halls, club-houses, large hotels, and other\\nbuildings used for social, educational, and amusement\\npurposes would cease to be private property. As a revolu-\\ntion would take place in the habits of men, the Govern-\\nment would assume ownership of all distilleries and brew-\\neries and of all materials connected with the license sys-\\ntem. While land in rural districts, if unappropriated,\\nwonild revert to the government or the state in which it\\nwere located, that in incorporated cities and towns, except\\nsuch as would be needed for public purposes, such as post-\\noffices, etc., should become the property of the munici-\\npality.\\nWhile it should be the endeavor to make a complete\\ndivision and give to every one at the time a proper allot-\\nment of tangible property, yet there are numerous in-\\nstances where this would be difficult to carry out in a wise\\nand practicable manner. For instance, there are many\\nchildren and young people who belong to this class. To\\nmeet such cases a government certificate could be issued\\nthe same as bonds are now, to bear interest and to be pay-\\nable at legal age. Public debts of all kinds now amount\\nto over $2,000,000,000. This is equal to the share of over\\n2,000,000 persons in a divide-up, and the Government\\ncould issue this amount, or even more, of such certificates\\nwith perfect safety. A large share of them would be re-\\ndeemed in land, the later appropriaton of which would\\nadmit of better judgment than possible at the time the\\ndivision occurred.\\nWhile the vast army of men elected for the purpose\\nwere appraising property, enumerating the people, and ar-\\nranging for the distribution of wealth, the Government\\nshould be coining and printing a new supply of money.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "50 OXIB NATION S NEED.\\nIn the meantime a perfect financial and banking system\\nshonld be adopted. Every bank, under a new and per-\\nfected banking law, should be provided with new money\\nsufficient to supply those within its official territory. At\\nleast $50 for each adult and $25 for each minor should be\\ndeposited in bank and officially assigned and apportioned\\nto each person individually, in addition to the $1,000\\nworth of property. This money should be subject to the\\ncheck of the persons to whom it was assigned or to the\\ncheck of their legal representatives. By this means every\\nman would have in bank, subject to his check upon the ar-\\nrival of the official day, the sum of $50, or $100 for him-\\nself and wife and $25 extra for each of his children.\\nThe large increase of public ownership of natural\\nmonopolies would call for a corresponding supply of\\nmoney as operating capital. To properly supply this need\\nwould require not less than $1,000,000,000 in cash in ad-\\ndition to that given to individuals. It would be thrust\\ninto circulation through the medium of public enter-\\nprises. By this method more than twice as much money\\nwould at once be in actual circulation as there is at\\npresent.\\nAs an essential contingency of a divide-up,, it would\\nbe incumbent upon the general Government to assume the\\nfull payment of all debts that might be due to foreign na-\\ntions or to citizens of foreign nations. This is the only\\ndebt that would survive in the United States. Our entire\\nforeign indebtedness, regardless of its nature, should be\\npaid in full. This does not apply, however, to speculative\\ninvestments by foreigners in this country. Our nation is\\nabundantly able to pay its honest debts, and every cent\\ndue in foreign countries should be paid in lawful money,\\nfull value.\\nAnother contingency that would arise is to properly\\nacknowledge the just claims of those advanced in years.\\nAll men over sixtj^-five and all women over fifty-five years\\nof age should be granted a pension. We would not, except\\nin a few instances, be under more obligations to the old\\nthan we are now, but we would begin to be honest, and\\nthe aged deserve a comfortable support. Besides, were aid\\nextended to the old, the most of them would quit the field", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 51\\nof enterprise, and this wonld greatly improve the advan-\\ntages of the young. It will be a happy condition to our\\nbusiness and financial interests if it ever becomes a set-\\ntled policy for men to retire after a reasonable period of\\nservice. By encouraging the young as new recruits, the\\naged would justly merit an assurance of life s comforts\\nduring their declining years, and the younger generations\\ncould well afford to grant them.\\nIt would also be just and proper that pensions be\\ngranted, within certain limitations, to correspond with the\\ncustoms, habits, and past usefulness of those receiving\\nthem. Various considerations determine the amount of\\nwar pensions, and a parallel principle could, with equal\\njustice, apply to pensions granted on account of political\\nreforms in which no war occurred. After all, pensions\\nare not so burdensome as many imagine. They are a\\ntremendous factor in promoting the circulation of money.\\nTo a certain extent they are a direct benefit to business\\nand general prosperity.\\nBefore the day appointed upon which the new dispensa-\\ntion is to begin the entire task should be finished. The\\nnew conditions should be welcomed as the will of a pa-\\ntriotic people and as the supreme law of a sovereign na-\\ntion.\\nThe arrival of the official day should find all prepared\\nfor it. Each person should know exactly what is to be\\nhis. No matter whether it be what is now a millionaire or\\na pauper, a belle or a washerwoman, a college professor\\nor an ignorant occupant of an obscure hut, each person\\nshould hold in his or her possession that which calls for\\nwhat is to be his or her legal property. The money of\\neach man, woman, and child should be in the bank of his\\nor her choice, and each should hold a deposit-book show-\\ning the amount. The discrepancies in values in business\\ncaused by depleting or increasing stock should be adjusted.\\nEvery person should know what his plans and purposes\\nare for the future. The post-offices should have a supply\\nof newly prepared postage stamps and postal cards. All\\nthe details of a divide-up being completed, it should be a\\ntime of peace on earth and ffood-will toward men.\\nThe day appointed is reached and passes slowly. The", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "52 OVR NATION S NEED.\\nhour arrives The clocks herald the moment A new\\nera dawns Every man^ woman, and child in the United\\nStates is worth a respectable home. Every mortgage is\\ncanceled. Every debt is forgiven. Every account-book is\\nswept clean. There is no starving childhood, no neglected\\namong the aged. Every man has money in the bank.\\nProsperity dawns. A new freedom is born. The long-\\nprayed-for kingdom begins. Eejoicing echoes through the\\nhills and over the plains, and the land is filled with glad-\\nness. The day of jubilee is at hand.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "Provide things honest in the sight of all men. ^Paxjl.\\nBut right is right, since God is God;\\nAnd right the day must win;\\nTo doubt would be disloyalty,\\nTo falter would be sin! Fabee.\\nWhat do gentlemen mean by coming forward and declaring\\nagainst this Government? Why do they say that we ought\\nto limit its power and destroy its capacity for blessing the\\npeople? Has philosophy suggested, has experience taught, that\\nsuch a government ought not to be intrusted with everything\\nnecessary for the good of society? when, in short, you\\nhave rendered your system as perfect as human forms can be\\nyou must place confidence and you must give power.\\nAlexander Hamilton.\\nHappy is that country, and only that country, where the\\nlaws are not only just and equal, but supreme and irresistible,\\nwhere selfish interests and disorderly passions are curbed by\\nan arm to which they must submit. Joseph Hopkinson.\\nLet us seek liberty and peace under the law, and, following\\nthe pathway of our fathers, preserve the great legacy they have\\ncommitted to our keeping. James A. Garfield.\\nIt would seem to be a self-evident proposition that the price\\nof land, all other things being equal, is governed by the popu-\\nlation on the land, or near it. That is what makes property in\\ncities so valuable. It naturally follows from this that where\\npopulation increases rapidly prices should similarly advance.\\nAnd within certain limitations I believe this will be found the\\ncase. Ex-President Benjamin Harrison.\\nThere is much to be said in favor of the right of the creator\\nof just wealth to leave it to whom he pleases, and much more\\nfor its limitation. It is impossible to limit the natural gifts or\\ndisabilities with which we are born, but it might be possible,\\nand without injustice, to restrict each one s individual share\\nof the world s wealth. H. W. Cadman ($1,000 Prize Essay in\\nCfiristian Unity\\nJustice is itself the great standing policy of civil society,\\nand any departure from it, under any circumstances, lies under\\nthe suspicion of being no policy at all. Burke.\\n54", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 55\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nWOULD IT BE HOIiTEST TO DIVIDE UP?\\nThe very instant the question of dividing the wealth\\nof the nation among all the people enters the mind, it is\\nconfronted with the inquiry, Would it be honest Were it\\nto become an issue in politics it wonld be heroically as-\\nsailed as infamy and repndiation. Perhaps nothing has\\nbeen more vehemently opposed than a divide-np would be.\\nMen would cry fraud V^ repudiation rogues\\nthieves V and pollute the air with opprobrium. But men\\nhave always acted thus. The rich would proclaim the\\ndivine rights of ownership and shout thou shalt not\\nsteal until they were hoarse. But bold indictments have\\nalways been hurled at progressive reform. And at no\\ntime will men so strain at a gnat and swallow a camel as\\nwhen dealing out precepts upon honesty for their fellows\\nwhile practicing it to suit themselves.\\nGenuine honesty is not only a precious, but a pure\\njewel. It admits of no adulteration. It cannot be imi-\\ntated. It is the basic principle of civilization. It is the\\naim and the end of law. Thou shalt not steal is an\\nepitome of all the statute books of Christendom.\\nIt is dishonest for one man to wilfully rob another of\\nthe value of one cent. He who commits such an act is a\\nthief. Ko man or number of men, under the guise of any\\npretext whatever, can claim the right to take the property\\nof another and appropriate it as their own. Lazarus, as\\nwe understand the principles of honesty, had no right to\\nsteal the crumbs that fell from the rich man s table; and\\nno man, although he may be working long hours at starva-\\ntion wages for the most crushing and soulless corporation,\\ncan claim the right to swerve from the most rigid adher-\\nence to the highest standards of integrity. No matter how\\nbeneficent, how desirable, or how loudly vaunted a general", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "56 OUR NATION S NEED.\\ndivide-up might be, such a measure must be condemned\\nunless it be honest. That which costs honor is unworthy\\nthe price, no matter what blessings it may bestow.\\nMoreover, honesty is an omnipotent principle. It^can-\\nnot be contracted to a narrow compass. It has a mission\\nof its own; and while all must obey its precepts, it, in re-\\nturn, must reign universal. It is no respecter of persons.\\nIt is the arbiter between right and wrong. Thou shalt\\nnot steal is only a part of its legal code. Let us learn\\nthat honesty strikes deep and reaches afar. Genuine hon-\\nesty does not sanction that which is unless it harmonizes\\nwith that which ought to be. Eeal honesty never brands\\npatriotic effort as repudiation and infamy while Just resti-\\ntution, dead and forgotten, slumbers in its grave.\\nOur Grovernment was founded and is based upon these\\nbroader and deeper principles of honesty. It was the in-\\ntent of our fathers to insure to all the people equality be-\\nfore the law and absolute liberty in the legitimate pursuits\\nof life. In admitting that this is a government of the\\npeople, for the people, and by the people,^^ we must also\\nadmit that the people rule^ and that their interests in the\\nform of a more perfect union^ are the legitimate and\\nhighest aim of governmental action. While the people as\\nindividuals make the laws, the people as a collective unit\\nare the law itself. The Constitution, sacred as it is, is\\ntheir instrument. We, the people,^^ are the sovereign,\\nthe supreme power, the ruling force. Thus constituted\\nand empowered, it is the sacred duty and should be the\\nhonest purpose of the people to go forth from one degree\\nof progress to another until every home, so far as patriotic\\ndevotion and just laws can favor, has been made happy\\nand every life has been assured its proper reward.\\nWe have not yet been sufficiently schooled to be able to\\njudge what is exactly honest and what is not regarding\\nthe ownership of property in a free country like ours. Our\\nGovernment is not a century and a quarter old. Time\\nenough has not yet elapsed to learn what laws are best in\\nrelation to property. The nation is too young, even now,\\nto establish immutable statutes regarding individual pos-\\nsessions. These questions are a work that requires not\\nonly profound wisdom, but time and lessons of experience.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 57\\nIf laws have existed which failed to protect the weak\\nfrom the strong and the good from the bad, and, in con-\\nsequence, unnatural diversities of wealth have resulted\\nthat are manifestly unjust and vicious to the common\\ngood, the only honest alternative is to remove these con-\\nditions by a peaceful and equitable adjustment and sup-\\nplant the inefficient laws by those that will prevent, as far\\nas possible, vicious and unfair conditions from occurring\\nin the future. The most sincere statesmen sometimes pass\\nunwise laws, and what is a wholesome law at one time\\nmay soon become a veritable loophole for the adroit ma-\\nnipulator. It is not only dishonesty, but political imbecil-\\nity, to perpetuate laws that have proved impracticable or\\nthat have ceased to be useful and have become a shield for\\nthe avaricious, simply because they have come down to us\\nfrom the past.\\nAnd genuine honesty would go a step further it would,\\nas far as possible, correct conditions resulting from the\\nexistence of a bad law. The same facts would apply to the\\nlack of any laws at all where they should have been pro-\\nvided, and also to customs and practices in business and\\nenterprise which are inherently wrong, but which have\\nbeen sanctioned by popular endurance.\\nWhen an unjust condition exists it is an evidence that a\\nwrong has been committed, and honesty demands that\\nevery wrong, if possible, be corrected. To claim that gov-\\nernment has no right to correct accumulated injustice, in-\\ncluding the unjust possession of wealth, is to deny it the\\nprivilege of correcting its own mistakes and shortcomings.\\nIt at once makes of the people not masters of the present,\\nbut slaves of the past.\\nCommon honesty and national interests demand not\\nonly radical and organic changes now, but will in the\\nfuture, no doubt, demand many changes in our funda-\\nmental laws and in our financial and industrial systems\\nbefore all the unalienable rights of posterity are so ex-\\npressed and established as to defy the natural and capri-\\ncious events of time.\\nFor several decades the desire iG grow rich has been\\nalmost an outlaw in our country. Perhaps the world has\\nnever witnessed such an unbridled stampede for the goal", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "58 0^772 NATION 8 NBED.\\nof gain. Our growth of wealth since the War of the Re-\\nbellion has been remarkable and without a parallel. The\\nwar opened up a new financial era in our country. During\\nthe past census decade the wealth of the United States\\nincreased over $20,000^000^000. We are growing rich at\\nthe rate of over $2,000,000,000 annually, or over $5,000,-\\n000 for every day in the year. But in the distribution of\\nthis v/ealth Fortune has been as wild and reckless as\\nthough she were to harness the winds to scatter her treas-\\nures.\\nAdmitting the most liberal construction to be placed\\nupon present conditions, the fact remains that they are ac-\\ncursedly wrong. The great middle class, which has made\\nAmerican history conspicuously progressive and noble, is\\nnot only being shadowed, but is threatened with extinction.\\nSays the editor of the Philadelphia Public Ledger: Will\\nit go on until the independent middle class, on which the\\nstability of the country depends, is all wiped out, and the\\npopulation consists only of a few employers and a great\\narmy of employed, with its inevitable and distressful fol-\\nlowing of unemployed\\nThe false theory that whatever is is right seems to\\ncondone these unnatural conditions and the unjust freaks\\nof fortune which are sure to follow. The fact that pos-\\nsession is nine points of the law, although it lacks ten\\npoints of being honest, is sufficient to subdue legions of\\nmen into submission to tryanny even of the most despotic\\nkind. Human nature is so constructed that man never\\nbears and forbears so patiently as when he is himself the\\nvictim. Slavery seldom visibly deplores its misery or shows\\nthe essential courage to win its ov/n freedom.\\nIt is only by long and intimate association that we have\\nbecome tolerant of conditions as they to-day exist. Sup-\\npose our forefathers, instead of forming republic, had\\nestablished a communism in the United States, and instead\\nof individual possession the wealth of the nation had been\\nheld in common until the present time. And suppose the\\npeople, weary of the monotony of communistic routine,\\nhad decided to divide all property among the people and\\nestablish individual ownership; that laws had been passed\\nto this effect and men appointed to carry them out by;", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 59\\ndividing the land, and houses, and goods, and money\\namong the people with the intention of establishing a re-\\npublic. And suppose, after numbering the people and esti-\\nmating the wealth, it were found that there was $1,000\\nworth of property for each man, woman, and child. Now\\nsuppose these men chosen to divide the property, instead\\nof dealing out pro rata were to give $100,000,000 worth\\nto each of several men, $50,000,000 each to a larger num-\\nber, from $1,000,000 to $40,000,000 each to several thou-\\nsand, and then amuse themselves by distributing indefinite\\namounts until about one-half of the people had been sup-\\nplied with something, and were to entirely ignore one-\\nhalf of the families of the nation, leaving millions of\\npeople in poverty giving fine mansions to men who never\\nbuilt them, railroads to men who never worked a day, coal\\nmines to men who never saw one, oil fields to men who\\nnever soiled their hands, immense factories to men who\\nnever handled a tool, millions in mortgages to men who\\nnever drove a nail or followed a plow, while the mechanics,\\nthe miners, and the laborers who have built the houses,\\nconstructed the railroads, developed the mines, sped the\\nwheels of industry, and turned the hills and valleys into\\nharvest fields were fated with ignoble poverty and bur-\\ndened with debt doomed to a slavery from which to\\naspire were to be branded an anarchist and in which to\\nfalter or fail were to be stigmatized as a scapegoat. Who\\nwould accept such a division of property as honest? A\\nrighteous indignation would resent the insult. Yet this\\ncondition exists to-day, and it has been brought about by\\nsystems of law, by customs of business, by tolerated habits\\nof society, and almost as systematically as though it had\\noccurred under the direct control of governmental author-\\nity. Its insidious growth and its subtile nature when\\nestablished make it endurable.\\nThat the lives of some men are more comprehending\\nand useful than the lives of other men, and that they de-\\nserve and actually require more of this world s goods, is a\\nself-evident fact. There are degrees of civilization and of\\nculture widely apart. There is a vast difference between\\nthe meager needs of a vast multitude low down in the\\nscale of life and the innumerable needs of those who have", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "60 OUB NATION S NEED,\\nclimbed higher in civilization. There are manj factors\\nwhich enter into labor, and business, and social life which\\nforbid a general level. But these differences should be\\nmet by compensation rather than by property. A divide-\\nup would not level the compensation of men, as we shall\\nsee further on. Those who tower above their fellows in in-\\ntellect, in genius, in skill, and in abilities would then have\\na vantage-ground they do not now possess. Fame, and\\nhonor, and competency would be more easily reached, and\\nthe present depressing struggle for bread would cease.\\nGenuine promotion is that which comes through the ap-\\npreciation of our fellow-men, and the power to promote\\nand elevate on the part of the people would be immensely\\nmultiplied. The general level would be raised to its high-\\nest, and to climb from this level would have a meaning\\nand bestow an honor and a reward it now sadly lacks.\\nBut there is a more concrete reason why a divide-up and\\na start-even would be honest because the people them-\\nselves, and not the property, are the real basis of wealth\\nand value. It is the current impression, quite universal,\\nthat land, and houses, and goods, and machinery, and\\nstock, and material things measure the wealth of the na-\\ntion. This is an erroneous idea. Before land is occupied\\nor used, either actually or prospectively, it has no value.\\nAs soon, however, as it begins to serve the purpose of\\ncivilized man it becomes worth something. As the people\\nmultiply, and improve, and replenish a section of country,\\nin a corresponding manner values increase. When for any\\nreason people decrease or lose interest and houses and\\nfarms are vacated, values decline; and when a country\\nceases to be the abode of mankind or to serve its purposes\\nit no longer has a value. It is the people, therefore, that\\ngive value to property, and it is their intelligence and so-\\ncial qualities their civilization which regulate the gen-\\neral level of that value.\\nIf the population of the United States were to decrease\\none-half, values of property would doubtless decrease ac-\\ncordingly. But if one-half the buildings were to be\\ndestroyed by fire and no lives lost, the money value of the\\nnation would not correspondingly suffer.\\nIf a farmer settles upon a tract of land in an unoc-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "OUR N ATION S NEED. 61\\ncupied section of the country, what was before a worthless\\npiece of ground becomes a farm with an intrinsic value at\\nonce. If, at the same time, a tract of land adjoining the\\nfarm is laid out for a prospective town, it at once becomes\\nof far greater value than the farm. If a thousand fam-\\nilies settle upon the town site and build homes, and stores,\\nand schools, and churches, and public improvements, and\\nfactories, and develop society, the land upon which the\\ntown is built will become worth not far from a thousand\\ntimes as much as the farm. This law holds good whether\\na few persons or many own the property. If this farmer\\nand those who compose the town are of a low order of\\ncivilization, intrinsic values will be correspondingly low;\\nif they are highly cultured and thrifty, property values\\nwill be correspondingly greater. And should it be discov-\\nered that the location was so unhealthy that all the people\\nmust either leave or perish, and on this account all the in-\\nhabitants should migrate, no matter how grand and costly\\nthe improvements might have been, both the town and the\\nfarm would be worthless.\\nThe principle that values center in the people rather\\nthan in material things is well illustrated in cases of fire\\nand flood. If no lives are lost, intrinsic values do not\\npermanently suffer. When over 17,000 buildings were\\nburned at one time in Chicago, and when the heart of Bos-\\nton was reduced to ashes, the conflagrations were consid-\\nered great financial calamities. Yet both of these cities\\nare far more magnificent and valuable to-day than they\\nwould have been if the fires had not occurred.\\nThere are those who believe that if the American peo-\\nple, with their present modern ideas, inventive genius,\\nand industry, could be transported back to the primal for-\\nests, as in pilgrim days, and allowed to begin over again,\\nit would be a real blessing, as the new cities, and towns,\\nand homes, and improvements that would rapidly develop\\nwould surpass in beauty and value those we now have.\\nWere it to be discovered that the planet Mars is a veri-\\ntable unoccupied Garden of Eden, with mountains of pure\\ngold, rivers flowing in beds of silver, and a climate that\\nprohibited disease, it would be valueless. But should\\naerial navigation be so perfected that mankind could be", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "62 OUR NATION S NEED\\ntransported to its enchanting shores, its wealth would at\\nonce become a tangible reality.\\nIntrinsic value must always have its basis in the people.\\nThe laws which grow out of this principle are inexorable.\\nProperty as a representative of value is only the visible\\nexpression of human life and character. Without these\\nthere can be no valuation whatever to property. It is the\\npeople and the civilization which they possess that give\\nworth to wealth, and not property that gives wealth to the\\npeople, as we so easily imagine.\\nThe effect that civilization has upon the value of prop-\\nerty is shov/n by the increase of per capita values. The\\nper capita wealth of our nation has more than doubled in\\nfifty years. This is due to the fact that men and their\\nneeds have increased. The vision has enlarged and the\\nmeans to gratify these multiplied needs have improved.\\nIn other words, civilizing forces have doubled. What were\\nluxuries once and enjoyed by the few are now common\\nnecessities. The desires, the ambitions, the univeri?al\\nhorizon of all, both rich and poor, have been immensely\\nextended.\\nTherefore, while the wealth of the nation is legally very\\nlargely in the hands of the few, the real factor of wealth,\\nthat which causes it to be wealth, is universally diffused.\\nHe who owns more houses, or farms, or goods than he oc-\\ncupies or can use for his own purpose has in his possession\\nthat which depends for its value upon the life and char-\\nacter of his neighbors. And every family of intelligence\\nand character, even if it has no legal claim to a single\\ndollar, represents a value not far from $1,000 for each of\\nits members and there is a value to property somewhere,\\nin some form, which is dependent upon the- existence of\\nthis particular family. This value may radiate in a\\nthousand directions, but it is nevertheless real. These are\\nconcrete facts that admit of no denial. The capitalist is,\\nof necessity, not so much a financier as he is the manipu-\\nlator of not only the brain and brawn, but of the life and\\ncharacter of his fellow-men.\\nTo divide up would not be instituting an unnatural or\\nunjust condition, but simply restoring value to the people.\\nIt would be giving to each, as nearly as possible^ what al-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "OVB NATION S NEED. 63\\nready belongs to him. It would be in obedience to a law\\nconcerning property and life as exact and immutable as\\nare the laws which guide the stars through the heavens.\\nMany would doubtless question the legality of a divide-\\nup of property. The measure would conflict with so much\\nthat is regarded as fixed law, both written and unwritten,\\nthat it would be looked upon by many as outlawry in its\\nworst form, while some would regard it as anarchy pure\\nand simple. It is to be remembered, however, that the\\nstability of our nation does not rest upon the permanency\\nof laws and customs, but upon the power behind those\\nlaws and customs ^upon the people who make them.\\nWhat decides the legality of a measure? The laws re-\\nlating to the measure in force at the particular time. And\\nfew things are more subject to change than laws. One of\\nthe chief functions of a government is to make and un-\\nmake laws. In the two houses of Congress the various\\nstates employ over 400 men to unmake old and useless\\nlaws and enact new ones to take their places. In the\\nvarious states thousands of men are empowered with a\\nsimilar duty. To these might be added the law-makers of\\ncounties, cities, and towns, swelling the number to a great\\narmy. Perhaps nothing needs changing so often as law.\\nIn the settlement of our country vast areas of land have\\nbecome territories, and in turn these territories have be-\\ncome states; rural districts have become towns and towns\\nhave grown into cities cow-paths have become roads, roads\\nhave become streets, and these streets have become great\\nthoroughfares freighted with commerce and penetrated\\nby railroads and trolley lines. The new conditions de-\\nmand new laws. Statutes regarding the stage-coach will\\nnot apply to the express train running sixty miles an hour.\\nAs improved methods demand new laws to regulate them,\\nso it is that new conditions in the deeper and more organic\\nstructure of our social and industrial life call for a change\\nin laws that are more fixed and fundamental in their\\nnature.\\nWhat was legal yesterday may be illegal to-day, and\\nwhat is illegal to-day may be lawful to-morrow. Statutes,\\nwhile they exist, are paramount, but they hold no dominion\\nover political policies. In courts of ;justice law, as ea-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "64 OTTB NATION S NEED.\\ngrafted -apon the statute-books, is supreme dictator, to be\\nobeyed to the letter, but in the operation of a political\\npolicy it is simply as clay in the hands of the potter, to be\\nchanged and fashioned at will.\\nA divide-up carried out through orderly processes would\\nnot be anarcliy, but exactly the opposite. The word anarchy\\nhas been so brandished against political efforts during\\nrecent years that a true conception of the term no longer\\nexists. Denouncing all innovations as anarchy^ has be-\\ncome the pet growl of the financial lion whenever his lair\\nis disturbed. Anarchy consists in the utter disregard of\\ngovernment. To oppose any law or condition and strive\\ntoward something better is not anarchy.\\nThe progress of the world depends to no small degree\\nupon governmental and social progress. Those who have\\nopposed obsolete and antiquated laws and customs in the\\npast might well be remembered as among the v/orld^s great-\\nest heroes. Those who have brought justice and progress\\nthrough the adoption of new laws and new customs may\\nwell be considered as the world^s greatest benefactors.\\nLaw, in its normal exercise, is subject to development and\\ngrowth. The real anarchist is not he who struggles to\\npromote the natural evolution of law, but the man who\\nchampions a bad law because he profits by it and he who\\nantagonizes the advent of new laws because, as with the\\nEphesian silversmiths, they threaten his financial interests.\\nThere are some who might think a divide-up would be\\nunconstitutional and therefore dishonest.\\nThe Constitution of the United States says ^or shall\\nprivate property be taken for public use without just com-\\npensation.^^ During slavery human bodies were private\\nproperty, protected as such to the owner by the Consti-\\ntution and by the Supreme Court. It was claimed that\\nthe slaves were worth $1,000,000,000 immediately before\\nthe war. But they were all set at liberty without compen-\\nsation to the owners, and the clause in the Constitution re-\\ngarding slavery has for a generation been a dead letter.\\nThe object of the Constitution is to establish justice\\nIf in the course of human events it becomes necessary, in\\norder *^to establish justice, to divide up and start even\\nand cancel all debts, would it then be dishonest to do it", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "OVR NATION S NEED. 65\\nThe object of the Constitution is to secure domestic\\ntranquillity f If a division of property among all the\\npeople is required to insure domestic tranquillity/ and\\nif the measure would bring plenty and contentment to\\nlegions of American firesides, would it not be honest to\\nadopt it?\\nThe object of the Constitution is to provide for the\\ncommon defense. If the wisest statesmen, from Moses to\\nthe present time, acknowledged that the ownership of prop-\\nerty is the best guarantee of the common defense and\\nif a divide-up will save our nation from impending de-\\nstruction, toward which thousands believe it is hastening,\\nand insure peace, safety, and the establishment of a more\\npatriotic and devoted spirit, is it not only honesty^ but\\nwise statesmanship, to bring it to pass?\\nThe object of the Constitution is to promote the gen-\\neral welfare. If the general welfare of the people has\\nbeen overwhelmed by selfish ambition and a divide-up will\\nbring back to the people the legitimate relations of citi-\\nzenship, would it not be honest to secure the benefit of it\\nThe object of the Constitution is to secure the blessings\\ncf liberty to ourselves and our posterity. If it be true\\nthat liberty is becoming a misnomer and that slavery of a\\nmost hopeless sort is taking its place, and that a divide-up\\nand start-even is the quickest, the surest, and the best\\nremedy to employ, do we not owe it to ourselves, our\\nhomes, our children, and our posterity to demand that it\\nbe applied?\\nAre we perpetuating the object and provisions of the\\nConstitution, either in spirit or letter, when we neglect to\\nadopt such measures as will best insure peace, justice, and\\nsuccess to all classes of citizens\\nThe Declaration of Independence is a herald in favor\\nof governmental progress. It proclaims sentiments in full\\nsympathy with the principles of a divide-up and start-\\neven. It says: We hold these truths to be self-evident:\\nthat all men are created equal that they are endowed by\\ntheir Creator with certain unalienable rights; and among\\nthese are life, liberty, and ihe pursuit of happiness. That\\nto secure these rights governments are instituted among\\nmen, deriving their just powers from the consent of the", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "66 OUR NATION S NEED.\\ngoverned; that whenever any form of government becomes\\ndestructive of these ends it is the right of the people to\\nalter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government,\\nlaying its foundation on such principles and organizing\\nits powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely\\nto effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed,\\nwill dictate that governments long established should not\\nbe changed for light and transient causes; and accord-\\ningly all experience hath shown that mankind are more\\ndisposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right\\nthemselves by abolishing the forms to which they are ac-\\ncustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpa-\\ntions, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design\\nto reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right,\\nit is their duty, to throw off such government and to pro-\\nvide new guards for their future security/^\\nThis is, perhaps, the boldest statement in favor of politi-\\ncal reform ever written. And the principles involved are\\nopportune to-day. It is a matter of little difference\\nwhether the injuries and usurpations come from a British\\nking or from concentrated wealth, or whether it be thir-\\nteen struggling colonies, with 3,000,000 pilgrims, plead-\\ning for liberty, or from forty-five states and nearly four-\\nscore millions of freemen pleading for justice.\\nEegarding the power of the people over the Constitu-\\ntion, Hon. James G. Blaine said: The American people\\nhave rights which are anterior to and wholly independent\\nof the Constitution, and I affirm, moreover, that while that\\nprecious instrument will continue to be, God grant for\\nthese many generations, the rule of our civil administra-\\ntion, yet that over it and under it and outside of it and\\nabove it there is engraven on the hearts of this people that\\nGod-given right, that great precept of nature, ^Save thy-\\nself\\nThe words of Lincoln also are fitting here. In one of\\nhis great speeches, referring to those who drafted our\\nDeclaration of Independence, he said: They grasped\\nnot only the whole race of men then living, but they\\nreached forward and seized upon the furthest posterity.\\nThey erected a beacon to guide their children and chil-\\ndren s children and the countless myriads who should in-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION ^8 NEED. 67\\nhabit tHe earth in other ages. Wise statesmen as they\\nwere, they knew the tendency of prosperity to breed ty-\\nrants, and so they established these great self-evident\\ntruths, that when in the distant future some men, some\\nfaction, some interest should set up the doctrine that none\\nbut rich men, or none but white men, or none but Anglo-\\nSaxon white men were entitled to *^life, liberty, and the\\npursuit of happiness,^ their posterity might look up again\\nto the Declaration of Independence and take courage to\\nrenew the battle which their fathers began, so that truth,\\nand justice, and mercy, and all the humane and Christian\\nvirtues might not be extinguished from the land; so that\\nho man should thereafter dare to limit and circumscribe\\nthe principles on which the temple of liberty was being\\nbuilt.\\nMoreover, honesty is not simply a negative, hut a posi-\\ntive virtue. It demands service rather than prohibits ac-\\ntion. It is consecrated to a mission. Unwearied and un-\\ndismayed, it is ever enlisted in a righteous warfare. It is\\na part of its. mission to expose and to bring to naught all\\nmockeries and travesties that are wont to wear its robes.\\nGenuine honesty would correct every wrong, level every\\nmountain of ill-gotten wealth, smite every vicious law, and\\nestablish justice and equity everywhere.\\nThe claims of honesty are not met by simply establish-\\nins^ the justice of a divide-up of property and the cancella-\\ntion of debts. The question that unfettered honesty\\nasks is\\nWould it he honest not to divide up and start even?\\nA fact in need of developing is that the- wrongs involved\\nin existing extremes of wealth and poverty cannot all be\\ncharged against the rich. These wrongs are the fault of\\nboth classes. There is a righteous medium from which the\\npoor as well as the rich have wandered.\\nWe all condemn the greedy boy who ate not only his own\\norange, but captured the candy of his little brother. But\\nif the young brother willingly submitted and sought some\\nobscure corner to devour a dry crust, he was not altogether\\nfree from fault. The baby spirit in one child will awaken\\nthe bully in another. The fear manifested by sheep will\\narouse the savage in a dog. There is a pliant demeanor\\nwhich invites oppression.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "68 OTTR NATION ^8 NEED.\\nSo it is that unwarranted willingness to submit and\\nserve on the part of the masses will create a corresponding\\ndisposition to oppress and to profit among the more ag-\\ngressive and ambitious. The plutocrat is charged with op-\\npressing the poor and turning men into tramps. It is\\nequally true that the indifference and apathy of the poor\\nmake the plutocrat possible. Inequalities in wealth are as\\nmuch due to the careless forfeiture of inherent rights by\\nthe many as they are to inordinate ambition among the\\nfew. He who sells his birthright is as guilty as the one\\nthat buys it.\\nWe all abhor and condemn that despotism, which, en-\\namored of ambition and lust, crushes the multitude into\\nobscurity and despair. Yet only less in degree is the guilt\\nof the multitude in allowing its inherited and natural\\nrights, its gifts of talent and energy, its hopes and desires,\\nits life, its all to be wasted as a sacrifice in such unholy\\nworship. While the one enkindles and fans the fires of\\noppression and tyranny the other offers itself as fuel to\\nthe flames. From the beginning the sin of the one has\\nbeen to make the earth a life-consuming perdition the sin\\nof the other has been a willingness to make this perdition\\npossible.\\nMankind needs to culti^^^te self-respect. To properly\\nappreciate one s self is the basic principle of the Golden\\nEule. Thy neighbor as thyself places self as a unit of\\nmeasure the divine standard of love and law. To for-\\nget or neglect self is to lose or lower the standard by which\\nwe are to regard others. He who loses self-respect is apt to\\nforfeit the respect of his fellows. A well-poised self-re-\\nspect is a paramount need of the times. He who has no\\nregard for others is not without guilt, but he who respects\\nnot himself insults his Creator. Self-preservation is the\\nfirst law of nature and self-respect is the first law of God.\\nWere every one to become possessed of the God-intended\\nself-respect and love his neighbor accordingly, a divide-up\\nwould not only appear honest and proper, but it would at\\nonce stand forth as the overshadowing issue throughout\\nall Christendom.\\nWere the ministering evangels of divine truth to go out\\namong the people and fearlessly flood every fireside with", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "OTIR NATION* 8 NEED. 69\\nits holy light, the adoption and execution of an equitable\\ndistribution of property would soon ensue. Go sell all\\nthat thou hast and give to the poor was a divine charge.\\nFor eighteen centuries it has been taught that men should\\nbe willing to obey the command. The time has come for\\nthe willingness to ripen into fruit and become direct and\\nspecific action.\\nTo divide up and start even furnishes the only honest\\nground for compromise between the rich and poor, the em-\\nployers and the employed, the educated and the ignorant,\\nthe strong and the weak, the prosperous and the un-\\nfortunate, the old and the young, the classes and the\\nmasses.^^ For the one side to grant less ignores the brother-\\nhood of man for the other side to demand less denies the\\nfatherhood of the Creator. It moreover provides the only\\nhumane way in which to utilize, to the best advantage, the\\nfertile valleys and productive hills, the inexhaustible mines\\nand plenteous harvests, the busy industries and tireless\\ncommerce, the boundless resources, the skill of hand and\\ngenius of brain, and the unlimited possibilities of our in-\\ncomparable and beloved country. To admit that a divide-\\nup and start-even would be a blessing to the people, and\\nat the same time claim that it would not be honest to adopt\\nit, is equal to declaring that the Golden Eule is a wise\\nprecept, but that it would not be fair to put it into prac-\\ntice.\\nBut the honesty of a divide-up and start-even, if exi-\\ngencies demand its adoption, is not open to denial. The\\nhonesty of the measure was established over thirty cen-\\nturies ago. It was then ordained of God and sanctioned\\nby divine approval.\\nIt to-day occupies a conspicuous place in Holy Writ.\\nNo doctrine, no command, no teaching in the entire Bible\\nis more directly from God, more specific, or more fully de-\\ntailed than this. Explicit directions were given as to how\\na division of property was to be made, who were to do it,\\nand how often it was to be done. As a law it has never\\nbeen abrogated. As a principle its honesty and fairness\\ncannot be honorably or safely assailed.\\nThat times have changed in thirty centuries is not here\\ndenied. That a new dispensation has intervened is entire-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "70 OUn NATION S NEED,\\nly conceded. But honesty and truth are eternal and re-\\nmain the same. When Love was enthroned it was not in-\\ntended that Law should die. Love is the fulfilling of the\\nlaw.^^ The Golden Eule is simply the Law and the\\nProphets in a new garb. Through all the evolutions of\\ntime human nature and human greed still survive. There\\nis no proof that either time, or changes, or the added\\ncycles of events have rendered a divide-up of property\\namong the people a useless and impracticable measure in\\nthe affairs of men. The world may grow too good to need\\nthe adoption of the measure may it never grow too bad to\\nprofit by it. To fail to even consider it in the government\\nof a country inhabited by a free and enlightened people is\\nto ignore the teachings of divine truth. Not even to\\nthink of it in considering the best welfare of a great re-\\npublic where extremes of wealth and poverty are so pro-\\nnounced as to threaten the very foundations of the govern-\\nment is a clear case of forgetting God.\\nThen let us conclude that a divide-up and start-even\\nwould be honest with a Christian and patriotic spirit. For\\nwho can claim by rightful inheritance the natural re-\\nsources of the nation more than those who make these re-\\nsources valuable the people? Who can claim the products\\nand profits of the soil more than those who plow, and plant,\\nand cultivate, and reap? Who can claim the wealth and\\nincrease of toil more than those who harden their hands\\nin mine and mill? To whom should money come more\\neasily, or who should be more independent or more certain\\nof abiding success than the toiling millions who, in high\\nand humble effort, make property valuable by their lives\\nI and character, and make that value profitable and precious\\nb} patriotic devotion around the American fireside?\\nIn the temple of justice, before the tribunal of honesty,\\nlet it be proclaimed that America belongs to her chosen\\nsubjects, to her sons and daughters and adopted citizens.\\nThat her wealth belongs to those who have served her\\nwell and made her rich and great; to the fathers and\\nmothers who have builded her homes and protected her\\nchildren; to those in humble life who have patiently\\nearned what is hers and have made her what she is; to\\nthose whose gifts and genius have made her a marvel of", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. Vl\\ngreatness and a chief glory among the nations of the\\nearth; to those who have lived and labored to establish\\nand make permanent liberty, virtue, and peace in the\\nland.\\nThese are the heirs and joint heirs to our national in-\\nheritance. They have richly earned it and honestly de-\\nclared it to be theirs.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "And ye shall divide the land by lot for an inheritance among\\nyour families.\\nWhat might be done? This might be done.\\nAnd more than this, my suffering brother\\nMore than the tongue\\nEver said or sung,\\nIf men were wise and loved each other. Mackay.\\nIt was from Judea that there arose the most persistent pro-\\ntests against inequality and the most ardent aspirations after\\njustice that have ever raised humanity out of the actual into\\nthe ideal. We feel the effects still. Thence has come the\\nleaven of revolution which still moves the world. Job saw evil\\ntriumphant and yet believed in justice.\\nIsrael s prophets, while thundering against inequality, an-\\nnounced the good time coming. emile de Laveleye.\\nThe sacred right of property may become a menace to hu-\\nmanity as great as the menace of the divine right of kings to\\npolitical liberty. George D. Hereon.\\nAll systems of society which favor the accumulation of\\ncapital in a few hands; which oust the masses from the soil\\nwhich their forefathers possessed of old; which reduce them to\\nthe state of serfs and day laborers, living on wages and alms;\\nwhich crush down with debt and in any wise degrade and\\nenslave them and deny them a permanent stake in the Common-\\nwealth, are contrary to the kingdom of God. Charles Kings-\\nley.\\nThe strength of a nation, humanly speaking, consists not in\\nits population, or wealth, or knowledge, or in any other such\\nheartless and merely scientific elements, but in the number of\\nproprietors. Such, too, according to the most learned and wisest\\nof historians, was the opinion of antiquity. All ancient legis-\\nlators, and above all Moses, rested the result of their ordinances\\nfor virtue, civil order, and good manners on securing landed\\nproperty, or at least the hereditary possession of land, to the\\ngreatest possible number of citizens. Charles J. Habs.\\nn", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 73\\nS^ CHAPTER V.\\nIT HAS BEEN DONE.\\nIn its chief characteristics, a general divide-up of the\\nwealth of the United States would not be a new and un-\\ntried experience in the world.\\nWhen the children of Israel, led by Joshua and num-\\nbering over 2,000,000 people, crossed the Jordan into\\nCanaan, God had already commanded them, through the\\ngreat law-giver, Moses, to divide their land among all the\\nfamilies. Men of character, representing every tribe, were\\nchosen to make the divisions, and in due time every\\nfamily of every tribe was given its share in the allotment.\\nAs the Lord commanded Moses, so the children of Israel\\ndid; and they divided the land,^\\nKot only was the land divided between them at the\\nstart, each family receiving about twenty acres, but a\\nredivision was ordered to be made every fiftieth year. In\\nthe year of jubilee the field shall return unto him of whom\\nit was bought, even to him to whom the possession of land\\ndid belong. During the year of jubilee all lands which\\nhad been alienated, with certain exceptions, were returned\\nto the families of those to whom they had been allotted in\\nthe original distribution, and all bondmen of Hebrew\\nblood were liberated.\\nIn addition to the divide-up of land, which took place\\nevery fiftieth year, all debts were remitted and released\\nevery seven years. At the end of every seven years thou\\nshalt make a release. And this is the manner of the\\nrelease: every creditor that lendeth aught unto his neigh-\\nbor shall release it; he shall not exact it of his neighbor\\nor his brother, because it is called the Lord^s release.\\nAs in all divine commands, the poor were especially\\nprovided for in the l^ws which God gave to rule HiQ", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "74 OUR NATION S NEED,\\nfavored people. ^^If there be among you a poor man of\\none of thy brethren within any of thy gates in the land\\nwhich the Lord thy God giveth thee, thon shalt not harden\\nthy heart nor shut thy hand from thy poor brother.\\nBut thou shalt open thy hand wide unto him, and thou\\nshalt surely lend him sufficient for his need, in that which\\nhe wanteth. ^^Beware that there be not a thought in\\nthy wicked heart, saying. The seventh year, the year of\\nrelease, is at hand; and thine eye be evil against thy poor\\nbroth and thou givest him naught and he cry unto the\\nLord against thee, and it be sin unto thee. Thou shalt\\nsurely give him, and thy heart shall not be grieved when\\nthou givest unto him because that for this thing the Lord\\nthy God shall bless thee in all thy works, and in all that\\nthou puttest thy hand unto. For the poor shall never\\ncease out of the land: therefore I command thee, saying,\\nThou shalt open thy hand wide unto thy brother, to thy\\npoor, and to thy needy in the land. During these times\\nno one, excepting under special circumstances, could give\\na permanent title-deed to property, as the Lord had com-\\nmanded; The land shall not be sold forever, for the\\nland is mine.\\nThe claim is made by some writers that the release of\\ndebts every seven years, as commanded by the Lord to\\nIsrael (Deut. xv.), did not mean the entire obliteration\\nof debts, but simply that no interest should be demanded\\nand that the debts should not be collected during the\\nseventh year. There are no conclusive reasons for this\\ntheory. On the contrary, the object of the release and\\nthe entire system of equality of which it was to form a\\npart imply that it was a com^plete and universal oblitera-\\ntion of debts. Even those who claim that the release\\nevery seven years was only partial admit that the pro-\\ngramme of the jubilee at the fiftieth year included the\\nobliteration of all debts as well as a redivision of the\\nland. The jubilee was a veritable divide-up and start-\\neven, including the cancellation of all debts (Lev. xxv.).\\nIn its application the family and family traditions were,\\nas far as possible, maintained; but the word inheritance\\ndid not necessarily imply legal transmission from parents\\nto childreji m imderstand it to-day, It iiicluded th^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION 8 NEED. 75\\ndonation of property to those who had nothing, yet whose\\ncitizenship entitled them to an allotment.\\nIt is to be remembered that while these commands were\\ngiven directly from Grod to His chosen race, they were\\npolitical rather than religious in their nature and applica-\\ntion. Says Dr. Smith in his Bible Dictionary: The\\njubilee is more immediately connected with the body\\npolitic, and it was only as a member of the state that\\neach person concerned could participate in its provisions.\\nIt was not distinguished by any prescribed religious ob-\\nservances peculiar to itself, like the rites of the Sabbath\\nda^ and of the sabbatical month. As far as legislation\\ncould go, its provisions tended to restore that equality in\\noutward circumstances that was instituted in the first\\nsettlement of the land by Joshua. The design of the\\nlaw was chiefly to ^naintain, and at proper intervals re-\\nstore, a just and proper equilibrium in the various fami-\\nlies and tribes. It was to prevent the growth of an\\noligarchy of landowners and the total impoverishment of\\na portion of the people/\\nLike all commands given to the people by Jehovah,\\nthose regarding the readjustment of land every fifty years\\nand the cancellation of debts every seven years were only\\npartially obeyed. Yet upon their strict observance and\\nthe observance of similar laws not only in spirit, but in\\nletter, depended divine protection and favor. These laws\\nwere in force and obeyed with increasing faithfulness,\\nJewish historians tell us, until the destruction of Solo-\\nmon s Temple, a period of over seven hundred years.\\nThe first sin that called forth God s disfavor and Israel s\\ndefeat in the land of Canaan was disobeying this very\\nlaw. When cunning and crafty Achan concealed in his\\ntent the silver coin and wedge of gold that should have\\nbeen placed in the public treasury, the Lord declared that\\nAchan and all he had should be burned with fire; and\\nit was not until he and his family, together with his cattle,\\nwere not only stoned to death, but reduced to ashes, that\\nthe favor of the Lord returned.\\nIt is highly significant that this nation and its people,\\nits land and its laws^ were of God s own choosing, and\\nthat of all the nation? of th\u00c2\u00a7 mx^il it Qecupied a signa%", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "76 OUn NATION 8 NEED.\\nconspicuous and sacred place in human history. Among\\nits mighty men were Moses and Joshua, David and Solo-\\nmon, Isaiah and Daniel, and many others, great in their\\nchosen sphere; and in the veins of its people flowed the\\nblood of the promised Messiah. The records of its con-\\nquests in war and its achievements in peace, together\\nwith the lives of its patriarchs, its prophets, its kings,\\nand its people as a race, have been given by inspiration\\nof God to us and to all time, and are profitable for doc-\\ntrine, for reproof, for correction, and for instruction in\\nrighteousness.^^ Whether these laws are in binding force\\nin the world at present may be an open question. Their\\nliteral application in the present age is not here defended\\nor denied. This much is true: the code of ^-^ral and\\ncivil law promulgated to this ancient people has been the\\nfoundation of all the laws of civilized states ever since.\\nThe moral code is considered in force and unalterable\\nbecause it springs from the natural law engraved in the\\nhuman heart.^^ There are good grounds for believing that\\nthe civil code continues in force because it, in like manner,\\nsprings from the natural law engraved in human society.\\nThey were not laws of rites and ceremonies which have\\nbeen abrogated. They were at that time essential. Their\\nauthoritative source cannot be questioned. The greatest\\njurists of all ages have maintained that no human statute\\ncan stand that is not in harmony with the revealed laws\\nof God. This implies that human laws should aim to\\nimitate the divine law. God s laws are perfect because\\nthey are natural, and they are natural because they are\\ncomplete. The laws of our nation can never be perfect\\nuntil they are also both natural and complete. If this\\ncompleteness depends upon the adoption of a divide-up\\nof property and the cancellation of debts, the divine com-\\nmand, on account of its natural fitness, if for no other\\nreason, is still in force. God s laws were not mxade to\\nbe repealed. They end only in fulfillment. Omnipotent\\nwisdom has never yet opened a pathway or plan of action\\nfor mankind that ended, except at the beginning of some-\\nthing better.\\nWith the advent of the Christian era a radical system\\nqI dividing-up was again inaugurated, The early Chris-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "oun NATION 8 NEED, ry\\ntians not only divided with each other, but they had all\\nthings in common. All that believed were together,\\nand their temporal interests were a unit. They sold\\ntheir possessions and goods and parted them to all men\\nas every man had need/ Neither was there any among\\nthem that lacked; for as many as were possessed of land\\nor houses sold them and brought the price of them that\\nwere sold. As had been done in the land of Canaan,\\nmen were appointed to take care of the possessions and\\ndistribute the same as each deserved or had need.\\nWhile it is not supposed that the selling of property\\nand giving the price into the common treasury was re-\\nquired by any expressed law, yet as a practice among the\\nearly Christians it seems to have been quite universal.\\nWhen Zaccheus said, Behold, Lord, the half of my goods\\nI give to the poor, the sacrifice met with divine approval\\nbut to the rich young ruler Jesus said Yet lackest thou\\none thing; sell all that thou hast and distribute unto the\\npoor. Whenever the word distribute occurs in the\\nNew Testament, it is from a Greek word synonymous\\nwith all things in common. The extreme importance\\nattached to the principle of giving property was strik-\\ningly illustrated in the case of Ananias and his wife, both\\nof whom fell dead before the altar when accused by Peter\\nof keeping back a part of their money. It is remark-\\nable, says Dr. Pentecost, that the first sin that God\\nsignally punished upon the children of Israel after en-\\ntering Canaan was that of Achan, who coveted the wedge\\nof gold and the goodly Babylonish garment; while the\\nfirst sin He punished after the descent of the Holy\\nSpirit was that of Ananias and Sapphira, who kept back\\npart of the price of their possessions while pretending to\\nhave given it all to the Lord.\\nIt is also significant that among over 2,000,000 people\\nwho participated in the division of property in Canaan,\\nonly one family proved dishonest; and of the thousands\\nwho were converted under the preaching of Peter and\\nthe other apostles, only one family conspired to deceive.\\nAs records of honesty perhaps there is no other parallel.\\nThey are both striking evidences that when men are sub^", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "J 8 OUB NATION S NEED.\\njected to fair and equitable conditions they will in return\\nprove honest and sincere.\\nThe division of wealth among the people and the can-\\ncellation of debts were a part of the history of ancient\\nGreece, and it was these measures that made her great-\\nness and glory possible.\\nWhen Lycnrgus, the wise Spartan lawgiver, became\\nruler of Greece, he determined that the constitution he\\nshould establish should be the most excellent in all the\\nworld. Among other reforms he made a new division\\nof land, for here he found great inequalities existing, as\\nthere were many who had no lands and the wealth was\\nconcentrated in the hands of a few. Being defeated in\\nthe division of movable property, he stopped the cur-\\nrency of gold and silver as coin and permitted iron money\\nonly, so that to remove one or two hundred dollars in\\nmoney would require a yoke of oxen.\\nGreece, however, fell into the hands of hard masters,\\nand under the tyranny of Draco the rich again oppressed\\nth*^ poor and weak. Draco s laws, written in blood, not\\nin ink, reduced the Commonwealth to a complete anarchy,\\nwithout law, or order, or system in the administration of\\njustice.\\nAt this crisis Solon, the eminent Athenian and one of\\nthe wise men of Greece, was made not simply archon,\\nbut sole dictator and legislator.\\nSolon at once liberated the serfs from slavery, canceled\\nall debts, established an equitable system of taxation,\\ngranted universal suffrage, required parents to impart a\\nmeans of livelihood to their children, stimulated industry,\\nand punished idleness.\\nUnder the code of Solon, which freed the land of the\\npoor from all debts, Greece flourished as a model re-\\npublic. She became renowned in the arts of peace and\\nwar. Athens, her capital, had no poorhouses and no need\\nof them. Although Solon s political constitution was\\nfinally repealed, his social code was allowed to stand. At\\nthe end of the two centuries, in the age of Pericles, Grecian\\ncivilization had become the highest and most cultured\\nthe world had ever seen. Grecian architecture, sculpture,\\npaintings poetry^ science^ philosophy^ literature^ oratoryj", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "OJIB NATION S NEED. 79\\nand intellectual culture reached a development that has\\nno parallel. Her record of immortal men surpasses that\\nof any other nation of ancient times. Her people be-\\ncame teachers, leaders, and colonizers everywhere. The\\ncity of Miletus alone became the mother of 300 towns.\\nGrecian centers were established, and the customs and\\nlanguage of the people were those of Greece. So uni-\\nversally true was this that when the Gospel was preached,\\nno matter whether addressed to Eoman, Grecian, or\\nAsiatic Christians, the Greek language could be used and\\neverywhere understood.\\nIt might be reasonably claimed that the principles which\\nunderlie a division of property are basic in the organic\\nconstruction of our Government at the present time.\\nIf the Ten Commandments and the Golden Eule are\\nthe basis of all the laws of Christendom, surely those which\\npertain to a distribution of property and the cancellation\\nof debts must hold a vital relation to human affairs. The\\nTen Commandments, given from Mount Sinai, are held\\nas sacredly binding now, and why should not laws con-\\ntemporary with the Decalogue serve a purpose in the\\npresent age? While none of these ancient laws, although\\ndivinely given, may be literally binding to-day, the prin-\\nciples, and to no small degree the conditions, which made\\nthem opportune then, still prevail. If these contain an\\nessence that will remedy panics, oppressions, inequalities,\\nand discontent leaven that will renovate our political,\\nindustrial, and social life they are exactly what every\\ntrue patriot is looking for.\\nIt is worthy of note that while all great uplifts in his-\\ntory have not been secured through a division of property\\namong the people, they have resulted from forces of the\\nsame general nature. !N early all the worthy struggles\\nof mankind have been to secure justice, liberty, and\\nequality. How valiantly men have fought for equality\\nbefore the law, for equality in government, in religion and\\nopportunity! The oratory, the poetry, the music, the\\nvalor, the heroism, and the soul-sympathy of all the\\nages have been like so many invincible champions of ^thy\\nneighbor as thyself", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "80 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nIf the laws of Moses have lost some of their primal\\ndirectness man s responsibility toward his fellows has not\\nbeen lessened. The thunderings of Sinai are only a pre-\\nlude to the plain teachings on tlie mountain side of Hattin.\\nThe laws of the entire world dwindle beside the heart\\nservice and life devotion set np at Calvary. Says the\\neminent scholar, William Howitt: I will defy any one\\nto proceed far in the New Testament without coming\\nupon practices and commands of our Saviour that, if he\\ncomprehend their true and practical import, will compel\\nhim into a politician. Will any man tell me\\nhow we are to love our neighbors as ourselves if we see\\nthem oppressed, made poor, made miserable, made igno-\\nrant and criminal by the measures of bad government,\\nand this not in individual cases, but by thousands and\\ntens of thousands, if we move neither hand nor foot to\\nhelp them? The religion that is not prepared\\nto attack human evils at their root and to prevent them as\\nmuch as possible by destroying their causes has long ago been\\npronounced to *^be a sounding brass and a tinkling cym-\\nbal. In a word, Christianity is not merely a\\nreligion of principles, hut of consequences and he who\\ndoes not dare to look these principles in the face and,\\nwithout fear of man or devil, of high or low, of unpopu-\\nlarity or personal sacrifice, to carry these divine principles\\nboldly out to their full, direct, and legitimate consequences\\nthat man may talk of Christianity, but has yet to learn\\nwhat it is.\\nIt has been well said that men do not make laws; they\\nonly discover them. From Eden to the present the same\\nprinciples have been at the foundation of all human\\nachievements. Whatever originates life, w^hatever con-\\nstructs, whatever plants and garners, germinates and\\ngrows, lives and thrives, must work in harmony with the\\ndivine order. Jesus in His teachings refers to the Mosaic\\nlaws scores of times, and in the Sermon on the Mount\\nquotes from the very chapter which commands a divide-\\nup of property. It was He who said Think not that I\\nam come to destroy the law or the prophets j I mi uoi\\nCQjae to destroy^ but to fulfill/", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "And the common people heard Him gladly. Mark.\\nWhile scourged by famine from a smiling land,\\nThe mournful peasant leads his humble band,\\nAnd, while he sings, without one hand to save.\\nThe country blooms a garden and a grave. Goldsmith.\\nBy nature we nearly resemble one another; conditions separate\\nus very far. Confucius.\\nWe are living in an age in which the cause that espouses and\\nstruggles to attain real justice and true freedom deserves the\\nearnest thought and best efforts of the men of our times.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nSamuel Gompeks.\\nAn equal distribution of property is the foundation of the\\nrepublic. Noah Webstee.\\nMany nations are guilty of the crime of permitting oppressive\\nlaws and bad government to remain among them, by which the\\npoor are crushed and the lives of the innocent laid at the mercy\\nof wicked and arbitrary men. This is a national sin of the\\ndeepest dye, as it involves most others. Barbauld.\\nSelf-distrust is the cause of most of our failures. In the\\nassurance of strength there is strength; and they are the weak-\\nest, however strong, who have no faith in themselves or their\\npowers. Bovee.\\nIf anything has been made certain by the economic revolu-\\ntion of the last twenty-five years, it is that society cannot\\nmuch longer get on upon the libertarian, competitive, go-as-\\nyou-please system to which so many sensible persons seem ad-\\ndicted. The population of the great nations are becoming too\\ncondensed for that. E. B. Andrews.\\n82", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION^a NEED, 83\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nARE WE PREPARED FOR A DIVIDE-UP?\\nAre the people of the United States prepared for a\\ndivide-up and start-even?\\nYes.\\nThe success or failure of a measure which changes the\\nrelations of men to their surroundings depends, to no\\nsmall degree, upon the people being prepared for it.\\nWhile a division of property would partake of the charac-\\nter of a revolution, it would be a remarkably natural thing\\nto do. It would be in full accord with the rapidly in-\\ncreasing democratic sentiments and practices of the times.\\nIt would be in the direction in which are traveling our\\nsocial, industrial, and commercial affairs. It would bring\\ninto harmony a legion of organized forces which have the\\nsame general aim in view, but which, in their isolated\\nforms, are now antagonistic to each other.\\nThose who have watched with unbiased care the general\\ntrend of business, political, social, and religious affairs in\\nthe United States during recent years have witnessed\\nmuch that bespeaks radical reforms in all of these systems.\\nAdvanced business methods, never before dreamed of, are\\nquickly developed; and they crowd conservative methods\\nto the wall. Bold political measures during recent years\\nobtain universal discussion, and even the most pronounced\\nsocial and economic doctrines are being studied as never\\nbefore. It is demanded that religion show a deeper love\\nand clearer faith if it is to lead mankind and illumine the\\nworld.\\nAs an outgrowth of natural and legitimate advancement,\\nmankind has to a remarkable degree developed mutual\\nand fraternal relations. These relations in their or-\\nganized forms represent no small share of our total re-\\nsources and expenditures. And as human relations be-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "84 OXTR l^ATION 8 NEED.\\ncome more complex, interests become more closely asso-\\nciated, and the growth of mutual effort and cooperation\\nare inevitable. These public fraternities are great levei-\\ners. When their influence dominates in the nation great\\ndiversities among individuals will become intolerable.\\nThe common-school system of the United States is\\nentirely mutual in its general feaiares. Our school sys-\\ntem is the highest compliment possible to financial and\\nsocial fraternity, because there is no higher trust than\\nthe training and education of children. There are over\\n20,000,000 children of school age in our country, and\\nover two-thirds of them are enrolled as pupils in our public\\nschools. These millions of children, five days in each\\nweek, for several months in each year, live in an environ-\\nment which promotes the mutual spirit. They are taught\\nthe same general curriculum in the same language. All\\nof them are taught to honor the flag, and all are expected\\nto learn that all men are created equal; that they are\\nendowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;\\nthat among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi-\\nness. Our common-school system incurs an outlay of\\nover $200,000,000, and over 400,000 persons are employed\\nas teachers.\\nOur postal system is also entirely mutual in its general\\nmanagement. There are over 71,000 postmasters in the\\nUnited States, and with their subordinates and clerks they\\ncompose a vast army of workers. About $100,000,000 are\\nannually expended in this department of our Government.\\nAnd it can be said in defense of governmental control and\\nownership of great enterprises that no enterprise in our\\nnation is attended with such extensive detail and none is\\nexecuted with more ease and satisfaction to those being\\nserved than the Post-Ofiice Department.\\nThe growth and success of building and loan associations\\nshow the natural demand for practical mutual interests in\\nfinancial operations. Although these are modern institu-\\ntions, nearly 6,000 associations are in existence. They are\\nlocated in almost every city and town, and have a member-\\nship of nearly 2,000,000. Their combined assets amount\\nto over $450,000,000. Their profits have amounted to over\\n$80,000,000, and 400,000 homes have been built through", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "OTTB NATION S NEED. 85\\ntheir influence. Of building and loan associations Com-;\\nmissioner Wright says: They are semi-banking institu-\\ntions conducted by ordinary men not trained as bankers,\\nbut yet have met with remarkably few losses.\\nThe business of life insurance, which is still more or-\\nganically mutual in design and purpose, has reached gigan-\\ntic proportions in the United States. According to recent\\nauthentic statistcs there were in 1898 no less than 11,218-,\\n330 insurance policies in force in regular companies. These\\npolicies amounted to the enormous sum of $6,825,037,770.\\nThis is equal to more than one-fifteenth of the entire\\nwealth of the nation. The total income of these companies\\nfor the year was $325,452,134 and the expenditures $222,-\\n518,788. The wealth which they represent in the form of\\nassets is enormous. The total assets of the regular pre-\\nmium companies is over $1,400,000,000. Over 75,000 men\\nare engaged in the life insurance business, and some of the\\nofficials receive salaries equaling that of the chief executive\\nof the nation.\\nThere are also a large number of assessment insurance\\nand fraternal societies which enjoy an immense patronage.\\nIn 1897 these organizations had a membership of 4,039,-\\n062, representing an insurance of $7,799,428,000. Dur-\\ning the year 978,234 new members were admitted and $95,-\\n932,964 was collected in assessments and $75,030,497 paid\\nout to policy holders.\\nThe total amount of insurance of all kinds in force in\\n1898 reached the enormous sum of $14,125,578,072. This\\nis more than one-sixth of our national wealth. The pre-\\nmiums for the year amounted to $339,280,913 and the\\nlosses paid amounted to $165,718,804.\\nBich benefit, accident, and benevolent societies, operated\\nupon a mutual basis, exist and flourish almost everywhere.\\nTheir combined membership is over 5,000,000. Men are\\neasily found in any community whose income from socie-\\nties to which they belong is greater when they are sick than\\nwhat they can possibly earn when well, and who are worth\\nfar more in cash when they are dead than during their life-\\ntime. It is to be inferred that all of this vast amount of\\ninsurance is adjusted once during what might be consid-\\nered as each succeeding generation. In the multitude of", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "86 OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\ndetails and in the general scope of the work it requires it\\nwould scarcely be surpassed in a universal adjustment of\\nthe entire wealth of the nation among all the people.\\nIn addition to moneyed concerns, secret societies, fra-\\nternal orders, trades and labor unions, and the endless\\nnumber of organized interests that are born and flourish\\nattest the growth of the social and cooperative spirit among\\nthe American people. Almost every trade, business, and\\nprofession has its organization, through which its mem-\\nbers secure mutual benefits of some kind.\\nOrganized religious forces show the universal approval\\nof cooperative effort. Although divorced from the state\\nand dependent upon voluntary affiliations, the Church has\\nover 23,000,000 members, and it secures the friendly sup-\\nport of almost every one. While it is divided by creeds and\\nsubdivided by special interests, yet as a whole it shows a\\npower for organization on the part of the people preemi-\\nnently remarkable, and a loyalty to mutual cooperation\\nthat challenges every other form of effort.\\nBusiness methods are also following the same spirit.\\nStock companies and corporations are rapidly supplanting\\nindividual effort in business, by which means promiscuous\\nwealth is collected from many sources and operated as a\\nsingle unit. In this way a railroad, an express company,\\na steamboat line, or gas, water, or manufacturing plant\\nmay represent one, a score, or a hundred stockholders.\\nMammoth department stores and gigantic business con-\\ncerns in many instances are aggregations of diversified in-\\nterests combined for mutual profit. Even the trusts,\\nmonopolies, syndicates, and combines, against which\\nso much has been said, are simply mutual agreements be-\\ntween concerns already great and powerful. These com-\\nbinations, overwhelming in their magnitude, by being\\nowned by a few instead of the many are a morbid and un-\\njust perversion of a natural and wholesome desire among\\nmen.\\nThe great lesson to be learned from these cooperative\\nand mutual growths in our country is that they represent\\na living, active, growing force that must be recognized.\\nThey have come to stay. They illustrate the rapidly de-\\nveloping and inevitable course of human events. They are", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION ^8 NEED. 87\\na natural outgrowth of our republican form of government\\nand of the democratic spirit of our times.\\nThe growth of the cooperative and mutual spirit among\\nthe people shows development of civilization. Its inevi-\\ntable demands are that all great interests become correlated\\nand subordinated to the common good. The success of\\nthe common-school system or the postal system shows what\\nother similar interests should be and must eventually be-\\ncome. The evidence that the people are prepared for a\\nrecast of our financial and social conditions is overwhelm-\\ning.\\nEverybody knows that recent progress has been amazing,\\nyet few seem to realize the direction in which progress is\\ntraveling. All genuine progress is toward the ideal. Men\\nand affairs have simply become more natural. The real\\nneed is that natural relations be restored or harmonized.\\nIt cannot be expected that a new and improved civilization\\nwill grow up without demanding increased possessions and\\nimproved environments that all can enjoy.\\nThe existence of widespread discontent and a sincere\\ndesire for genuine reform is also a natural sequence of\\nactual progress. There is a patriotic demand that these\\nand other overgrown concerns cease to grow millionaires\\nand monopolies, and that they begin to elevate and profit\\nthe masses upon whom they feed and flourish. We are in\\nspirit outgrowing the barbarism under which one class of\\nmen builds railroads, or telegraph lines, or ships, or fac-\\ntories, or business blocks, and another class owns them un-\\nder which one class of men digs from the earth the nation s\\ncoal supply or mineral supply and simply exists, while a\\nfew manipulators revel in riches under which honest labor\\ncollects oil from the earth and transports it over the coun-\\ntry, through sunshine and rain, for a humble pittance,\\nwhile a few oil magnates outrival Croesus in wealth many\\ntimes over.\\nNever were men better prepared to become property\\nowners than in our country to-day. The belief that the\\npoor are incapable of taking care of property is entirelv\\nunfounded. While a few are improvident, of an over-\\nwhelming majority, if placed under normal conditions, ex-\\nactly the opposite would be true. The poor are better", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "88 OVR NATION S NEED.\\nequipped by experience, by discipline, and by force of habit\\nto accept and wisely employ an average share of property\\nthan the rich are to give np their wealth and live natural,\\nfrugal lives. There is both truth and wisdom in the words\\nof Hazlitt Prosperity, is a great teacher adversity is a\\ngreater. Possession pampers the mind; privation trains\\nand strengthens it.\\nThere is not a spot in all our country, be it ever so ob-\\nscure and desolate, where a moderate possession of property\\nshould not prove a blessing. The American idea of life,\\nits conception of freedom, and the home life in its influ-\\nence upon citizenship are all, to a high degree, dependent\\nupon the individual ownership of property. Poverty, while\\nalways to be deplored, in the presence of natural wealth,\\nintelligence, and developing Christian culture becomes a\\ncrime.\\nMoreover, men have grown to love each other better than\\ntheir lives would indicate, better than conditions allow\\nthem to amply express. There are legions of men, both\\nrich and poor, who profoundly desire to leave the world\\nbetter and happier than they found it. Within the breast\\nof many a rich man lucre and love wage a conflict, while\\nthe conscience sincerely hopes that love will win. Men\\nhave conceived a broader and nobler view of the world;\\nthey have acquired a keener sympathy and a deeper concern\\nfor humanity; and these things have become crystallized\\nas tenets of the popular faith. But amid the complexities\\nof modem enterprise mammonism, schooled in all the arts\\nof cunning, has conspired against the people. Their high-\\nest motives are being crushed and their best hopes are being\\nturned aside.\\nThe people are prepared, through expectation, for a great\\nreform. The sun sets every day upon a larger number of\\nmen who believe that the time has come for a great concert\\nof advance in public affairs. The conscience of the rich\\nis stricken the hearts of the poor are bleeding the souFs\\nneed of both is common justice. The people are both ready\\nand anxious to adopt a policy more dignified and more\\neffective than leaving themselves to be kicked along the\\npath of reform by the recoil of their own vices. ^^J,\\nupon the question regarding what the changes shall be^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 89\\nwhat shall bring them to a successful issue, and to what\\nthey will lead do men differ.\\nThe masses, the millions of toilers have made for them-\\nselves a proud record. In the midst of injustice they have\\nbeen honest; in the midst of oppression they have been\\nloyal; in the midst of a mad rush for wealth and power\\nthey have been patient. They have been faithful in their\\nhumble sphere, and they deserve a higher trust. Their\\nlegitimate heritage is property interests, business responsi-\\nbilities, and the material qualifications of full citizenship.\\nOur Government invites a new administration of public\\naffairs. It anticipates a common people with equal rights,\\nprivileges, opportunities, and interests. The great body of\\nAmericans, it was intended, should keep closely to a whole-\\nsome common level. The nower and the dazzle of concen-\\ntrated wealth are not in harmony with our free institu-\\ntions. These things breed revolt and not contentment in\\na free land.\\nBy patriotic service men are becoming fitted for a new\\nera. The best heart and brain are enlisted. Men who love\\ntheir country and honor its flag are rapidly becoming\\nenamored of humanity. The best manhood is seeking fel-\\nlowship of a great cause. From the pulpit, the platform,\\nand the sanctum come words of inspiration that echo over\\nour land. Men who love and long to live the Golden Eule\\nswell the ranks for a new warfare. It is safe to move on.\\nThe ship of state was never so sure to ride the storm as in\\npresent conflicts. The triumph of righteousness was never\\nso inevitable as in the struggle for a new and better life\\nnow welling up from the hearts of the American people.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "There is that scattereth and yet increaseth and there is that\\nwithholdeth more than is meet, but it tendeth to poverty.\\nSolomon.\\nWealth in the gross is death, but life diffused\\nAs poison heals, in just proportion usedj\\nIn heap, like ambergris, a stink it lies,\\nBut, well dispersed, is incense to the skies.\\nProsperity, if it mean anything at all, means the distribution\\nof wealth among the raany and over a large territory. It cer-\\ntainly does not mean the concentration of wealth and power in\\na few hands and in a few large cities. Chaungey M. Depew.\\nIf I had never held command if I had fallen if all our\\ngenerals had fallen, there were ten thousand behind us who\\nwould have done our work just as well. U. S. Grant.\\nThe conservative asks. What is? That higher question. What\\nought to be? is above his capacity; and whenever he hears it\\nput he speaks of blasphemy and anarchy. Not a corrup-\\ntion has been overturned, not an iniquity has been cloven down\\nin history, that has not fallen by the hands of progressive men\\nand died amid the general howl and lamentations of conserva-\\ntives. Edward D. Baker.\\nIf our American civilization is to endure and progress, we\\nmust bring about a change in the distribution of wealth. If\\nconditions are such as to be beneficial to the small number and\\ninjurious to society in general, those conditions should be\\nchanged.\\nThis is to be the battle of the future concentrated wealth on\\none hand, concentrated poverty on the other! If we desire to\\nprevent actual war between class and class, it is imperative that\\na legal check at once be placed upon the growing power for evil\\nof aggregated wealth. Robert N. Reeves.\\nThe great American republic seems to be entering upon a new\\nera, in which it must solve a new problem the reconciliation of\\ndemocracy with modern conditions of production. Alexandeb\\nJohnson.\\n90", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED, 91\\nCHAPTER VII.\\n.WOULD THE COUKTEY BE BENEFITED?\\nA DIVIDE-UP and start-even would touch every phase of\\nlife. That a legion of changes would take place and a\\nmultitude of new forces be set in motion none can deny.\\nIndividual conditions would undergo a revolution. We\\nshould inhabit a new country. We should be placed in an\\nunprecedented environment. Ambition^ society, business,\\nand politics would radiate from new standpoints. The\\ntransition would not be a dream, but a reality.\\nWhen the hour should arrive for the new order of things,\\nand the bells, declaring financial liberty, filled the land\\nwith music, men, women, and children would set their\\nfaces toward the future. The past would be forgotten. It\\nwould be like the dawn of a new day. There would neither\\nbe a rich family nor a poor family in the whole nation.\\nEvery household and every man and woman would repre-\\nsent a substantial nucleus. Every one would possess some\\nthing to encourage him, and it would be possible for every\\nlife to become wedded to its own. Heaven would kiss\\nmother earth. Men would see and hear anew. They would\\nlove with a new joy. They would possess a new inspira-\\ntion.\\nThe records of every county clerk and of every sheriff\\nwould be wiped clean. No old judgments upon the musty\\npages of public dockets would longer haunt and threaten\\nthe unfortunate with their claims. The perdition of pov-\\nerty and the hell of debt would be destroyed. Every book\\naccount and promissory note would be forgiven and the\\nborrower and the lender could begin afresh. Every debt\\nagainst school houses, churches, and colleges would be can-\\nceled. Bonds against towns, counties, and states would\\nbecome void and of no effect. Government coupons would\\nno longer be clipped by bondholders. Every debt of the", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "92 OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\nnation, excepting what is due in foreign lands, would be\\nburied in oblivion. One-fourth of the wealth of the na-\\ntion, now jeopardized by debt, would be freed. Billions in\\nvalue, and what is now hugged as the guarantee of gilt-\\nedged collateral, could be safely u^ed to kindle fires.\\nThe Government would own the railroads, telegraphs\\nand telephone lines, the express carriage business, gold, sil-\\nver, iron, copper, oil, and gas mines, and other natural\\nmonopolies. It would also own all land not needed by the\\npeople. The various states would own that which pertains\\nto the commonwealth, free from all incumbrances. Cities,\\ntowns, and counties would own municipal railways, water-\\nworks, electric and gas plants, and all buildings of a public\\nnature. Every old lawsuit would be settled, and every\\nwrangle and wrong over money and property equitably ad-\\njusted.\\nTaxes would be reduced to a minimum. If the Govern-\\nment owned all natural monopolies and the states and\\ncities those things natural to commonwealths and munici-\\npalities, the public revenues would be enormous. The in-\\ncome of railroads, mines, trolley lines, water and light\\nplants, and other public possessions, even if the people\\nwere supplied at a low figure, would be very great. Tariffs\\nand licenses would no longer be necessary for the sake of\\nrevenue. The Government could pay its own expenses and\\nmaintain a liberal degree of public improvements without\\ncollecting any taxes whatever from the people.\\nMoneyed interests now vested in mutual organizations\\nwould cease, and all insurance policies upon life and prop-\\nerty, all interests in assessment societies and building and\\nloan associations would lapse, require a fresh contract, and\\nbegin anew. All patents would expire. Fictitious values,\\nwatered stocks, and skeleton fortunes would disappear. The\\nmoney power as now existing would be destroyed, and\\nthe bulls and bears forced into retirement. Wall\\nStreet would be robbed of its market commodities. The\\nStock Exchange would close, and it might well be preserved\\nas a museum a Delphic Oracle at whose shrine thousands\\nof men sacrificed their all and about whose altars the\\nwealth of the nation once worshiped with devotion and\\nfear. Bradstreet and Dun would find it necessary to es-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 93\\ntablish a new basis upon which to rate the world of busi-\\nness. What now stands for the greatest wealth would then\\nalso include the highest in character. The mistakes and\\nthe misdeeds of past struggles, the greed and gain that\\nhave fed and fattened upon flesh and blood, would be sub-\\ndued and undone.\\nFreed from these enslaving conditions, the people would\\nat once become normal consumers. The people would be\\nable to buy what they need and pay for it. It would be\\nan immediate specific for business depression and hard\\ntimes. All ordinary comforts and necessary commodities\\nwould at once be within reach of every man s pocket-book.\\nWithin ten days every producer in the nation, whether of\\nbread or clothing, furniture or playthings, building ma-\\nterials or literature, would be overwhelmed with orders.\\nThe glut of goods that now stock the stores of merchants,\\nbegging for buyers, would be cleaned out. There would\\nbe a commercial famine. The United States would be the\\ngreatest market the world has ever seen.\\nThat a divide-up and start-even would cause a flood tide\\nin business admits of no controversy. If $50 for each\\nadult, $25 for each child, and working currency for public\\nenterprises were distributed evenly all over the country, it\\nwould mean nearly $4,000,000,000 in cash in circulation.\\nThe most of this money would go where it is sorely needed\\nand where it would prove a boon beyond conception. Le-\\ngions of people would be able to count dollars where they\\nare now forced to count cents.\\nMeans of livelihood would be within reach of every one\\nand money would be active.\\nConfidence would be completely restored. Opportunity,\\nso long a byword and an outcast^ would knock at every-\\nbody s door.\\nHundreds of thousands of homes would be built, fur-\\nnished, and supported that are now impossible. Huts and\\nhovels would be torn down and replaced by respectable\\ndwellings. The rickety and scanty furniture that now dis-\\ngraces too many households would be used for kindling\\nwood, and those things which conserve a higher civilization\\nwould take its place.\\nThe slum and overcrowded tenement districts to be", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "94 OUR NATION^S NEED.\\nfound in all large cities could be vacated and a bonfire\\nmade of the rubbish buildings, furniture, and filth\u00e2\u0080\u0094 and\\nsuch localities turned into parks and playgrounds. The\\nlegions of men, women, and children who now live in these\\ndegrading and fated environments could build homes in\\nsuburban and rural localities, where the air is pure and\\nroom abundant. For a full century the farm and field\\nhave been sending sons and daughters into the city, keep-\\ning them alive by the constant addition of vital energy and\\npure blood. This travel cityward has gone on until the\\ncity has become a menace to health, success, and character\\na peril alike to man, woman, and child. The only spe-\\ncific remedy lies in getting back to the fields.\\nThere no longer exists any reason why people should\\novercrowd together as has been the custom. Modern meth-\\nods of travel the railroad, the trolley car, the bicycle\\nhave wonderfully minified distances and invite a revolu-\\ntion in the customs of city life. Business centers of cities,\\nwith great sanitary and social profit, might be vacated as\\nplaces of residence, and more remote sections become the\\ndwelling-place of the people.\\nThe ability to obtain has not kept pace with the growth\\nof desire. Education, the advent of new forms of com-\\nfort, contact with those who have more and better advan-\\ntages than we have, who secure what we are denied ail\\nthese increase desires; and the more enlightened we are,\\nunless our wants are increasingly supplied, the more surely\\nwill discontent follow. But with home ownership and\\nother possibilities would come contentment and permanent\\nqualities of character. Around these newly inspired fire-\\nsides sweeter and friendlier affinities would be established.\\nProsperity that is real, supported by a tangible faith in\\nthe future, would at once take the place of panics, strikes,\\nidleness, and financial disaster. When normal conditions\\nof business and society were restored, men would become\\nmore natural in habit and more correct in life. Schooled\\nin idleness and uncertainty, millions of people have re-\\nduced their expenditures to the most stringent minimum,\\nwhile millions of others have grown prodigal and indiffer-\\nent. Business has long suffered those abominations always\\naccompanying eras of financial anxiety, wherein one class", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION 8 NEED. 95\\nrefrain from getting what they need and the other class\\nfail to pay for what they get. Purchases have for years\\nbeen indicative of unnatural circumstances. Cheap food,\\ncheap labor, cheap beer, and cheap tobacco overflow the\\nmarkets. Modern advertising is saturated with cheap quo-\\ntations, and the bargain store has had a heyday. People\\nlive from hand to mouth and fritter away the pittance that\\nthey earn. Modern life has become unstable, and legions\\nof families spend their lives migrating from one tenement\\nor town to another without any settled aim in life and\\nwithout any momentum to their ambition. More than\\nhalf of our population rent homes. Nearly 10,000,000\\nlive under mortgaged roofs. The struggle to pay rent, and\\ninterest, and taxes, and to make both ends meet fills mill-\\nions of lives with discontent and threatening vicissitudes.\\nWhat mankind needs is a foundation for fresh hope.\\nInstead of being handicapped by mortgages and debts they\\nare unable to pay and by enslaving environments they can-\\nnot escape, men need the clear blue sky of freedom under\\nwhich to work and win. The chance to begin in a small\\nway and grow needs to continually prevail. The first\\nrounds in the ladder of fame and fortune need replacing\\nso that beginners can gain foothold. Infinitely more im-\\nportant is it that the base of lifers ladder be set among the\\nhumblest of men than that its top be crowned with a few\\ngarlands of wealth and renown.\\nWere a divide-up to take place, the laboring man would\\nbecome a proprietor. If men were to become financially\\ninterested in their own work, what is now a ^^trade or a\\nsuccession of jobs would become the business of life.\\nIt is becoming almost impossible to find a single article\\nmade by those who had any interest in it as owners. Per-\\nsonal responsibility that is responsible has become almost\\nobsolete.\\nA more universal ownership is an imperative need of the\\ntimes. If a divide-up of property never takes place, laws\\nshould be enacted whereby all workingmen be granted the\\nprivilege of acquiring ownership, to a reasonable extent, in\\nthat which requires their skill and handicraft. If it re-\\nquires the skill and labor of a hundred men to construct\\na locomotive or a child^s toy, or to make a threshing ma-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "96 OUR liTATION S NEED,\\ncliiiie, or a paper of pins, a hnndred men should be inter-\\nested in these things during their manufacture as owners.\\nIt should be a law that every concern of a permanent na-\\nture and employing large numbers of workmen be required\\nto allow each of these workmen, after a proper term of\\nservice, to purchase at a fair price capital stock to an\\namount equal to that which his individual labor represents.\\nWage-earners are entitled to such a law. When an en-\\nterprise or a factory or a store has grown so extensive as to\\nrequire the service of fifty or a hundred or a thousand men,\\nit is big enough for fifty, or a hundred, or a thousand men\\nto own and each workman therein in good standing should\\nhave the legal right to become the owner of a fiftieth, a\\nhundredth, or a thousandth part of the capital stock, to\\nshare in the profits, and to have a voice in the business\\nmanagement. The adoption of such a law would open up\\nto workingmen an opportunity for development and\\ngrowth of which they are now entirely deprived. It would\\nmake property and business subordinate to labor the true\\nrelation. Property and wealth are only commodities, but\\nlabor is life.\\nFor many years thoughtful statesmen and economists\\nhave believed and taught that some measure should be\\nadopted whereby the individual ownership of land be lim-\\nited to a certain number of acres, and that, so far as pos-\\nsible, ownership be confined to actual settlers or occupants.\\nFor the same reasons, and with no less force, there is need\\nof a law to limit the ownership of factories, stores, and\\nother enterprises. When they grow beyond a certain size,\\nin magnitude or in employment of labor, individual rights\\nto exclusive ownership should cease. If wisely adjusted,\\nsuch a law need not destroy the wholesome and legitimate\\nambition and enterprise of any one, yet it would gi^e free-\\ndom and opportunity to a legion of wage-earners now held\\nin industrial bondage.\\nThat ownership of property become more diffused and\\nUniversal is the supreme need of the present age. Owner-\\nship carries with it a power that is tremendous. There is\\nnot only a close, but a vital relation existing between own-\\nership and the highest forms of labor. There are, in con-\\nsequence, vital reasons why every farmer should own the", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "OUJR NATION S NEED. 97\\nland he occupies and cultivates; that every workingman\\nhave a direct financial interest in that which he makes and\\nthat every salesman, to some extent, own the goods he sells,\\ninspired by the responsibility which ownership alone can\\nbestow, land would be better appreciated and more pro-\\nductive, and the business of the manufacturer and mer-\\nchant would be more systematic, reliable, and profitable.\\nWhen the supervision of land or other property passes\\nfrom the owner to that of tenant when the direct respon-\\nsibilities and interests are severed it almost invariably\\nbegins to depreciate in value and in productiveness. There\\nare a legion of qualities in child-nature that only a parent\\ncan properly understand and minister to, and in like man-\\nner there are a legion of qualities inherent in property\\nwhich none but the owner can appreciate and fully utilize.\\nHe who wants a thing done right must do it himself is\\nnot so much a hackneyed maxim as it is an inexorable law.\\nWe are more interested in what is ours than any one else\\ncan possibly be. It may be a duty to others, but it is our\\nlife. The tenant is, of necessity, almost always poor. And\\nit is in most cases only a question of time when the land-\\nlord finds his property out of repair rnd impoverished and\\na source of expense rather than revenue. And the same\\nlaws and principles which apply to land and property gov-\\nern commerce and manufacture. It cannot be other than\\na constant menace and jeopardy to property and business\\nwhen it is required that they not only support the families\\nof those who do all the work, but in addition must support\\nan aristocracy, living in luxury, as a tribute to legal owner-\\nship. It is a form of robbery to demand that property and\\nbusiness furnish two livelihoods when they were intended\\nto furnish the requisites of only one. It would seem that\\nGod has so ordained that when human liberty and human\\neffort reach their highest expression, every man will be-\\ncome the free master of his own life and labor. As our\\nnation grows older and farming becomes more scientific,\\nand manufacture and trade, on account of competition and\\ninventive genius, require the employment of more progres-\\nsive methods, the adoption of closer relations than those\\nheld by tenants and wage-earners will become imperative.\\niThe evil effects of the long-continued divorce of owner-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "08 OTTit NATION S NEED.\\nship and labor are well illustrated by the condition of Ire-\\nland to-day. The land of Ireland is largely owned by\\naliens, but tilled by tenants. Not only are the tenants\\npoverty-stricken, but many of the land owners are objects\\nof charity. One of the great benevolent organizations of\\nGreat Britain has for its sole object the relief of English\\nwomen who own land in Ireland, but who, on account of\\nthe demoralization of land profits, have been reduced to\\nabsolute poverty.*\\nWhat a blessing it would be for all concerned if the\\nruling powers of Great Britain were to cease struggling for\\nmilitary dominion for a season and divide the land of Ire-\\nland into small farms and give it, unincumbered, to those\\nwho now occupy it! How the Emerald Isle would bloom\\nand flourish anew and how Irish wit and wisdom would\\nbaptize and bless afresh the rest of mankind\\nYet these same conditions, accompanied by the inevita-\\nble results, are becoming widespread in our own land. Our\\nhouses are becoming owned by one class and occupied by\\nanother. Our farms are becoming the property of land-\\nlords and cultivated by tenants. Business enterprise and\\nmanufacture are becoming the investments of money kings\\nand manned by a multitude of industrial slaves.\\nSo potent an influence is the ownership of property that\\na wide difference inevitably exists between those who pos-\\nsess nroperty and those who do not. Riches and poverty\\ndivide men into classes divergent and distinct. Man^s re-\\nlation to society, to law, to religion, and to every phase of\\nlife is affected, to no small degree, by property ownership.\\nThe following advertisement, copied verbatim from the Pall Mall Magazine^\\none of the leading periodicals of Great Britain, explains itself.\\nIRISH DISTRESSED LADIES^ FUND.\\nPatron Her Majesty the Queen.\\nExecutive Committee President, H. R. H. the Princess Louise, Marchioness\\nof Lome; Vice-President. Her Grace the Dowa.arer Dutchess of Marlborousrh;\\nHon. Treasurer. H. H. Plevdell Bouverie, Esq. Bankers, Messrs. Barclay Ran-\\nsom Co., 1 Pall Mall East, S. W.; Manageress Work Depot, Miss Campbell, 17\\nNorth Audley Street, W. Secretary, General W. M. Lees, 17 North Audley\\nStreet, London, W.\\nThe Committee appeal for funds for the relief of Ladies who depend for their\\nsupport on the proceeds of Irish property, but who, owina: to the depreciation in\\nvalue of land and the non-receipt of their rents, have been reduced to absolute\\npoverty.\\nOffice and Work Depot, 17 North Audley Street, London, W.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 90\\nThe interests of the rich and poor can never be made a\\nunit. Laws cannot be exactly fair to both. Financial re-\\nsponsibility gives to man a standing and credit that neither\\ncharacter, skill, nor any other force can supply. All busi-\\nness rests upon a financial basis, and of necessity tangible\\npossession must form the standard by which men are rated\\nin the business world. In a thousand ways ownership of\\nproperty is a passport to success and usefulness from which\\nthe propertyless are entirely debarred. No wholesome so-\\ncial condition can possibly exist until each life becomes\\nwedded to some financial entity that it can call its own.\\nAdvocate financial irregularities as they now exist, if we\\nwill, submit to them if we must, the fact remains that the\\ncondition is a constant menace to the common good.\\nFinancial differences when justly created and held in\\nreasonable check strengthen the social order, but when al-\\nlowed unlimited sway and power they invite social chaos.\\nThose who represent wealth get more than their share of\\nexperience and become giants and monstrosities, while\\nthose who have nothing are denied the higher forms of ex-\\nercise and become pygmies. The successful are being con-\\nstantly inspired to renewed vigor, while the unsuccessful\\nare tempted to give up in despair. Through the influence\\nof wealth upon one side and poverty upon the other, men\\nbecome separated socially, religiously, and industrially.\\nThe one class become leaders, the other followers; one be-\\ncome proprietors, the other wage-earners one masters, the\\nother servants; one landlords, the other tenants. One\\nclass grows, the other becomes blighted and dwarfed; one\\nbecomes strong, the other weak; one keeps interested and\\nwide-awake, the other grows indifferent and apathetic. One\\nclass becomes as the mighty oaks of the forest whose roots\\nare deeply sunk into the earth, their summits kissing the\\nsunshine and defying the storm, while the other class Be-\\ncomes as the bramble and scrub that struggle for existence\\nin the shade and dampness below. Men may consider such!\\nconditions natural, but justice declares it a crime; the\\napologist may call it progress, but God pronounces it per-\\ndition.\\nWhen these conditions become fixed, as they are in Amer-\\nica to-day, there may be a remedy other than a division of\\ntof", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "100 OUR STATION S NBEB.\\nproperty, but if so it is as yet undiscovered. Not only ou]*\\nown land, but the people of all the earth are waiting and\\nlonging for some way out of the thraldom of concentrated\\nriches and diffused poverty. All over the earth mankind\\nis divided into the classes and the masses one dying of\\nluxury and indolence, the other of ignorance and vice. To\\ntry to reconcile mankind to such an infamous portion is\\na crime. It is as much a duty to preach discontent among\\nthe people and lead them to a happier and better condi-\\ntion when they are dying through the blighting effects of\\nwealth and poverty as it is to preach conviction and re-\\npentance to a sin-cursed world. When a remedy is known,\\nit is as much a sin not to proclaim it as it would be to\\nwithhold the Gospel of light from the realm of spiritual\\ndarkness. Indeed, these things are a part of religion. The\\nreason why Christianity does not progress faster is because\\nwe ignore its forerunning requirements ^the way is not\\nprepared.\\nIf individual ownership were to become universal among\\nthose who are now journeymen and irresponsible wage-\\nearners, an incalculable impetus would be given to handi-\\ncraft. It would tend to establish character and raise the\\nstandard of citizenship, and the public would be infinitely\\nbetter served. Kot only are those who work entitled to the\\nprivilege of ownership, but the people have a right to ex-\\npect that what they purchase shall be produced under the\\nbest possible conditions. When men become owners as well\\nas workers, manufactured goods and merchandise with a\\nquality based upon personal honor will flood our markets.\\nIndustry, skill, and genius will then experience a new\\nbirth. The best in man will be aroused. Business will\\ntake to itself a soul. Men cannot render their best efforts\\nunless the highest power of mind and will are called into\\naction. The Golden Rule in business cannot be obeyed,\\nnor can the highest achievements in service be attained,\\nuntil every man is the master architect of his own fortune.\\nIf a factory, or store, or mill were operated by a hundred\\nmen, each one of whom were part owner, not only a hun-\\ndred pairs of hands would toil, but the brain of a hundred\\nindividuals would think and plan, and a hundred families", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 101\\nwould be financially related and interested; all of which,\\nbeyond controversy, is necessary to secure the best service.\\nWith confidence permanently established, an abundance\\nof money in circulation, v/ork for everybody, and every\\nhome a nucleus of wealth for larger growth, an era of un-\\nprecedented prosperity would be at hand. Compensation\\nwould not only be assured, but it would increase. Values\\nwould rise. Profits would be stable. Legions of marriages\\nwould take place. The natural channels of development\\nand progress would be opened. Work would be abundant.\\nThe supply of workers would run short. The indolent\\nand improvident would be forced into service. Tramps\\nand industrial vagabonds would be shamed into action.\\nComplaints about hard times, the misery of the poor, the\\nextravagances of the rich, the slavery of labor, and the op-\\npressions of capital would cease. Everybody could afford\\ngood clothes. The excuses of the unfortunate and of the\\nderelict would no longer prevail. The God-intended goal\\nof mankind would be within reach.\\nThe sweet grace of charity, now so much abused, would\\nfi.nd its normal sphere. Drunkenness would become an in-\\ntolerable outrage. Begging would be a crime. Laziness,\\nstupidity, and worthlessness would become transparent\\nfaults. Pessimism could well go out of business. Every-\\nbody could buy what they need and pay cash. The credit\\nsystem, that abomination of modern business, could be\\nwiped out. Doctors^ bills could be paid. New customs of\\nbusiness and rules of society could be adopted. The rich\\nwould cease to kill themselves through indolence and lux-\\nury, and the poor to die through overwork and the lack of\\nnecessaries.\\nEeligion and morality would reap a rich harvest. Pa-\\ntriotism would become enthroned and politics purified.\\nMerit, and not money, would elevate men into office, and\\nwholesale bribery would be impossible. Crime would be\\nreduced to a minimum. Civilization, science, education,\\nart, invention, and progress would center in the United\\nStates.\\nA divide-up would inaugurate a practical age. Men\\nwould become independent. There would need be no more\\nslaves, either social, industrial, or political. The honest", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "10^ OUR NATIOI^ S NEED.\\nconvictions and the sincere opinions of men would no\\nlonger cower within the breast.\\nNo matter what might be said of the result of other\\nmeasures, the effects of a divide-up and start-even are not\\na conjecture. As an issue in the nation it is more than a\\ntheory. It is human nature under the domination of com-\\nmon sense. It is not the vague illusion of a dream, but\\nthe tangible application of cold facts. In its scope as an\\nissue it would cover the entire country. It would give no\\nman an advantage over another, nor would it forget a\\nsingle person, no matter how obscure or helpless.\\nIt would be a measure the adoption of which would lift\\nour national character to the highest plane possible in the\\npresent age of history. Trust the people, said the im-\\nmortal Wendell Phillips the wise and the ignorant, the\\ngood and the bad with the greatest questions, and in the\\nend you will educate the race. At the same time you se-\\ncure, not perfect institutions, not necessarily good oneSj\\nbut the best institutions possible while human nature is the\\nbasis and the only material to build with.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "Hear this, O ye fhat swallow up the needy, even to make the\\npoor of the land fail. In that day shall the fair virgins\\nand young men faint for thirst. Amos.\\nWoe, then, to all who grind\\nTheir brethren of a common Father down!\\nTo all who plunder from the immortal mind\\nIts bright and glorious crown! Whittieb.\\nThe man who kindles the fire on the hearthstone of an honest\\nand righteous home burns the best incense to liberty. Henry\\nW. Grady.\\nFor a child to be born to a life of poverty; to have to strug-\\ngle for its bread almost from the cradle; to be doomed through\\nyouth and manhood to such a round of unremunerative employ-\\nment that age finds him without any resource from starvation\\nexcept the precarious gleanings of the street or the cold com-\\nmunity charity of the poorhouse; to pass from birth to death,\\nas millions do, engaged all the time in a sharp fight with his\\nfellows for the bare necessaries of existence, is an unfair con-\\ndition for which there is and must be a remedy. H. W. Cadman.\\nUntil the immortal and God-like capacities of every human\\nbeing that comes into the world are deemed more worthy, are\\nwatched more tenderly, than any other thing, no dynasty of men\\nor form of government can stand or shall stand upon the face\\nof the earth; and the force or the fraud which would seek to\\nuphold them shall be but fetters of flax to bind the flame.\\nHorace Mann.\\nMarriage establishes a relation of affections and interests\\nwhich can in no other way be made to exist between two human\\nbeings. It creates the domestic fireside. It gives origin to the\\nsacred relation of husband and wife, parent and child, brother\\nand sister, and those endearing relations which arise from them.\\nStrike out from the life of man all the hopes, interests, and\\nmotives which grow out of this relation, and what were left\\nbut a cheerless, a desolate, and a merely brutal existence?\\nDaniel Wise.\\n104", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 105\\nCHAPTEE YIIL\\nA DIVIDE-UP WOULD GIVE THE YOUNG A CHANCE.\\nA GREAT many useless and silly things have been said\\nand written to young people. Enough advice is wasted\\nevery year over young men and young women to operate\\na millennium.\\nFathers and mothers buy books which portray in seraphic\\nlanguage the lives of such men as Washington, Webster,\\nLincoln, Clay, Garfield, Franklin, Edison, Peabody, and\\nothers, and take them home and say: Here, my son, I\\nhave brought you a nice book which gives the life of a good\\nand great man. Bead it carefully and profit by its teach-\\nings, and when you grow up I hope you will be a great\\nman too. There is much truth in Longfellow s familiar\\nverse\\n^Lives of great men all remind us\\nWe can malce our lives sublime.\\nAnd, departing, leave behind us\\nFootprints on the sands of time.\\nThis is beautiful sentiment, and all books illustrative\\nof great lives are useful, but they are exceedingly limited\\nin their application. They all lack a vital element the\\ninspiring force for present occasions. Not one man in a\\nmillion can be a Washington, a Franklin, or a ISfapoleon.\\nTo study biographical history is both instructive and use-\\nful, but to turn the records of the ages and study the lives\\nof heroes and their achievements for a whole year does not\\nprofit a young man so much as it does for him to catch a\\nglimpse of his own mission and its highest possibilities for\\na single moment, or for him to draw off his coat, roll up\\nhis sleeves, and dig and strive toward those possibilities for\\na single day.\\nEvery child born upon American soil is entitled to three\\nthings: a good birth, a good training, and a fair oppor-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "106 OUR NATION S NEED,\\ntunity. But American parenthood has lost and ceased to\\nconvey its natural heritage. Through the deadening in-\\nfluence of custom parenthood has become willing to throw\\none chance of success among a hundred of its sons and\\nwatch, with apparent satisfaction and composure, the\\nscramble for the prize, laying the trophies of fame and\\nfortune at the feet of him wha wins, but turning with cold\\nforgetfulness from the ninety-and-nine unfortunates who\\nmust subsist upon the bitter herbs of defeat and despair.\\nThere are not far from 10,000,000 young men in the\\nUnited States between the ages of eighteen and thirty.\\nEvery one of them was born for a purpose. They have the\\nGod-given right to demand that ten million opportunities\\nbe made a possibility. These opportunities should not be\\na deception or a dream, to lure to servitude and ruin, but\\nthere should be in each an assured livelihood and a fair\\nmeasure of success. It should mean not only good food,\\ngood clothing, and comfortable shelter, but a home with all\\nthe endearment of the fireside, respectable social environ-\\nments such as encourage good citizenship, and reasonable\\nprospects for old age.\\nOf the 10,000,000 young mxcn in our nation, a large per-\\ncentage are constantly looking for something to do. A\\nmuch larger number have been forced to forsake their own\\ninclinations, bury their natural talents, and accept such\\nmeans of livelihood as they could secure. Very few are\\ngiven opportunity to choose their lifers work and enter\\nupon it without being crippled through the domination of\\nthe money power. Nearly all of them are employed by\\nothers as wage-earners, only a small percentage becoming\\ntheir own masters.\\nAs beginners, young men find almost every trade, busi-\\nness, and profession greatly overcrowded. There are too\\nmany mechanics, too many laborers, too many farmers, too\\nmany merchants, too many doctors, too many lawyers, too\\nmany everything. The time when young men could select\\na calling in harmony with their natural bent, enter upon\\nits attending duties, settle down, build a home, establish a\\nreputation among men, and live and prosper and finally\\nretire and enjoy the fruits of energy and usefulness seems\\nto have passed.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION a NEED, 107\\nTo bring up children as is becoming the American cus-\\ntom, and when they have grown to maturity- send them out\\nwholesale into the world where conditions are such that all\\nare severely tested and only a few can possibly succeed, is\\na species of political and social barbarism in as great need\\nof correction as was the heathenism that gave its offspring\\nas food to the monsters in the river Ganges.\\nWere a divide-up of property made, the circumstances\\nand opportunities of the young would undergo a revolu-\\ntion. Every young man in the nation would be worth\\n$1,000. Every young woman would be worth an equal\\namount. Put together, the two amounts would make a\\nvery respectable beginning for a newly married couple.\\nThere are at present about 500,000 marriages annually\\nin the United States, while over 800,000 young couples ar-\\nrive at a marriageable age. There are over 3,000,000\\nyoung men in the nation who would like to get married.\\nThe chief reason why they do not is because they cannot\\nafford it. They cannot support wives. Their prospects\\nwill not justify the venture. It is as natural for a young\\nman to fall in love and marry as it is for a woman, and to\\nbe defeated by circumstances is a direct blow to the highest,\\nnoblest, and best in manhood.\\nIf a divide-up should bring to young men faith in them-\\nselves, an assurance of their ability to support wives and\\nfamilies, and a substantial trust in the future, there would\\nbe 2,000,000 more marriages within two .years than will\\notherwise occur. No result of genuine and established\\nprosperity is more plainly foreseen.\\nIt is not generally appreciated to what extent business\\nconditions affect matrimony. Nothing else so regulates\\nthe number of marriages like good or hard times. In a\\nrecent article entitled The American GirFs Chances of\\nMatrimony,^^ in the Ladies* Home Journal (March, 1899),\\nProf. D. R. McAnally states that in good times the num-\\nber of marriages has gone up to 26 per 1,000, while during\\nhard times it has gone down to 15 per 1,000, which shows,\\nas he says, a tremendous rise or falling off^ due entirely\\nto existing prosperity or the lack of it. To claim that the\\nimproved conditions incident to a divide-up of property\\nwould cause at least 2,000,000 marriages in two years more", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "108 OUR NATION S NEED,\\nthan will otherwise occur is placing the number, based\\nupon actual experience, below rather than above well-\\nfounded indications.\\nA signally important fact is that the young men and\\nyoung women who avoid marriage on account of lack of\\nprospects are, as a rule, those whose marriage would mean\\nmuch to society. It is the careful, the cautious, and the\\nthoughtful of both sexes who avoid matrimony unless its\\nresponsibilities can be fairly and faithfully met. Few are\\nthe parents who will willingly give a daughter in wedlock\\nwhen nothing is visible but poverty and privation. In the\\nmidst of such blighted prospects as inevitably prevail un-\\nder our present industrial conditions, it is those who re-\\ngard the marriage relations the most sacred, its duties the\\nmost binding, and its issues the most vital and precious\\nthat naturally avoid it and live unnatural lives in celibacy.\\nSome one has said that society should organize itself and\\nprohibit improvident marriages for its own protection. For\\nreasons infinitely more rational should these millions,\\nwhose manhood and womanhood are fated through the\\ndomination of greed, organize and as one solid force de-\\nmand that they be no longer doomed to celibate exile. Every\\nyoung man and every young woman in the nation should\\nbecome consecrated to the cause. It would be a conquest\\nover which the Shekinah of heaven would rest and a vic-\\ntory over which the angels would rejoice.\\nThese 2,000,000 marriages would mean 2,000,000 homes,\\nwith all that ownership and fair prospects insure. Each\\none of these homes would be a nucleus for enlargement\\nand radiation, and of far greater contributing value than\\nwhere marriage means, as it too often does now, simply\\ntwo souls joining in a struggle against adversity and the\\ncaprice of perverted enterprise.\\nThe marriages which now take place would also mean\\nfar more than they at present do or otherwse will. The re-\\nvival of business that would result from marriages alone\\nTinder the improved conditions of a divide-up would pro-\\nduce an unparalleled revolution in manufacture and trade.\\nEvery woodman and miller, brick maker and plasterer,\\nsurveyor and architect, carpenter and builder, painter and\\ndecorator, would be overwhelmed with work. Every man.^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION 8 NEED. 109\\nTifactory of furniture, carpets, stoves, tinware, glassware,\\nsilverware, bridal goods, chinaware, sewing rnachineSj\\nclothing, dry goods, cooking utensils, household goods,\\ntools for workmen and machinery to make every work-\\nman of every craft and every mill of every kind in the\\nUnited States, working night and day, could not supply\\nthe demand. Genuine prosperity would come. Natural\\nprogress would take place. The divine order of things\\nwould begin to operate. It would be God s way of build-\\ning a nation. It is the home and the home life of the\\npeople which keep men and machinery busy. Preemi-\\nnently is this true. It is the family life civilization\\nwedded to its affections and ideals which supports the\\nfarm, the store, the factory, the school, the Church, and\\nthe professional man. When a young man and young\\nwoman marry and establish a fireside, they at once become\\na factor in the community which is created in no other\\nway.\\nA divide-up and start-even would, if carried out in its\\ntrue spirit, dower all young women. This would be a\\nmeasure exceedingly desirable and one that should prevail\\neverywhere. Its moral and social effect would be incal-\\nculable. Our civilization will not get far removed from\\nbarbarism until young women, when they arrive at mar-\\nriageable age, are given a respectable dowry. For young\\ngirls to be forced out into the world moneyless and friend-\\nless, as thousands are in our rich and beautiful land, is as\\ndisgraceful as it is wicked. In the land of Canaan women\\npossessed a dowry. Of them Solomon said: Every wise\\nwoman buildeth her house. A desirable and just condi-\\ntion would be where a young woman should bring a home\\nand a young man a vocation and a business to the marriage\\naltar.\\nIf a divide-up and start-even were to cause 2,000,000\\nmarriages more than will otherwise occur, the effect upon\\nbusiness would be tremendous.\\nIn the following list an approximation of the expendi-\\ntures of 2,000,000 married couples for ten years is given.\\nSome couples would spend more and some less, but the\\ngeneral average here implied is within reasonable bounds.\\nIt is supposed that each man and woman owned $1,000\\nat the start and that they lived during financial prosperity:", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "110 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nBUSIIfESS CAUSED IE TEN YEARS BY 2,000,000 MARRIAGES.\\n2,000,000 men invest $1,000 each in\\nbusiness $2,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 engagement rings at $10. 20,000,000\\n4,000,000 wedding outfits at $50 200,000,000\\n2,000,000 wives invest in homes\\n$1,500 each ($1,000 cash, $500 in\\nBuilding and Loan Association) 2,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 wedding fees at $10 20,000,000\\n2,000,000 weddings at $20 40,000,000\\n2,000,000 suits of furniture at $50.. 100,000,000\\n2,000,000 bedroom suits at $40 80,000,000\\n2,000,000 bedroom suits at $20 40,000,000\\n2,000,000 sitting-room suits at $25.. 50,000,000\\n100,000,000 yards of carpet at 60 cents. 60,000,000\\n100,000,000 yards of carpet at 40 cents. 40,000,000\\n40,000,000 yards of oil cloth at 50 cents 20,000,000\\n4,000,000 rugs at $2 8,000,000\\n2,000,000 parlor stoves at $15 30,000,000\\n4,000,000 beds at $12 48,000,000\\n2,000,000 collections of bric-a-brac,\\netc., at $20 40,000,000\\n2,000,000 clocks at $10 20,000,000\\n2,000,000 building and loan, princi-\\npal and interest 1,120,000,000\\n1,000,000 bicycles at $25 25,000,000\\n6,000,000 mirrors at $4 24,000,000\\n2,000,000 dining tables at $10 20,000,000\\n2,000,000 table outfits at $25 50,000,000\\n2,000,000 sets of tinware, etc., at $5. 10,000,000\\n5,000,000 baby outfits at $10 50,000,000\\n1,500,000 baby carriages at $6 9,000,000\\n2,000,000 tax bills\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ten years\u00e2\u0080\u0094 $100\\neach 200,000,000\\n2,000,000 gold and silver ware at $20. 40,000,000\\n2,000,000 doctors bills\u00e2\u0080\u0094 $100 each... 200,000,000\\n2,000,000 medicine bills\u00e2\u0080\u0094 $25 each... 50,000,000\\n2^000,000 contributions\u00e2\u0080\u0094 church and\\nbenevolence 1,200,000,000", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "TIB NA TION 8 NEED. HI\\n2,000,000 amusements ten years\\n$12.50 per year 250,000,000\\n2,000,000 family Bibles at $8 16,000,000\\nNewspapers, magazines, books, etc... 300,000,000\\n2,000,000 building and loan stock. 300,000,000\\n2,000,000 insurance, societies, etc 300,000,000\\n100,000 pianos at $300 30,000,000\\n300;000 organs at $80 25,000,000\\n2,000,000 grocery bills\u00e2\u0080\u0094 $100 per year 2,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 Christmas supplies ten\\nyears 300,000,000\\n2,000,000 incidentals, pin-money for\\nwife, pocket-money for husband\\nand children, clothing, hats, bon-\\nnets, shoes, dry goods, sundries,\\nfancy goods, pictures, photos,\\ncar fare, repairs and general\\nexpenses 4,300,000,000\\nCash on hand, same as at the beginning.\\n4,000,000 adults at $50 each 200,000,000\\n5,000,000 children at $25 each 125,000,000\\nTotal for ten years $16,000,000,000\\nThe property and income of these 2,000,000 families\\nduring the ten years are represented as follows: The in-\\ncome of each is placed at $600 per annum, a very low esti-\\nmate for a period of marked business activity such as would\\nfollow a divide-up and start-even.\\nPROPERTY AND USTCOME POR TEiq- TEARS.\\n2,000,000 men started with $1,000\\neach $2,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 women started with $1,000\\neach 2,000,000,000\\nIncome of each family $600 per year. $12,000,000,000\\nTotal $16,000,000,000\\nAt the end of ten years the value of their property maj;\\nJ)e fairly estimated as follows i", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "lia OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\nVALUE OF PROPERTY AT END OF TEN YEARS.\\n2,000,000 homes, original cost $3,000,000,000\\nIncrease in value 1,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 businesses, farms, etc., cost.. 2,000,000,000\\nIncrease in value 2,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 lots of furniture, etc. (less\\nthan cost) 500,000,000\\nInsurance, building and loan, and\\nother interests 500,000,000\\nTotal possessions of 2,000,000 families\\n(9,000,000 persons) $9,000,000,000\\nFollowing the same principle that would exist in a gen-\\neral divide, the property would be represented as follows\\nREPRESENTATION OF PROPERTY AT END OF TEN YEARS.\\n2,000,000 husbands, $1,000 each $2,000,000,000\\n2,000,000 wives, $1,000 each 2,000,000,000\\n5,000,000 children, $1,000 each 5,000,000,000\\nTotal $9,000,000,000\\nIn addition to the above, if each adult and each child\\nrepresented the original allotment in cash the families\\nwould have $325,000,000 cash in bank.\\nIf the foregoing average were maintained, these 2,000,-\\n000 families would, during ten years, cause the circulation\\nof $12,000,000,000. Supposing that these expenditures\\npassed through three hands aside from the producer, it\\nwould comprise a total business of $36,000,000,000. If\\nprofits amounted to 20 per cent, the business would sup-\\nport over 1,000,000 families. These figures, are not over-\\ndrawn, and if our manufacturing and commercial interests\\nwere commensurate with the unlimited resources of the\\ncountry they would be more than realized. If the essential\\nreform were adopted to produce the .opportunities^ the", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 113\\nmarriages would take place and the subsequent develop-\\nments would surely follow.\\nThese 2,000,000 young men are now not only unable to\\nget married, but they must struggle to earn a living. In-\\nstead of becoming husbands and fathers, they are indus-\\ntrial slaves and are forced to eke out an unnatural exist-\\nence. They are being forced to accept whatever offers.\\nTheir environments are, in the main, vicious. Legions of\\nthem, in consequence, grow clandestine in morals and dis-\\nsipated in habits. Thousands of them are a menace rather\\nthan a help to the nation. They have been robbed of their\\nbirthright, and thus, shorn of prospects and ambition, they\\ncomplacently surrender to the cruel terms of fate.\\nAn additional fact is that of the 5,000,000 marriages\\nthat will occur anyhow during the next ten years, a great\\nmajority of them would be made under circumstances in-\\nfinitely more favorable if a divide-up should take place.\\nFrom a business standpoint, the same facts that apply\\nto those who cannot m^arry will also apply with much force\\nto the multitudes of those who will enter matrimony. Un-\\nder present conditions a large share of these marriages\\nmean very little to business. In too many cases it is sim-\\nply another struggle instead of a home; another failure\\ninstead of another success.\\nA still further consideration is that there are a legion of\\nyoung couples and a legion not so young already married,\\nbut who are wrestling with poverty and the vicissitudes of\\nwage-earning, who would start afresh under the new and\\nimproved conditions. A good percentage of the 12,000,000\\nfamilies in the nation would recast their domestic and so-\\ncial life. Growing childhood would also breathe a new\\natmosphere and experience a new hope.\\nThese 2,000,000 extra marriages, in connection with the\\nimproved circumstances and consuming power of those\\nwho are married, would cause a complete revolution in the\\nindustrial and business world.\\nYoung women and girls would leave factory, store, and\\noffice. The sweet charms of womanly virtue would no\\nlonger be sacrificed upon the altars of mammonism. Wo-\\nmanhood would seek its true realm the home and the\\nfireside.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "114 OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\nThere would also be a revolution in the training of chil-\\ndren. As marriage would become the natural event of\\nmaturing womanhood, girls would be trained in the duties\\nand arts of home life rather than to venture amid the sharp\\nrivalries of the store and the degrading duties of the fac-\\ntory and shop. Trained in the handicraft of the home,\\nthey would bring to the embrace of the lover and to the\\nmarriage altar the accomplishments becoming a wife and\\nthe sweet modesty and affection of their mothers, instead\\nof that strange mixture of mockeries now far too common.\\nFrom factory and store, from school-room and office thus\\nmade vacant and short of help, would come an unprece-\\ndented demand for men. Every idle man, young or old,\\nwould be absorbed. Millions of men would be needed to\\nmeet the new demand. The supply would be entirely in-\\nadequate. Every man who is now accepting some subter-\\nfuge at starvation wages could find investment for his\\ncapital and honorable employment both for hands and\\nbrain.\\nThe 1,000,000 men who are now engaged in or em-\\nployed by the liquor business, killing their fellows and\\ndamning themselves, could abandon their accursed voca-\\ntion and find a business both elevating and profitable.\\nAnd even all of these would not satisfy the demand for\\nmen. The call for workers would cross the seas. The\\nbest mechanics and the best intellects of the world would\\nfind America a choice field in which to live and labor.\\nThese marriages will take place and these changes\\nwill exist when our sons and daughters are given the op-\\nportunities which belong to them. The growth of the\\nnation and of the people here suggested is a natural one.\\nHow infinitely better it would be to thus utilize our\\nyoung manhood at home than to send it to suffer and\\ndie in a war of conquest. That our national lawmakers\\nhave totally ignored the subject shows that genuine\\nstatesmanship has ceased to exist. Man clings to noth-\\ning as he does to home, and nothing will give skill to his\\nhand and temper his soul more surely than to become a\\nhusband and father. The noblest and most precious in\\nthe human heart seldom finds expression unless en-\\nshrined around the family fireside.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "OUn NATION S NEED, 115\\nVarious measures may bring prosperity for a season,\\nbut unless the avenues to success and usefulness are kept\\nopen to new recruits and to the young stagnation will in-\\nevitably follow. In the young are vested the welfare and\\ndestiny of a people. When they are properly trained\\nand given their legitimate birthright honor and plenty\\nwill be theirs, and the nation in their hands will be safe\\nwhile the promises of God endure.\\nThe question naturally imposes itself: 7s it the duty\\nof the young manhood of the nation to compel a divide-\\nup and start-even\\nTo develop an issue involving the readjustment of\\nover $50,000,000,000 in property would stand without a\\nparallel in all history; and surely it is a serious matter\\nfor the younger generation of voters to wield a weapon\\nso powerful and far-reaching as this. But it is to be re-\\nmembered that young men represent the inherent\\nstrength and vital force of the nation. They have al-\\nways been the willing factor in the conquests of war,\\nand it is for them to be the impelling force in the tri-\\numphs of peace.\\nIf a divide-up and start-even is practicable, desirable,\\nand just, it is the imperative duty of young men to free-\\nly enlist in behalf of the measure and loyally follow it\\nto success. They alone possess the essential force. To\\nthem the magnitude of the cause only makee it a more\\nsacred trust.\\nAbout 1,000,000 young men assume the privileges of\\ncitizenship each year. That upon them are imposed\\ntremendous responsibilities admits of no denial. These\\nyoung men are strong not only in physical and moral\\nforce, but in political power. Their political strength is\\none of their chief talents; to use this talent is one of\\ntheir first and highest duties. If political corruption\\ncan be destroyed, it is their duty to destroy it. If indus-\\ntry is enslaved, it is their duty to give it liberty. If\\nwealth and poverty require equalizing, it is their duty\\nto bring it about. For them to remain indifferent is to\\nignore a sacred duty. For them to refuse to enlist is to\\ncommit a sin.\\nThere the in our country nearly 6,000,000 voters", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "116 OVR NATION S NEED.\\nunder thirty years of age, and a decided majority of our\\ncitizens are under forty. These millions of men are in the\\nfull vigor of manhood^s prime. In a manner, challenging\\nevery other consideration, they have claims upon the\\nnatural resources of the country. Young men are not re-\\nsponsible for their birth, their training, or their inherited\\nenvironments. But they are responsible to the full extent\\nof their power for the correction of unjust conditions and\\nfor the overthrow of existing evils, be they financial, social,\\nor political.\\nIt is also the duty of young men and those in the prime\\nof life to honestly provide and wisely plan for their families\\nand their posterity. They possess the absolute and unde-\\nniable right to demand that no unjust force or usurping\\npower interpose between the people in common and a fair\\nshare of those advantages and comforts with which our coun-\\ntry so richly abounds. Present conditions and customs have\\ngrown to be a direct and constant conspiracy against the\\nyoung and beginner generally. An oligarchy, powerful,\\naggressive, and desperate, usurps the natural rights of all,\\nand the young more than any other class are the sufferers.\\nIn the warring rivalries of business the great majority of\\nyoung men are little more than contrabands industrial\\ncommodities submissively cowering to the kings and mag-\\nnates of enterprise. Legions of men never even so much\\nas dream of their God-intended birthright. They grow\\nold struggling against fate, striving against the inevitable,\\nand go down to the grave hoping in the face of doom. In\\njustice to themselves and to their kin and kind, it is the\\nduty of young men to demand a readjustment of the na-\\ntion s possessions. For them to ignore their duty is a\\npublic crime. For them to falter or lose courage is to dis-\\nhonor and forsake the flag.\\nBut it is not through personal interest that the needful\\nmotive force will come to the younger generations of citi-\\nzens. Deeply as they may desire to better their own con-\\ndition or secure their individual rights, they would not act\\nor stand firm for these alone. It is unselfish devotion, sin-\\ncere patriotism, and love of justice the wedding of the\\nheart to a righteous cause that arouse the younger forces\\nto activity and service. Deeply as these millions of voters", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION^ 8 NEED. 117\\ndesire to better their condition, still more profoundly do\\nthey desire a happier lot for the country of their birth.\\nWhile they are patiently waiting for the advent of a new\\nera, they stand ready to volunteer in behalf of a genuinely\\nbeneficent issue, no matter what sacrifice it may require.\\nAll they need is wise leadership and the inspiring evi-\\ndences of humanity s cause.\\nProfoundly true, also, is it that in the midst of grave\\nresponsibilities none are more loyal than the young. Even\\nin times of national crises none are so unflinching and\\nbrave. Their patriotism and loyalty are always the pro-\\ntecting bulwark and the redeeming power in the hour of\\nperil.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good. Paul.\\nO clear-eyed Faith and Patience, thou\\nSo calm and strong!\\nLend strength to weakness, teach us how\\nThe sleepless eyes of God look through\\nThis night of wrong. Whittieb.\\nHalf of the cruelty in the world is the direct result of stupid\\nincapacity to put one s self in the other man s place. John\\nFiSKE.\\nJust laws are no restraint upon the freedom of the good, for\\nthe good man desires nothing which a just law will interfere\\nwith. Froude.\\nPoverty is a prolific source of thriftlessness, intemperance,\\nvice, and crime. When no ray of hope lights up the future,\\ndemoralization soon follows. W. W. Eoss.\\nI do not call that state of society progressive where moral\\nand spiritual truths are forgotten or disregarded in the triumphs\\nof a brilliant material life. John Lord.\\nIt is not often that great accumulations of wealth do any-\\nbody good. They usually spoil the happiness of two genera-\\ntions one in the getting and one in the spending. J. G. Hol-\\nland.\\nIt seems to me a great truth, that human things cannot stand\\non selfishness, mechanical utilities, economics, and law courts;\\nthat if there be not a religious element in the relations of men,\\nsuch relations are miserable and doomed to ruin. Carlyle.\\nFor myself, twenty-one years of study and observation have\\nconvinced me that poverty is the prime cause of intemperance,\\nand that misery is the mother and hereditary appetite the father\\nof the drink hallucination. Frances Willaed.\\n118", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "UR iVTi TION 8 NEED, 119\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nBUSINESS AFFAIRS COULD BE KECAST AND RENOVATED.\\nBusiness is in need of a general honse-cleaning. So is\\nthe realm of industry. Nothing could prove more whole-\\nsome than to subject our whole system of enterprise to a\\ncomplete renovation and pruning.\\nThere are some kinds of business which need to be up-\\nrooted and prohibited forever. There are many enslaving\\nfeatures connected with both business and industry^ due\\nto abnormal conditions, intense rivalries, and other causes\\nwhich need readjusting. Under the present strain of com-\\npetition multitudes of men do things, in business and in\\nlabor, which their manhood would indignantly spurn under\\nmore favorable conditions. Men, both rich and poor, are\\nto-day serving hard task-masters. Money has become king\\nand, like all heartless despots, it is tyrannical and cruel.\\nIt wields the scepter of power over the business man and\\nmanufacturer and demands that they bow the neck or quit\\nthe field; it stands over the laboring man and mechanic\\nand demands that they bow the knee or starve.\\nNo matter what philosophical ideas we may have con-\\nceived regarding mankind, it is blessed with much that is\\nintrinsically good and aspiring. Man was made perfect.\\nHis original and normal nature is pure and good and al-\\nthough warped and scarred by sin, he is crawling and\\nclimbing upward, however slowly it may be, toward an\\nearthly Eden.\\nMen do not sell liquor because they want to do so nor\\ndo they drink it from genuine choice. Men do not work on\\nSunday because they prefer labor to rest. Men do not live\\nin idleness and indolence and ignorance because they pre-\\nfer these things to industry and thrift and intelligence.\\nKot thousands, but millions, of men are doing things that\\ntheir consciences and better sense condemn, because they\\nfeel forced to do them.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "120 OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\nThere are multitudes of men in the liquor business who\\nwould be as glad to get out of it as the most rabid temper-\\nance reformer would be to see the whole license system\\ndestroyed. If manufacturers and dealers in liquor could\\nabandon their vocations without great financial loss and\\nfind a business more ennobling and respectable and equally\\nremunerative, the most of them would gladly do so. That\\nthey do not seek a more desirable business in these times\\nof extremely limited opportunity is not surprising.\\nThe secret of correct living is in avoiding temptation it\\nis only the rare conscience that can stand erect in the midst\\nof it. It does not appear that saloon keepers are very dif-\\nferent from other people. Most of them at heart are hon-\\norable men. They inwardly deplore their calling, but their\\ninvested interests and their dismantling associations hold\\nthem firmly grasped. The business of liquor-selling is\\nalmost as destructive to the will and as alienating to the\\nlife as the drink habit itself. It is quite as impossible to\\nprevent men from selling liquor when they have once be-\\ngun it as it is to prohibit drunkenness when the habit of\\ndrinking has been formed.\\nDuring a divide-up of the property of the United States\\namong all the people the entire business of the manufac-\\nture and sale of alcoholic liquors as a beverage could he\\nabandoned and forever condemned without loss to any one.\\nFinancially the loss need not be felt.\\nBy recognizing the fact that it is the people who give\\nthe nation a money value, and not business and stores and\\nmanufactories, it is easily seen that a whole branch of\\nbusiness, no matter how large, when that business is not a\\nnecessary part of civilization, can be dispensed with and\\nno decrease in values occur. If an injurious business\\nwere thus eradicated values would actually increase.\\nThe manufacture and sale of alcoholic liquors as a bev-\\nerage as carried on in our country is a gigantic curse.\\nThat it deserves to be destroyed is the sincere belief of an\\noverwhelming majority of the people. For many years a\\nwidespread effort has been made to arouse public senti-\\nment upon the subject. Forces religious, political, social,\\nfraternal, and educational representing a large ^hare of\\nthe best manhood and womanhood in the nation are organ-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "UB NA TION S NEED. 121\\nized and for years have diligently labored to curtail the\\ndrink habit and prevent the sale of intoxicants among the\\npeople. But the results have been disappointing. The\\ntraffic not only survives, but continues with increasing\\nmagnitude.\\nThere are many reason why these efforts, strong and\\nsincere as they are, have accomplished so little. Immense\\nwealth is invested in the liquor traffic. It gives employ-\\nment to nearly 1,000,000 persons. The annual business\\ndone amounts to over $1,000,000,000. It is exceptionally\\nprofitable. Those who buy liquor are among the most\\npersistent and consistent customers in the world. It fur-\\nnishes a chief source of revenue to support the Govern-\\nment. Through the avenue of license it helps to school\\nour children, to pay our taxes, and make business for the\\npolitician. It is a unit of force a dominating power\\nin politics, while its enemies are divided and confused.\\nTo prohibit the manufacture and sale of liquors as a\\nbeverage, as matters now stand is well-nigh impossible. As\\na single issue in politics it is at a great disadvantage. If\\ncarried out, the majority of those engaged in the business\\nwould be reduced to poverty. If turned out into the world,\\nwith other lines of business greatly overcrowded, the most\\nof them would find it next to impossible to earn a living.\\nTrue it is that $1,000,000,000 annually spent in the\\nsaloons would be turned into legitimate channels, and that\\nother kinds of business would enormously improve; but\\nthe fact remains that it would be a great sacrifice to the\\nliquor interests, a loss which, to the end, will be desperate-\\nly and bitterly opposed.\\nBut during a divide-up of property the whole liquor\\nbusiness could be cast aside, and all those engaged in it\\nprovided for as thoroughly as though it had been retained.\\nEvery person and every family would receive an allotment.\\nThe improved business conditions would insure a prosper-\\nous livelihood to all, and the social relations of liquor\\ndealers and their families would be infinitely improved.\\nThere is no reason why the liquor men, who usually op-\\npose moral reforms, should not, through self-interest, view\\nwith favor and work and vote to secure the destruction of\\ntheir business if its overthrow should be accompanied by", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "122 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nthe compensating overtures involved in a universal division\\nof property.\\nThe liquor interests of the United States are rapidly be-\\ncoming absorbed by foreign capital, and a large majority\\nof saloon keepers and bartenders would be better off\\nfinancially, socially, and industrially after a divide-up\\nhad taken place than they are now. Considered from\\nevery standpoint, perhaps no class of persons would be\\ngreater gainers than liquor sellers, saloon keepers, and bar-\\ntenders.\\nAnother enterprise in need of legal subjection or uproot-\\ning entirely is the secret or patent medicine business. Dur-\\ning a divide-up of property all existing patents and copy-\\nrights would expire. Then every secret in the manufacture\\nof medicine would be made known. Opportunity would\\nexist for a long-needed reform regarding secret nostrums\\nin medicine, in food products, and other useful commodi-\\nties. Few things need correcting so much. While many\\nof these highly advertised articles possess genuine merit,\\nthe fact remains that the people are being swindled upon\\nevery side. Many secret medicines are worthless, others\\ncreate a habit for drugs that enslave, and not a few are\\npositively harmful. Their use costs the American people\\nhundreds of millions in money every year. That their\\nsale goes on unrestricted by intelligent oversight is a pub-\\nlic reproach. Viewed in the proper light, the patent medi-\\ncine business is more in need of legal restriction than the\\nliquor business. Our entire system of medicine, including\\nallied enterprises, needs revolutionizing. Properly con-\\nducted, the transformation could be systematically and\\nthoroughly done. Suppose such a reform, cost fifty or even\\na hundred millions in money: it would be money well\\nspent. Congress might appoint a national commission com-\\nposed of one physician and one pharmacist in each county\\nin the United States to perform the task. Every fact in\\nmedicine and every secret in manufacture could be sub-\\nmitted to this committee. Lists of questions could be pre-\\npared regarding every remedy and every disease, and these\\nlists submitted for replies to every physician and druggist\\nin the nation. In this way a consensus of opinion of the\\nentire medical fraternity might be secured and the real", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "OUn NATION ^8 NEED. 123\\nvalue of every remedy and the best remedies for every dis-\\nease made known. A new system of medicine would thus\\nbe evolved, based upon actual and up-to-date experience,\\nrepresenting every section of the nation and every school\\nof medicine.\\nThe investigation would include not only every drug,\\nbut every formula and secret medicine. The good could be\\nretained and in the future compounded by any druggist,\\nand the worthless and injurious condemned and cast aside.\\nIf ^^Soothing Syrup, Castoria, or Celery Compound\\nare the best for the purpose that can be devised, they would\\nfind an official place among medicinal compounds and be\\nkept for sale at all drug stores in any quantity at a much\\nless price than they now cost. If they are injurious and\\nworthless the people would find it out. A new Pharma-\\ncopoeia and Dispensatory would follow, giving official\\nrecognition of the best of everything in the form of medi-\\ncine. Any druggist could prepare any medicine. The\\nbest combinations would be known. Every physician would\\nhave the entire field of medicine open before him, and he\\ncould prescribe exactly the article best indicated. In short,\\nthe stock of medicines in drug stores would conform to\\nthe new official standards, and embrace every desirable\\nmedical agent. Under the new order of things prepara-\\ntions could be officially examined by public experts and a\\nstandard of purity guaranteed which is impossible so long\\nas secret remedies are used.\\nThe secret feature of the medicine business is unscien-\\ntific and can well be abandoned. If there exists a specific\\nfor any disease, it is a moral crime for any man to con-\\nceal the fact. Laws which protect such secrets are inde-\\nfensible. Yet about 75 per cent, of the medicine used in\\nthis nation is of a proprietary nature. Thousands of\\nremedies are advertised with an extravagance simply as-\\ntounding. Perhaps more people are frightened into sick-\\nness by reading advertisements than are cured by the\\nremedies they laud so highly. In no other realm are so\\nmany schemes launched forth. ISTowhere else is fraud so\\nrampant. Let a secret medicine meet success, and soon it\\nhas imitations a dozen deep. The shelves of the drug store\\ngroan through their multiplication. Nostrums of a pro-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "124 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nfessional kind so bewilder the physician that the practice\\nof medicine is losing the technical range it once enjoyed.\\nPharmaceutical manufacturers flood physicians offices with\\nsamples of their semi-secret compounds, and a large part\\nof the medicines prescribed by doctors is in reality secret\\nor patent medicines. Their knowledge of them at best is\\nimperfect and obscure.\\nThe injustice and injuries of the secret medicine busi-\\nness have never been fully appreciated. Their almost uni-\\nversal use is to be greatly deplored, as much harm in-\\nevitably results. On account of them the usefulness of\\nphysicians is greatly handicapped. They are expensive.\\nThey have almost ceased to be a profit to the druggist.\\nTheir use is never scientific and conduces to ignorance and\\nimaginary results. With certain exceptions they are recom-\\nmended far beyond the range of their actual merits. Their\\nadvertisements disfigure almost every highway and land-\\nscape. They trespass with cunning solicitation over the\\nthreshold of almost every physician s ofiice. In newspaper,\\nin almanac, circular, and booklet, and in language im-\\nmoral, untruthful, yet beguiling, they invade almost every\\nfireside. No war is here waged against the sale of medicine\\nin any form. The aim is simply to force the business to\\nyield to present needs and the common interests of all.\\nThe secrecy, the deception, the evils connected with the\\nbusiness should be suppressed. The composition and work-\\ning formula should be required upon every package offered\\nfor sale. The health and lives of the people are too\\nprecious to be sacrificed for the sake of greed at the ex-\\npense of the honorable name of medicine.\\nWhen the use of medicine shall thus be reduced to a true\\nscience and its practical application to a system, a new\\nera in therapeutics and hygiene would open up before us.\\nThe prevention of disease would, more than now, become\\nthe chief aim of the physician. Institutions would rapidly\\nmultiply for the treatment of defects of the body and\\nmind. Contagious diseases would be driven out by isola-\\ntion. Homes would exist where those affected with can-\\ncer, tuberculosis, and other loathsome maladies could be\\ncared for and isolated from the public at large. Some of\\nthe diseases of modern times are greater scourges than", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 125\\nwar. Their eradication should be of paramount concern.\\nWhen sanitation rises to its proper level, the physician,\\nrather than the lawyer, will become the consulting author-\\nity in municipal and public affairs.\\nUnder an organized system measures which promote or\\ninsure the healthful development of the race could easily\\nbe adopted. Infinitely more than what is possible now,\\nlaws, and that still more potent factor, a wholesome public\\nsentiment, would restrain unwise marriages. In a multi-\\ntude of ways the national physique would be promoted and\\nimproved. Health, strength, and beauty would become a\\nnational characteristic, and the physical nature, now so\\nneglected, would acquire its wonted perfection and become\\na chief element of the glory and symmetry of future\\nprogress.\\nThe manufacture and sale of tobacco might also he re-\\nstricted to the narrowest limits. The manufacture and sale\\nof cigarettes could weU be prohibited entirely. The sale of\\ntobacco in any form to children should be prohibited by\\nstringent laws. The evil effects of tobacco upon growing\\nboys are disastrous. No measure could be more salutary\\nin results than to entirely prevent its use among all per-\\nsons under legal adult age. No conviction regarding so-\\nciety is growing more rapidly or becoming more deeply\\nestablished than that the use of tobacco among the young\\nthreatens the deterioration of the race. When used by such\\nit tends to dwarf the body, sap the intellect, and undermine\\nthe moral nature.\\nWhat is true regarding the use of liquor applies also to\\nthe use of tobacco. Men do not smoke and chew because\\nthey actually desire to do so; it is through the enslaving\\nforce of habit. The majority of those addicted to its use\\nregret that they ever learned it. Its greatest enemies may\\nbe found among its most hopeless victims. But so long\\nas the sight of it, its smoke and its smell invade and satu-\\nrate their pathway they are its slaves. Were an election\\nto be held to decide whether or not all tobacco should be\\ndestroyed and its growth prohibited forever, and only those\\nwho use it be allowed to vote, there are reasons for believ-\\ning that the weed would be condemned by a veritable\\nWaterloo. But victims of an evil habit, like slaves to otheE", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "126 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nthings, seldom voluntarily rebel; yet when once set free\\nthey profoundly rejoice in their liberty.\\nDuring a divide-up of property all gambling devices\\ncould he collected and destroyed and their use in the future\\nprohibited. Under present conditions nothing but the most\\nflagrant and transparent fraud is amenable to the law.\\nThe struggle for bread is so intense that if a man can find\\na subsistence and feed and shelter his family, a marked\\ndegree of crookedness is allowed and condoned. Actual\\nfrauds, if quasi-plausible, can exist and flourish upon\\nevery side, with no one to molest or make afraid. It is\\nnot true, however, that the people like to be humbugged.\\nBut it is true that the vast majority of the people are hon-\\nest, and being upright themselves they believe everybody\\nelse so; and their credulity exposes them to the cunning\\nschemes of the impostor.\\nDuring a divide-up pernicious literature could he easily\\nconfiscated and hurned. We are becoming a rival of France\\nin vile literature, and the looseness of our laws is becom-\\ning a reproach before the world. The sickening details of\\ncrime and the illustrated horrors of blood-and-thunder\\nstories, circulated, aye, sown over the country broadcast,\\nare a crime against young manhood and morals that will\\nsurely reap a disastrous harvest unless the iniquity be sup-\\npressed. Hundreds of tons of such literature are sent out\\nevery year and read with an interest that is unbounded.\\nTo stop this poisonous assault upon developing minds is a\\nduty that cannot be safely ignored.\\nA divide-up and start-even wouldj more than any other\\nmeasure settle the Sunday rest question. When men be-\\ncome their own masters Sunday work will largely cease.\\nWhen they become more impressed with responsibility\\nSunday desecration will greatly diminish. Exceedingly\\nfew are the men who work on Sunday through choice.\\nPerhaps there is not one. The fact that hundreds of thou-\\nsands of men work Sundays simply shows the despotism of\\ncapital over labor. Sabbath desecration, about which so\\nmuch is said, is not so much the result of willfulness as it\\n2s of debilitating environments for six days and demoral-\\nizing temptation on the seventh. Sunday will be kept\\n.when its proper observance is made easj;, and a large share", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 127\\nof mankind will never keep it otherwise. Men are apt to\\nregard laws which enforce moral principles as tyrannical,\\nand they will revolt until the legal commands visibly con-\\nsort with the people s best interests, when they will yield\\nand obey with filial devotion. The Sunday newspapers,\\nthe Sunday trains, and other financial operations on Sun-\\nday are not in response to a genu.ine demand. Were the\\npeople to become their own masters and able to otherwise\\nafford recreation and entertainment, Sunday enterprise\\nwould be reduced to a trifle.\\nA divide-up of property would entirely reconcile capital\\nand labor. They would become a unit. Strikes and lock-\\nouts would be made impossible. Some of the gravest ques-\\ntions asking for settlement pertain to capital and labor.\\nMany vital differences exist between employers and the\\nemployed, and new phases almost daily complicate the\\nlabor problem.\\nUnder our present system improved machinery is be-\\ncoming a formidable rival of wage-earning labor.. While\\nlabor-saving machinery favors civilization, it is a source\\nof constant anxiety to those whose handicraft it threatens\\nto supplant. It is claimed that enough labor-saving ma-\\nchinery is invented each year to supplant about 300,000\\nworkmen if put into use. Labor-saving machinery versus\\nthe laboring man has already become one of the very\\ngreatest questions to be solved. Franklin, himself a great\\ninventor, prophesied that in time there would not be over\\nfive hours work daily for men on account of labor-saving\\ndevices. To settle this question right new power must be\\ngiven the laboring man. He must have a voice where he is\\nnow dumb. Inventions should bless all, not a few; and\\nabove all they should benefit those whose muscle they sup-\\nplant and whose toil they make more productive and easy.\\nBut such is not now the result. Too often they mean more\\nwealth to capital and enforced idleness and poverty to the\\nlaborer.\\nThe remedy for questions involving capital and labor\\nis not arbitration, not profit-sharing, not strikes and depre-\\ndations, but an honest and thorough revolution of the en-\\ntire industrial system. For capital to dominate over\\nhuman lives as a wholesale and national custom is diaboli-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "128 OUR NATION S NEED.\\ncal in practice and radically wrong in principle. To en-\\ndeavor to reconcile labor and capital without changing\\ntheir present relations is to attempt the impossible. With\\none the master and the other the slave^ they will continue\\nantagonistic and incompatible. But when those who work\\nbecome proprietors they will become responsible and be\\ngiven a voice in that wherein they are interested. They\\nwill be clothed with authority. Thus empowered, laborers\\ncould mutually regulate the hours of work as well as their\\nindividual profits. The whims and caprice of capital\\nwould no longer hold dominion over and dictate terms to\\nlabor.\\nIf the Government should own the railroads, telegraphs,\\nand mines, and municipalities the car lines, water and\\nlight plants, and other monopolies, those employed to oper-\\nate them would be under regulations infinitely more fair\\nand desirable than those now prevailing. Each man would\\nreceive a just compensation for his services, and there\\nwould be a personal dignity and responsibility that do not\\nnow exist. There would be no magnates hungry for mil-\\nlions squeezing wages to increase profits at every point.\\nNot only does the vicious in business need to be dis-\\ncarded and labor and capital united, but legitimate and de-\\nsirable forms of enterprise need to be renovated and\\nequalized.\\nWhen a bird clings too long to the same nest it is apt to\\nbecome infested, and so it is with business activities. When\\nlong continued without disturbance deep ruts are formed,\\nabuses grow up, and arbitrary methods are apt to prevail\\nin the most exemplary forms of business. Stock com-\\npanies have no soul and corporations never die. Over-\\ngrown by age, great concerns merge into trusts and syndi-\\ncates determined to monopolize the field, and they are\\nonly too willing to devour every rival that shows its head.\\nCompetition, at one time the life of business, has be-\\ncome almost sure death to the small merchant and the be-\\nginner. In the rivalries between the great and small con-\\ncerns the large enterprise is forced to be aggressive and\\ncrushing in its influence. It is an axiom of business that\\nan enterprise must either grow or decline. There is no\\nstanding still. Most of all^ the large concern must grow", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "OXIR JtrATION S NEED. 120\\nrapidly or become a great elephant upon the hands of its\\nowners. As rivals in business the great concern has the\\nvantage-gronnd. Everything bows to bigness it has credit\\nunlimited, advantages in buying, cheap transportation, the\\ndrift of the crowd, and favor in every detail. On the other\\nhand, everything operates against smallness: purchases\\nare too light, rating is too low, stock is too small, loca-\\ntion is too obscure, people are not attracted. These char-\\nacteristics are evident everywhere and in every form of\\nenterprise. It was recently claimed that in one of our\\nlargest cities ten department stores transacted over 90 per\\ncent, of the business of the city, and that over 8,000 small\\nand medium sized storerooms were empty.\\nIn direct conflict with everything genuinely American,\\nwe are rapidly developing into two great classes in busi-\\nness, in society, and in modes of thought and life. It is a\\ncondition that has long cursed Europe, and nothing but a\\ndetermined uprising will prevent it from settling, like an\\natmosphere of gloom, upon the American republic.\\nBut these large concerns cannot be destroyed. Indeed,\\nthey are not only a natural growth, but a necessity to meet\\nthe requirements of our time. It is not their size, but their\\nownership, that makes them dangerous. A divide-up and\\nstart-even would not necessarily close or embarrass the\\nprogress of a single large store or manufacturing concern\\nbut it would correct the conditions and abuses that have\\ngrown up with them. It would simply change ownership.\\nNor would it be necessary to disband the much-despised\\ntrusts and combines. Trusts are susceptible of an honor-\\nable and useful mission. There are good reasons why men\\nengaged in any particular line of action should associate\\nfor mutual interest. If a just distribution of wealth ex-\\nisted it would doubtless be desirable to have every member\\nof each branch of business, including farmers and pro-\\nfessional men, as well as manufacturers, united through\\norganizations for mutual intercourse and profit.\\nUnder the new conditions, if a trust representing a cer-\\ntain national industry, embracing fifty manufacturing\\nplants, be capitalized at fifty million dollars and employ-\\ning 50,000 workers, instead of being controlled by fifty\\nmillionaires, it Would be controlled by 50,000 men. The", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "130 OUR NATION 8 NEBB.\\nprofits, instead of flowing into fifty pockets, would find its\\nway to 50,000 pockets. Instead of fifty palaces and 50,000\\ntenements there would be 50,000 homes owned by the oc-\\ncupants. Instead of fifty centers of luxury, extravagance,\\nand dazzling show there would be 50,000 firesides repre-\\nsenting all the endearments of home, each one consuming\\nthe natural products of civilization and contributing to\\nthe various forms of society. Instead of fifty capitalists\\nand 50,000 wage-earners, with all the depressing influences\\nof servitude and poverty, there would be 50,000 master\\nworkmen, interested directly in what they do and sending\\nout into the markets of the world goods manufactured\\nunder the reign of the best possible methods of concen-\\ntrated effort.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "They helped every one his neighbor; and every one said to his\\nbrother: Be of good courage. Isaiah.\\nA toil that gains with what it yields\\nAnd scatters to its own increase,\\nAnd hears, while sowing outward fields,\\nThe harvest-song of inward peace. Whittieb.\\nAll that society can do it ought to do to give every\\nman, to the extent of our power, full, fair, and free oppor-\\ntunity so to exercise all his moral, intellectual, physical, and\\nspiritual energies that he may, without let or hindrance, be\\nable to do his duty in that state of life to which it has pleased\\nGod to call him. Lord Shaftesbury.\\nThe man who is in danger of want, or even in dread of want,\\nis not a free man; and the country which does not assure him\\nthe means of livelihood is not a free country, though it may\\nbe the freest of all free countries. In other words, liberty and\\npoverty are incompatible. William D. Howells.\\nThe finest fruit earth holds up to its Maker is a man.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nHumboldt.\\nEvery human being must have some object to engage his atten-\\ntion, excite his wishes, and rouse him to action, or he sinks, a\\nprey to listlessness. For want of proper occupations see stren-\\nuous idleness resorting to a thousand expedients the race-\\ncourse, the bottle, or the gaming table, the frivolities of fashion,\\nthe debasements of sensuality, the petty contentions of envy,\\nthe grovelling pursuits of avarice, and all the various distract-\\ning agitations of vice. William Gaston.\\nLiberty cannot long endure in a country where the tendency\\nis to concentrate wealth in the hands of a few. Daniel\\nWebster.\\nIs there anything better in a state than that both men and\\nwomen be rendered the very best? There is not.-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Plato.\\n132", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 133\\nCHAPTEK X.\\nMORAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCE.\\nWhat would be the moral and social influence of a\\ndivide-up and start-even Would the people be made bet-\\nter or worse?\\nDoubtless there are many really good people to be found\\nwho believe that the effect would be bad. Were the meas-\\nure to become an issue in politics the assumed evil effects\\nwould, perhaps, be the most strongly pressed argument\\nagainst its adoption. Many would claim that the drinking\\nclass would debauch the deeper; that prodigals would in-\\nvade new fields of sin; that ignorance would be given a\\ndangerous power; that improvidence and laziness would\\nbe encouraged; and that even if improvement were to fol-\\nlow it would last only for a season, and conditions would\\nsoon be as bad or worse than they are now. Thousands of\\nwell-meaning men and women would vehemently condemn\\nsuch a proposition as impractical and detrimental to the\\ncommon good. Many would claim that wealth would be\\ntransferred to strange and dangerous hands that it would\\nbe simply sowing broadcast over the land the accumula-\\ntions of generations of labor, economy, and thought; and\\nthat tricksters and dishonest schemers would manipulate\\nthe accompanying evolutions of business and reap a rich\\nharvest. Some would predict that the final result would\\nbe confusion, general devastation, and social and moral\\nchaos.\\nBut none of these claims are supported by either his-\\ntory or facts.\\nThe fact that a division of property would create new\\nconditions and destroy many old and well-established cus-\\ntoms of business and habits of society would arouse lamen-\\ntations among the conservative. But the fact that an idea\\nor measure is new is no argument against it, nor is it to be\\ncondemned because it, in turn, may be followed by con-", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "134 OUR NATION S NEED,\\nditions as evil and vicious as those which it is intended to\\nremove. That a new political party will grow as corrupt\\nand useless as the old ones are, or that new political lead-\\ners will grow as servile to party and as foggy in statesman-\\nship as present incumbents, are not good reasons why new\\nparties should not be formed or new men elevated into of-\\nfice. That a new condition will breed new and even worse\\nevils to be overcome in the future is no reason why it\\nshould not be brought about. Because a child will grow\\nas old as its father is no argument against its birth. That\\nanother drought will come, more severe than that which\\nexists, is no point against rain. On the contrary, the fact\\nthat political parties grow corrupt by age and politicians\\nweak and venal by long experience makes it imperative\\nthat new principles be evolved and new men elected to of-\\nficial positions. The fact that conditions grow unfair and\\nunjust makes a change absolutely necessary, just as the\\nfact that a man grows old and must die makes it necessary\\nthat he be replaced by offspring, or the fact that the earth\\nbecomes dry and parched creates an imperative demand for\\nsuccessive rains.\\nThe claim that any appreciable number of the people of\\nthe United States are incapable of becoming safe and de-\\nsirable property owners is absolutely unwarranted. There\\nis nothing, outside of religion, that may be as safely dif-\\nfused among the people or which is as conducive to social\\nand moral rectitude as the moderate ownership of prop-\\nerty. For four thousands years history has been constant-\\nly teaching that concentrated wealth leads to national de-\\ncay; that poverty leads to vice and dissipation; and that\\nthose who are neither rich nor poor are the chief bulwark\\nof civilization.\\nDuring the reign of Solomon every man owned his home,\\nand the people were peaceful and contented. He had\\npeace on all sides round about him and Judah and Israel\\ndwelt safely, every man under his vine and under his\\nfig-tree, from Dan even to Beersheba, all the days of\\nSolomon. This is surely a remarkable illustration of how\\nman will respect and honor the practical application of\\nwise government and the universal ownership of property.\\nThere is not a spot in our nation, be it ever so crowded", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION^ 8 NEED. 135\\nor desolate, where a moderate possession of property should\\nnot prove a direct and genuine blessing. Such a condition\\nis a part of the soul-life of a republican form of govern-\\nment. Give me neither poverty nor riches/^ prayed the\\napostle. Either extreme is injurious. Safety rests in the\\nhappy medium, and this medium implies ownership. Prop-\\nerty is the palladium of peace, usefulness, and power. For\\nchildhood to be deprived of its benefits is a crime against\\nthe Almighty to get married without it is like starting\\nfrom nowhere, protected by nothing, and aiming at a star\\nto grow old without it is to rob age of its evidence of vir-\\ntue and wisdom and even reproach infinite care.\\nTo assail the wisdom of a divide-up on the ground that\\nthe American people as a whole are unfit and unsafe to be-\\ncome property owners that it would be dangerous to allow\\nthem a business or a competency because they are unable\\nto appreciate and care for them is to assail the Declara-\\ntion of Independence, to ignore the principles of religion,\\nand insult common sense. To teach such doctrines is to\\npropagate anarchy,\\nA divide-up would neither injure society nor impair\\nmorals. And there is every reason for believing that it\\nwould be a great. social and moral uplift, such as the world\\nhas never seen. Overwhelmingly true is it that the great\\nmiddle class ^those who are not rich and who yet own\\nsomething make the best and most loyal citizens. This\\nclass are the backbone of society, the truest defenders of\\nthe law, the safety-valve in politics, and the chief promo-\\nters of virtue and religion. From the firesides of this class\\nof citizens go out the noblest and best types of manhood\\nand womanhood into the world, and their influence is\\nstrong and constant for good. They add new vigor to\\nphysical and social life, they stimulate business and in-\\ndustry, and add pure blood and clear brain to the national\\ncharacter.\\nA divide-up would he a direct specific for the curse of\\nintemperance. It would supply what all other temperance\\nmeasures lack. It would destroy the nests in which in-\\ntemperance is hatched and fostered. It would change the\\nsocial environments of those who drink. It would obliter-\\nate the saloon with its temptations and bad associations.", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "136 OXTB NATION 8 NEBT\\nIt would stop drunkenness by removing the causes which\\nproduce it.\\nFor many years the subject of intemperance has been\\nwidely and earnestly studied. In school, in church, and in\\npolitics it has held a conspicuous place. It has been by\\nfar the most liberally discussed subject upon the American\\nplatform. Temperance workers have been almost guilty\\nof the sin of Ham in exposing his father Noah by publicly\\nparading the hideous countenances, the ragged attire, and\\nthe wretched homes of their fathers and brothers who have\\nfallen victims to wine. But the consumption of liquor\\nconstantly increases. In nearly every State the teaching\\nof the evil effects of alcohol is compulsory in public schools,\\nbut the results of such instruction are scarcely visible.\\nThe country is being constantly flooded with temperance\\nliterature, but the drink curse, with all its attending evils,\\nsurvives.\\nIt is furthermore true that the victims of no habit so\\ndeeply deplore their bondage, and that to none; is extended\\nsuch honest sympathy. Temperance efforts have failed\\nbecause the real root of the habit has not been reached.\\nTemperance reformers have contented themselves with\\ncondemning the use of liquors as a beverage, denouncing\\nthe license system as a curse, and appealing to the con-\\nscience of the drunkard for his pledge and to the honor of\\nthe citizen for his vote. They have not followed the drink\\ncurse to its final analysis. Too much attention has been\\npaid to the results of the drink habit ^the cost in money,\\nhappiness, life, and character and not enough attention\\ngiven to the concrete reasons why men drink. When we\\nsee a man drunk we know the cause: he has swallowed\\nsome kind of liquor. This is self-evident to even a child.\\nBut when we see a man drinking liquor it is not so easy\\nto tell why he does it. Yet the drinking of the dram is\\nthe result of a cause, just as certainly as the staggering\\ngait and maudlin tongue. In fact, the drunkenness, the\\npoverty, the crime and death chargeable to the saloon sys-\\ntem are a secondary consideration to the more basic and\\nconcrete forces existing back of the drink habit itself. It\\nis of far more importance to know where a drunkard came\\nfrom than to learn where he is going. The vital point of", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "TIB NA TION 8 NEED. 137\\nthe temperance question is not the fact that over 1,000\\nboys and yonng men learn to drink and 100 drunkards die\\nevery day in the year, or that over 1,000,000,000 gallons\\nof liquor are annually consumed at a cost of over $1,000,-\\n000,000 to the people, or that on account of these things\\nthe land is filled with crime and shame, misery and want;\\nbut it is. Why do men drink f When this is discovered and\\nthe cause removed, it can be claimed that a temperance\\nreform has at least commenced.\\nEvery student and close observer knows that most liquor\\nis drunk by two classes the rich and the poor and that\\nthe most dissipated class of all is the propertyless wage-\\nearners of the nation. The further men are separated\\nfrom the common level the greater their temptations be-\\ncome.\\nThe reasons why the rich take to wine and luxury and\\nother dissipations are apparent to all. Eiches are deceit-\\nful, hardening to the heart, and deadening to the con-\\nscience. They admit men into a social-circle which is un-\\nrestricted in customs and unbridled in appetites. Eiches\\ncarry, rather than lead, men into temptation, and force,\\nrather than invite, them to habits of dissipation. It al-\\nways has been so and perhaps always vfill be so.\\nBut powerful as riches are as a tempter of mankind,\\npoverty and wage-earning are close rivals. According to\\nreliable observers, more than tv/o-thirds of the liquor\\ndrunk is swallowed by wage-earners.\\nWage-earners spend $700,000,000 annually for liquor\\nin the United States.^^ Said Mr. Powderly, while at the\\nhead of the Knights of Labor A single county in Penn-\\nsylvania, so I am informed, spent in one year $17,000,000\\nfor drink. That county contains the largest industrial\\npopulation, comparatively, of any in the State; $11,000,-\\n000 of the $17,000,000 comes from the pockets of v/orking-\\nmen.\\nThe question arises. Do men talce to strong drinh he-\\ncause they are wage-earners f With certain qualifications\\nthis is undeniably true.\\nTwenty-five centuries ago it was said by one divinely in-\\nspired: He that earneth wages, earneth wages to put it\\ninto a bag with holes, and the same can be said with equal", "height": "3272", "width": "2039", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "138 OUB NATION S NEED,\\ntruth to-day. The thousands of wage-earners who were\\nemployed in rebuilding the Temple at Jerusalem had no\\nmore holes nor larger holes in their pockets than the wage-\\nearners of modern times. For thirty years wage-earning\\nhas greatly increased in the United States, and parallel\\nwith it the consumption of liquor has increased and multi-\\nplied. The growth of no two things has been more closely\\nrelated and uniform.\\nWherever wages are paid in abundance the saloon seeks\\na license and its patronage is well-nigh assured.\\nIt matters but little whether wages be high or low.\\nWherever irresponsible and propertyless wage-earning pre-\\nvails the wages are turned into whisky, beer, and tobacco\\nand into dissipations of every sort with a thoughtless\\navidity that is simply astounding. The forces of heredity,\\nthe impelling power of appetite, the allurements of com-\\npanionship and social influences are not here overlooked.\\nA thousand times no But riches on the one hand and\\npoverty and propertyless wage-earning on the other, as\\ncauses of the drink habit and other dissipations, surpass\\nthem all combined. A thousand times yes\\nWage-earning is preeminently the gigantic curse of the\\nrepublic. As carried on it is only a substitute for chattel\\nslavery. In some respects chattel slavery would be prefer-\\nable, as the slave owners, representing the wealth of trusts,\\nsyndicates, and great industrial concerns, would then be re-\\nsponsible for the food, clothing, and shelter of those they\\nwould hold as property. Mankind should avoid wage-earn-\\ning as it does a pestilence. The capable man who chooses\\na life of wage-earning rather than to be his own master\\ncommits a sin only surpassed by him who worships an idol\\ninstead of the true God.\\nTo work for wages, to be a life-long hireling, is an un-\\nnatural thing to do. As citizens, men can choose their\\nrulers and law makers and express their desires at the\\nballot-box, but as wage-earners in the realm of industry\\nthey are like aliens and dumb. They cannot choose their\\nown masters, nor can they live the lives of free men. To\\nlegions of men, commencing a life of wage-earning means\\nthe surrender of their God-given talents and birthrights at\\nthe feet of capital and, leaving hope and ambition behind^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 139\\nentering the great realm of industry to toil^ and sweat, and\\nmerely exist, and die a martyr to the tyranny of mammon-\\nism a despotism saturated with selfish greed and that\\nwill be rich, and to reach its goal is willing to drown\\nmen in destruction and perdition.\\nMan s normal sphere is a high one. His aspirations and\\nheart, his powers and ambitions need cultivating, not\\ncrushing. His talents are to be doubled, not diminished\\nor buried. The man in men requires exercise and an ob-\\nject and aim. The higher qualities of mind and character\\nneed even more than exercise and opportunity: they re-\\nquire responsibility to develop and perfect their beauty and\\nstrength. Says Dr. Harris, United States Commissioner\\nof Education: The personal conviction of responsibility\\nlies at the basis of all truly moral actions. When men\\nare denied natural responsibilities and turned into mere\\nautomatic machines, as millions of wage-earners are, de-\\nvelopment in the higher and broader sense is impossible.\\nWhen these higher attributes are destroyed men are de-\\nthroned and thus weakened they become a prey to all that\\nis base and corrupt. With ambition checked and hopes\\nblighted men sell themselves in the industrial markets so\\nmuch manual force for so much money and when pay-day\\ncomes, being victims to manhood s defeat, they hurry to the\\nsaloon and to the various haunts of dissipation, to gratify\\ntheir perverted tastes and drown the stinging sense of\\ndespair.\\nIt is the duty of every man to be an integer among his\\nfellow-men, and he who willingly steps down from this\\nGod-intended level sells his birthright. The legitimate\\nfruits of a man s talent and strength belong to himself and\\nhis family. To allow capital to step in and manipulate\\nmuscle, and mind, and strength, and life, in its own inter-\\nests and claim all the profits outside of a stinted and\\nmeager support is to permit deliberate and wholesale rob-\\nbery.\\nGod intended that men should profit by what they do;\\nthat their talents and labor only should measure or limit\\ntheir success and that each should receive a commendable\\nand just reward, not wages, for his work and energy. The\\nliireling is inevitably a subordinate^ an^ bis life is subject", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "140 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nto compromise. Even in the Ten Commandments he is\\nclassified with cattle. Wages is the penalty for sin, the\\ncurrency of submission and slavery, the coin of perdition.\\nIt is the duty of a republic to make v/age-earning the ex-\\nception, and not the rule and characteristic of its indus-\\ntrial life.\\nCapital and labor must become a unit and not remain\\ndivergent interests. But there is no compatibility except\\nwhere the hand that toils and the pocket that receives the\\nprofits belong to one and the same man. There have been\\nstrong efforts made to reconcile employers and the em-\\nployed. But there is no honorable ground of compromise.\\nIt can never be done until the wage-earner is willing to\\ninsult Heaven by taking all that is useful in talent,\\nprecious in intellect, and divine in manhood, and tie it up\\nin a napkin and return it to his Maker.\\nAs a potent remedy for intemperance and other dissi-\\npating habits nothing could be more direct and radical\\nthan a divide-up of property. It would distribute the vast\\naccumulations of riches, remove the temptations both of\\nriches and poverty, give to every one an average possession,\\nimpose upon each a share of responsibility, force every one\\ninto exercise, encourage a definite purpose in each life,\\nand, above all, give to each worker a direct home and\\nmoney interest in the chosen pursuit of life.\\nA divide-up would redeem many who are noiv vicious\\nand lawless. Men can be found who are parasites upon\\nthe body social, political, and industrial. They are looked\\nupon a lazy, shiftless, and a menace to all that is progress-\\nive and valuable. Some of these men are depraved within\\nand without. Among their number are loafers, tramps,\\ndead-beats, and beggars. They are filthy in habit, be-\\ngrimed in body, and polluted in mind. Their blood is con-\\ntaminated by bad ancestry, their bodies are weakened by\\ndepraved environments, and their sensibilities are blunted\\nand perverse. If the earth were to open and swallow them\\nit would seem that the ends of mercy had been served.\\nMany of this class never possessed anything, and they\\napparently do not know how to earn, use, or save anything\\nor even to protect their own interests.\\nBut in America this class is not large and in a divide-up", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED, 141\\nwould play an insignificaiit part. Suppose there are\\n1,000,000 persons in all who would be unworthy of what\\nthey would receive and this is an extremely large esti-\\nmate. We are spending what would be their share in a\\ndivide-up for liquor every year. Suppose we have 200,000\\nprostitutes in the nation. We are spending what would\\nbe their allotment in a general divide every three months\\nfor tobacco. Suppose there are 100,000 tramps in the\\ncountry. We have one citizen who could give to each one\\nof them $1,000 and still be a millionaire many times over.\\nIt is to be remembered in this connection that there is a\\npressing demand that some measure be adopted to lessen\\nthe injury wrought by our criminal class. Criminals have\\nbecome a burden not easily endured. Eegarding our\\ncriminals, Charles Dudley Warner recently said: ^^We\\ncould better afford to take all these peoples, who are limited\\nin number, and board them for life at the St. Denis Hotel\\nat five dollars a day and make money at it.^^ If this be\\ntrue, what a saving it would be to give to each a share\\nin a divide-up, even if only one-half reformed in conse-\\nquence of their new environments It must be conceded\\nthat these classes of people, above all others, need looking\\nafter. They have peculiar claims upon the more fortunate.\\nMost of them are the result of vicious conditions for which\\nthey are not responsible. They are victims, rather than\\nperpetrators, of wrong and disorder. It is the imperative\\nduty of the State and nation to lift them from their degra-\\ndation and indolence. They are still men and women, and\\nentitled to all the ennobling influences of a Christian\\ncivilization. There remains in the souls of most of them\\na spark of the divine, that only needs rekindling and feed-\\ning to grow into a flame.\\nIt is a matter worthy of concern that many of those who\\nare among the undesirable class are becoming the fathers\\nand mothers of more children, proportionately considered,\\nthan more fortunate and desirable citizens.\\nThe human race is *so constituted that it will multiply\\nmore rapidly in filth, ignorance, and poverty than under\\nmore refined and desirable conditions. The birth-rate in\\nthe slum district of a large city has been known to exceed\\nby over 50 per cent, that of more refined and less crowded", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "14a OTIB NATION S NEED.\\nlocalities. In one district in New York City there were\\nnot long since 986 persons to each acre, and out of a\\npopulation of 255,033 persons in this overcrowded section,\\nonly 306 had access to a bath-tub. What was here found\\non a large scale is to be found, only less in extent, in every\\ncity in the Union. The birth-rate in such localities is\\noften enormous, and the children of such parentage are in-\\nevitably biased and bent. They easily become paupers,\\ncriminals, and degenerates. There are already over 700,000\\ndefectives in our nation, and our various penal institutions\\nand asylums are greatly overcrowded. The care and sup-\\nport of defectives and the expense of protecting life and\\nproperty against the lawless and criminal class are becom-\\ning a heavy burden on taxation and charity.\\nPatriotism and statesmanship have no nobler or more\\nimperative mission than to arouse the depressed and de-\\npraved from the apathy and abandon into which they have\\nfallen. The only practical and sensible method is to break\\nup and destroy the slums and haunts of poverty where sin\\nand dissipation have been bred and brooded. A divide-up\\nwould do this. The dingy and dirty hovels would be for-\\nsaken, and homes where sunshine, and water, and fresh\\nair, and room were plentiful would be found. By giving\\nto each of these persons a share in a general divide-up a\\nnew life would be opened up at once before them.\\nMr. Booth Tucker, whose experience makes his opinions\\nauthoritative, says: Four-fifths of the miserable people\\nof our city slums would be born again, scripturally speak-\\ning, under the influence of pure air, good food, perfect\\n.freedom, systematic labor, and the hope of ultimately own-\\ning something of their own. When Christ was upon earth\\nthe common people heard Him gladly the lame, the halt,\\nthe blind, the leper, the prodigal, the harlot and the moral\\nexiles of the slums will live anew when the light and lib-\\nerty of love rescues them from the thraldom into which\\nthey have fallen. ISTone would respond more quickly to\\npractical help. The majority of them would arouse from\\ntheir lethargy and become useful, desirable citizens. To\\nthousands it would be a veritable foretaste of heaven.\\nThe benefits that would accrue to children would he in-\\ncalculable. The ragged, ill-fed, and neglected children", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "UB NA TION S NEED, 143\\nthat swarm in homes where poverty and ignorance now\\nprevail would, more than their parents, profit by the\\nchange. It would not only place each in a new environ-\\nment, but school, church, and social advantage would be\\nwithin reach of all. They would be born into a new realm.\\nIn an article in The Arena for June, 1897, Professor\\nHull, of Swarthmore College, says that 90,000 children\\nhave been sent from New York and Philadelphia to live in\\nprivate homes throughout the country by societies organ-\\nized for the purpose, and that according to careful records\\nof each case 85 per cent, of these have turned out well\\nand only 2 per cent, have grown into evil men. It is\\nclaimed that there are all the time more than 100,000\\nlaboring children in New York City. During the past\\nforty years more than 200,000 homeless boys and girls\\nhave received supper, bath, and shelter free in the various\\nlodging-houses of the city. In every large city such chil-\\ndren exist in surprising numbers.\\nThe history of Australia is an illustration of what will\\nbe accomplished by giving an opportunity to poor and\\ndestitute children. According to the Scientific American,\\nduring the year 1849 the enormous number of 14,000\\npauper boys and girls of England and Ireland were trans-\\nported to the island of Australia. And if 14,000 were sent\\nduring one year, it is reasonable to suppose that other\\nyears furnished a large number. In addition, Australia\\nwas for years the migrating point for a large number of\\ncriminals. It is interesting to note what the history of\\nAustralia has been, subjected to such influence. Of its\\nhistory, beginning two years after the colonization of these\\npauper children, Chambers s Encyclopaedia says: Since\\n1851 Australia has been advancing in all departments of\\nmaterial well-being at a rate surpassing that of any other\\ncountry on the globe. Since 1870 its railroads and tele-\\ngraphs have been increasing at a ratio, in relation to its\\npopulation, far exceeding that of the United States. Its\\ntelegraphic traffic is enormous, relatvely considered being\\ndouble that of Great Britain.\\nWhat children need most is not philanthropy and char-\\nity in the form of foundling asylums, orphanages, chil-\\ndren s homes, and institutional schools, but rather a home", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "144 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nwith a small h/^ and such would be within reach of chil-\\ndren if they represented a property value. Well-regulated\\ninstitutions serve a noble purpose in caring for the afflicted\\nand defective, but to children normal in mind and body\\nthere is no successful substitute for the home and fireside.\\nSays the eminent William Booth, whose experience is un-\\nsurpassed: A child brought up in an institution is too\\noften only half human, having never known a mother s\\nlove and a father s care. And of those without any home\\nat all he says: It is the dishorned multitude, nomadic\\nand hungry from birth, with hereditary weakness of body\\nand hereditary faults of character. Yet it is idle to hope\\nto mend matters by taking the children and bundling them\\nin barracks. What a mine of untold wealth is now going\\nto waste or being coined into counterfeit citizenship in the\\nneglected childhood of the nation What a wise stroke of\\nstatesmanship it would be to give all these children a\\nchance to grow and develop under influences where they\\nwould learn to honor and dignify our nation and its insti-\\ntutions\\nThe same facts which apply to depraved men and\\nneglected children apply with no less force to fallen wom-\\nen. When sin and shame assail womanhood and rob it of\\nits virtue, all human sympathy, it would seem, is forever\\nrepulsed.\\nWhile more than all else fallen woman is a victim, yet,\\ntraduced to its ruin and abandoned in its shame, it rivals\\nthe saloon as a social and moral evil in the land.\\nFew are the women that seek their own shame. Says\\nMrs. Charlton, of Chicago, an authority upon the subject\\nOf the 230,000 erring girls in this land, three-fourths of\\nthem have been snared and trapped, bought and sold.\\nTo supply the demands of passion in men, says J. B.\\nWetty, one hundred families must give up a daughter\\napiece every day in the round year. Says an author who\\nstudied the subject for many years: Women are ruined,\\nin a great proportion of cases, from a mere exaggeration\\nand perversion of the best qualities of a woman s heart.\\nThey yield to desires in which they do not share from a\\nweak generosity which cannot refuse anything to the pas-\\nsionate entreaties of the man they love, There is in the", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 145\\nwarm, fond heart of woman a strange and sublime un-\\nselfishness, a positive love for self-sacrifice, an active desire\\nto show her affection by giving up to those who have won\\nit something she holds sacred and dear/ This is no ro-\\nmantic or over-colored picture. Those who deem it so have\\nnot measured the angelic sympathies and affections of\\nwomanhood. He who cannot appreciate these qualities in\\nwoman is unworthy of her influence. Making all due al-\\nlowance for those who seem to be born inherently depraved,\\nit remains true that through no channel does so much that\\nis innocent, precious, and beautiful flow down to ruin as\\ngoes down through the cruel rapids of woman s shame.\\nWhy should not these women be lifted from their degra-\\ndation? Thousands -aye, the most of them ply their\\nvocation from necessity rather than choice. They deplore,\\nsoul-deep, the fetters and bondage under which they live.\\nDuring their thoughtful moments the lost souls in perdi-\\ntion are not more miserable. A large percentage of our\\nfallen women are either feeble in mind or imbecile in\\nmorals, and their sin is the transgression of others rather\\nthan their own. Common justice and common instinct\\ndemand that we search through the alleyways and the more\\npretentious seclusions where their polluted but pitiful\\nbodies hide in neglected remorse, and give to each a home\\nand a chance to live a life of virtue and usefulness. The\\nmost of them would reform if an unobstructed pathway\\nwere opened up before them. And by uprooting the brothel\\nthe ruin of legions of young men would be averted, as out-\\nraged virtue would cease to recoil.\\nIt is to be remembered that the morally and socially un-\\ndesirable, among both men and women as a class are what\\nthey are because the world has conspired against them.\\nThe elements of self-help and moral courage were lacking\\nin their character, and they have simply gone with the tide.\\nThey required help from those stronger and firmer than\\nthemselves, and failing to receive it when needing it most,\\nthey became stranded. They are simply the debris of self-\\nish social and political systems.\\nIn a division of property it is presumed that the greatest\\ncare would be exercised to give to each exactly the best\\nthing for him or her. Natural abilities and affinities, or", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "146 OUR JSfATION^S NEED.\\nthe lack of them, should be considered. As far as possible,\\nevery life should be placed in harmony with its possessions.\\nIn this way a divide-up could be made a factor, almost\\ninfinite in power, for the prevention of vice, intemperance,\\ncrime, and immorality. Social and moral growth could be\\nmade possible. That ideal condition would, in a measure,\\nbe secured in which it is easy to do right and difficult to do\\nwrong.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "If there be any virtue, if there be any praise, think on these\\nthings.\\nNew occasions teach new duties;\\nTime makes ancient good uncouth;\\nThey must upward and onward\\nWho would keep abreast of truth.\\nA statesman may do much for commerce; most by leaving\\nit alone. A river never flows so smoothly as when it follows\\nits own course, without aid or check. Let it make its own\\nbed; it can do so better than you can. Charles J. Haee.\\nI should no more dread that all the springs and rivers should\\nbe exhausted than that money should abandon a kingdom\\nwhere there are people and industry. Hume.\\nThe great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign na-\\ntions is in extending our commercial relations, to have with\\nthem as little political connection as possible. So far as we\\nhave already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with\\nperfect good faith. Here let us stop. Washington s Fare-\\nwell Address.\\nWhen the wage-earners of this land lose hope, when the\\nstar goes out after that, anarchy or a czar. Benjamin Har-\\nrison.\\nThis should be thy work: to improve conditions of peace,\\nto spare the lowly, and to overthrow the proud. Virgil.\\nThe Government lacks in dignity when it puts itself in a\\nposition where it is either a mendicant asking aid from pri-\\nvate citizens or a weakling at their mercy. Comptroller\\nECKLES.\\nOne thing ought to be aimed at by all men: that the inter-\\nest of each individually and of all collectively should be the\\nsame; for if each should grasp at his individual interest all\\nhuman society would be dissolved.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Cicero.\\n148", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "OTTR NATION S NEED. 149\\nCHAPTEE XL\\nPRESENT POLITICAL ISSUES.\\nThe political field is crowded with issues. Measures\\nrepresenting almost every phase of economics have their\\nadvocates and champions. That a remedy is needed to re-\\nmove industrial and financial depression; to force an ade-\\nquate supply of money into circulation to enable all to earn\\na livelihood and pay their debts to start and keep busy the\\nvarious forms of enterprise; to harmonize extremes and\\nconflicting interests; to restore confidence, contentment,\\nand prosperity among the people^, is a universal belief.\\nThat a crisis of some kind is rapidly approaching in the\\nhistory of our nation few close observers will deny. That\\nthis crisis will be chiefly political is an accepted fact. The\\nstar of progress is leading the public eye in the paths of\\npublic concern. Forward and determined action in the\\nnear future is inevitable.\\nAll legitimate public questions bear a vital relation to\\neach other. An issue, like a law, to be worthy of the name\\nmust be an essential part of a perfect whole. One issue\\nmay satisfy a political hobby-rider, but true statesmanship\\nmust consider all worthy questions. It is impossible to\\nproperly appreciate or wisely discuss any political measure\\nunless other contemporary and related measures are also\\nconsidered. National progress, like physical growth, must\\nbe characterized by the harmonious action of separate yet\\nvitally related parts.\\nAmong the more prominent measures at present dis-\\ncussed by political parties and political economists are the\\nfollowing\\nThe tariff; the financial question; the kind of money;\\nbimetallism; international bimetallism; the amount of\\nmoney needed; the temperance question; the government\\nownership of railroads, telegraphs, mines and other mo-", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "150 OUB NATION S NEED,\\nnopolies; trusts and monopolies; immigration; the initia-\\ntive and referendum; an honest election.\\nTHE TARIFF.\\nA tariff is levied upon foreign goods coming to our\\nshores for two purposes:\\n1. To secure revenue to pay the running expenses of the\\nGovernment.\\n2. To protect American manufacturers, growers, and\\nlaborers by making the tariff so high as to lessen or en-\\ntirely prevent the importation of such commodities as are\\nmanufactured or grown in our own country.\\nWhen the importation of goods is lessened the tariff is\\ncalled protective when it is prevented entirely the\\ntariff is prohibitory.\\nFor a number of national campaigns the tariff was the\\nchief issue; and although at each election the policy was\\nreversed and each part}^, while in power, as far as possible\\nenforced the policy set forth in its platforms, yet at no\\ntime have the results on either side met the expectations\\nof the people.\\nThe channels of business are as wide as the earth and\\nas deep as the seas, and the real benefits to be derived from\\na tariff are transient and limited.\\nThe agitation of the tariff question during political cam-\\npaigns and its discussion in Congress have been more in-\\njurious to business, no doubt, than would have been the\\ncontinued settled policy of either side. Business, by ^sur-\\nviving the ordeal, has proven itself to have a life invincible\\nto political assaults.\\nIt is the policy of all parties to depend upon tariff duties\\nfor revenue to support the Government; yet in principle\\nthis policy is radically wrong. All tariff should be inci-\\ndental. There should be other sources of revenue than that\\nof levying a tax upon the importation of commodities\\nthe manufacture of which employs handicraft in foreign\\nlands.\\nOn the other hand, if goods are produced in foreign lands\\nthat cannot be produced here and these goods are a neces-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "XTB JSTA TIOKT ^8 NEED. 151\\nsity to our people, tliere is no reason why a tariff should be\\nlevied upon them at all when they come to our shores.\\nIn other words, the tariff should be entirely divorced from\\nthe governmental expenses, the salaries of politicians, and\\nevery other financial consideration, either actual or imagi-\\nnary. The subject should be discussed and treated strictly\\nas a business question. Then the tariff could be lowered,\\nor raised, or abolished without conflicting interests inter-\\nposing. It is not good statesmanship to handicap business,\\neither one way or the other, in order to secure money to\\npay political bills.\\nAmerica is preeminently a business counU-y. Indeed,\\nan increase of business is an essential characteristic of hu-\\nman progress. Business in its broadest sense means supply\\nand demand, production and consumption, buying and sell-\\ning, carrying and bringing, inventing, manufacturing, and\\nexchanging living and letting live.\\nBusiness is the life of civilization. It is business that\\nfeeds, clothes, and shelters humanity. It takes the prod-\\nucts of our labor and energy and carries them into the\\nmarkets of the world. No matter how far these products\\nmust travel before they find a buyer, business, if unmo-\\nlested, will carry them to the Orient, to the tropics, to the\\nfrozen zones, or to the half savage isles of the seas. On\\nthe other hand, no matter what our wants or our desires\\nmay be, business, if given permission, will search the wide\\nworld over to find that which we crave and, with the will-\\ningness of a faithful servant, lay it at our feet.\\nBusiness, then, is of first importance. If a high tariff\\nis the best thing for business it should be a law. If a low\\ntariff or free trade is best for business it should be adopted\\nat once. A tariff for the sake of governmental revenue,\\nregardless of the claims of business, should not be enter-\\ntained for a single moment.\\nBusiness is not only an essential factor in civilization,\\nbut it requires channels in which to operate. Eivers and\\nrailroads, harbors and oceans, steam and electricity are all\\ninstruments to facilitate business intercourse. Our bank-\\ning system and our postal system are institutions to make\\nbusiness transactions easy. As all machinery must be kept\\nwell oiled, so it is that millions of money are annually;", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "152 OTTR NATION 8 NEED.\\nspent in order that business may be transacted smoothly,\\nquickly, and profitably.\\nIt must be admitted that a tariff of any sort interferes\\nwith business, and that in itself it is objectionable. At\\nbest it is only a remedy and a corrective. It is to be looked\\nupon as the lesser of two evils.\\nMany believe that a closely adjusted tariff is necessary\\nto prevent American manufacturers from imposing upon\\nthe people, that if the tariff is placed high employers will\\npress wages down and prices up and thus reap a wide mar-\\ngin of profit. It is a widely diffused impression that it is\\nwise to turn the tariff into a sort of whip to be held over\\nthe backs of manufacturers to keep them from being dis-\\nhonest and from accumulating riches too rapidly. This\\nis a gross perversion of the functions of a tariff, and one\\nthat has caused great mischief. There should be direct\\nand radical remedies to prevent dishonest employers from\\ngrinding down the wages of help or imposing upon the\\npeople. It is only a cowardly evasion of justice to ex-\\npect a tariff to protect the laboring man and the public\\nagainst the caprice and cunning of greed.\\nTo act as a protective factor is the only legitimate func-\\ntion of a tariff. And to protect the laboring man it must\\nprohibit. If the tariff is so adjusted that foreign goods\\ncontinue to come to our shores, the inevitable result is that\\nthe American laborer is forced into idleness. Consumers\\ncannot use both foreign and American made hats, or cloth,\\nor silk, or buttons, or any other commodity. Every article\\nthat comes lessens home production just that much.\\nBut m^any think that by having a rather high tariff we\\nwould allow a few goods to com^e in, simply enough to pay\\nour government expenses, and workingmen would get bet-\\nter pay for making the remainder. Politicians have re-\\nduced this theory to almost a hair-splitting science. But\\nhere, too, is a great injustice to the workingman. He may\\nget fair wages, but is kept in idleness much of the time.\\nThis is becoming the lot of legions of American workmen.\\nTo work for full wages on half time is relatively worse\\nthan working full time on half wages. Under present\\nconditions this threatens to become a national and en-\\nslaving curse. If the tariff were placed so high that the", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 153\\ngoods would not come here at all the workingman would\\nbe entitled to full wages; and if the markets were suffi-\\ncient he would work full time. But even here it is to\\nbe rem^embered that the market depends upon business\\nand not upon tariff^ and that the market is the true\\nsource of the laboring man s hope.\\nWhile a protective tariff has become the dominating\\npolicy in the United States, the fact should not be lost\\nsight of that of itself it impedes business in the broadest\\nand world-wide sense.\\nIf we could double our exports by allowing a double\\namount of imports from every nation on the globe, it would\\nbe of great advantage to us. It is an axiom of business\\nthat all transactions are in some way reciprocated. If\\nthis be true there is not much danger in encouraging free\\nintercourse between nations in matters of business, as in the\\nend the two accounts will practically balance each other.\\nWere all barriers to business obliterated, tariffs included,\\nour nation would have but little to fear. Unlimited re-\\nsources, inventive genius, and progressive enterprise have\\nmade the United States the foremost nation on the globe. We\\nare headquarters for the implements and products of civili-\\nzation. We should attract the world to our shores for\\nsupplies. No country has such vantage-ground. We are\\nalready sending far more to other countries than we are\\nimporting in return. We are exchanging the products\\nof genius, skill, brains, and enterprise for those of endur-\\nance, muscle, toil, and servitude. During the fiscal year\\nending June 30, 1899, we exported $1,227,023,302 worth of\\nproducts to foreign lands and imported $697,148,489 v/orth\\nin return. During the past year our exports have been\\nover $2,000,000,000 in value, and the difference in im-\\nports and exports are tremendously in our favor. Our\\nexports are equal to the annual income of 3,000,000 work-\\ningmen. It is an interest far too great and far too prom-\\nising to be curtailed or crippled by a tariff, unless it mean\\nsomething more than consideration of revenue.\\nTHE MONET QUESTION.\\nThe money question has become a prominent issue in our\\nnational politics.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "154 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nThe chief points of controversy are:\\nlo The kind of money that shall be used.\\n2o The financial system that shall regulate its use.\\n3. The amount of money required.\\nThe Kind of Money. Eegarding the kind of money that\\nshall be used, opinions widely differ. The chief point of\\ndifference is as to whether or not it is necessary that the\\nsubstance of which money is made have an intrinsic value.\\nOne side contends that this is an absolute requirement,\\nwhile the opposite side holds that money is an instrument\\nof law, and that a piece of paper or other material upon\\nwhich the Government has placed its official seal becomes\\nof value regardless of its own nature. This is the chief\\nessential point of the entire money question.\\nIs it necessary that money have an intrinsic value?\\nEmphatically, No\\nIf it is required that money have an intrinsic value, it is\\nalso necessary that some substance be found that is exactly\\nsuited for money and for little else that it exist in sufficient\\nquantities to supply the demand for money and yet not be\\nsubject to private speculation; that its value remain uni-\\nform; and that it stand use without becoming worn.\\nGold and silver are both useful in commerce. The sup-\\nply of either is entirely uncertain. They are both subject\\nto intense speculation. They are constantly changing in\\nintrinsic value. Both suffer greatly through wear.. They\\nare both entirely unfit as a basis of the financial system\\nof a great nation. Were actual prosperity to universally\\nprevail, all the gold supply of our continent would soon be\\nabsorbed in the manufacture of personal and domestic\\nvaluables. According to the Scientific American, the value\\nof gold and silver in manufactured articles in 1850 was\\nover $165,000,000, or more than $7 for each person in the\\nnation. Since the above date our per capita wealth has\\nbeen increased fourfold. If the need of jewelry and valu-\\nables made of precious metals has increased accordinglv,\\nit would require over $2,000,000,000 worth of the two\\nmetals to meet the demand. This would bring into the\\ncommercial markets our entire supply, leaving little or\\nnone for money. The world s annual output of gold is\\nnearly $300,000,000, and under present conditions, when", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 155\\nthe great majority of the people are poor, nearly one-half\\nof the output is used in arts and commerce. It is claimed\\nthat the medals, vessels, and other objects preserved in the\\nVatican at Eome would make more gold money than the\\nwhole of the present European circulation. King David\\ncollected over $2,000,000,000 worth of gold for the Temple\\nand for the national treasury, and it was almost as plenti-\\nful in Jerusalem as stones.\\nEven were gold and silver perfectly suited to be used as\\nmoney, they should not, either singly or combined, be made\\nthe legal standard of value. The production of both metals\\nhas been too spasmodic and uncertain to admit of such with\\nsafety. During 1887 the output of the famous Comstock\\nmine was $37,062,252. During this year more of value\\nwas taken from twelve insignificant-looking holes in the\\nmountain side than the corn crop of all the corn fields of\\nNew England, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wis-\\nconsin, and Minnesota combined.\\nA cubic foot of gold weighs over 19,000 ounces and is\\nworth nearly $400,000 as money at the mints. If one of\\nour Western settlers were to discover that his quarter-sec-\\ntion farm was so rich in gold that when brought to the\\nsurface it would be equal to five inches of the precious\\nmetal over the entire one hundred and sixty acres, it would,\\nwhen coined into money, have a purchasing power almost\\nwithout limit. Such a man could buy all property, both\\npersonal and real, on our continent, including Canada and\\nSouth America. He could cross the ocean and purchase\\nEngland, Ireland, and the continent of Europe. He could\\nthen buy China, Japan, and all Asia and Africa. Still\\nhis purse would be full. He could search the seas and buy\\nall the islands. The whole earth would be his. His purse\\nwould still be lich in gold. Not one-half of his money\\nwould be absorbed. He would still have more money than\\nall the rest of the world. And yet the money kings of the\\nworld are zealously striving to make it the unchangeable\\norganic law of the nations that 25.8 grains of gold, nine-\\ntenths fine, shall be worth one dollar, and that this\\ndollar shall be the only basis upon which the value of money\\nshall rest. This law is now a national statute, notwith-\\nstanding the fact that gold dollars are so unpopular that not", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "156 OriB NATION 8 NEED.\\none has been coined in several years, and that the larger\\ncoins are so undesirable for general nse as money that they\\nhave been relegated to bank and treasury vaults and paper\\nmoney is being used in their stead. It would seem that\\nOmnipotent Wisdom, in anticipation of the present age of\\nmammonism, secreted the precious metals within the bowels\\nof the earth and is determined to hold them there and yield\\nthem up only to great toil and labor until mankind has be-\\ncome wise enough to appropriate them to the purposes for\\nwhich they were intended.\\nOur cultivated civilization could appreciatingly utilize\\nin other ways than as money every grain of gold we have\\nor will ever find, and profit by its use. That, on account\\nof panics and hard times, due largely to legislation in\\nfavor of a gold standard, the people should not only flood\\nthe pawn shops with jewelry, but take $4,035,710 worth of\\npersonal adornments to the mints to be coined into money,\\nas was done in 1891, is a reproach, as disgraceful as it is\\nstigmatizing, to our national law-makers. The true mis-\\nsion of gold is to be not money, but a civilizing factor. It\\nwas not used as money in the world^s early history. It is\\nthe emblem of purity and nobility. In the home and on\\nthe person it is conducive to refinement and strength of\\ncharacter. It is a prostitution of the proper use of gold\\nto make it the money of the world. It should adorn\\nevery person and be found in every home. Of it, if possi-\\nble, should be made the chalice of every church. In a\\nlegion of ways could it profitably serve mankind. From\\nmoral, ethical, and social standpoints, a money system\\nwhich requires that a country^s gold be coined and deposited\\nin treasury vaults to protect the national credit is a heresy\\nakin to blasphemy. Such a proceeding is as useless and\\nsenseless as was the setting up of the golden calf for v/orship\\nin the wilderness of sin.\\nOn the other hand, when money does not have an in-\\ntrinsic value, its value depends upon the responsibility back\\nof the authority that has placed its official stamp and seal\\nupon its face. If there is nothing back of the official seal\\nthe money, of course, is worthless. If behind the obliga-\\ntions made upon the face of money rest the wealth, integ-\\nrity, and sovereignty of the nation, then it represents more\\nthan an intrinsic value.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "OTTB NATION 8 NEED. 157\\nUnder our present system a gold certificate is worth 25.8\\ngrains of coin gold, made in the form of a disk called a\\ndollar, stamped to prevent counterfeiting. A silver cer-\\ntificate is worth 412.5 grains of coin silver in the form of a\\nstamped disk. These disks, or metal dollars, will be given\\nin exchange at the Treasury Department for all certificates,\\nsuch as are in general circulation, that any one is disposed\\nto bring. If the disk, or dollar, be taken back again the\\nTreasury Department will give a certificate in exchange.\\nBeyond this the Government is in no way responsible. To\\nswap dollars with the people is all the risk the Government\\nassumes.\\nBut if it be true that the wealth of the nation ^its lands\\nand rivers, its cities and commerce, its mines and forests\\nis behind the money which is issued directly by the Gov-\\nernment, it surely represents an enormous value. Hon.\\nJames G. Blaine, in 1864, holding a greenback up before an\\naudience, said: What is this? A dollar. And it is a\\ngood dollar good for the farmer, the mechanic, the mer-\\nchant, the sailor, everybody. What makes it a dollar?\\nBecause every dollar s worth of property in the United\\nStates is behind it, and the life s blood of every true and\\nloyal American citizen is behind it. And this makes it a\\ngood dollar.\\nIf it be true that a gold or silver certificate is worth only\\nso many grains of stamped metal of fluctuating value, and\\nthat each note issued by the Government directly has be-\\nhind it eighty billions of wealth, the relative stability of the\\ntwo is easily appreciated.\\nThe very fact that gold and silver coin is kept locked up\\nin vaults, and paper money, representing it, must be printed\\nand sent out for circulation, is positive proof that paper\\nmoney is preferred by the people.\\nWhile the claim is strongly urged that no financial basis\\nis sound that does not provide for a redemption of currency\\nin the money of the world, it remains true that experience\\nhas not supported this doctrine. The city of Venice, begin-\\nning with the year 1171, used paper money for over six\\nhundred years. Its paper money was good in every civi-\\nlized country in the world, and the little republic for six\\ncenturies was the pride and glory of Italy. Paper, money", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "168 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nwas issued in Pennsylvania in 1739, ^^resting wholly upon\\nthe credit of the Commonwealth/ and continued for a\\nperiod of many years. Of this period Benjamin Franklin\\nsaid There was peace in all her borders. A more happy\\nand prosperous population could not, perhaps, be found on\\nthis globe. Not one dollar was ever at a discount for coin.\\nIt was received for taxes. It was a currency without cost.\\nSays the Scientific American: William Pitt, under a\\nsystem of paper money, carried the British nation through\\nthirty years of war and left it richer than he found it;\\nwhile Sir Robert Peel, whose system was a gold standard,\\ncarried the British nation through thirty years of peace and\\nleft it poorer, taking the condition of the people as a test,\\nthan he found it.\\nThe Encyclopsedia Britannica states as a consensus of\\nauthoritative opinions: The theory of intrinsic value of\\nmoney has been abandoned by the best writers and thinkers.\\nCoin is not a safe basis. The base is too small. Said\\nHenry Clay: Whatever a government agrees to receive\\nin payment of the public dues as a medium of circulation\\nis money, no matter what its form may be.\\nAt present the value of money is based upon the value of\\ngold. The value of gold, however, is an arbitrary one, the\\nresult of legislative enactments in its favor. Silver oc-\\ncupies a subordinate position as money. The price of gold\\nbeing fixed by law, the value remains uniform while silver\\nis exposed, like potatoes, corn, or cotton, to commercial\\nfluctuations.\\nOur money system, in short, is (1) A dollar shall be the\\nunit of value; (2) 25.8 grains of coin gold shall be worth\\na dollar at the mints; (3) gold shall be the standard or\\nlegal money.\\nAn error quite common is to confound the term unit\\nof value with ^standard of value.\\nBy unit of value is meant that particular unit of money\\nto which all other units or parts of units must conform.\\nThe dollar, regardless of the material of which it is com-\\nposed, is our unit of value. A dollar does not mean a fixed\\nquantity of gold or silver, but it means a unit equivalent to\\nten dimes or one hundred cents. The dollar is to money\\nwhat the bushel is to dry measure, the gallon to liquid", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "OTIB NATION S NEED. 159\\nmeasure, or the yard-stick to the dry goods store. That\\nmoney have a unit of value is as essential as that it have\\na name. Had gold and silver never been discovered money\\nwould have been necessary; and the dollar as we have it\\nto-day would doubtless have been the unit of value.\\nA standard of value, as the term is commonly used,\\nmeans an entirely different thing. It is the result of legis-\\nlation whereby a certain amount of some metal or other\\nsubstance is declared worth a dollar. These dollars, repre-\\nsenting the desired amount of the specified substance, are\\nmade the legal or standard money in business transac-\\ntions. In short, it is legislative interference in behalf of\\nsome metal or metals in the government manufacture of\\nmoney. If gold be the favored substance, gold becomes\\nthe standard of value; and all money must bear a legal\\nrelation to gold. The same fact applies to silver. If both\\nmetals are included the union constitutes bimetallism.\\nThe question arises: /5 a standard of value neces-\\nsary f If gold, silver, or both be adopted as a standard,\\nit is inevitable that all financial transactions, all business\\nenterprises, and all money affairs must at once be adjusted\\nto this standard. As soon as a standard is adopted the\\nchosen metal gradually becomes a dominating factor in\\nfinance and commerce. The minerals of the mines and the\\nbullion of the mints become more closely related to pros-\\nperity and plenty than the muscle and brain of man. Under\\nour present standard a large output of gold is almost as\\nnecessary to the welfare of the people as a plentiful harvest.\\nA panic of gold would be nearly as disastrous and make\\npeople starve almost as surely as a panic of bread.\\nTo claim that a standard of value is necessary is pre-\\nposterous. To so claim is to assert that should our supply\\nof gold and silver cease and the present supply become\\nexhausted in the arts, money would cease to exist and the\\npeople be doomed to financial barbarism. Let no man be so\\ncruelly blind as to conceive the notion that our prosperity\\nand progress are dependent upon either gold or silver or\\nboth together. It is the mission of civilization to make\\nservants, not masters, of these things, no matter how in-\\ntrinsically precious they may be. Eather than that we\\nshould become their slaves, it were far better that they be", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "160 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nagain buried in the Western hills, as when the red man and\\nthe buffalo trampled them under foot four centuries ago.\\nThe idea that our monetary system must rest upon a\\nmetal basis, a system inviting all the evils of greed and gain^\\nis a sophistry as foolish as it is infamous. And for legis-\\nlative powers to enslave the people by narrowing our whole\\nmonetary system to the single substance, gold, a metal\\nwhich at best is controlled by private interests and which\\nmay become the weapon of tyranny in the hands of a very\\nfew, is a species of treason against which every loyal citizen\\nshould persistently contend. Both gold and silver should\\nbe coined and used as money, but neither one nor both\\ntogether should be the standard money of the nation.\\nThe question also arises: Is it within the powers of\\nlegislation to give a value to money? A campaign ex-\\npression, widely quoted, is: An honest dollar, worth one\\nhundred cents everywhere, cannot be coined out of fifty-\\nthree cents^ v/orth of silver plus a legislative fiat. This\\nis true or it is not true. If it be true of silver it is also\\ntrue of gold; and if so, a quantity of gold of unknown\\nvalue plus a legislative fi_at will not make a dollar. But\\nit does. For many years 25.8 grains of coin gold, of un-\\nknown and ever-changing intrinsic value, through ^legisla-\\ntive fiat have been kept worth exactly a dollar. G-old\\ncoin is fiat money. So would legislative fiat make\\n371 J grains of silver worth a dollar. So would it make a\\npiece of paper worth a dollar. In other words, all money,\\nwhether of metal or paper, is the product of legislative\\nfiat. The intrinsic value of the metal of which money is\\ncomposed is entirely incidental and foreign to the principle\\ninvolved.\\nIt is the plain and imperative duty of the Government to\\nproperly recognize the monetary uses of both metals, but to\\ngrant no undue favors to either.\\nBoth gold and silver, to a limited extent, make desirable\\nmoney, but they both should stand on their own merits.\\nThey are essentially commercial commodities. Each if left\\nto itself possesses an intrinsic value. They both are useful\\nfor purposes other than money. The Government should\\nnot add to nor depreciate the value of either metal. Its\\nduty is simply to recognize both metals, coin both as needed,", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "OUM NATION S NEED. 161\\nand treat both precisely the same. Neither one nor both\\nof them together can claim any right to legislative favor.\\nIf 25.8 grains of coin gold or 371^ grains of silver when\\nmade into a dollar are intrinsically worth one hundred\\ncents, and if the people desire to handle that kind of money,\\nthey need no governmental aid to either raise, lower, or fix\\ntheir real worth.\\nUnder present conditions gold mining is as mnch a\\nprivate industry as farming, and the future output is as\\nuncertain as the Delaware peach crop or the prospects of the\\nKansas grasshopper.\\nGold is fickle and deceptive. The production of noth-\\ning has been more capricious or spasmodic. To legalize it\\nas the sole basis of our financial system is to expose the\\nnation to the vicissitudes of luck, to the domination of\\nprivate interests, and to the cunning of professional ma-\\nnipulators. In 1869 two capitalists cornered gold, created a\\npanic, jeopardized a legion of fortunes, and pocketed $11,-\\n000,000 in less than a week. And there are combinations\\nof men to-day who could if they would and would if they\\ndared corner gold again, deplete the Treasury, paralyze\\nbusiness, and bring financial ruin to thousands of homes.\\nWithin a few years gold may be a relic of the past, or\\nit may be so plentiful as to rival copper or brass in house-\\nhold utility. Chemists tell us that the oceans contain\\n60,000,000,000 tons of gold. This is equal to $25,000,000\\nworth to every man, woman, and child now living on the\\nearth enough to build a golden palace for every family\\nin the world and to pave the streets with pure gold, thus\\ntransforming the earth into a veritable New Jerusalem.\\nWhen God said, Thy silver is mine and thy gold is mine,\\nit implied that they hold a prominent place in the world s\\neconomy and that they have a mission as yet unconceived\\nin the future history of mankind.\\nThere are also many reasons why the Government should\\nrefuse to issue gold and silver certificates. This is done,\\nas every one knows, because the people prefer paper money\\nto coin. Except for international purposes or upon special\\noccasions, gold and silver are desirable as money only when\\nthey enter into actual circulation. It is not sound business\\npolicy to buy gold and silver and after it is coined issue", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "162 OUn NATION S NEED,\\npaper certificates for circulation and store the metal away\\nin treasury vaults. If no gold and silver certificates were\\nissued, it would then be learned how little modern civiliza-\\ntion appreciates the bulk, weight, and inconvenience of\\ntraditional coin.\\nBut the Government requires an official money of its\\nown, and an adequate supply should be issued directly from\\nthe United States Treasury. TMs money should recognize\\nno standard hut that tvhich the sovereignty and honor of\\nthe nation supplies. It should be a full legal tender for all\\ndebts, both public and private, at all times and everywhere.\\nUnder such a system the money of the country would be\\ngold and silver coin on the one hand and paper money is-\\nsued directly by the Government on the other. It would\\nsoon be learned that the people have an implicit and un-\\nbounded confidence in the government under which they\\nlive.\\nThe redemption qualities of money so strongly urged\\nby some would harmonize with such a system. All gold and\\nsilver coin desired would be available. They would be a\\ndrug in the money market. Paper money is so much more\\ndesirable that it would soon be universally used. The ac-\\nceptance of paper money for all debts would be the most\\nperfect and complete redemption possible.\\nIt is undeniable that nine men out of ten would have\\nmore genuine confidence in paper money issued directly\\nby the Government, without anything but the national\\nhonor back of it, than they have in either gold or silver coin.\\nSuch money would be given unqualified preference. And it\\nwould deserve confidence. Our finances would then rest\\nupon the most substantial basis possible under the skies.\\nIt would be the money of the people. It would establish\\na financial system as firm as the foundations of the Govern-\\nment itself, and one that would survive so long as the prin-\\nciples of liberty and the sovereignty of the nation endure.\\nBIMETALLISM.\\nBimetallism is the concurrent use of gold and silver as\\nmoney at a relative value fixed by law. The specific de-\\nmand for bimetallism in the United States is that the rela-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "riR JSTA TION ^8 NEED. 163\\ntive value be approximately sixteen of silver to one of gold,\\nand that the coinage of silver be the same as that of gold\\nfree and nnlimited. Sentiment among the people in onr\\ncountry is overwhelming in favor of bimetallism. Nearly\\nevery party has declared for it in some form. At the elec-\\ntion in 1896 over 13,500,000 votes were cast in favor of the\\nmeasure, either to be adopted at once or through inter-\\nnational agreement, while less than 500,000 persons voted\\nagainst it.\\nThe claim is made upon one side that the value of gold\\ndollars has appreciated on account of the legislative favor\\nthat gold has received, and that the coin value is thus much\\nhigher than what it would be if it were left to its own\\nmerits like silver and other commodities.\\nIt is claimed upon the other side that silver dollars are\\nonly worth about one-half their face value, and it would\\nbe dishonest to recognize fifty cents worth of silver as legal\\ndollars.\\nIn a sense both of these claims are true. The gold dol-\\nlar and the silver dollar are both dishonest. One is over-\\nfavored, the other is an outcast. There is not an honest\\ndollar to be found of either kind. A dollar that demands\\nfifty cents worth more than its face value is as dishonest as\\nthe one whose face value is overrated.\\nThe only way to remedy this financial crime is to dis-\\ncard both metals or recognize both as money at the proper\\nratio.\\nThrough forty centuries they have come down to us as\\nmoney and as precious metals, and at a general ratio not\\nfar from that suggested, or 16 to 1. They belong to-\\ngether, and it is futile to try to separate them. Of the two\\nmetals, silver was used as money for centuries before gold.\\nSilver is the better suited for money. It is much more\\ncommon in actual circulation. When a financial system is\\non a metal basis, if one metal be deprived of monetary\\npower the volume of full legal currency is thereby reduced\\nnot far from one-half.\\nBimetallism is in harmony with an invariable law. With\\nfew exceptions all nature exists in pairs and correlative.\\nFrom the Garden of Eden until now everything has its\\ncompanion and counterpart. The brain, and blood, and", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "164 OVB NATION S NEED.\\nbones of all animal life are each composed of two distinct\\nmaterials. Nearly every organ in the body is one of a pair.\\nNearly every human need is supplied by two articles similar\\nin nature.\\nThere are two kinds of animal clothing silk and wool,\\nand two vegetable fabrics linen and cotton. There are\\ntwo chief kinds of grain wheat and corn. How naturally\\nwe associate horses and cattle^ sheep and hogs, rabbits and\\nsquirrels, dogs and cats, and even rats and mice. Our\\ntables are supplie-d with beef and mutton, veal and pork,\\nchicken and turkey, goose and duck, coffee and tea, sugar\\nand molasses, milk and eggs. There are two kinds of fuel\\nwood and coal; two natural sources of light ^the sun\\nand moon; two domestic lights ^the candle and lamp;\\ntwo manufactured lights gas and electricity; two sources\\nof power electricity and steam and two methods of send-\\ning messages telegraph and telephone. Fruits and vege-\\ntables are closely associated in pairs. There are two kinds\\nof potatoes. We have pears and apples, peaches and apri-\\ncots, cherries and plums, strawberries and raspberries,\\ngooseberries and currants, beets and onions, turnips and\\ncarrots, peanuts and chestnuts, shellbarks and walnuts,\\noranges and lemons, pineapples and bananas, beans and\\npeas.\\nOf the entire sixty-seven chemical elements almost none\\nare ever seen alone. Air is composed of nitrogen and oxy-\\ngen; neither would answer by itself. Water, the most\\nabundant substance in nature, is composed of two sub-\\nstances, oxygen and hydrogen; separated, one would blow\\nthe earth into pieces and the other would burn the frag-\\nments, but together they are the emblem of honesty, purity,\\nand divinity.\\nThe atomic weight of oxygen is 16 and that of hydro-\\ngen is 1. Water is, therefore, atomically, precisely 16 to 1.\\nCommon salt is composed of two substances, highly\\npoisonous when separated. Pure iron is but little known\\nand worthless. The best Bessemer steel is composed of\\niron and carbon almost exactly 16 to 1. Scarcely a single\\nmetal is suited to any use in its pure state. They all re-\\nquire a companion. Nearly all are dangerous when iso-\\nlated. There are seventeen elements in the human body", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 165\\nif isolated some would explode^ others would burn, one\\nwould even dissolve glass, and man would become a center\\nof danger and destruction.\\nTin alone is unfit to make a dinner pail. Pure lead is\\nunfit to make type or even shot. Neither pure gold nor\\npure silver can be used for money. All coin is of neces-\\nsity composed of two metals. Every dollar or dime must\\nof necessity be bimetallic. Nature has established an in-\\nexorable law in favor of bimetallism, and she must be\\nobeyed.\\nIn the mines gold and silver are found organically\\nwedded. A noted authority says All gold coin contains\\nsilver which it is impossible to remove.^^ It may be that\\nthe coming dollar will be one of silver and gold 16 to\\n1^^ ^melted together in the same crucible, and when in-\\nseparably united made into a coin combining all the\\nvirtues and free from all the objections which the two\\nmetals now possess as money. It would seem that the\\nGreat Teacher meant the whole realm of nature, including\\nthe metallic world, when He said: What, therefore, God\\nhath joined together let not man put asunder.\\nIISTTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM.\\nIn connection with the subject of bimetallism, the sug-\\ngestion of an international agreement upon the question\\nhas secured recognition in the general issue.\\nIt would consist of various nations agreeing upon a\\ncertain basis of ratio between gold and silver, and each\\nnation in the compact adopting bimetallism upon that\\nbasis. If all nations should enter into such an agreement,\\ngold and silver, related by a specific ratio, would consti-\\ntute the authorized legal standard of value and, to use\\nan oft repeated saying, an American dollar would be\\nworth one hundred cents anywhere in the world.\\nIn what way the United States would profit by an inter-\\nnational agreement in favor of bimetallism has never been\\nsatisfactorily explained. Why we should be anxious that\\nan American dollar be worth one hundred cents and of\\nhigh purchasing power in the markets of London, or Paris,\\nor Shanghai, or anywhere on earth is not easily com-\\nprehended.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "166 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nInternational bimetallism is both undesirable and un-\\nAmerican. There are tens, of thousands of men in the\\nUnited States who refuse to become citizens and support\\nour institutions, yet who are making and saving every dol-\\nlar possible and sending it to the Orient. A still greater\\nnumber are working in our mines and scavenging our\\nstreets, only to return to foreign shores with American\\ngold. Even the matrimonial adventurer comes from\\nacross the sea and captures our wealth and beauty and set-\\ntles it in titled Europe. Thousands of our citizens, as\\ntourists, cross the ocean every year, hobnob with royalty,\\nand save enough by doing their shopping in London and\\nParis to pay their passage over and return. According\\nto a recent report made by the Treasury Department at\\n]N ew York, not far from $40,000,000 worth of goods have\\nbeen thus brought from Europe annually and allowed to\\ncome free of duty.\\nWhat our country needs is a money of its own. What\\nour people want is an adequate supply of dollars that are\\ngood upon our own soil; good for the merchant and the\\nmechanic, the educated and the ignorant, the rich and the\\npoor. If American money should begin to depreciate the\\nmoment it left our shores, and the further it should travel\\nthe less it would be worth, our country need not suffer\\nin consequence and no patriotic American would have\\ncause to complain. International bimetallism is a fraud\\nand a dangerous snare.\\nInternational bimetallism is open to a still deeper ob-\\njection. If all nations were to adopt it the world would\\nbecome one great system of finance. And like all other\\nsystems, it would have a circumference and also a center.\\nThe center of this great financial system would be Great\\nBritain. The world would be one great financial empire\\nand London would be the throne. From this point usury,\\nand wholesale speculation, and the oppressions and dicta-\\ntions of concentrated capital would radiate. London is\\nnow the pulse of the world s finance it would then be its\\nheart.\\nThe measure would enslave all nations to a money\\nsystem. No country v/ould be free. No government\\nwould have an independent financial^ system, nor could it", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 16?\\npass laws to protect itself without first consulting and\\ngaining the permission of powers chiefly alien to its own\\ninterests.\\nThe object wrought by the Kevolutionary War was\\nchiefly financial liberty, and by adopting international bi-\\nmetallism we would, in no small measure, cast to the winds\\nthat which once cost the life s blood of our fathers. Well\\nmight the question of Washington here be asked Whj?-,\\nby interweaving our destiny with that of any other part of\\nEurope, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of\\nEuropean ambition, rivalries, interests, humor, or ca-\\nprice T^\\nTHE AMOUNT OF MONET NEEDED.\\nMoney is as necessary in the channels of business as\\nwater in the channels of the rivers. No matter how pure\\nwater may be, it requires an abundance of it to bear the\\nfreighted commerce of the world upon its bosom; and no\\nmatter how good money may be, it requires an abundance\\nof it to meet the demands of a great and prosperous\\npeople.\\nAn adequate supply of money is imperative. It is not\\nonly needed in large business centers, but everywhere. To\\nbe short of money is a calamity. This truth applies with\\nequal force to the bankers of Wall Street, to the farmers\\nupon the prairie, to the merchant prince, or to the keeper\\nof a peanut stand.\\nSaid the political economist Hume: In every king-\\ndom into which money begins to flow in greater abundance\\nthan formerly, everything takes a new face. Labor and\\nindustry gain life; the merchant becomes more skillful\\nand diligent; and even the farmer follows his plow with\\nmore alacrity and attention.^ The Monetary Commis-\\nsion of 1876 showed that the disasters of the Dark Ages\\nwere caused by decreasing the amount of money among\\nthe people.\\nThe claim is made that there is plenty of money, but that\\nduring recent 3^ears it has sought a hiding-place, and re-\\nfuses to come out and circulate because business ajffairs\\nhave shown a low ebb of confidence. This is half a truth", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "168 OVR NATION S NEED.\\nonly. It has sought refuge chiefly because it has been in\\nthe hands of the few and because it is the wrong kind of\\nmoney. Our money represents gold, and gold is a com-\\nmercial article. Great financial magnates, aided by our\\nbanking system, take advantage of this fact, practically\\ncorner our money market, and wait until money can secure\\nspecial prices or special terms before investing it. Our\\nmoney, based upon gold, in an indirect way does exactly\\nwhat gold did during and after the war. No people in a\\ngreat emergency ever found a faithful ally in gold.\\nIt was the most invincible enemy of the public credit.\\nGold paid no soldier or sailor. It was worth most when\\nour fortunes were the lowest. But, as usual,\\nwhen danger had been averted and victory had been se-\\ncured, gold swaggers to the front and asserts the su-\\npremacy.\\nBut the free coinage of silver would afford only tem-\\nporary relief. The adoption of bimetallism, by doubling\\nthe amount of standard money, would relieve conditions\\nfor a season; but as both metals would be subject to the\\nsame influences that gold is now exposed to, the control\\nof money would rapidly drift into the hands of a few.\\nBoth gold and silver are secured through private chan-\\nnels; the Government simply coins the bullion. They are\\nboth subject to feverish speculation. Gold and silver\\nmines are owned by men wild to get rich. In the end\\nbimetallism, if the two metals were declared the only real\\nmoney, would favor the few and oppress the many. The\\npeople would be at the mercy of the money kings and mine\\nowners and as many of these are aliens and live in foreign\\nlands, serious complications would, in the end, be inevi-\\ntable.\\nWhat the people need is not more money that they can\\nborrow or buy with mortgages and slavery, but more nat-\\nural money, a money of the people, a money that will flow\\nthrough the channels of industry and commerce entirely\\ndivorced from private entanglements.\\nAs civilization increases and the needs of the people\\ngrow, more money per capita is required. Every new in-\\nvention that creates new wants demands an increase of our\\ncirculating medium. Unless the purchasing capacity of", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "OUR N ATION^S NEED. 169\\nthe people be increased, every additional need must mean\\nthe abandonment of some old comfort or the contraction\\nof a debt to secure the new.\\nThere is less of exchange in business than formerly.\\nProducers sell their wares for cash and they buy for cash.\\nGigantic concerns require an amount of money altogether\\nunnecessary years ago. Cash transactions have multiplied\\nenormously, and their magnitude has outgrown compari-\\nson with former times. In one office building in New\\nYork city ^^over 23,000 persons went in and out in a single\\nday, and the business transacted surpassed that of many\\nof our small-sized cities.^^ Business exchanges running\\ninto the millions are of daily occurrence. While these\\ntransactions are not made in cash, yet the more closely\\nthey are represented by actual money somewhere, the more\\nlegitimate and natural they are.\\nWhen times of financial stringency come these great\\nmoney centers are the last to suffer. As the ocean is\\nswelled when the rivers run dry, so when panics prevail\\nin the land financial centers become engorged and hold\\ndominion over the money market.\\nAs only the Government can coin or issue money, it is\\nthe first concern of good statesmanship to see that the\\npeople are fully supplied. When a stringency occurs, it\\nshould never be due to a lack of a sufficient quantity of\\nmoney, but to some fault which needs correction in the\\nmethods of handling it.\\nTHE LIQUOR TRAFFIC.\\nPerhaps no one thing has deceived so many really good\\npeople or so corrupted the popular mind and public morals\\nas the license system. License is wrong in principle and\\nvicious in practice. It is not a remedy for intemperance.\\nIt promotes it. A saloon has the same effect upon the\\naverage young man or a toper as a toy or candy shop\\nwindow does upon the child. It tempts him. It ruins\\nhim. License does not tend to lessen or destroy the liquor\\nbusiness, but protects and establishes it. As an economic\\nmeasure it is worse than a failure.\\nAll license^ regarding tvrongs or evils shouU forever cease,", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "170 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nThe sale of liquor and other injurious things could then\\nbe regulated or prohibited from a common sense business\\nstandpoint. These things should stand upon their own\\nmerits, not upon the merits of the money they pour into\\nthe publi 3 treasury.\\nThe sentiment in favor of the suppression of the liquor\\ntraffic has never been more than feebly expressed at the\\nballot-box. The license system and the drink traffic have\\nnever met their opponents in open, decisive battle. The\\nadvocates of no reform have been so separated into factions\\nas those who desire temperance reform; and none have\\nencountered such gigantic opposition.\\nThere are many reasons why prohibition is strongly op-\\nposed. The liquor traffic is an enterprise of gigantic pro-\\nportions. It employs nearly 1,000,000 men. The annual\\nsales reach $1,000,000,000. The profits are large. It\\npours into our national Treasury over $160,000,000 an-\\nnually. It is, in the form of license, a chief source of\\nrevenue for cities and towns. It is intrenched in munic-\\nipal, State, and national politics. It conducts nearly\\n250,000 saloons, and each one is a center of political in-\\nfluence. In its trail are millions of voters who, to some\\nextent, are addicted to drink and whose influence it secures.\\nIt is organized. It is one solid, combined power. Money\\nis made easily by those in the business; they get it cash\\ndown; they spend it freely and are willing to buy their\\npolitical liberties at the highest price. In its organized\\nform the liquor traffic is prepared to secure everything that\\nunion or forces can produce or that money can buy. It\\nis well-nigh invulnerable.\\nTo destroy the liquor traffic would cut off a great source\\nof revenue. It would throw legions of men out of employ-\\nment. As a single-issue measure prohibition has failed,\\nand is likely to fail in the future, to secure enough elec-\\ntion-day foUowers^^ to win success.\\nThe fact that the closing of the saloon would be of\\nuntold benefit to society and to business has failed to im-\\npress the public mind. The conscience of the liquor seller,\\nclouded by the love of lucre; the conscience of the liquor\\ndrinker, clouded by the love of his dram; and the con-\\ngcienqe of the average Christian^ clouded by the love of", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 171\\nparty, all compromise iipon the same ticket on election\\nday. For over twenty years this three-sided battle has\\nbeen going on, and liquor has won almost every time.\\nEven those who are actually engaged in the cause of tem-\\nperance fail to realize the great battle that is before them.\\nTheir efforts, zealous and praiseworthy as they may be,\\nfall short of what is necessary to accomplish the end in\\nview.\\nDuring a division of property every saloon, every bar-\\nroom, every brewery, and every distillery could be closed,\\ntheir stock and equipments destroyed, and every person\\nengaged in the business find more desirable positions in\\nother lines of action. The sale of liquor could then be\\nrestricted to medical and scientific purposes by proper\\nlaws. Only the purest would be made and their sale con-\\nfined to proper channels. These laws would, beyond ques-\\ntion, meet with popular approval. Appetite and habit\\nwould of course rebel, but their influence would rapidly\\nwane, and in a short time sobriety would become a crown-\\ning virtue of the nation.\\nGOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP OF THE RAILROADS AND OTHER\\nMONOPOLIES.\\nThere are over 180,000 miles of railroads in the United\\nStates. In operating them over 800,000 men are em-\\nployed and nearly $800,000,000 are annually expended.\\nThe estimated value of railroad property is over $12,-\\n000,000,000. While they are operated as private concerns,\\nthey are involved in debt to the extent of $11,500,000,000.\\nThere are over 1,000,000 miles of telegraph and tele-\\nphone wires in the country, the receipts of our telegraph\\nsystem alone being over $22,000,000.\\nOur annual output of coal is about 200,000,000 tons,\\nthe mining of which is one of the leading industries of\\nthe country. Over 2,000,000,000 gallons of oil are an-\\nnually taken from the earth, and it is used in almost every\\nhousehold.\\nThere were taken from the mines of the United States\\nin 1898 gold to the value of over $64,000,000 and over\\n$70,000,000 (commercial valne) worth of silver.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "172 OJJR NATION S NEED.\\nThese great natural monopolies have all become national\\nin importance. There is a rapidly growing demand that\\nthey and other similar forms of wealth belong to the G-ov-\\nernment. They have entirely outgrown the safety point\\nas private enterprises. Together they employ not far from\\n1,500,000 men.\\nIn making the government ownership of these great\\nmonopolies, or any one of them, the basis of a political\\nissue, the question naturally arises, How can the Govern-\\nment acquire them? Would the Government buy the\\npresent railroads, take them without buying, or build\\nparallel lines and, through competitive influence, force the\\nroads now operating to quit business?\\nNone of these plans are practicable. To buy them\\nwould establish an aristocracy. The Government would\\nsimply assume guardianship over a lot of native and for-\\neign bondholders. To take them without paying for them\\nwould be both unconstitutional and dishonest. To build\\nnew roads parallel would be foolhardy. The old lines\\nare, as a rule, just where they should be. Their courses\\nhave become as fixed as the beds of rivers, and new lines\\nwould be a preposterous undertaking. And what is true\\nof railroads also applies to telegraph, telephones, street-\\ncar lines, and to all natural monopolies. As a single-issue\\nmeasure it would be impossible to transfer these great\\nholdings from private to public possession with any degree\\nof equity. It could be done only as the accompaniment\\nof a universal readjustment of property among all the\\npeople. These and all other natural monopolies, whether\\nnational. State, or municipal, could then be reserved as\\npublic property with absolute fairness to all.\\nTRUSTS AND MONOPOLIES.\\nThe formation of ^^trusts and other combinations dur-\\ning recent years has attracted widespread attention, and\\ntheir consideration is one of the most prominent subjects\\nconnected with politics at the present time. While the\\nprimary object of trusts is to lessen expense and render\\nmore efficient and satisfactory service to the public, their\\ny^etl object under present conditions se\u00c2\u00a7ins to be to secure", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "OUR JSfATION S NEEDit 173\\na monopoly in some special line of goods, control the out-\\nput, arbitrarily fix prices, and crush, or kill all discon-\\ni ected opposition. It is simply the method that unbridled\\npower has always adopted to fortify itself and promote its\\nown interests.\\nTrusts represent a large share of the financial and in-\\ndustrial enterprise of the nation. Over 600 industrial\\ntrusts and combinations have been formed in this coun-\\ntry, and their combined capitalization is about $8,000,000,-\\n000. It would seem that our entire manufacturing sys-\\ntem eventually will be under the dominion of this form\\nof combination, more than one-half of it being already so\\nabsorbed.\\nTrusts have been vehemently assailed in popular dis-\\ncussion, and the sentiment against them as now oper-\\nated is both widespread and strong. But they have only\\nmultiplied and become more deeply and thoroughly estab-\\nlished.\\nThey represent a money power without a parallel in\\nall history. They are prepared to buy anything for cash\\nthat is for sale at any price. They have the power to\\npurchase entire congressional districts and whole states\\nat election times as systematically as though such were\\nan ordinary business transaction. They can buy legis-\\nlatures and law courts as easily as courtesy can win a\\nsmile. They could donate to every governor of every\\nstate, every congressman, and every senator an inde-\\npendent fortune, and make of every president a million-\\naire the day he assumed office, and scarcely feel the ex-\\npense, provided these governors and law-makers and pres-\\nidents would turn legislation their way.\\nTrusts are not, however, totally bad. It is only when\\nviewed superficially that they so appear. They are a\\ncomplex organism and are, to no small degree, an out-\\ngrowth of modern progress and improved methods of do-\\ning business. It must be admitted that the capital they\\nrepresent employs millions of people and supports mil-\\nlions of homes. It is claimed in their favor that by their\\nexistence the prices of manufactured goods are lessened,\\nhigher wages are paid, and the public is better served.\\nWhile ^his claim is not, as a rule, supported by facts, tho", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "174 OUR NATION 8 NEED.\\nfailure is due not to the existence of trusts, but to the\\nselfish and dishonest methods followed in their manage-\\nment.\\nTrusts have the power to be the friend and protector\\nof labor. No truth is plainer than this. Trusts fortify\\ncapital and capital employs labor, and whatever fortifies\\nthat which employs labor can, if it will, give labor an in-\\ncreased benefit. Theoretically trusts are desirable. It\\nmust be admitted that if honestly and wisely conducted\\nboth capital and labor would be benefited by their ex-\\nistence, and in addition the people would be better served\\nand supplied. It is only through corrupt management\\nthat they merit disfavor.\\nTrusts represent order, system, economy of force, and\\nintelligent action, all of which are essential to the best\\nservice and highest achievements. In union in business\\nmatters, as elsewhere, there is strength. Trusts repre-\\nsent the thought, wisdom, and cultivated business acumen\\nof thousands of our most sagacious and farsighted men.\\nViewed in the broader and deeper light of business ex-\\nperience, they are not only a legitimate outgrowth of genu-\\nine progress, but they are a direct demand of the times.\\nFrom the beginning progress has made our industrial and\\ncommercial life more complex, and increasing complexi-\\nties have always demanded more extended and thorough\\norganization.\\nThe remedy to employ against trusts is not to waste\\nenergy in futile effort to destroy them, but to annul the\\nconditions which render them an evil. Were they de-\\nstroyed, the individual parts of which they are com-\\nposed would survive and possess wealth and power suffi-\\ncient to accomplish their ends almost as effectually as they\\ndo now. Indeed, most of the evils ascribed to trusts grew\\ninto existence and were widespread long before trusts were\\nformed.\\nIt is claimed that trusts crush the small concerns and\\nmake it impossible for young men to enter business. Yet it\\nis a recognized fact that for two decades over 80 per cent,\\nof those entering business failed. Were a river spanned\\nby a bridge so full of mantraps that fourmen out of every\\nfive that undertook to cross it fell through and were", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 1^5\\ndrowned, it would be a work of genuine philanthropy\\nshould some one so barricade the bridge that none could\\nenter upon its seductive pathways. If the realm of busi-\\nness and manufacture, through the influence of trusts, were\\nso walled in that no new recruits could enter until it oif er\\nmore of success and less of failure, it would prove a blessing\\nto an untold legion of men whose ambition to launch into\\nbusiness is greater than their ability to meet the difficul-\\nties that beset those who find themselves so engaged.\\nIt is claimed that trusts destroy competition. Yet the\\nf aet remains that competition has been so intense for many\\nyears that manufacture and trade have been growing less\\nand less remunerative, and competition, so long the life of\\nbusiness, has become its threatening death. Sothing but\\norganized union can control competition. While all de-\\npartments are overcrowded, there is imposed the addi-\\ntional curse of an army of misfits and incompetents who\\nfail in one line and fly to another and demoralize all, and\\norganized effort is the only resort whereby to make it\\npossible for even the fittest to survive and succeed.\\nIt is claimed that trusts raise the price of commodities\\nand lower the wages of labor. Yet it is true that good\\nprices are the life of trade. Nothing so demoralizes busi-\\nness as the loss of profit through low prices. It is the\\ngreatest menace to all forms of trade the curse most to\\nbe feared. A nation cannot prosper except when prices\\nare good. Measures that promise a demand for com-\\nmodities at good prices has been the rallying-cry of polit-\\nical parties for years. If trusts have increased the ability\\nto pay better wages to labor than what heretofore ex-\\nisted, they deserve respectful consideration. And if trusts\\nhave increased the profits of capital and labor has not\\nshared corresponding benefits, it is to no small degree the\\nfault of the laboring man himself. It simply shows that\\nthe vital relations that should exist between capital and\\nlabor have been destroyed. Both business and industry\\nhave for many j^ears been undergoing a gradual deca-\\ndence. Profits have been growing less and wages m.ore\\nunstable. They have both suffered the scourge of falling\\nprices, and trusts have simply come to the rescue of a\\nlegion of wage-earners struggling for better pay and an\\narmy of employers struggling for betten profits.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "176 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nIt is furthermore claimed that through the influence of\\ntrusts men are thrown out of employment. They do save\\nlabor in many directions, and by combining forces less\\nhelp is needed. With the overthrow of oposition thou-\\nsands of traveling men have been turned away idle. While\\nthis is all wrong, it cannot be said that the trusts are an\\nevil in consequence. Labor-saving machinery should be\\na blessing, and if trusts economize labor they should on\\nthis account be a real blessing, and would be if just and\\nnatural relations existed between capital and labor.\\nIt is to be remembered also that while trusts are a new\\ninvention, the evils now being ascribed to them have ex-\\nisted for years. The cause of these evils arises outside of\\ncombinations. While few or no trusts have been formed\\nin Europe, the same evils prevail there to an extent even\\ngreater than they do in our own land.\\nAs an illustration of what organization regarding sup-\\nply and demand will accomplish, take four of our leading\\nreligious denominations Methodist, Catholic, Presby-\\nterian and Congregational. The Methodist and Catholic\\nchurches are systematically organized; the Presbyterian\\nand Congregational are not. In the Methodist Church\\npractically every pulpit in the United States has a\\npreacher and every preacher has a pulpit, and in the Cath-\\nolic Church every priest has a parish and every parish a\\npriest, while in the Presbyterian Church at one time there\\nwere nearly 1,000 pulpits vacant and more than this num-\\nber of preachers idle, and according to a recent report of\\nthe Congregational Church there are 1,011 churches un-\\nsupplied and 1,559 ministers without a charge. From a\\nmoney standpoint, moreover, the Methodist pulpit and\\nthe Catholic parish, on account of system and organiza-\\ntion, are perhaps the best two financial institutions in\\nAmerica. If these two denominations had no system re-\\ngarding supply and demand, being so much larger than\\nthe smaller bodies mentioned, the same conditions would\\nmean nearly 5,000 pastors idle and ahout 8,000 churches\\nunsupplied. These facts conclusively prove organization\\nto be a factor too powerful to be destroyed and too potent\\nfor good to be ruthlessly condemned.\\nFarming^ medicine^ law^ merchauidising^ and otlie:r YO-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 177\\ncations suffer greatly through lack of organization.\\nFarming has almost ceased to pay. The average physi-\\ncian has an income disgracefully small. The drug busi-\\nness, once so profitable, on account of unrepelled competi-\\ntion has almost ceased to be remunerative. Taking into\\naccount the services rendered, it is considered the least\\nprofitCuble business in the nation, and the number of drug\\nstores for two years decreased at the rate of nearly 1,000\\nannually.\\nOppose organization if we will, destroy all combinations\\nof capital if we must, yet the fact remains that they rep-\\nresent a force that, if properly directed and utilized, would\\nbe productive of great good. Trusts can be made to fill a\\nmost beneficent mission.\\nThe lesson to le learned is that while trusts are a great\\npower, the people are still more powerful. The duty of\\nthe people is to no longer allow them to dominate as mas-\\nter, but to subdue them and make of them servants. Po-\\nlitical parties are already making a target of trusts. Yet\\ninsignificant and lame have been the remedies suggested\\nto destroy the evil so loudly condemned.\\nLet it be granted that trusts as now conducted are an\\nevil and that we would be better off without them; the\\nfact remains that it would be wiser still to let them live,\\nbut bring them under subjection. It would be a -mistake\\nnot without grave consequences to allow ourselves, im-\\npelled by political zeal, to destroy combinations of capital\\nand enterprise without first calmly and carefully investi-\\ngating the legitimate claims they hold upon modern prog-\\nress and the systems of business that inevitably outgrow\\ntherefrom. The duty of the hour is to arise to the occa-\\nsion ^no longer allow the trusts to benefit a few, but to\\nmake their blessings extend to all.\\nThe real remedy for trusts and all combinations of cap-\\nital is a division of property to diffuse their wealth\\namong the toiling millions who support them by their\\nlabor. If a hundred, a thousand, or a hundred thousand\\nmen are engaged in the manufacture of hats, sewing ma-\\nchines, calico, children s toys, bricks, or any other com-\\nmodity, and representing a corresponding investment of\\ncapital, there are no reasons why these men should not be", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "178 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nassociated together for their own benefit and for the good\\nof their business. No principle but a wicked one would\\noppose such a combination, and no law but a vicious one\\nwould prohibit it. Let us learn that related harmony and\\norder is as desirable in business affairs as in government.\\nWere trusts purged of watered stock, their average cap-\\nital evidently would not be far from $1,000 for each per-\\nson employed. Reliable data v,dll almost invariably show\\nthis. One great trust capitalized at $25,000,000 employs\\n25,000 men exactly $1,000 for each. One of our largest\\nmercantile houses has a capital of $7,000,000 and employs\\n7,000 persons exactly the same ratio. Evidently cap-\\nital and labor, in their relations and ratio to each other,\\nare governed, like supply and demand, by well-defined nat-\\nural laws.\\nShould a division of property be decided upon, the ex-\\nistence of trusts and combinations would greatly facili-\\ntate proceedings. They would become foundations on\\nwhich to construct a new industrial system. The $6,000,-\\n000,000 or $8,000,000,000 less inflation, now invested by\\na few millionaires and combined in trusts would become\\nthe property of millions of persons, embracing alike the\\nfew who now own all and the many who own nothing.\\nViewed aright, trusts are simply a step toward indus-\\ntrial liberty. The distribution of property thus organ-\\nized and valued would be a plain formality rather than\\nthe array of perplexing details inevitable under other cir-\\ncumstances. By thus settling the problems incurred by\\nthe advent of trusts, natural progress would not only be\\nstimulated, but it would continue undisturbed in its true\\nand legitimate channels. Trusts are now a benefit to the\\nfew. They are now a union of influence confined to con-\\ncentrated capital. In practice the members of trusts are\\nsocialists. Trusts themselves are as socialistic as the Rus-\\nkin Colony. They are a veritable proof from the realm\\nof greed and money lustfthat the principle of all things\\nin common is profitable even in cold, practical business.\\nAfter a division of wealth they would be a benefit to all.\\nBy becoming the pathway leading up to a division of\\nproperty, it would be seen that trusts were not a curse, but\\na blessing, and that those who founded them were not", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "OUR J^ATIOJSr 8 JSTEED. 179\\ntyrants or traitors, but benefactors, and builded wiser than\\nthey knew.\\nOne of the most significant effects of trusts is their in-\\nfluence upon commercial travelers. There are 350,000\\ntraveling salesmen in the United States. A large percent-\\nage of them have already been turned idle, and the sal-\\naries of as many more jeopardized on account of the labor-\\nsaving features of business combinations. This is not only\\nunfair it is downright wickedness. Traveling salesmen\\nhave been the chief factor in the growth of modern en-\\nterprise. As educators of business men throughout the\\ncountry their influence has been incalculable. They have\\nbeen a propelling force without which the rapid develop-\\nment of modern enterprise v/ould have been impossible.\\nNo class of men have sacrificed so much; none have accom-\\nplished more; and considering the intensity of their la-\\nbors, none have been so poorly remunerated. For them\\nto be ruthlessly turned idle is an act which sinks to the\\nlevel of a crime. The business of the nation, in common\\njustice, to no small degree belongs to them. Through\\nlong years of travel and toil they have not only earned it,\\nbut established it, cared for it, and made it what it is. As\\na class they are men of high character, of marked ability\\nand keen intelligence.\\nThe only wise and honorable course open to traveling\\nsalesmen is for them to demand a division of property\\nand thus acquire a financial interest in the goods they sell.\\nThis would at once establish the proper relations that\\nshould always exist between goods and the act of selling\\nthem.\\nThere is a special responsibility surrounding the selling\\nof goods entirely too little appreciated. At no time does\\na thing come more in touch with our life and character\\nthan when we try to sell it. The selling of goods brings\\ninto exercise all the accomplishments of business train-\\ning. Nothing requires more integrity, intelligence, and\\ntact. It might be claimed that no man has a right to en-\\ngage in the selling of goods as his life-work unless he have\\na direct financial interest in the same as owner. While\\nownership may not insure the highest degree of honor at\\nall times, yet it .is the best guarantee of it. The custom,", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "ISO OUR NATION S NEED.\\nso long in vogue, of harnessing professional salesmen\\nand sending them out over the country to sell goods, with\\nno responsibility except to employers, with no interest ex-\\ncept contingent profits, and depending for success upon\\nthe high art of strategy and a captivating tongue, is fast\\nlosing its force and should be abandoned. Every pur-\\nchaser has the right to demand that he procure goods under\\nthe most favorable conditions, but such will not be pos-\\nsible until every salesman is, to some extent, owner. As\\na matter of principle, it is the duty of traveling salesmen\\nto demand the adoption of such a measure. No class of\\nmen could wield so great an influence in behalf of the\\ncause. Were the entire 350,000 traveling salesmen to en-\\nlist as earnest and faithful champions of a divide-up of\\npropertv, the agitation of the question would become uni-\\nversal and its ultimate adoption would be little less than\\nassured.\\nIMMIGRATION\\nThe United States is a republic. The mission of its\\ncitizens is to make it the happiest and most prosperous\\nnation on the earth. It now has a population of nearly\\n80,000,000. It could easily support over 1,000,000,000\\npeople, or more than twelve times its present population.\\nImmigration constantly adds to our numbers. For the\\npast seventeen years an annual average of nearly 500,000\\nforeigners have landed upon our shores. They have come\\nfrom every clime and represent every phase of life and\\ncharacter. Many of them are to be classed among our\\nbest and most useful citizens. Others have been a con-\\nstant menace to our peace, our laws, and our institutions.\\nImmigrants, much more than our own natives, represent\\nextremes of intelligence and ignorance, virtue and vice.\\nAmerica in her early history was a refuge for the vir-\\ntuous and oppressed, but there is danger of its becoming\\nthe resort of the criminal and debased. We have been\\nBO loud and reckless in vaunting American liberty to the\\nworld that a vast horde, hungry for this sort of thing, have\\ninvaded our shores, and they are so prodigal with their\\nnew privileges that there is scarcely enough liberty to go\\naround. This class have corrupted our politics, polluted", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 181\\nour cities, demoralized American labor, and lowered our\\nsocial standard.\\nThat strict immigration laws be enacted and rigidly en-\\nforced is imperative. JSTot only should we shut out the\\nilliterate, but, above all, the criminal and vicious, the\\nshiftless and indolent. It would not be amiss to require\\na reliable certificate of character and subjection to a med-\\nical examination from all who seek a home among us. It\\nis an accepted principle that the Almighty will not help\\nthose who are unwilling to help themselves, and the sooner\\nthis principle becomes a settled policy regarding immigra-\\ntion the less will the country suffer.\\nBut the United States needs more people. Indeed, to\\nincrease her population should be a constant aim. We\\ncannot get too many people of the proper sort. Few\\nthings redound more to the credit of a state or city or\\nlocality than a constant and substantial increase in popu-\\nlation.\\nAll cities and almost all towns have boards of trade\\nand other organized forces the object of which is to secure\\nmanufacturing and other interests, knowing that men,\\nwith their families, will follow. Even large sums of\\nmoney are often willingly and wisely given as a bonus,\\nland is donated, taxes rebated, and other concessions made\\nin order to secure those industries and enterprises which\\nemploy handicraft and attract home-builders.\\nWhile America ought to refuse the vicious, it should\\nmake a strong bid for the best brain and muscle of the\\nworld. It should continue to be the refuge for men and\\nwomen with an upward aim in life, no matter what their\\ncondition or from whence they might come.\\nA vigorous policy that should exclude the criminal and\\ndepraved would at once attract those with higher aims and\\nmotives. The United States is in a position to invite the\\nbest manhood and womanhood everywhere. Here should\\nbe the center and the highest development of the Anglo-\\nSaxon race. When we get the best mechanics and other\\nrequisites we produce the best goods, and when we do\\nthis the world will seek them and buy them here.\\nParis is the center of fashion, and in consequence France\\nreaps all the profits and advantages that a precedent ia", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "182 OUR NATION S NEED,\\nfashion can insure. London is the center of the world s\\nmoney power, and as a result England reaps all the bene-\\nfits that a precedent in gold-standard heresy can bring.\\nSo it is possible for the United States to establish a prece-\\ndent that shall be characteristic of its life and institu-\\ntions. Our precedent should not allure the devotees of\\nfashion or beguile the worshipers at the shrine of Mam-\\nmon; it should be such as will attract all honest blood and\\nbrain to our shores that seek and can appreciate in the\\nhighest sense the benefits of life, liberty, and the pursuit\\nof happiness.\\nTHE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM.\\nDirect legislation, or tlie initiative and referendum, is\\na movement to secure a reform in the methods of enacting\\nlaws. It originated in Switzerland, the youngest of all re-\\npublics.\\nIt consists in extending the law-making powers to the\\npeople. It is a true democratic government, wherein the\\npeople have the power to originate laws and repeal them,\\ninstead of delegating these powers to representatives, as\\nin other countries.\\nThe plan has been in successful operation in Switzer-\\nland since 1874, it having, in the meantime, undergone\\nsome improvements. The system has been so satisfactory\\nthat it is attracting widespread attention, and throughout\\nthe United States efforts are being made to secure its\\nadoption.\\nIt is not only a success, but it is establishing the im-\\nportant and too easily forgotten fact that it is entirely\\nsafe to intrust the governmental affairs of a nation directly\\nto the people.\\nSwitzerland, through the operation of the system, has\\nbeen enabled to adopt many reforms that would otherwise\\nhave been impossible. The republic already owns its tele-\\ngraphs and is negotiating for its railroads. A chief ad-\\nvantage of the system is that it has proven to be a great\\neducator of the people. It brings every voter in close\\ntouch with legislative proceedings, and popular interest is\\nkept alive and the diffusion of economic intelligence pro-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "OVR NATION S NEED. 183\\nmoted to the highest degree. The measure is being dili-\\ngently advocated in the United States, many of OTir best\\nscholars and statesmen heartily indorse it, and it will\\ndoubtless soon become embodied as a part of \u00c2\u00a9ur organic\\ngovernmental system.\\nElection reform must also always include improvements\\nin methods. United States Senators should be elected by\\nthe direct vote of the people. Few measures are more in\\nneed of adoption. The IJnited States Senate has degen-\\nerated, and its degradation will continue until machine\\npolitics cease to dictate who shall occupy its chairs. So\\nlong as money and %oss influence, instead of votes, makes\\nSenators, the true interests of the people will be ignored.\\nOur present system of electing Senators is a remnant of\\nmonarchy. Its continuance can only block and impede\\nprogress. It is totally incompatible with the higher and\\nbroader forms of republicanism.\\nAN HOTTEST ELECTIOlSr.\\nThe right of suffrage is the chief pillar in our national\\nstructure, and an honest ballot is the foundation-stone\\nupon which that pillar rests.\\nAn honest ballot and a fair count is the j rst and per-\\nhaps the greatest issue in American politics. Upon se-\\ncuring these depends the success of all other desirable\\nmeasures.\\nCorruption is, it would seem, the sheet-anchor of the\\nmodern politician. Sentiments and policies are manu-\\nfactured to suit the occasion, and clubs of voters are\\nformed and sold out to the highest bidder, like so many\\nsheep, or collected and sold by the dozen, like eggs. To\\nmeet these contingencies the richest, and in some respects\\nthe best men we have chip in and buy stuffing for the\\nballot-box with as much zeal and earnestness as though it\\nwere clothing for the naked or food for the starving. The\\npublic conscience is quick and tender at many points, but\\non the side of politics it is well-nigh dead. In order to\\nelect a legislator, a governor, or a president, men will re-\\nsort to all the schemes known to trickery and infamy, and\\nwhen their design is accomplished they will settle down", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "184 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nas complacently and with as much dignity as though their\\nsuccess were due to a special interference of the Omnipo-\\ntent. Honesty is almost completely overshadowed in poli-\\ntics, because to the bribe-taker it is a most profitable field,\\nwhile to the honest man it offers little pay. It is reliably\\nstated that presidential elections have cost from $10,000,-\\n000 to $15,000,000. Future triumphs of the money power\\nwill cost increasing amounts. Some part of the money\\nexpended at such times goes for legitimate purposes, but\\nthe most of it is spent in a way to secure the most votes,\\nand no questions are asked.\\nBribery promises to become a political high art and the\\nchief dependence in carrying the elections. Laws against\\nit are almost a dead letter. The surprising thing about it\\nis that really good men resort to it. None but sinners\\nwill sell their votes, but apparently Christians of the most\\ncircumspect class will contribute money to buy them.\\nOf all political questions, that of bribery and dishonesty\\nis perhaps the most difficult to meet. There is but one\\nsure remedy an election in which honesty, loyalty to\\nprinciple, and adherence to convictions pay better than\\nthe offers of the bribe-giver. Level the possessions of\\nwealth and bribery will become next to impossible. When\\nstatesmanship offers the people what belongs to them\\nthe rich legacies and opportunities of a free country\\nmillionaire politicians will be outdone.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "And they shall build houses and inhabit them; and they\\nshall plant vineyards and eat the fruit of them. They shall\\nnot buiid and another inhabit; they shall not plant and an-\\nother eat. Isaiah.\\nIn the world s broad field of battle,\\nIn the bivouac of life.\\nBe not like dumb, driven cattle;\\nBe a hero in the strife.\\nHenry W. Longfellow.\\nThe great question of the future is money against legisla-\\ntion. My friends, you and I will be in our graves long before\\nthe battle is ended; and unless our children have more cour-\\nage and patience than saved this country from slavery, re-\\npublican institutions will go down before moneyed corpora-\\ntions. Wendell Phillips.\\nEvery real thought on every real subject knocks the wind\\nout of somebody or other. As soon as his breath comes back\\nne very probably begins to expend it in hard words. These\\nare the best evidences a man can have that he has said some-\\nthing it was time to say. Oliver Wendell Holmes.\\nThe American people are interested in but two things, re-\\nligion and politics, and of these their schoolmasters are per-\\nmitted to know nothing. ^Max O Rell.\\nOf all the forms in which corruption can present itself, the\\nbribery of office is the most dangerous, because it assumes\\nthe guise of patriotism to accomplish its fatal sorcery. We\\nare often asked, Where is the evidence of corruption? Have\\nyou seen it? You might as well expect to see the embodied\\nforms of pestilence and famine stalking before you as to see\\nthe latent operations of this insidious power. George M.\\nDUFFIE.\\n186", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 187\\nCHAPTER XIL\\nA DIVIDE-UP AS A POLITICAL ISSUE.\\nPolitics is the science of government. Its operation in i\\na republic like ours is the vital force that sustains the na-l\\ntional life. Nothing is so potent for good or evil. When\\ndominated by error or wrong it fills the land with dread.\\nWhen guided by correct and lofty motives it is our bul-\\nwark of safety. Politics has made our history. Through\\nit as a medium we must win our victories. To it are in-\\ntrusted our private fortunes and our public destinies.\\nPolitics enthrones all with a sacred trust. It is the holy\\nark within which are the oracles of law and the liberties\\nof free citizenship. To ignore politics is anarchy; to pol-\\nlute it is treason.\\nWhat the country needs most is a new era in politics,\\nand what politics needs most is new issues, new men, and\\nmodern methods.\\nTo advocate a divide-up would bring a new and ex-\\ntraordinary power into the political field. Party lines\\nwould be drawn from new standpoints and party prin-\\nciples would rest upon a new basis.\\nTo divide up and start even as a political issue would\\nin no sense be a fantastical theory or a complicated dogma.\\nIt would not be a many-sided, complex, and confusing\\nmystery that only a few could understand. It would not\\nbe a fraud, a sham issue, a magnified farce, fostered and\\nfanned by either demagogues or fanatics to fool the peo-\\nple. Even a child could understand it, and every intelli-\\ngent citizen would know exactly what he was voting for.\\nAs a political issue it would cover the entire country.\\nIt would be exactly as big as the United States. It would\\ninterest all parts of the country alike. It would reach the\\nfamily occupying the most remote corner of Maine, or\\nFlorida, or California, or the State of Washington. Every\\nstate, every county, every city and town, every family and", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "188 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nfireside, every man, woman and child wonld receive just\\nrecognition. The nation would become a unit. Faction\\nfights would be forgotten. Voters would face an entirely\\nnew front. All sectional differences between the North and\\nthe South, the East and the West would be obliterated. It\\nwould be the cause not of a class or faction, but of all the\\npeople.\\nIt would be a gigantic issue. In its magnitude and\\nscope it would be without a parallel in all history. But it\\nis to be remembered that our nation has become a great\\ncountry. It would not surpass in magnitude the nation\\nitself or the duties of its statesmen.\\nA divide-up would mean the lifting of over $50,000,-\\n000,000 worth of property from its present moorings and\\ntransferring it into the possession of 50,000,000 people\\nwho now possess little or nothing. This is more wealth\\nand more people than the entire nation possessed twenty\\nyears ago. But a tremendous power is needed to free en-\\nslaved citizenship, to destroy political corruption, and\\npurify the ballot-box. No force yet devised has been able\\nto correct these great powers of evil. The mistake made\\nis that men conceive the idea that these things can be cor-\\nrected or destroyed without cost. The great defect in\\npresent political issues is that they lack the element of\\nforce. They fail to secure a following. They are too\\nlocal, too narrow, too fQ^tional, and fail to secure the\\nalliance required to win. We try to prune instead of up-\\nrooting. We cultivate sentiment, but drown convictions;\\nwe endeavor to reform, but avoid revolutions.\\nThe history of almost any campaign shows the utter\\nhopelessness of ordinary reform issues, be they ever so de-\\nsirable or essential to the public good. During the quiet\\ninterim between elections such issues are born and grow\\nwith much promise of success. They are usually cham-\\npioned by able and courageous men. They enter the po-\\nlitical field full of vigor and hope. They are advocated\\nwith all the intensity of conviction and appeal to the high-\\nest and noblest in men. But when a political campaign\\narrives party war-horses become aroused and the tradi-\\ntional hosts rally around the fossilized party banners and\\nfollow the call of their masters. All the tricks of political", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "OUM NATION S NEED. 189\\nart begin to operate. Paid orators befog the air over issues\\nantiquated and dead. A subsidized press, like a myriad\\nof vassals, day by day not only distort facts and delude\\nthe people, but with figures ridiculously small and predic-\\ntions cunningly dwarfed hopelessly blight the prospects of\\nevery new issue. The conservative factions of the old par-\\nties will, if need be, join forces in order to make their per-\\nmanent supremacy secure. Money flows freely and men\\nare bought and sold like sheep. Brass bands and badges,\\nsky-roc4cefs and parades win the floaters and fickle in\\nfaith. These thin^^s, with increasing intensity, are kept\\nup until election day. When the struggle is ended and\\nthe votes counted the reform issue finds itself defeated and\\nperhaps dead and buried in oblivion. These facts teach\\nus that an issue to succeed must be greater than the do-\\nminions of party or party bosses stronger than the power\\nof money or the slavery of labor deeper than the indiffer-\\nence of the masses or the apathy of ignorance.\\nWe must learn the fact that only a great question will\\narouse the people and win in politics. When reform\\nmeasures do triumph they almost invariably fail to ac-\\ncomplish their intended end. Said the Hon. John Wana-\\nmaker, Americans merchant prince, in a recent important\\naddress Pennsylvania has not made an inch-step of real\\nadvance in good government for thirty years. She has\\ntalked about it, marched and countermarched under and\\nover all sorts of platforms and pledges of reform, and\\nlanded every time at the same old place.^ And what is\\ntrue of Pennsylvania is true of almost every state in the\\nUnion, It U also true of the nation as a whole, and of\\nevery county, city, and town. We have espoused reforms\\nand elected reform presidents, reform governors, reform\\nmayors, and reform legislators. We have been lured first\\nby one shibboleth and then another. Good men have stood\\nup to be knocked down. Ideals have been formulated into\\nparty platforms only to make the success of the opposite\\nmore secure. When a good man is elected to office he finds\\nhimself handicapped by intrenched powers long estab-\\nlished that rule the field.\\nNo measure can hope to win unless it interest all the\\npeople. Nor can it profit by victory unless it represent", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "190 OTIB NATION S NEED.\\nthe popular will. Fugitive issues and sectional questions\\nonly embarrass political force and prevent progress. The\\nimperative need of American politics is a vital question,\\nbroad and great as the nation itself, that will arouse the\\nattention of every citizen and every fireside.\\nA divide-up would be a radical issue. It would aim not\\nat symptoms, but at the disease not to simply palliate, but\\nto cure. Most of the issues launched forth simply pro-\\npose to correct unfair methods, while permitting unjust\\nconditions to remain. If unjust laws and unfair methods\\nhave produced millionaires and paupers, the usual remedy\\nwould simply repeal the law and correct the methods, but\\nlet the real trouble ^the millionaires and the paupers\\ncontinue.\\nThese half-way measures are neither practicable nor\\nhonest. When 1,000,000 men have absorbed the wealth\\nof the nation and hold warrantee deeds and gilt-edged\\nsecurities for it, it is not fair to then pass laws to prohibit\\nothers from growing rich and leave unmolested the 1,000,-\\n000 who have absorbed the wealth of the country. Such\\nlaws would inevitably establish an invulnerable aristoc-\\nracy. The Government would at once adopt paternalism\\nin favor of the few. Legislation of this sort would be as\\na great gulf, with the heaven of wealth upon one side and\\nthe perdition of poverty upon the other side, forming a\\nchasm across which few or none could pass. It is as es-\\nsential that vicious conditions be corrected as that cor-\\nrupt laws be repealed. If laws and methods have been\\nfaulty, and, in consequence, the fruits of the toil and en-\\nterprise of four centuries have been concentrated in the\\nhands of a few men, the condition, as well as the laws or\\nmethods through which it resulted, should be removed. A\\nlaw or a method can be no worse or more in need of cor-\\nrection than its evil effects are. It is quite as important\\nand as much a function of real justice to return plunder\\nto the owners as to make more stringent laws against pil-\\nfering.\\nBut the facts go still further. The conditions need\\ncorrecting far more than the laws do. It does not appear\\nthat laws bearing upon the subject have either produced\\nox prevented extremes of wealth and poverty. These", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 191\\nthings are the result of human nature, not of law or the\\nlack of it. Moreover, we can compel a division of prop-\\nerty but it is impossible to regulate human nature through\\nlegislation. It is a fact well recognized that we have too\\nmany laws already. The rich as a class do not obey those\\nwe have. Patriotic as most rich men are, wealth ever\\nstrives to be a law unto itself. There are few fences it\\nwill not climb; there are few statutes it does not feel at\\nliberty to break.\\nThe uselessness of laws intended to govern the special\\nduties of the rich is well illustrated by the manner in\\nwhich they escape the laws regulating taxation. Income\\ntaxes and all other similar enactments have proved futile\\nwherever tried. As soon as the rich are taxed to an un-\\nusual extent, they increase their sources of revenue by rais-\\ning rents, lowering wages, or advancing profits through\\ntrusts and combines. Taxing the rich to establish finan-\\ncial equity has been tried in England and other countries\\nwhere there is not only an income tax, but various other\\nrevenues paid entirely by the rich. Yet in the midst of\\nthem the rich have grown richer and the poor poorer. It\\nis the wage-earner, the renter, the borrower, and the con-\\nsumer who invariably foot the bill. There are many who\\nimagine that an income tax would remedy present condi-\\ntions, and such a law has been strongly advocated. But\\nthere are many reasons why it would entirely fail to fill\\nits intended mission. It would only more securely fortify\\nthe rich and more deeply enslave the poor.\\nAs an issue, to divide up and start even would bring\\ngenuine patriotism into politics. In its discussion, obe-\\ndience tov^ard God and justice toward mankind would at\\nonce become a basic principle. Love of country would be\\nenthroned. It would be an issue between patriotism and\\nselfishness, manhood and mammonism, gallantry and\\ngreed. It would enlist the greatest in brain, the noblest\\nin heart, and the grandest in character. It would tend\\nto collect and crystallize into a tangible unit, at the bal-\\nlot-box, a multitude of forces now being wasted in isolated\\nefforts. Politics would get the benefit of powers now\\noperating outside of the political field, but which legiti-\\nmately belong to it. There are a multitude of organized", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "192 OUB NATION S NEED.\\ninfluences, representing not only the best intentions, but\\ngreat political power if directly applied, which are now\\nconflicting elements, and which, in consequence, diminish\\nrather than augment the better political forces of the\\nnation. Thus it is that the forces of evil, by being con-\\ncentrated into a political unit, are triumphant at elec-\\ntions, while the forces for good, divided and confused, are\\ndefeated and destroyed.\\nBy giving patriotism a purpose men would be aroused\\ninto concentrated action. What politics needs and what\\nit must have before the best element is again triumphant\\nis a campaign inspired by lofty motives. A moral con-\\nflict that demanded the courage of the old, the chivalry of\\nthe young, and the devoted loyalty of every one would be\\nof untold benefit to all concerned.\\nPolitics needs saturating with a vital principle. Lead-\\ners would rather be patriots than pettifoggers. The\\nmasses would rather defend a noble cause than be dupes\\nof political bosses. When brought face to face with\\nduties demanding unselfish devotion and sacrifice, man-\\nkind has seldom deserted or made a retreat. Men are\\nnever so true as when enlisted in a noble cause; never so\\nbrave as when facing a real danger; never so sure to\\nattain the mark as when the reaching requires their best.\\nThe most endearing charm of history is the records of\\nmanhood tested and tried and found to be true. Whether\\nfollowing the leadership of Joan of Arc, a Washington, or\\na Grant, men have made a record of which posterity has\\never had cause to be proud. No people were ever more\\npatriotic than Americans, and Americans were never more\\nloyal than now. All they need is a visible purpose and an\\nawakened motive. It is only v/hen purposes grow dim that\\nmen grow weak; it is only when incentives disappear that\\nduty forsakes its post and retires to sleep. Our military\\nforce is over 10,000,000 strong, and should a sufficient\\nemergency of war occur it would arise as one man and\\noffer its all for humanity s cause. And it is no less strong\\nin an emergency of peace.\\nWith a divide-up as an issue, an honest election would\\nbe assured. No matter how reckless bribery might become,\\nit would be overshadowed by personal interests. At such", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION ^8 NEED. 193\\nan election every man^s vote would mean $1,000 in prop-\\nerty for himself and the same for his wife and each of his\\nchildren. If a yonng man were anticipating matrimony\\nit would- mean $1,000 in property for himself and the\\nsame for his bride. To the business man it would mean\\na revolution in his trade. To the professional man it\\nwould mean an increased patronage among those able to\\npay. To the farmer it would mean a market, at a good\\nprice, for his products. To the laboring man and wage-\\nearner it would mean industrial liberty and financial op-\\nportunity. To womanhood and childhood it would mean\\nan inspiring interest never equaled before. To the rich it\\nwould mean a chance to display executive ability in be-\\nhalf of mankind instead of bestowing all upon self.\\nShould a division of property become a political issue,\\nthe most telling point, perhaps, against it would be the\\nembarrassment and humiliation that would be visited upon\\nthe rich. To the wealthy it would be a severe trial. This\\nis a fact all must admit. To see the fruits of years of toil\\nand energy swept away and distributed to others, in many\\ninstances to those unworthy, would be an ordeal surpass-\\ningly great. To those especially who have grown old in\\nmerited honor, success, and luxury, it would be a humilia-\\ntion, keen and deep. There are princes among men in\\nthe realm of business and enterprise, and the honor and\\naffection bestowed upon them are such that a king might\\nenvy. For them to willingly submit would show a rare\\nmartyrdom for them to favor such an undertaking would\\nbe a heroism sublime. Indeed, the just claims of the rich\\nadd immensely to the gravity of the measure. It imposes\\nthe ultimatum of responsibility. It joins it with the In-\\nfinite as a sacred trust. It would be a crime, heinous be-\\nyond degree, if ruthlessly done. The parable of the rich\\nfool is a warning against forcing a division of property\\nthrough selfish motives. No man should advocate such\\na measure until its justice, its need, and its wisdom are as\\nclear as the brightness of the noonday sun.\\nBut viewed in a proper light a divide-up would lessen,\\nand not increase, the misfortunes and humiliations of the\\nwealthy. How fickle is fortune now! Financial wrecks\\nare to be found everywhere. Chauncey Depew, who has", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "194 OTTR NATION 8 NEED.\\nhad a remarkable clientage among rich men, is reported\\nas saying that his experience has been that eight-tenths\\nof them lose their fortunes during their lifetime. How\\nthe princes of the world have been humiliated by poverty\\nduring their declining years Columbus, Pitt, Clay, Jef-\\nferson, Grant, Walter Scott, and a legion of others equally\\nworthy are striking illustrations of how little fortune ven\u00c2\u00ab\\nerates worth and age.\\nThere are as many who lose their all in a few years\\nimder present conditions as would suffer in a general di-\\nvision of property. The bulls and the bears, the\\nspeculators and kings of finance who corner commodities\\nand enforce panics, crush more homes and blight more\\nlives in a single generation than would meet disaster by\\nleveling wealth among all the people.\\nA divide-up would not cause, but it would prevent\\nwholesale financial shipwreck. It would give stability to\\nwealth, and this cannot be done so long as great extremes\\nprevail or a few control all others. It would stifle spec-\\nulation and remove the jeopardy of fluctuating prices. It\\nwould be wise statesmanship to level possessions, if for no\\nother reason than to make the getting of a livelihood uni-\\nversally easy and property more secure and stable.\\nThat the rich would be obliged to vacate their present\\nmansions and that the best portions of our cities would\\nbe vacated; that there would be no rich to purchase val-\\nuables and high-priced goods, and that, in consequence, a\\nmost desirable market would be destroyed; and that we\\nneed the inspiration which the presence of the wealthy\\nand successful impart, and which would be lost, are among\\nthe many considerations easily woven into political argu-\\nments against a general division of property.\\nBut the mansions of the rich are scarcely occupied now.\\nA goodly portion of the wealthy maintain from two to five\\nresidences, and not a few own a private yacht upon which\\nto disport as a pastime. The most magnificent private\\nresidence in America has cost, it is claimed, $4,000,000,\\nand its owner, since its completion, has occupied it less\\nthan thirty days each year. If money is worth 6 per\\ncent, interest, every day spent in this palace has cost its\\nowner $8,000, to say nothing of servants, repairs, taxes.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "OXTR NATION 8 NEED. 195\\nand sumptuous fare. As a matter of fact, the mansions\\nof the rich are the least used the most reclusive and the\\nmost superfluous portion of our national wealth. They\\nare chiefly located in large towns and cities, and they\\nwould, under the new social conditions following a divide-\\nup, serve a most useful and opportune purpose as school\\nbuildings, libraries, art galleries, hospitals, and for other\\nscientiflc, educational, and social uses.\\nAs far as the purchases of the rich are concerned, much\\nof their shopping is already done in Europe, and a large\\nshare of what they purchase at home has crossed the sea\\nand in no way benefits home industry. It is the rich and\\nthe following they secure, more than anything else, that\\nbrings foreign labor into competition with American in-\\ndustry.\\nThe presence of the rich is not a wholesome inspiration\\nto mankind. To be overstimulated in the pursuit of\\nwealth is only a curse. Men were placed upon the earth\\nfor a nobler mission than becoming infatuated with the\\nglamour and glory of riches. To trail after the votaries\\nof Mammon prevents normal ambition and always jeop-\\nardizes the motives and success of the young. It is also\\nto be remembered that the rich, comparatively speaking,\\nare very few in number. Where one succeeds many fail.\\nThe aged, as a rule, are poor. Those who have worked the\\nhardest often have the least. Those who most deserve\\noften come down to old age with a pittance. The rich and\\nthe poor have grown old together. They are organically\\nrelated in every phase of life. Both are largely the result\\nof circumstances over which they exercised only partial\\ncontrol. To no small degree the poor have made the few\\nrich and the rich have made the many poor. A divide-up\\nwould harmonize divergent conditions resulting from co-\\nordinate energies and activities. A division of property\\nwould mean a comfortable allowance to all, and the meas-\\nure, in addition, includes a pension to all aged and invalid\\npersons, thus placing the comforts of life within reach of\\nevery one.\\nTo the unprejudiced student of economics in the broad-\\nest sense, nothing is more evident than that a divide-up\\nof property would benefit more people^ with injury to less^", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "196 OTIB NATION 8 NEED.\\nthan any other measure within the power of citizenship.\\n^Torty thousand men own one-half of the wealth of the\\nUnited States, while 40,000,000 people have practically\\nnothing. Each one of these 40,000 men owns that which\\nrepresents the labor, life, and character of 1,000 of his\\nneighbors. One hundred fortunes aggregate $3,000,-\\n000,000. This is equal to $1,000 for each man, woman,\\nand child in Masachusetts and Ehode Island together, or\\nboth Georgia and Louisiana, or the States of California,\\nWashington, Oregon, Montana, Idaho, and North and\\nSouth Dakota combined.\\nIt might be claimed, on the basis of reliable estimates\\nrelative to the subject, that were a division of property\\nand the cancellation of debts made, not more than one\\nvoter, or family, or child in fifteen would lose financially.\\nAnd when we remember that great wealth is an actual\\ncurse to the most of those who possess it, it must be ad-\\nmitted that the measure would be an unmixed blessing\\nto almost every individual in the nation, no matter what\\nhis or her present social or financial condition may be.\\nWhen we realize the wonderful diversities of wealth and\\npoverty that prevail and consider the age in which we\\nlive, the privileges we enjoy as citizens, the religion we\\nprofess to believe, the possibilities within our reach, the\\ncivilizing forces which bewilder us upon every side, and the\\ndemocratic spirit that, on account of cowardice and in-\\ndifference, allows the condition to continue and grow more\\npronounced, it brings to view an object-lesson that has\\nhad few parallels in all history. While we are more ad-\\nvanced and more progressive than any other nation is now\\nor ever was, yet we are, at the same time, further from\\nwhat we might be or what we must become to accomplish\\nour mission as the leader and exemplar among the na-\\ntions of the world.\\nShould a divide-up and start-even become a political\\nissue, its discussion and execution would in many of its\\nfeatures resemble the Civil War. The primary cause of\\none was chattel slavery of the other, industrial and finan-\\ncial slavery. In one instance the rich owned men, both\\nlife and body; in the other, the rich own not the bodies,\\nbut the lives of men. Three hundred thousand men", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "OTJB NATION 8 NEED. 197\\nowned all the slaves. The country has increased fourfold,\\nand four times as many, or 1,200,000 persons practically\\nown all the wealth now. About one man in fifteen lost\\nhis slaves, and about one man in fifteen would lose his\\nwealth in a division of property. The war established\\nthe authority of the Government over a single state or\\ncombination of states; a division of property would es-\\ntablish the authority of the Government over individual\\nownership or combination of capital. The war set the\\nbodies of men free a divide-up would liberate human life.\\nIt would establish, in the broader and higher sense, that\\nfundamental principle promulgated by the great authority\\nBlackstone, that sovereignty and legislation are indeed\\nconvertible terms one cannot exist without the other.\\nMany would doubtless oppose a divide-up and start-even\\non the ground that it would establish an undesirable prece-\\ndent. It would be claimed that in a short time there\\nwould be a clamor for another division. To undergo the\\nprocess once need not necessarily establish the measure as\\na settled policy of the nation. It would not make an-\\nother division in the future inevitable. Another division\\nmight be desirable at the end of fifty, a hundred, or a\\nthousand years, but future generations, it is to be hoped,\\nwill be, more than we are now, equal to the exigencies of\\nthe age in which they shall live. As an incident of his-\\ntory it would serve as a wholesome check to unbridled am-\\nbition and to the growth of morbid extremes in the future.\\nThe question arises. Who would be the chief cham-\\npions and promoters of a divide-up and start-even should\\nit become an issue in our national politics\\nBoth rich and poor would undoubtedly favor the meas-\\nure, and both would oppose it.\\nViewed superficially, it is easy to imagine that in the\\nmidst of such an issue the people would sit down and esti-\\nmate their wealth and count the number of persons in\\ntheir families, and if they concluded that a divide-up\\nwould be a gain they would favor it if it promised a loss\\nthey would oppose it. As more than nine men out of\\nten would gain by the adoption of the measure, it is not\\ndifficult to imagine that there would be a general stam-\\npede in favor of it, and that such a beneficent cause would", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "198 OVR NATION S NEED.\\ngain an easy victory. But such expectations would not be\\nrealized. The dominion of wealth and the bondage of\\nwage-earning and poverty are not so easily overcome. It\\nwould mean an intense struggle. It would require the\\nmost unselfish patriotism and a display of the highest type\\nof heroism.\\nThat many rich persons would heartily support the\\nmeasure cannot be doubted. It is to be remembered that\\na divide-up and start-even would involve a great principle,\\nand principles win followers from those who sacrifice as\\nwell as from those who profit. While this is true, the\\nrich as a class would vehemently oppose it. When men\\ngain advantages over their fellow-men, either in wealth\\nor power, they seldom voluntarily give up their dominion.\\nIf history is a reliable teacher, it must be expected that\\nmany of those who should most zealously and forcibly\\nsupport the measure would be its bitterest and most re-\\nlentless foes.\\nAs in past conflicts, many who are eminent in religion,\\ndistinguished in learning, and prominent in society and\\npolitics would doubtless assail such a reform and vehe-\\nmently denounce it as wrong in principle and vicious in\\npractice. While a large share of the Christian element\\nwould here find its ideal in politics and heartily enlist in\\nthe crusade for justice and righteousness, not a few would\\nthrow their influence against it. Of all the forces in the\\nworld, perhaps that which has operated under the form\\nof religion has been at times the most desperate enemy\\nand opponent of genuine progress. About one-third of\\nour population is professedly Christian. Over $30,000,-\\n000,000 in property belong to those who pray Thy\\nkingdom come. It is a pleasant thought to believe that\\nthese people would rejoice at the opportunity to unite in\\nuplifting humanity with their wealth. But no class of\\npeople are more disappointing in the face of a noble cause\\nor a great crisis than those looked up to as the great and\\ngood.\\nFor has learning been a leader or even a faithful sup-\\nporter of progressive reforms. Says Benjamin Kidd It\\nhas to be confessed that in England during the nineteenth\\ncentury the educated classes, in almost all the great po-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 199\\nlitical changes that have been effected, have taken the side\\nof the party afterward admitted to have been in the wrong.\\nThey have invariably opposed at the time the measures\\nthey have subsequently come to defend and justify. And\\nthe record of scholars in politics in our own land has been\\nlittle better. Eeferring to an eventful period in our own\\nhistory, culminating in the crusade against slavery, Wen-\\ndell Phillips said: Amid this battle of giants scholar-\\nship sat dumb for thirty years, until imminent deadly peril\\nconvulsed it into action; and colleges, in despair, gave to\\nthe army that help they had refused to the market-place\\nand the rostrum.\\nThe professional office-holder and the political boss,\\nwhether higli or low, would, of course, oppose any measure\\nwhich should threaten their political prestige. Political\\ncorruption is one of the curses that a division of property\\nis intended to destroy, and those who profit by it would\\ndenounce the measure as diabolical and treasonable.\\nConservatives would sincerely deplore and lament the\\ndisaster which, to their vision, would inevitably follow a\\ndivision of property. Fogies would honestly predict social\\nchaos and political ruin. Pessimists would be horror-\\nstricken. These experiences have characterized every\\ngreat advance in history, and human nature is likely to\\ncontinue the same to the end of time.\\nThe chief promoters of a divide-up would come from\\nthe great middle class, from men who are neither worship-\\ners of Mammon nor slaves to its power. There are many\\nreasons why this would be true. Sympathy is a more pow-\\nerful incentive than self-interest. The most zealous and\\neffective champions of justice and liberty are those who\\nwitness wrong rather than those who suffer its oppressions.\\nTrue heroism emanates not from the head nor from the\\npocket-book, but it is an impulse of the heart. It is to\\nbe expected, therefore, that a great issue like a divide-up\\nand start-even would be chiefly supported by those most\\ndeeply aroused by the principles involved. This is a wise\\nprovision of the Creator in preparing mankind for great\\nepochs in human affairs, because it requires convictions\\nstrongly rooted in the depths of character, rather than", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "200 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nmere sentiment, to champion a great cause and carry it to\\nsuccess.\\nThe great middle classes are, after all, the most in-\\ntensely concerned. The merchant and the mechanic, the\\nfarmer and the laborer, the professional man and the man\\nof moderate means are the ones whose interests, under\\npresent conditions, are most in danger. These classes are\\nbeing crowded to the wall. They are being forced to ac-\\ncept a life of struggle to ward off actual bankruptcy and\\npoverty. Under present conditions it is only a question\\nof time when the middle class of mankind ^those occupy-\\ning the natural, normal sphere will become almost ex-\\ntinct. There are multitudes of men belonging to these\\nclasses who would temporarily lose through a division of\\nproperty, but on account of improved conditions they\\nwould soon more than regain their temporary loss. Men\\nwho are now land poor and property burdened^^ would\\nhave less, but what they should possess would afford a bet-\\nter income.\\nEvery business man knows that climbing the road to.\\nsuccess is far more pleasurable and full of charm than the\\ngoal at the end. No matter how much energy and effort it\\ncosts, genuine success in effort and energy is a rich reward.\\nN othing so inspires diligence and industry and rectitude\\nof character as a reasonably successful business career.\\nThe best inheritance a father can bestow upon a son is not\\nriches, but opportunity and a clear sense of responsibility.\\nThere are thousands of sons and daughters who, under\\npresent conditions, will inherit fortunes only to lose them\\nand die poor. How incomparably more sensible and\\nblessed it would be if these sons and daughters were given\\nless to start with, but freed from the jeopardies which\\nnow threaten the financial interests of almost every one.\\nAll that is needed to insure the success of a divide-up\\nand start-even is that the people become fully informed\\nupon and interested in the subject. Should it once gain\\na foothold upon the popular mind and heart, its growth\\nwould be inevitable. Not in the entire historj^ of Amer-\\nican polities has any measure so appealed to the highest\\nand noblest in citizenship as would this one. Under the\\ninfluence of proper leaders and zealously, aggressively, and", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 201\\nintelligently pressed throughout the land, perhaps no\\nmeasure has ever secured the unanimous approval that it\\nwould receive at the ballot-box.\\nThere are many reasons, based upon sound considera-\\ntions, for believing that in a campaign in which a divide-\\nup and start-even and naturally allied questions formed\\nthe dominant issue, every state in the Union, by an over-\\nwhelming majority, would favor its adoption. Could\\nparty affiliations be forgotten and political intimidations\\nentirely subdued, the verdict in its favor would be well-\\nnigh unanimous.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "Now there are diversities of gifts. Paxil.\\nTor the heart grows rich in giving;\\nAll its wealth is living grain,\\nSeeds which mildew in the garner,\\nScattered, fill with gold the plain.\\n^Mrs. Charles.\\nIt may be discovered that the true veins of wealth are\\npurple and not in rock, but in flesh perhaps even that the\\nfinal outcome and consummation of all wealth is in producing\\nas many as possible full-breathed, bright-eyed, and happy-\\nhearted human creatures. Ruskin.\\nLabor, intelligent, manly, independent, thinking and acting\\nfor itself, earning its own wages, accumulating those wages\\ninto capital; educating childhood, maintaining worship, claim-\\ning the right of elective franchise, and helping to uphold the\\ngreat fabric of the state. This is American labor, and all my\\nsympathies are with it; and my voice, till I am dumb, will be\\nfor it. Daniel Webster.\\nWhy should we imagine that because we now have liberty\\nwe must always possess it, however supine we may be? If\\nfreedom is worth fightinr for it is worth preserving. Let us\\nnever listen to the voice which would calm all our apprehen-\\nsions and lull us into slumbers of security; into a quiet which\\nmigiit be repose indeed, but would soon be the leaden sleep of\\ndespotism. Charles G. Atherton.\\nWay down in the heart there is a tenderness for human\\nself-sacrifice which makes it seem loftier than the love of\\nglory; for it reveals the eternal possibilities of the human\\nsoul. Wars and sieges pass away, and the great intellectual\\nefforts cease to stir our hearts; but the man who sacrifices\\nhimself to his fellows lives forever. Thomas B. Reed.\\nm", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "OUR NATIOIfl S NEED. 203\\nCHAPTER XIIL\\nA DIVIDE-UP AND NATURAL INEQUALITIES.\\nA DIVIDE-UP and start-even would promote normal in-\\nequalities among men.\\nVariety is a law of nature.\\nMen show diversities of ability, of temperament, and of\\ntalent almost without limit. No two are alike. But these\\ndiversities form a complete whole only when the relations\\nare harmonious in action and reciprocal in accomplish-\\nment. For mankind to grow monstrosities or to become\\nhomogeneous like sheep is a calamity. To allow the one\\nto monopolize the field or to compel the other by force of\\nlaw would be a public crime.\\nIt is to be remembered that man is both an animal and\\nan intellectual force. The physical needs of all are prac-\\ntically the same; the intellectual possibilities may give to\\neach an individuality entirely unlike any one else.\\nThere are many who honestly believe that inequalities\\nas they now exist are not only fair and proper, but essen-\\ntial to progress and civilization. A standing argument\\nin defense of present conditions is that some men, on ac-\\ncount of inherent abilities, require much, and others, in\\nconsequence of limited faculties, require very little, to sup-\\nply their needs. It is also a common belief that extremes\\nof wealth and poverty are entirely normal and the result\\nof natural causes, and that on account of them enterprise\\nand business are developed to a degree otherwise unob-\\ntainable.\\nThat wealth is necessary to progress and enterprise all\\nmust admit. Bu^ it is not required that this wealth should\\nbe in the possession of a few. It is contrary to all the\\nteachings of the past that it is more essential that a few\\nhave great wealth than that all possess a reasonable share,\\n^uch a condition has wrought tho downfall of too many,", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "204 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nnatrons to neednfurther proof of its inevitable tendency to\\nnational decay.\\nThat men widely differ in talent and energy is a law\\nthat must be recognized. That the physical needs of men\\nare identical is also a law that mnst be obeyed.\\nThe general and ordinary physical requirements of all\\nmankind are essentially the same. All are born naked,\\nhelpless, dependent, and ignorant. All are subject to the\\nsame physical laws. All have a imiform bodily tempera-\\nture of 98.6\u00c2\u00b0 Fahrenheit. All require substantially the\\nsame kinds and quantity of food, clothing, and shelter.\\nThe domestic and social needs of all are similar. The\\nhighest development of the race demands that what is\\nnecessary for one exist within the reach of all.\\nThe food requirements of mankind are remarkably uni-\\nform. Bread, water, salt, milk, fish, fruits, and animal\\nand vegetable food are used by all mankind.\\nThe world is clothed almost entirely from six sub-\\nstances cotton, wool, silk, linen, fur, and the skin of ani-\\nmals. The clothing needed by the millionaire and the\\nfarmer, the dude and the day laborer, the society belle and\\nthe servant are essentially the same.\\nHouses are composed of a still smaller number of ma-\\nterials. Wood, iron, glass, brick, and stone of some kind\\nfurnish materials to build the city, the hamlet and the\\nfarm-house, the palace of the rich and the hovel of the\\npoor.\\nOur social needs are exceedingly similar. All require\\nthe advantages of schools, churches, books, newspapers,\\nrecreations, amusements, and the endless variety of civiliz-\\ning forces. Merchants supply all from the same markets\\nphysicians treat all with the same remedies. Courts, if\\njust, apply the same laws to all alike; ministers preach the\\nsame Gospel to the entire world. Fundamentally, we are\\nall upon a level and members of one great family.\\nWhile all men are created equal and up to a certain\\npoint their needs are similar, yet beyond this point a\\nwonderful variety is displayed. It might be said that by\\nnature men are equally endowed, but that God interposes\\nand crowns the work of nature with an endless diversity\\nof gifts and powers. Some are given one talent, some", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED, 205\\nfive, and some ten. Some are financiers, some are skillful\\nwith hand, others active in brain. Some love wealth;\\nsome love fame and honor; some are domestic and reclu-\\nsive.\\nThat the abilities and broadened faculties of some men\\nrequire more costly surroundings, and consequently a\\ngreater suppJy of wealth than others, is entirely true. Some\\nare satisfied with next to nothing and with simple exist-\\nence, while others desire and strive for a liberal portion of\\nmaterial comforts. While these extremes are visible\\neverywhere, it is also true that where wants are few the\\nability to secure is meager, and where the needs are many\\nthe ability to supply them, if normal conditions exist, is\\nnot wanting. Indeed, it is, as a rule, easier for the gifted\\nto supply their greater needs thr^i for the ignorant and\\napathetic to secure bare necessities.\\nHow shall we supply these actual and uniform needs of\\nall, and also make it possible for special merit to receive\\nits special rewards? A division of property would solve\\nthe problem exactly. Everybody would then be assured\\nactual necessitieSo And those who possess talent, or abil-\\nity, or special energy would have all the advantages of a\\ngood start and a fair opportunity. The world would in-\\ncrease in wants and it would be able and willing to pay\\nfor them. He who rendered the highest service or gave\\nthe most would secure the greatest reward.\\nThe most radical champion of inequalities, if he be sin-\\ncere, must admit that they should mean special merit or\\nthe lack of it, and that, as far as possible, all should start\\nfrom a common level. When riches are the result of favor\\nwithout merit it 12 a public reproach, and poverty that is\\ndue to lack of opportunity is a public disgrace.\\nWith a fev/ exceptions, the present great accumulations\\nof wealth do not represent any special services to the\\nrace. They have been inherited or else obtained through\\na bold and determined struggle to get rich regardless of\\nthe claims of others. Financiering has become a high art.\\nThe old-fashioned way of getting rich by long devotion to\\nsome legitimate business is becoming obsolete. It has\\nbecome a matter of chance ^the prize to the man who\\nwins. As a class the rich possess no extraordinary quali-\\nties of mind, talent, or character^", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "206 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nThe prevailing mad rush for gain not only crushes the\\nignorant and indifferent into despair, but it embarrasses\\nall who are not specially gifted at money-making. Men\\ncan be found everywhere who have marked abilities and\\nbrilliant intellects and who are capable of the highest use-\\nfulness, but who, on account of perverted industry, are\\nforced to eke out an existence struggling against the pri-\\nvations of poverty. They are not good financiers. Many\\nof these men are the salt of the earth. They have large\\nsouls and warm hearts^ but their noble impulses and power\\nto achieve and bless their age are swallowed up in a strug-\\ngle for bread.\\nThose who uphold existing inequalities never carry their\\nreasoning to its logical conclusions. If existing condi-\\ntions are just and desirable, it follows that the rich are\\nthose deserving riches and the poor are those deserving\\npoverty. It implies that millionaires have simply reaped\\ntheir just reward and that the poor have encountered their\\nlegitimate portion. This theory also declares that the\\nwealth of the country in the possession of the few is where\\nit benefits humanity most, and that the masses are better\\nprovided for and more contented than they would be if\\neach possessed a reasonable amount of property. It in-\\ncludes the belief that neglected childhood, forsaken age,\\nand industrial bondage are a necessary characteristic of\\ncivilization, and that the tyranny of despotism and the op-\\npression of heathenish slavery are natural and commend-\\nable if operated under a new form and clothed in a modern\\ngarb.\\nA divide-up and start-even would not, therefore, mean\\nequality socially, intellectually, or even financially. It\\nwould simply remove unjust and unnatural inequalities\\nnow prevailing, and make it possible for more natural and\\nlegitimate inequalities to occur. It would, to the fullest\\ndegree, give all a fair start and abridge the highest possi-\\nbilities of no one. It would place no man in a strait-\\njacket, and all would be free.\\nThe adoption of the measure would be in full harmony\\nwith the scientific fact that all men are created equal, and\\nin certain respects the needs of all are uniform, and the\\nequally important fact that in actual life men show a great\\nIdiversityj pf powers and talents, and some require wideE", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "UB NA TION S NEED. 207\\nfields of action than others and deserve special measures\\nof reward.\\nOne of the first lessons a divide-up would teach is that\\nriches and the lack of it have caused false standards to\\nprevail, and that genuine worth of intellect, of ability, and\\nof character have not received just recognition. The rich\\nare now our special dictators. They dominate in society,\\nin business, in the Church. Money is power and influ-\\nence, and those who possess it are catered to and consulted,\\nand their opinions and advice are accepted as the wisdom\\nof the age.\\nShould a division of property be made and all be forced\\nto start from the same general level, new and natural\\nqualities would divide men into classes. Genuine ability\\nand worth would lead men to position and power. The\\nbest doctor or preacher would get the best pay. The most\\nuseful man would secure the best income. The fittest, and\\nnot the richest, would attain to eminence. Men would\\ncease to own each other, and the ^l3oss who now has noth-\\ning but a barrel with which to gain popular favor would\\nbecome a political relic. When officials who were honest,\\ninstead of professional politicians, should rule in office;\\nwhen teachers, instead of fossils, should shape public opin-\\nion; when patriots, instead of puppets, should make our\\nlaws these officials and teachers and patriots would be\\nthe favored among men.\\nThose filling high positions in politics and enterprise\\nwould then be the servants, not the masters, of the many.\\nNow one man employs, dictates to, or discharges at will a\\nscore, a hundred, a thousand; but under the new condi-\\ntions a score, or a hundred, or a thousand would choose\\ntheir rulers and leaders. While the many would be, in-\\ndividually, under the authority of one, the one would, in\\nreturn, be subject to the united will of the many. In-\\nequalities would continue to exist and develop, but they\\nwould, more than now, represent natural qualities of mind\\nand character and be the legitimate result of natural\\ncauses. Instead of class distinction regulated by property\\nand money, mankind would be measured by just levels\\nby talent, by special gifts, by mental endowments, by abil-\\nity, and by other legitimate forces with which life is so\\npregnant.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "A merry heart doeth good like a medicine. Solomon,\\nHe sings of Brotherhood, and joy and peace,\\nOf days when jealousies and hate shall cease;\\nWhen war shall die, and man s progressive mind\\nSoar unfettered as its God designed.\\nMackay.\\nWe cannot be happy but in the society of one another; and\\nfrom one another we daily receive, or may receive, important\\nservices. These conditions recommend the great duty of uni-\\nversal benevolence, which is not more beneficial to others than\\nto ourselves; for it makes us happy in our own minds and\\namiable in the eyes of all who know us; it even promotes\\nbodily health, and it prepares the soul for every virtuous\\nimpression; while malevolent passions debase the understand-\\ning, harden the heart, and make a man disagreeable to others\\nand a torment to himself. James Beattie.\\nWhat we have most to desire is to make our countrymen\\nthink. ^William E. Gladstone.\\nThe worst charge that can be made against a Christian is\\nthat he attempts to justify the existing social order. George\\nD. Hereon.\\nIf you suffer the poor to grow up as animals they may\\nchance to become wild beasts and rend you. ^Danton.\\nA religion of effortless adoration may be a religion for an\\nangel, but never for a man. Not in the contemplative, but in\\nthe active, lies true hope; not in rapture, but in reality, lies\\ntrue life; not in the realms of ideals, but among tangible\\nthings, is man s sanetifieation wrought. ^Deummond.\\nS08", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 209\\nCHAPTEE XIV.\\nSOCIAL ADVANTAGE OF A DIVIDE-UP.\\nWere a divide-up of property to take place, it would\\ngive opportunity to recast society and organize a system of\\nculture whereby social and ethical training would become\\na part of our national life. This is one of the country s\\ngreatest needs. Our social life at present is little less than\\nchaos.\\nMan s higher nature is a trinity, a blending of the in-\\ntellectual, social, and moral. The intellectual and the\\nmoral are provided for, but the social nature the central\\nelement of our make-up is left to shift for itself.\\nThe intellectual is provided for chiefly by the public\\nschool. Our common school system is supposed to give\\nevery child in the nation opportunity to gain at least the\\nrudiments of an education. Nearly 500,000 teachers are\\nemployed and paid from the public treasury of States and\\ncounties, and three-fourths of all children of school age\\nare enrolled as pupils. School-houses are found every-\\nwhere, and, including colleges^ our educational system is\\none of the most thoroughly organized and universally sup-\\nported forces in the country.\\nThe moral nature of mankind is provided for by the\\nChurch and its auxiliaries. Nearly 100,000 ministers face\\nfrom 20,000,000 to 40,000,000 of our people every Sun-\\nday in the year to dispense moral and spiritual truths.\\nOver 10,000,000 scholars are taught by over 1,000,000\\nteachers in our Sunday-schools. Auxiliaries of various\\nkinds are operated and supported by millions of faithful\\nmen, women, and children. Churches are located every-\\nwhere and represent every shade of belief. While entirely\\ndivorced from politics and from the state, the Church, not\\nonly as a national, but as a world-wide institution, shows\\nthat cohesive affinities are not only strong, but universally\\nprevalent among the race.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "210 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nBut the social nature is neglected. JSTo concrete effort\\never attempts to hold mankind together socially. When\\nchildren quit school no further intellectual training is, as\\na rule, ever thought of. They are turned into the street.\\nNot only the Church, but all organizations must search for\\ntheir recruits among the highways and hedges.\\nBetween the school and the Church there is a wide so-\\ncial chasm an uncultivated but essential field of real life.\\nSocial and ethical culture, except to a favored few, must\\nbe caught on the fly. Eecreation is a mere matter of\\nchance. Amusements are dealt out haphazard. Fun is\\nan accident. Entertainment is an unknown quantity.\\nSports are social renegades and money-making schemes.\\nThe social field has become the resort of all kinds of in-\\nvaders. In the sweet name of charity wealth will enter\\nthe social field, and, dressed in diamonds and decollete,\\ndance itself giddy. In the name of art vulgarity will\\nprate in tinsel and transparent gauze to win a livelihood.\\nIn the name of religion really good people will pitch their\\ntent in the social field and with shady financial schemes\\nliquidate antiquated church debts. Theaters are run by\\nsyndicates, the chief aim of which is to declare big divi-\\ndends. Lectures and entertainments are furnished to\\nmake money. Music is dealt out like ribbons or muslin,\\nat so much per yard.\\nThere is an imperative demand that society become or-\\nganized. It has too long been driven hither and thither,\\na constant temptation to the good and a destroying en-\\nvironment to the bad. Too long have talent and genius\\nbeen permitted to rust and indifference and ignorance to\\ndie in their own obscurity and darkness.\\nDuring a division of property all theaters, opera-houses,\\nmusic-halls, and other buildings used solely for entertain-\\nment purposes would become public property. In addi-\\ntion, in every city a number of magnificent private resi-\\ndences, with costly furniture and paintings, would also be\\nadded to the public possessions. These buildings could\\nbe made to fill a most valuable mission by becoming the\\nnucleus of a systematic social organization. Under such\\na system they would become public theaters, opera-houses,\\nmusic-halls, libraries, reading-rooms, gymnasiums, art gal-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION 8 NEED. 211\\nleries, and schools of art, science, music, and other special\\nbranches. They would become a public institution. It\\nmight well be called the public culture system.\\nSuch a system could be organized and operated with\\nthe greatest facility. It would require that all large cities\\nbe divided into districts, similar to school or political dis-\\ntricts, and that counties be divided so that each town would\\nbe the center of its surrounding territory. Trustees or\\nlocal committees could be elected in the same manner as\\nschool trustees and town officials. County and state offi-\\ncers could be elected or appointed the same as other state\\nofficials. A national board, composed of one member from\\neach state, could have a general oversight of the entire\\ncountry.\\nWhen officers were duly elected it would become their\\nduty to assume control of all property set apart for social\\npurposes, the same as school trustees now control school\\nbuildings and grounds. It would also be their duty to co-\\noperate with other boards, through county and state offi-\\ncers, to secure to the people entertainments, amusements,\\nand lectures, the services of special talent, and other social\\nadvantages such as the locality and people should demand.\\nThe operation of such a system would mean the employ-\\nment of all the best talent, of every description, in the na-\\ntion. Every actor and actress, every artistic company of\\nentertainers of respectable merit, every elocutionist, singer,\\nor musician that should come up to a required standard\\nwould thus find steady employment. Lecturers upon every\\nsubject would be in demand, and those who could entertain,\\nor amuse, or specially instruct would be in constant ser-\\nvice.\\nWhile such a system would be distinct from the common\\nschool, there are no reasons why the two could not, to some\\nextent cooperate. There are many subjects which require\\nspecial study and which the average teacher must entirely\\nneglect. Under such a system, persons devoted to special\\nbranches of study could be employed to go from town to\\ntown teaching a single subject.\\nIn this way not only could the young be taught impor-\\ntant branches now entirely neglected, but the people at\\nlarge could gain from experts a great variety of knowl-\\nedge which now is practically inaccessible to them.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "212 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nLectures on various scientific subjects, business, politics,\\nhealtb, and social culture, and illustrated lectures upon\\nvarious topics would be brought within the reach of almost\\nevery one.\\nWhen such a system should cover our entire nation, as\\nthe school system does, it would mean that every section\\nof large cities and every town would be supplied with\\nbuildings and equipments essential to the work involved.\\nEvery town would have its public hall, public library,\\ngvmnasium, reading-rooms, and other buildings as the\\n^tem developed.\\nAs our school system is supported in part by the state\\nand in part by local taxation, so could a system of public\\nculture be aided partly by state appropriations, and this\\nsupplemented by local taxation, and by tuition and ad-\\nmission fees from those who should make use of its bene-\\nfits.\\nThe advantages of such a system would not be limited\\nto securing the dissemination of amusements, recreation,\\nand social culture over the entire country, but it would\\nweed out the demoralizing, the vicious, and the vulgar.\\nWhile private enterprises would not be prohibited, it would\\nnaturally follow that every meritorious company or enter-\\ntainer would prefer the force of official approval and the\\nsalary that would be assured within the organized sys-\\ntem. There are no reasons why every desirable entertainer\\nnow in the field could not be continued, and instead of\\npromiscuous engagements, under vicarious auspices and\\nlarge expenses, well-ordered circuits could be arranged and\\nan entire state covered systematically. Thousands of\\npersons, representing every phase of talent and covering\\nevery branch of science, art, learning, and industry, could\\nthus be kept employed, going from city to city and from\\ntown to town, entertaining and instructing the people.\\nUnder such a system local talent could be utilized to the\\nfullest. Not only would every district have its public\\nhalls, libraries, reading-rooms, and other buildings, but it\\nwould be the duty of official boards to encourage musical,\\nliterary and other entertainments, debates, social gather-\\nings, games, out-of-door sports, excursions, and everything\\nthat would develop and strengthen the social character.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION* 8 NEED. 213\\nBrass bands and musical associations, both instrumental\\nand vocal, conld be organzied and become extremely help-\\nful to the social life. Public parks and playgrounds would\\nbecome a part of all cities and towns. State and county\\nexhibitions could be held annually in the interests of ag-\\nriculture and commerce, with the idea of dividends to\\nstockholders eliminated.\\nSociety could thus be made a factor incalculable for\\ngood. The social element is the cohesive force which\\nbinds men together. Friendship is a master passion. The\\nmillennium, when it visits earth, will be social in its chief\\nfeatures. The coming society will be scientific, educa-\\ntional, democratic, cooperative, fraternal, and religious. It\\nwill not only acknowledge, but adopt the universal brother-\\nhood of man, and bring together in active and reciprocal\\nharmony the various diversities of gifts and abilities for\\nmutual benefit. Society touches the most impressionable\\nside of man^s nature, and it is the chief factor in uplifting\\nor degrading mankind. Within the realms of society is\\nmore of pleasure and profit than can be found anywhere\\nelse. It is not the leaves or garb of civilization, as too\\nmany believe, but it is civilization itself.\\nThe practical value of an organized system of social\\nculture cannot be too strongly pressed. Its benefits would\\nbe varied, far-reaching, and sure. As the objectionable\\nand demoralizing would at once be condemned, the thea-\\nter, the opera, and the playhouse and public resort would\\nnot only become places of amusement, but of instruction\\nas well. Under such a system one evening s entertain-\\nment each week would be easily placed within reach of\\n40,000,000 people. It could embrace every form of enter-\\ntainment and social instruction and be an actual normal\\neducation. If 100,000 persons, representing every form\\nof talent and every branch of knowledge, were so employed,\\nat an average annual salary of $4,000 each, it would cost\\nonly $10 per year to each of those securing benefits. Over\\n$200,000,000 is spent annually in this country on the thea-\\nter. Much of this supports the wildest form of waste.\\nSix star actors, it is claimed, were paid $1,600,000 for\\ntheir services during six months. This is over $250,000\\nfor each, or more than $10,000 per week. It is acknowl-", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "2U OUB NATION S NEED.\\nedged by competent judges that the American stage was\\nnever so depraved and vulgar as it is to-day, and this de-\\npravity is too often the winning card and the feature\\nbrandished most to gain success. If the above sum was\\nsystematically spent, what a revolution would ensue. It\\nwould support 80,000 actors and actresses at a salary of\\n$5,000 each. Under the new order of things the stage\\nwould become a field for genuine talent and art and the\\ntheater a wholesome and ennobling part of our social life.\\nUnder such a system billiards and various other games\\nnow objectionable on account of their associations could\\nbe made both elevating and desirable. What nobler or\\nmore useful mission could the gorgeous grandeurs of mod-\\nern theaters and the magnificent palaces of the rich per-\\nform than to become the basis of an organized system of\\npublic culture? Their stately walls and attractive sur-\\nroundings would shed a new light; their magnificent in-\\nteriors and costly furnishings would breathe a new life.\\nThey would add genuine glory to the nation s greatness.\\nSuch an innovation cannot be considered as a mere ex-\\nperiment. That such a system is needed is self-evident.\\nThat it would succeed and become not only a permanent,\\nbut a constantly increasing factor in our social and po-\\nlitical life cannot be questioned. The practical utility\\nof such a system is already demonstrated upon every side.\\nThat 15,000,000 children attend our public schools five\\ndays each week that some 30,000,000 people attend church\\nevery Sunday; that over 5,000,000 men are voluntary\\nmembers of fraternal organizations; that our country is\\nnow a vast social network embracing a legion of diversi-\\nfied interests, is all evidence of the mutual and correlative\\nnature of our social life. The success of the ^university ex-\\ntension, the Chautauqua system of education, and other\\nsimilar movements show the practicability of systematic\\nand organized effort in the intellectual and social field.\\nAs all railroads during the divide-up would become pub-\\nlic property, traveling would naturally become a prominent\\nmedium of education and social development. Travel\\nwould be cheap and its benefits within reach of almost every\\none. A train of twelve or twenty cars, furnishing accom-\\nmodations for several hundred people, could be run at a", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "OUR NATtOM S NEED, %16\\ncomparatively small daily expense. Five hundred persons\\ncould travel for six weeks, have board and sleeping ac-\\ncommodations, and cover more than 10,000 miles, moving\\neight hours per day, at an expense not exceeding $60 each.\\nAs a train can be run for less than $50 per day, such an ex-\\ncursion need not cost over $10 for each person for travel\\nalone. To travel 10,000 miles now costs not far from $200.\\nExcursions embracing, in a general way, the entire coun-\\ntry could be made in the interest of various professions\\nand occupations, and not only could such travels be cheaply\\nmade, but they could be pleasant and profitable in the ex-\\ntreme. A national board of public culture could easily\\narrange special excursions for various occupations and in-\\nterests, and in this way would be thrown together, for\\ntravel, investigation, and social intercourse, companies of\\nteachers, ministers, doctors, lawyers, literary men, farmers,\\nstock-raisers, fruit-growers, architects, mechanics, mer-\\nchants, public officials, artists, musicians, and others rep-\\nresenting special departments of thought and enterprise.\\nEach excursion could be arranged so that points of greatest\\ninterest to those participating could be reached. The edu-\\ncational value of such a measure is almost without limit.\\nWhat could be more profitable and desirable to a fruit-\\ngrower, a stock-raiser, or a teacher than a six weeks trip\\nin company with hundreds of others similarly interested,\\nvisiting various parts of the country and investigating the\\nbest methods and products to be seen in each\\nISTot only could such excursions be arranged in the in-\\nterests of various occupations, but in like manner students\\nin our schools and colleges could supplement their studies\\nby systematic travel. Indeed, an extended and wisely ar-\\nranged season of travel might well be added to the cur-\\nriculum of all institutions of learning. V/ith certain ex-\\nceptions book learning is, at best, second-hand informa-\\ntion. No education can be complete and no mind can be\\ndeveloped in the highest sense to which the experiences\\nand benefits of travel have been denied. With such con-\\ncessions as would follow the government ownership of rail-\\nroads, six or eight weeks of travel, in connection with a\\ncollege course, would not materially increase the general\\nexpense. The experience would not only relieve the mo-", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "216 OVB ITATION S NEED,\\nnotony of college life, but it would broaden the intellect\\nand develop the faculties of thought.\\nAs a system of public culture developed tours could be\\narranged reaching to all parts of the globe. Excursions\\nfor students and others interested could be made around\\nthe earth at small cost. By companies of several hundred\\npersons trains and steamers could be chartered and trips\\nmade around the world, including the chief points of in-\\nterest in the circuit, at an expense of from $100 to $200\\neach. The advantages of such a programme are beyond\\nconception. N^ot only v/ould those participating receive\\na benefit, but the light of American civilization would be\\ncarried to other lands. It would be sowing good seed\\nbroadcast over the earth. It would be practical mission-\\nary work that would surely bring forth a rich harvest. It\\nis entirely reasonable to believe that such travels, sys-\\ntematicall}^ arranged, would receive an immense patronage\\nand continue as a permanent feature of progress.\\nLet no one belittle the suggestions here made. They are\\nnot theories. They are not fanciful visions. They are\\npossibilities that we are trampling under our feet. Let us\\nbelieve that God has a higher and broader mission for\\nsteam and electric power, for railroads and steamships,\\nthan they have yet filled. When these things are lib-\\nerated from the thraldom of mammonism they will rapidly\\nmultiply in application and usefulness.\\nNot only would a division of property give opportunity\\nto organize society, but many social abuses could be abol-\\nished. Extremes of wealth and poverty have done more\\ninjury in the social realm than anywhere else. Nowhere\\nelse are people so stratified into classes. It is in the social\\nfield that men test the character of each other. In no\\nother realm is the real inwardness of man s nature so\\ntransparent or so exposed to view.\\nThe new conditions would revolutionize the exercise of\\nwhat are now termed charity, benevolence, and philan-\\nthropy. As a benefactor of the race, modern philanthropy\\nscarcely deserves the name. The injury it inflicts counter-\\nacts much, if not all, of the good.\\nIn large donations over $80,000,000 are now annually\\ngiven for benevolent purposes in our country. Such dona-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 217\\ntions are rapidly on the increase. Although much of it\\nis prayerfully and thoughtfully given, the larger part of\\nit actually benefits none. Says the eminent Dr. George\\nF. Shrady regarding a very popular form of charity: In\\nI^ew York alone there are 116 dispensaries, each one of\\nwhich is vying with the others in propagating the worst\\nform of pauperism. There would not be any\\ndanger of the really poor suffering if half the hospitals\\nand two-thirds of the dispensaries were closed to-morrow.\\nNo millionaire anxious to fit the camel to the eye of the\\nneedle and quiet his conscience by lending to the Lord need\\nworry because the dispensaries may suffer for want of\\nnecessary funds. As it is, the thrift of one class now min-\\nisters to the improvidence of the other. The anodyne\\nwhich quiets the conscience of the giver paralyzes the soul\\nof the taker.^\\nAndrew Carnegie, himself a recognized philanthrophist,\\nis quoted as being of the opinion that out of every $1,000\\ngiven in charity $950 do harm. Philanthropy and charity,\\nas a rule, perpetuate the very evils they are intended to\\ncure. And they deserve such a fate. To give all we have\\nto feed the poor may profit nothing. Indeed, it may do a\\ngreat injury. To help the poor from one hand and deny\\nthem a chance to help themselves with the other, as too\\nmany rich people do, is not charity. Such almsgiving is\\nbigotry crimson with crime. It tends to sap the force and\\nfiber of manhood and make indolence and pauperism a\\nperpetual doom.\\nPhilanthropists should take to heart the words of Tol-\\nstoi, who says If I wish to help the poor I must not be\\nthe cause of their poverty.^^ Men cannot ride to wealth\\nupon the backs of their fellow-men and make atonement\\nby supporting soup-houses and mission Sunday-schools or\\nbuilding colleges and hospitals.\\nMillions of dollars are annually given to churches, col-\\nleges, and other public institutions by rich men, the re-\\nsults of which are far from an unmixed blessing. The\\neff!ect too often seen is that the pulpit is muzzled and the\\ncollege curriculum biased to gratify the political or reli-\\ngious whims of their supporters. Young men have for\\nyears been a choice attraction for philanthropy, and not", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "218 OUR NATION^ 8 NEED,\\nonly colleges, but libraries, gymnasiums, and other build-\\nings have been erected and endowed for their benefit. Yet\\nnothing under the skies is so able to care for itself as a\\nyoung man. What young men need is not alms, but op-\\nportunity; not help, but responsibility; not endowments\\nwhich palsy the energies, but a road, wide enough for all,\\nleading to success; a field in which all can dig, a place in\\nwhich all can be useful, a mission in the world for each\\none to fill.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice;\\nbut when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn. Solo-\\nmon.\\nHigher as opening up a loftier line;\\nHolier as springing from a deeper root;\\nFor love to God may be pronounced divine\\nWhen love to man becomes its genuine fruit.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Barton.\\nIf you do not wish for His kingdom, don t pray for it\\nbut if you do, you must do more than pray for it; you must\\nwork for it. John Euskin.\\nYes; the world wants the best thing your best and she\\nwill smite you stealthily if you do not hand over your gift.\\nFeances E. Willard.\\nThe New Testament teems with passages inculcating peace,\\nbrotherly love, mutual forbearance, charity, disregard for\\nfilthy lucre, and devotedness to the welfare of our fellow-\\nmen. John Bright.\\nOh! into what a blissful scene might this ruin of a world\\nyet be transformed were covetousness thoroughly subdued, and\\nwere only those who profess to be Christians to come forth\\nwith unanimity and lay down their superfluous treasures at\\nthe foot of the cross. Thomas Dick.\\nIf shipwreck should ever befall your country, the rock upon\\nwhich it will split will be your devotion to your private inter-\\nests at the expense of your duty to the state. Kossuth.\\nRemove but the single element of distrust, and who dpes\\nnot see that the great cause of human wretchedness would be\\ntaken away? Mark Hopkins.\\nProfessions pass for nothing with the experienced when\\nconnected with a practice that flatly contradicts them. Cooper.\\n220", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION ^8 NEED, 221\\nCHAPTEE XV.\\nA DIVIDE-UP AND CHRISTIAN CITIZENSHIP.\\nAt the Presidential election in 1896 there were 13,923,-\\n643 votes east. Each one of these represented an Ameri-\\ncan citizen. If the rate of increase that has marked the\\npast continues, in 1900 there will be 16,000,000 voters in\\nthe nation. The laws and the liberties of the republic\\nare vested in these men.\\nThe overwhelming majority of these citizens have hon-\\nest hearts and sincerely desire those things which best pro-\\nmote the welfare of all the people. Although represent-\\ning almost every shade of religious belief and every na-\\ntionality, in politics we all meet upon a common level.\\nWe all bring, or should bring, to the realm of citizenship\\nour patriotism and Christian character, and the general\\nlevel of political and governmental actions depends upon\\nthe nature of our united influence as individual citizens.\\nIt is unavoidably true that in a country like ours man\\nhas two distinct sets of duties those tvhich he owes to\\nhimself and his own and those which he owes to society\\nand the state.\\nWhile the home, the school, and the Church have been\\ndiligent in teaching individual and private duties, public\\nduties have been constantly neglected. Our schoolmasters\\nare permitted to know nothing of politics. Our strife and\\ncalumny, the bias and deception of political contentions\\nform the school in which political sentiments are moulded\\nand in which political convictions are crystallized.\\nContrary to the common impression, it is in our public\\nduties rather than in our private duties that we are rec-\\nreant. The evils resulting from neglect of public or po-\\nlitical duties are far-reaching and disastrous. When\\npublic duties are neglected or public actions are corrupt,\\ninjurious recoil is made upon every phase of life. N ot", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "322 OUB NATION ^8 NEED,\\nonly the nation, but the family and the individual suffer\\ninflictions. It is the ruling force in the realm of state\\nwhich brings prosperity or ruin upon a people. When\\nthe righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when\\nthe wicked beareth rule the people mourn. Our public\\nand private relations are interdependent. If we are faith-\\nful in both the performance of either is made easy. If we\\nignore either the faithful performance of the other be-\\ncomes impossible.\\nNo matter how perfect and wedded to ideals a govern-\\nment may be, when public duties are neglected public vir-\\ntue begins at once to yield to public vice. The real and\\nideal immediately sever companionship and grow apart.\\nThe real gradually but surely becomes organic and deep-\\nseated, while the ideal grows extraneous and remote. The\\nreal is soon established by all of that which is; the ideal\\nmust roam amid theories of that which ought to be. As\\ntime goes on the real, no matter how deplorable, passes be-\\nyond correction; the ideal, no matter how intensely de-\\nsirable, passes beyond reach. Finally the real becomes an\\nestablished fact the ideal a visionary dream.\\nFailure to perform our duties as citizens has not been\\nwillful, but has come through want of diligence. We have\\nlacked courage rather than motive. We have desired and\\nprayed for better things than we have been willing to work\\nfor. The popular heart has longed for a new era, but the\\nyearning has not materialized into action. Protestant,\\nCatholic, and Jew have stood around the national altars\\nand desired to drop within the sacred urn a united peti-\\ntion for better laws and happier homes, but they have not\\nbeen bold enough to free themselves from the domination\\nof wealth and the bossism of political machines. Thus it\\nis that the miseries and oppressions which prevail are due\\nchiefly to the derelictions of our best citizens. They have\\nallowed themselves to be betrayed. They have been satis-\\nfled simply to desire good laws when duty demanded that\\nthey make them and enforce obedience to them. In short,\\ngood people have been the passive and not the active ele-\\nment in politics.\\nThat the country has suffered on account of political sin\\nis sure evidence that either corrupt or incapable men rule.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "OUR NATI0N^8 NEED. 223\\nGenuine statesmanship has not had charge of the affairs of\\nstate. History establishes no fact more certainly than that\\nwhen worthy and able men rule, prosperity, peace, and\\nprogress invariably follow. But for two decades, under\\nthe alternating administrations of the great political par-\\nties, our industrial and commercial interests have steadily\\nbecome more and more unstable. Our political ofhcials\\nhave hindered rather than favored progress. They have\\nbeen more interested in political jobbery than in the enact-\\nment of wholesome laws. During these years the corrup-\\ntions of the ballot-box have constantly increased and the\\ntrue interests of the people have been less and less re-\\ngarded. The very things that we have been endeavoring to\\nremedy for twenty years have gradually grown worse.\\nCrime has multiplied; labor has grown dependent; the\\nconsumption of liquor has increased the poor have become\\nmore fated and the rich have grown richer at a rate un-\\nparalleled in the history of the world.\\nThese things have occurred because patriotism and\\nChristian character have not dominated in the realms of\\ncitizenship. The lesson must be learned over again that\\nmen owe their noblest and strongest virtues to their coun-\\ntry. Christian principles and political rectitude are in-\\nseparable. Into these wedded relations God has incorpo-\\nrated laws and truths to which not only the lives of men,\\nbut public policies and political actions must conform. To\\nbear fruit in political affairs is a chief mission of religion.\\nSaid Washington after forty years of public life Of all\\nthe things which lead to political prosperity, religion and\\nmorality are indispensable supports. For many years re-\\nligion and science wrestled for the dominion of truth, only\\nto awake, like Jacob and the angel, to find themselves\\nfriends and co-workers at the dawn of a new day. So it\\nmust be in the conflicts between Christian citizenship and\\npolitics they must become a unit and a single and mutual\\nforce in the cause of right.\\nFor years discontent, due to poverty and oppression in\\na multitude of forms, has been appealing to existing po-\\nlitical parties and to legislative powers for needed help.\\nWith rare exceptions it has pleaded in vain. While po-\\nlitical bosses have fattened upon spoils and organized", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "224 OUB NATION S NEED.\\nmammonism has pocketed its millions througli special priv-\\nileges bought with bribes, the people have waited patiently\\nand long for justice that died in its early promise and for\\nblessings not yet seen.\\nWhile it is true that the Christian and moral element\\nhas, more than any other, neglected its political duties, it\\nis also true that of all the victims of vicious laws and cor-\\nrupt legislation, Christianity and morality have been the\\ngreatest. Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also\\nreap; and this principle applies not only to men and\\nmoral conduct, but to beliefs, doctrines, religion, politics,\\nand social customs.\\nChristianity as men see it has been a coward. By al-\\nlowing politicians to betray the interests of the people it\\nhas itself suffered an incalculable loss. By being dis-\\nloyal to the people Christianity has lost its power over\\nthem. The Church as an influence among the masses of\\nmankind has become almost impotent. A large part of\\nour population do not even seriously consider the subject\\nof religion. It is a truth, as startling as it is stupendous,\\nthat there are millions of men, representing the very\\ncream of American manhood, who have so little regard for\\nthat which claims to be Christianity that they do not con-\\nsider it worthy of a hearing. Not more than forty men in\\na hundred go to church at all, and not one-half of these\\nare interested in its work. Eeaching the masses has be-\\ncome a lost art. It takes twenty Christians a whole year\\nto secure a new recruit, and in most instances this new\\nmember is a child brought up under Christian influences,\\nand it is much oftener a passive girl than an active boy.\\nIt was claimed that there were 3,000 churches of one de-\\nnomination that failed to secure a single convert during\\nan entire year. Several of the leading denominations are\\nalmost at a standstill. Yet the Church was never more\\nactive or earnest or the pulpit more able. But its influ-\\nence upon the world outside of its traditional followers is\\ndeplorably weak.\\nThere is a reason for this lack of vital force in the\\nChurch. When the same conditions are so uniform, wide-\\nspread, and conspicuous, the cause should certainly be of\\na nature to be seen and recognized. While there are many", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION^ 8 N-EED. 225\\ninfluences which operate and cooperate against the Church\\nand the inherent rebellion in man^s nature is not to be\\noverlooked there is one overshadowing cause of this\\nestrangement on the part of mankind from the Church and\\nreligious influences. The chief cause is found in politics\\nChristianity has neglected its political duties. Instead\\nof standing immovable against wrong and corruption, it\\nweakly compromises its principles and cowers before the\\npowers of mammonism.\\nPaul said If any provideth not for his own\\nhe hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel. A\\nmeans of livelihood is a means of grace. More than this,\\nit is an essential factor in the domination of faith. Chris-\\ntianity has neglected the material welfare, and as a result\\nfaith is denied mankind. Poverty, want, wage-earning,\\nand lack of natural opportunities have placed a gulf between\\nthe masses and the power to believe. Faith is denied them.\\nThe salt of the earth has lost its savor, the light has van-\\nished into darkn ^ss, and the witnessing power of Chris-\\ntianity stands as though it were dumb before the world.\\nTo the sincere student of men and their material and\\nspiritual relations no truth can be more apparent. There\\nare millions of men in our nation, it is logical to believe,\\nwho are victims of this outrageous wrong.\\nWithout faith we are nothing. And none knew this\\nbetter than the Apostle Paul. IJpon the subject of faith\\nhe was the world^s greatest authority. What Wilberforce\\nwas to liberty, Blackstone to law, or Webster to the Consti-\\ntution, Paul was to the nature and power of faith. And\\nhe taught the fact that to be robbed of the necessaries\\nof life was to be deprived of the ability to believe. He\\nnever plead more earnestly than when presenting the claims\\nof the poor, and of none did he boast so publicly as of those\\nwho were bountiful toward the needy.\\nNearly 1,000,000 sons go out as young men into the\\nworld every year from the firesides of our nation. Only\\na few of these are provided for in the true sense. Most\\nof them start with nothing. Their opportunities are\\nmeager and too often a myth. Many of them see nothing\\nahead but vicissitude and struggle. As they mingle with\\nthe world they meet thousands of men whose brightest", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "^26 Oun NATION 8 NEED.\\npossibilities have been blighted. Men who have grown\\nprematurely old in the struggle for bread are seen npon\\nevery side. The young men are forced to join the ever-\\nincreasing army of wage-earners^ the majority of whom\\nare unwilling and discontented slaves to corporate greed\\nand subject to the whims and caprice of arbitrary and dog-\\nmatic authority. They soon realize that they are a subor-\\ndinate part of creation. They associate with men whose\\nmoral and spiritual natures have been corrupted by vicious\\nhabits, whose intellects have been dwarfed by slavish servi-\\ntude and privation, and whose natural and manly ambi-\\ntions are crushed and dead.\\nMoreover, it is the inherent desire of every healthy, sen-\\nsible young man to get married and settle down. Next to\\nreligion this is the noblest, as it is the most precious, im-\\npulse of the soul. It is the one pure attribute that sur-\\nvived, spotless and holy, the sin of Eden. If these\\nnatural and God-ordained hopes of becoming a husband\\nand father and the loved and honored head of a home and\\nfireside must, on account of poverty and the denial of in-\\nherent rights to the abundant resources of God s foot-stool,\\nbe crushed within the bosom^ as thousands of young men\\nare forced to crush them, the sweetest and highest in man\\nis blighted and broken beyond repair.\\nMillions of men in the midst of these things see wealth\\nliving in luxury, and Christianity, infatuated by its sump-\\ntuous array, courting its smile and support, while toward\\nthe struggling poor it is exclusive and indifferent. These\\nconditions prevail almost everywhere, and the results are\\ninevitable. When man is forsaken by man he soon feels\\nforsaken by God, and when Christianity ceases to be alive,\\nactive, and earnest in its devotions to humanity, disbelief\\nspreads broadcast like a pestilence. Thus betrayed, the\\nspirit in man is crushed and he turns his back upon the\\nChurch. Eeligion becomes to him a jargon of mockeries,\\nthe Bible a myth, and Christianity a delusion and a sham.\\nIt is often asserted that men have as good chances now\\nas they ever had. This is not true. In the first place,\\nlegitimate needs and actual necessities have greatly mul-\\ntiplied. And these needs are rapidly and inevitably in-\\ncreasing. The legion of new inventions and comforts that", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "OTTR NATION S NEED. ^^7\\nmodern genius has produced and is now inventing are a\\nnatural result of progressive civilization. They fill a real\\nwant and come to stay. It would be as possible to return\\nto ox-carts and homespun as to abandon modern comforts\\nand customs. These things were not brought to light to\\nbe hated and spurned, but to be used and enjoyed. And\\nthey were not intended for the few, but for everybody.\\nChildren are more costly than formerly. They require\\nbetter clothes, better food, and better training. A much\\nhigher grade of education is imperative. Social and re-\\nligious advantages are more expensive. Homes cost more\\nthan they did. It requires more knowledge, more influ-\\nence, and more capital to enter business. In a multitude\\nof ways the pathway to success of the modern young man\\nis hedged about with difficulties. And an insurmountable\\nobstacle is that many lines of industry are absorbed by the\\nmonopolies, trusts, and syndicates, a part of whose busi-\\nness it is to crush every new recruit that shows his head in\\nconflict with their interests. It is also true that the prizes\\ncalled success have grown too great in size and too few in\\nnumber, making it impossible for more than one man in\\na great number to reach the goal.\\nIt was the intended mission of Christian citizenship to\\nprevent or overcome all of these things. It is its bounden\\nduty to correct them. Every man, in his inherent nature,\\ndemands a visible chance in the world. It should not be\\na fake, or a false hope, or a race in which a legion must\\nenter and only a few win. It is essential for his own best\\ninterests that man see a pathway to the realization of his\\nhighest possibilities that he not only be active, but useful\\nthat the possession of a home be possible that his family\\nbe a comfort rather than a burden; that his fireside be a\\nplace of plenty and possible contentment, and not a con-\\nstant prey for the wolf of want; that social, educational,\\nand religious advantages all be within reach and that old\\nage bring no thought of dependence or neglect. Until,\\nto a reasonable degree, all of these things are possible to\\nevery one of the great army of toilers, whether they be on\\nthe farm or in the store, the office, the studio, the mine, or\\nthe factory. Christian citizenship cannot claim that it has\\ndone its duty in the realm of politics, nor can it expect", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "228 OTIR NATION S NEED.\\nthat the masses will listen to the Gospel it professes to\\nbelieve and is wont to preach.\\nA recreant and cowardly Christianity has not only denied\\nthe masses the power to believe, but it has dethroned faith\\ngenerally. Men have lost confidence in religion, in poli-\\ntics, in business, in each other, and in themselves. The in-\\njury thus wrought has been incalculable. Public faith\\nis the philosophy of politics and the religion of govern-\\nments/ A lack of public faith, said the eminent Fisher\\nAmes, would not merely demoralize mankind; it tends to\\nbreak all the ligaments of society, to dissolve that mysteri-\\nous charm which attracts individuals to the nation, and to\\ninspire, in its stead, a repulsive sense of shame and dis-\\ngust. Confidence is a higher faculty than reason, and\\nwhen it is lost man is only half alive. We are strong or\\nweak, courageous or timid, a success or a failure, accord-\\ning to the amount of our faith. Faith is not a vain ex-\\npectancy, but the substance of things hoped for. Busi-\\nness is regulated by it. Panics and bankruptcies are\\nchiefly a collapse of confidence. Commercial and finan-\\ncial apostasy public disbelief ^has for years prevailed in\\nour country like a pestilence. It has swept over the land,\\nand in the midst of plentiful harvests and material abun-~\\ndance it has .blighted homes, and broken hearts, and forced\\npoverty and disaster upon the people to an extent only\\nsurpassed by the carnage of war. What the country needs\\nmost is not more resources and industries, more sunshine\\nand rain, or greater enterprise and wealth, but more faith\\nfaith in God, faith in man, faith in life and in the power\\nof effort a faith that rests upon a rock, a foundation upon\\nwhich all men can stand upright and invincible, and, en-\\ncouraged by all that assurance can inspire, realize that\\ntheir highest success is unhindered and that their best\\nefforts are sure of reward.\\nBy neglecting its political and public duties Christianity\\nhas also brought reproach upon itself. Disbelief and dis-\\nrespect have entered its sanctuaries and polluted its altars.\\nFor a full decade the Church has been a chief target for\\nridicule and reproach. This has not come from dema-\\ngogues and infidels, but it has been the voice of a quick-\\nened conscience arousing into action a cowardly and apos-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 229\\ntate Church. In the press and from the platform anath-\\nemas, fired by holy zeal, are hurled at its very vitals.\\nChristianity in its worship is beautiful, and in its devotion\\nto ceremony it is almost faultless. But in politics it is a\\nturncoat and a renegade. Men who are immaculate on\\nSunday are, from all appearances, emissaries of perdition\\nin a political campaign. In church they are at their best\\nand parade in pious decorum in politics they are at their\\nworst and wallow in filth. In the realm of politics, to the\\naverage observer, there is not much difference between the\\ngood and the bad, saints and sinners, the sheep and the\\ngoats. Piety and rottenness bribe with each other s boodle,\\nvote the same ticket, and gloat over the same victories.\\nIn the Church religion grows beautiful flowers, but from\\nthe ballot-box the world learns of its fruits. In the higher\\ncouncils of the Church heated conflicts over politics have\\nfor years been waged, yet few real victories have been won.\\nIt has been strong in resolves, but treacherous in action.\\nIt has wasted its day of political grace, only to find itself\\nweakened and blinded by the darkness of a dead faith.\\nEvangelists and pastors find it necessary to spend their en-\\nergies on the professedly saved. Eeligious books and\\nperiodicals make it their mission to prevent the saved from\\ngetting lost rather than to teach the lost how to be saved.\\nIndeed, the general trend of religious effort is to abandon\\nthe world and its wickedness and revive and arouse into\\naction the dormant and moribund spirituality which\\ngathers about its altars for worship. Well has Dr. Strong\\nsaid If the Church refuses to save society she will fail\\nto save herself, because she will fail to adapt herself to\\nchanged conditions. During the Christian era she has\\nalready made several important readjustments, and if she\\nis to continue to live she must make another.\\nAs the influence of Christian citizenship begins with\\nthe individual, so in its results it ends where it begins\\nvdth the man himself. Whatsoever a man soweth, that\\nalso shall he reap. Christianity has passively sown po-\\nlitical corruption and it has borne its natural fruits. It\\nhas not only denied the people faith, but it is robbing itself\\nof the power to practice the Golden Rule. By being a\\nstumbling-block to others men have hedged their own", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "230 OUn NATION^ 8 NEED.\\npathway. He who has not observed that the ability to\\npractice the Golden Enle in the best sense has been grad-\\nually undermined and placed beyond reach of the average\\nindividual, has not kept his eyes open. Legions of men\\ndependent upon wages feel obliged to sacrifice moral prin-\\nciple in order to supply their families with bread. Busi-\\nness men find that there is a Baal to whom they must bow,\\nor suffer the fires of opposition and ultimate defeat. The\\nrealm of industry has become depraved and the channels of\\nenterprise corrupt and crooked. The individual has be-\\ncome a slave to the powers that be. The useful and\\nhumane features of business have been largely swallowed up\\nin the idea of money-making. The various branches of\\nbusiness, under the reign of trusts and syndicates, are like\\nso many financial empires ruled by despots. Their scepter\\nof power is absolute and their kindness or tyranny is a\\nmatter of whim.\\nThe laws of cause and effect are inexorable, and they\\napply not only to life and nature, but to the actions and\\ncharacter of men. Nothing is more certain than that,\\nwith the average man, rectitude of life requires proper and\\ncontributing surroundings. Said Henry Drummond, one\\nof the deepest thinkers of our time The development of\\nany organism in any direction is dependent upon its en-\\nvironments. A living cell cut off from air will die. A\\nseed-germ apart from moisture and appropriate tempera-\\nture will make the ground its grave for centuries. Human\\nnature, likewise, is subject to similar conditions. It can\\nonly develop in presence of its proper environment. No\\nmatter what its possibilities may be, no matter what seeds\\nof thought or virtue, what germs of genius c art lie latent\\nin the breast, until that appropriate environment presents\\nitself the correspondence is denied, the development is dis-\\ncouraged, the most splendid possibilities of life remain un-\\nrealized, and thought and virtue, genius and art are dead.\\nAnd what is true of the natural and spiritual world is\\nequally true of the realms of politics and business. When\\npolitical actions become corrupt, few are the men who can\\nwithstand the debasing influence in which they are obliged\\nto move. When the channels of business are polluted by\\nunscrupulous or inordinate greed, men by the legion feel", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION^ 8 NEED. 231\\nforced to resort to methods which their consciences con-\\ndemn and which they inwardly despise. Not only are\\nAvage-earners and the poor made slaves, but merchants,\\nmanufacturers, professional men, and even capitalists are\\nfinding that liberty and free-will have taken flight, and\\nthat they live in an environment infamous in nature and\\narbitrary in power. While we are boasting of our liber-\\nties and material progress, we are threatened with a po-\\nlitical and industrial tyranny as despotic as that which\\ncursed Eome under the iron heel of the Caesars.\\nChristianity is at an extremity. A crisis confronts the\\ncourage and conscience of men. An imperative duty, long\\nneglected, faces the individual citizen. It is not reason-\\nable to expect Christianity to spread or the Church to\\nattract the masses or its members to live lives of rectitude\\nuntil private and public life character and politics are\\nbrought into harmony. It is a travesty upon religion to\\npreach the Gospel to men when its followers, covetous and\\nselfish, have placed a chasm between their fellows and the\\nfaith they enjoy, or to pray, Thy kingdom come when\\nthose who profess to be in the kingdom have lent their in-\\nfluence to deny those outside the common comforts of life.\\nThese are painful charges to thrust in the face of Chris-\\ntianity. But they are more than true. He who will go\\nout into the world and mingle with men and candidly and\\ncarefully study the conditions which prevail will witness\\nthese perversions as plainly as though they were told in\\nblazing letters across the dome of the sky.\\nBut the present is an occasion of great opportunity.\\nISTever did such an inviting conquest face the powers of citi-\\nzenship. A new epoch is to mark the near future. The\\ncharacter of this epoch is vested in the people. The way\\nis clear. The duty is plain. It consists in crystallizing\\nthe Golden Eule and the teachings of Christ into political\\naction.\\nThe Bible is intensely devoted to political questions. In\\nno other source are the duties of good citizenship so\\nvividly and faithfully portrayed. The prophets of the Old\\nTestament were all politicians in the best sense. Its pages\\nteem with political policies, commands, and warnings. The\\nentire Bible insists upon loyalty to country, and upon the", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "23^ OVB NATION ^S NEED.\\nsubjects of land and usury, riches and poverty, legislators\\nand laws, employers and employees, slavery and liberty it\\nis comprehensive and explicit.\\nIn the treatment of political subjects the Bible almost\\ninvariably centers upon the extremes of wealth and pov-\\nerty. Avarice has been the contending foe from the be-\\nginning. Over no condition of life do so many warnings\\nhang as over riches. With one bold sweep it declares that\\nthe love of money is the root of all evil. If the love is\\nthe root, that love gratified must be the tree upon which\\nall evil fruits grow. To become wedded to riches is as\\nmuch forbidden as was the fruit of the fatal tree in Eden.\\nThe rich are admonished to break off sins by showing\\nmercy to the poor. For ye have eaten up the vineyard\\nthe spoil of the poor is in your houses. What mean ye\\nthat ye beat my people to pieces and grind the face of the\\npoor He that oppresseth the poor to increase his riches,\\nand he that giveth to the rich, shall surely come to want.\\nEob not the poor because they are poor for the\\nLord will plead their cause and spoil the soul of them that\\nspoiled them. Go to, now, ye rich men weep and howl\\nfor your miseries that shall come upon you. Behold^\\nthe hire of the laborers who have reaped down your fields,\\nwhich is of you kept back by fraud, crieth; and the cries\\nof them which have reaped have entered into the ears of\\nthe Lord. The Bible as a whole treats of earthly rather\\nthan of heavenly things. It has more to say about ma-\\nterial than spiritual affairs. Its commands and warnings\\nare closely associated with the human side of life. Its\\nbasic teachings are equality and justice among men.\\nThe love that clings to self and ignores others regard-\\ning temporal matters cannot be classified as a Christian\\nvirtue. Says the beloved Apostle; But whoso hath this\\nworld s good, and seeth his brother hath need, and shutteth\\nup his bowels of compassion from, him, how dwelleth the\\nlove of God in him.\\nThe life and teachings of Jesus while upon earth were\\nlargely devoted to financial and political duties. Eiches\\nwere considered by Him a treacherous possession. His\\nsermons. His parables, and His ministrations directly bear\\nupon temporal affairs. One of His cardinal declarations", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "OUR IfTATION S NEED. 233\\nwas Ye cannot serve God and Mammon. To the rich\\nyonng man He said Lackest thou one thing sell all that\\nthon hast and distribute nnto the poor/ Under the influ-\\nence of His teachings Zaccheus gave one-half of his goods\\nat once to the poor and restored fourfold all his ill-gotten\\ngains. Warning against riches is a central teaching of the\\nSermon on the Mount. The Lord s Prayer is devoted to\\nthe subject of bread, debts, humanity, and earthly things\\nentirely. To pray for an ideal earthly kingdom, for good\\nlaws, just conditions, prosperity, and peace, implies that we\\nshall vote, and work, and live for these things as much as\\nwe do for bread and shelter. The parable of the rich man\\nand Lazarus gives divine authority to the thought that if\\nthe rich fare sumptuously while poverty and suffering are\\nneglected, they deserve not only temporal death, but the\\neternal fate of the damned. The only glimpse of the judg-\\nment revealed to us is the parable of the sheep and the\\ngoats. With the sheep upon the right side and the goats\\nupon the left, and amidst a vision of the earth s poor, and\\nhungry, and thirsty, and sick, and outcast, and oppressed,\\nHe said to those upon the right side, Verily I say unto\\nyou, inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of\\nthese my brethren, ye have done it unto me and to those\\nupon the left He said Inasmuch as ye did it not to one\\nof the least of these, ye did it not to me. And these shall\\ngo away into everlasting punishment; but the righteous\\ninto life eternal.\\nChrist s mission was to save the world, to redeem the\\nearth, to elevate mankind spiritually and temporally, and\\nto bring peace, good-will, and prosperity to the people.\\nHis salvation is intended to rescue not only the souls, but\\nthe bodies of men not only individuals, but nations. He\\ncame that the Gospel be preached to the poor; that pov-\\nerty, want, oppression, and degradation be abolished. Com-\\nmon necessities and the good things of life are furnishings\\nof His earthly kingdom. He came to overcome sin and to\\ndestroy its ravages; not to save men in their sins or in\\ntheir poverty, but out of both. To eradicate poverty and\\nmisery, injustice and ignorance, is a part of the atone-\\nment.\\nThe principle and the practice of the general distribu", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "234 OUE JSTA TION 8 NEED.\\ntion of wealth as it prevailed in Canaan for centuries are\\nin full accord with the entire teachings of both the Old\\nand ]N ew Testaments. It was a required practice in the\\ndominion of law it is an imperative principle in the gospel\\nof love. If it is a desirable measure in our country to-day,\\nits execution should meet the approval of every patriotic\\nChristian citizen. Charge them that are rich in this\\nworld that they be rich in good works, ready to\\ndistribute, is as binding as the Decalogue or the Apostle s\\nCreed. Let the brother of low degree rejoice in that he\\nis exalted; but the rich in that he is made low, are ap-\\npeals to the grandest and noblest in man. How could it\\nbe possible, except through a just and equitable distribu-\\ntion of property, to elevate the poor and destroy the glory\\nand power of riches and fulfill the saying He hath put\\ndown the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low\\ndegree. He hath filled the hungry with good things, and\\nthe rich he hath sent empty away\\nAmerican citizenship holds within its grasp the desti-\\nnies of the future. A new era, to be the grandest the\\nworld has seen, is before us. It will be the triumph of man\\nover nature, of right over v,^rong, of peace over war, of joy\\nover sorrow. In its contemplation mankind is confronted\\nby new duties. Simply to cleplore poverty and wrong and\\npray for humanity will no longer avail. Faith, and hope,\\nand love no longer respond to hollow mockeries. Equal-\\nity is the new signet in the divine seal of human govern-\\nment.\\nTo make a just and universal distribution of property\\nis the only way in which the higher elements of character\\ncan be called forth. In no other v/ay can Christian broth-\\nerhood show t^at it loves its neighbor as itself. It is the\\nonly thing that will humanize the hearts of the rich or\\ndispel the apathy and abolish the slavery of the poor.\\nNothing else will so harmonize into action the diversities\\nof gifts and talents of the race. It is the only measure\\nthat will satisfy the Golden Eule. l^othing else will so\\nrenew the faith of the people and reestablish the influence\\nof Christianity in the land.\\nChristian citizenship, if it means anything, implies that\\nChristian principles should be the motive force in political\\nafiairs. It is not a new religion or a new theology that WQ", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "OUB NATION S NEED. 235\\nneed, but a practical and opportune application of the reli-\\ngion we have. The signs of the times are prophetic of\\nmomentous advances in the social and political world. To\\nkeep in harmony with modern progress politics must re-\\nnew its life. Evidently, God is demanding that not sim-\\nply individuals, but that our nation and society as a whole\\nmust he saved.\\nThat religion possesses essentials which relate solely to\\nindividual experience is entirely true. In a vital sense\\nevery one must work out his own salvation and, independ-\\nent of all else, preserve with loyal fidelity his own atti-\\ntude toward his Maker. Some may have no duties beyond\\nthis personal exercise of hope and faith. But such a reli-\\ngion belongs to the circumscribed and obscure its scope\\nis limited, its influence passive. Such a religion is not the\\nkind required of strong men, rich in influence and talents\\nand intrusted with the duties of citizenship.\\nThe Christian pictured by Bunyan left his home, his\\nfamily, his country, and his all, and, single-handed and\\nalone, sought the Celestial City. But religion has out-\\ngrown these narrow conceptions. The modern Christian\\nhas a more comprehensive mission than this. His re-\\nsponsibility goes beyond self. It includes society and the\\nstate. To a remarkable degree man has become his broth-\\ner s keeper. This was always a principle it is now a law.\\nTo be a citizen is to be more than an individual. The ex-\\nperience sufficient to inspire childhood and comfort weak-\\nness and age will not suffice for him who holds the political\\ndestiny of the nation within his grasp. The religion that\\nredeems a subject will not save a citizen. Modern prog-\\nress has united interests and combined forces. Men are\\nno longer isolated units, but vital parts of a complete\\nwhole. Christianity is submerged in politics, and the in-\\ndividual Christian is as leaven in the political and social\\nlump. Only by lifting others can he lift himself. Only\\nby being the salt of the earth can he himself be saved.\\nOnly by being the light of the world can he illuminate his\\nown pathway. God is demanding that citizenship in the\\nrealm of politics shall become a channel of human redemp-\\ntion. The present age gives to Christianity a new mis-\\nsion. Its new duty rennirps thpt not only individuals, but\\nsociety and the, nation shall be saved and blessed.: _", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "Look not every man on his own things, but every man also\\non the things of others. Paul.\\nNew times demand new measures and new menj\\nThe world advances, and in time outgrows\\nThe laws that in our fathers day were best;\\nAnd doubtless, after us, some purer scheme\\nWill be shaped out by wiser men than we.\\nLowell.\\nThe highest and noblest endeavor of the leaders of thought\\nis to-day bent on seeking the way for a closer brotherhood, a\\nmors perceptible blending between those whom social condi-\\ntions and injustice have too long kept asunder: and a grander\\nquest than this was never undertaken by belted knight. H.\\nW. Cadman.\\nWhen the heart has become hot with the God-enkindled fire\\nof love, it refuses to regard any class, however ignorant and\\ndegraded, as human rubbish. It looks down on no being for\\nwhom Christ thought it worth while to die. The essential\\ndignity of human nature belittles the artificial distinctions of\\nsocial rank. Caste can no more survive the awakening of the\\nspirit of uiversal brotherhood than a night can outlive the\\nsunshine. ^Josiah Strong.\\nThey who seek to lift the works and institutions of men\\nwith visions of larger truth and assertions of wider justice are\\nnot destroyers, but builders; they make ready the way of the\\nLord into new redemptions of human life. George D. Her-\\neon.\\nLift up your eyes and you may see another stadium of his-\\ntory advancing. Its aim will be to realize the Christianity of\\nChrist Himself, which is about to renew its youth by taking\\nto heart the Sermon on the Mount. He that sitteth on the\\nthrone is saying: Behold, I make all things new. This\\nearth is yet to be redeemed, soul and body, with all its\\npeoples, occupations, and interests. Roswell D. Hitchcock.\\n^36", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 237\\nCHAPTEE XYI.\\nIS IT OUR DUTY TO DIVIDE UPf\\nThis is America. Ours is a government of the people,\\nfor the people, and by the people. Every citizen has a\\nrigfht to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.\\nOur country is rich. Its natural resources are bound-\\nless. It could support one-half of the human race and\\nhave an abundance to spare. Our land is fertile and fur-\\nnishes a large share of the food supply of civilization. Our\\nclimate is healthful, invigorating, and promotive of\\nstrength and energy. Our mines are rich in treasure.\\nGold and silver, iron and coal, oil and other minerals are\\nstored up for the ages. We have granite and lumber suffi-\\ncient to render exhaustion almost impossible. Our river\\ncourses and harbors are unsurpassed. Our manufacturing\\ninterests are in tiie front rank, and in progressive enter-\\nprise and inventive genius we lead the world.\\nAmerica was intended to succeed. Before the foot of\\ncivilized man ever pressed her shores the elements of suc-\\ncess swelled her bosom and filled her forests. Prosperity\\nand plenty echo from her thousand hills, and peace and\\ngood-will here find their wonted clime.\\nNo serious famine or long-continued pestilence has ever\\nmarred her history. No matter how desperately foreign\\nfoes have beaten upon our shores or how lavishly human\\nblood has been poured out upon her soil to uphold her\\nhonor or preserve her name, through it all faith in her\\nnatural resources has remained unshaken. No matter how\\noften the people have been made to suffer through their\\nOA\\\\Ti transgressions or on account of man^s inhumanity to\\nman, they have never turned their faces toward heaven\\nand uttered an unanswered prayer for bread. Her store-\\nhouses have crarrered abundant harvests, her markets have\\nlet no real want remain unsupplied. As the magnificent", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "238 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nruins buried beneath the surface of ancient and historic\\nsoil proclaim a great past, so do the rich and exhaustless\\ntreasures stored up in the bosom of our continent proclaim\\na great future. As an inspiration to material progress\\nand to civilizing forces America has no parallel. Well has\\nEmerson said: America is another name for oppor-\\ntunity. Our whole history appears like a last effort of\\nDivine Providence in behalf of the human race.\\nUnder such favorable conditions the people not only have\\nthe right, but it is their duty to succeed. It is their duty\\nto perpetuate, with sacred fidelity, every advantage and\\nevery blessing which unlimited opportunities and the best\\nlaws can insure.\\nIt is the direct mission of the American people to see\\nthat injustice, oppression, enforced poverty, or unnatural\\nriches find no resting-place here. Liberty has been bought\\nand slavery has been banished at a great price, and the\\nvictories are worth the cost only when the benefits they be-\\nstow are placed within the equal reach of all. Whenever\\nthe just privileges of any one are cut off or the God-\\nintended opportunities of any one are denied, there still\\nexists an occasion for a patriotic and emphatic protest.\\nThere is no genuine statesmanship excepting that which\\nis enlisted in the interest of all the people. There is no\\npatriotism that does not reverently stand ready to offer\\nitself in behalf of a righteous and just cause. When pov-\\nerty, debt, riches, oppression, crushing competition, indus-\\ntrial bondage, and the injustice and viciousness which\\nthey inevitably induce prevail in the land, and in the face\\nof it all political corruption and unbridled greed flourish\\nand intrench themselves, it becomes the imperative duty\\nof the people to arise and demand that conditions be\\nchanged and the cause which produced them be removed,\\nno matter by whom such action is opposed or against\\nwhose individual interests it may operate.\\nIf it be true that these evils are due to the fact that the\\nwealth of the nation has drifted from the possession of the\\nmany into the hands of the few; that this unnatural flow\\nof wealth and property has been going on for years and\\nsteadily grows more and more rapid; that already 1,000,-\\n000 men own nearly the whole of the nation s wealth, and", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "OUR I{ATION S NEED. 239\\nat least 50,000,000 people have only a mere pittance, the\\nhighest sense of honor demands that a remedy be applied.\\nIf it be true that the concentration of wealth into the\\nhands of a few and the widespread prevalence of poverty\\nand debt is the chief cause of the various evils which so\\nburden and affhct our country, it is a conclusive proof\\nthat these conditions are a national calamity. Through\\nthe decline in values, the idleness of men, the depres-\\nsion in business, and the embarrassments of poverty dur-\\ning the past ten years a vast army of our people have\\nsuffered a loss the extent of which, from a financial\\nstandpoint, is scarcely surpassed by the Civil War.\\nSo long as present conditions exist prosperity alone can-\\nnot bring permanent relief to the people. During recent\\ncampaigns prosperity or the lack of it has been given great\\nprominence in political discussions. Its succeeding waves\\nhave been made the rallying-cry of party leaders and mul-\\ntitudes of voters have used it as their guiding star. Pros-\\nperity in spasms leaves the people worse off than it finds\\nthem. Succeeding eras of prosperity are, to no small\\nextent, the cause of the present extremes of wealth and\\npoverty. Out of prosperous times evolve the magnate and\\nmillionaire. Out of the interims of depression have come\\nfinancial wrecks and the widespread reign of wage-earn-\\ning. It takes both bulls and bears^^ to make a Wall\\nStreet. Not only are prices forced up and down, but\\nprosperity and panics are brought to pass by designing\\nmen. Nothing so favors financial extremes as flood and\\nebb tides of commerce and industry. The essential high\\nart of modern financiering consists in taking advantage\\nof prosperity and panics at the expense of those not so\\nkeen and far-sighted.\\nExtremes of wealth and poverty are a condition that\\nis both a cause and effect. It may be the outgrowth of\\neven good laws and natural causes, but the results to\\nwhich it leads are all unnatural and vicious. It is not\\n.50 much the result of had laivs as it is the cause of them.\\nIt is the source of political corruption and unjust op-\\npression rather than the result of these things. When\\na few have all and the many have nothing, all that is\\naccursed becomes incarnate. It is a condition which de-", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "240 OUR NATION S MEED.\\nfies correction itself and prevents normal activity in\\neverything within the range of its influence.\\nIt wonld be impossible to outlaw the forces which have\\ncreated existing extremes of wealth and poverty. Both\\nextremes are reached by a thousand paths. Honesty and\\nfraud, energy and intrigue, acquirement and inheritance,\\ngenius and greed things good and bad produce both\\nwealth and poverty. These operations of mind, ambition,\\nchance, and human nature are entirely beyond the power\\nof legal control. And it is well they are; because if all\\nenterprise and human relations could be operated and\\ncontrolled like one vast machine, it would be coercion, not\\nliberty. Every man would wear a strait- jacket and good-\\nness would become a law instead of a virtue, which is\\nimpossible.\\nSo long as concentrated wealth is permitted to dominate,\\ngenuine reforms, either industrial, financial, political, or\\nmoral, are prevented. For two decades it has forestalled\\nalmost every effort in the direction of genuine progress.\\nPolitics has become the playground of wealth, and poli-\\nticians, from the President down, are little else than its\\npuppets. So long as this condition exists, the great octo-\\npus which strangles law and liberty will hold supremacy,\\nno matter how diligently we may apply remedies in other\\ndirections. Should a divide-up be made, it would even\\nthen be difficult to enact laws and establish customs that\\nwould maintain desirable conditions in matters of wealth\\nand poverty. To endeavor to grope our way back to that\\nwhich is desirable through a wilderness of theories, ideal\\nthough they may be, is not only impracticable, but utterly\\nimpossible.\\nTo equalize wealth among the people is the first\\nthing to do. If this were done other reforms would\\nbe easy. It would break the ground for and bring within\\nreach many measures and issues now both impracticable\\nand impossible. The interests of the people would become\\nmutual, and movements which now arouse intense an-\\ntagonisms and are sure of defeat would then be favored,\\nwith popular approval. The public ownership of rail-\\nroads, telegraphs, and mines and the destruction of the\\nliquor traffic would be easily accomplished, Our whole", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "OXIR NATION 8 NEED. 241\\nmonetary system could be reformed without opposition.\\nIf the Government should own the gold and silver mines,\\nour national credit would be at once established through-\\nout the world. The initiative and referendum would J3e-\\ncome a natural and welcome sequence of the new order of\\nthings.\\nThe rich can enter no just plea against a divide-up and\\nstart-even. They have proven themselves entirely inca-\\npable of managing, to the best advantage, the wealth that\\nthey now legally claim. They have turned wealth into a\\ncurse rather than a blessing. It is the mission of wealth\\nto be useful and active to keep mind, muscle, and handi-\\ncraft busy; to establish homes and promote education and\\nmorality to render suffering unnecessary and actual want\\nimpossible. It is the duty of wealth to prevent hard times\\nand poverty and to insure prosperity and plenty. It is\\nits duty to lift all and oppress none. In a country like\\nours wealth should give to every one an opportunity and\\nallow no one to wholly fail.\\nBut in the hands of those who hold it wealth has ut-\\nterly failed to do these things. The millionaire, as a\\nrule, is a complete and disastrous failure. His talent of\\nmoney-making is a peril his charity a curse to his fellows.\\nWealth when concentrated in the hands of a few ceases to\\npossess either conscience or sympathy, except in rare in-\\nstances. It will invite panics and plan general destruc-\\ntion; it will devour its neighbors and starve their chil-\\ndren; it will buy political power and social honor in the\\nopen markets, and corrupt legislation and disregard laws\\nas though such things were only intended for swine.\\nWealth will conspire against all else for its ot\\\\tl profit;\\nit will crush its rivals and deceive its friends; and if al-\\nlowed full sway it will rule the earth with all the cruelty\\nthat heartless tyranny can conceive. Wealth in the hands\\nof the few has ever been and will continue to be humanity s\\nconstant and relentless foe. Distributed equitably among\\nall the people, it becomes their loyal friend and a chief\\nfactor of Christian civilization. Concentrated wealth\\nand widespread poverty are antagonistic and cannot be\\nreconciled. The condition is unjust, unnatural, un-\\nchristian, and un-American.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "242 OUR NATION S NEED.\\nAn important lesson to be learned is that riches and\\npoverty are mnch alike in that they are both abnormal.\\nThey are conditions to be equally deplored. That both\\nconditions, in a most pronounced form, are rapidly on\\nthe increase is, perhaps, onr greatest national peril. While\\nconcentrated wealth and diffused poverty represent ex-\\ntremes and stratify our social life, yet they are correla-\\ntive and vitally connected. Only through the influence\\nof the other does either exist. Only by a study of both\\ncan either be fully understood. Only by assailing both\\ncan either be subdued.\\nThe best sociologists tell us that poverty is a disease.\\nFew truths have been more boldly or more conclusively\\nproven. In one of her most noted public addresses Frances\\nWillard said: Poverty is a disease; it is degradation;\\nit has no right to be; and when men and women wake\\nout of sleep and see themselves as the criminals they are,\\nnothing in the world will be so sure of an actual extermi-\\nnation as the cursed thing called poverty the cradle of\\ncrime, the father of filtli, the mother of misery. In the\\npast we have comforted ourselves with looking upon it as\\nthe effect of wrong-doing, but have now aroused our-\\nselves to the study of it as a cause. We ^re determined\\nto burn out, to its last infectious atom, the stench of the\\nslums and the supreme temptations to a bad life with\\nwhich poverty haunts the dreams of babyhood, handicaps\\nthe purposes of youth, enthralls the life of manhood.^\\nBut, like poverty, riches is also a disease. Its threat-\\nenings are as dire and its results are as deadly. Its\\nsymptoms are pathognomonic and arise from no other\\ncondition or cause. The miser is as much a victim of\\nriches as the pauper is of poverty. The millionaire madly\\ngrasping for more is as much a cancerous neoplasm upon\\nthe body social as is the tramp who begs from door to\\ndoor to appease his hunger. The unbridled ambition of\\navarice is as morbid as the apathy of the mendicant. It\\nis the nature of poverty to enslave, but the slavery to\\nv/hich the poor must submit is no more abjectly servile\\nthan that imposed upon its victims by the rapacity of\\ngreed.\\nThe poor we pity with a lavish sympathy, yet no less", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 243\\npitiable and little less worthy of our compassion are those\\nwhose love is wedded to lucre, whose god is gain.\\nConcentrated wealth is more baneful in a nation like\\nours than poverty. Said one of the wisest of statesmen:\\n^^Monarchies are destroyed by poverty; republics are de-\\nstroyed by wealth.^^ His words are true. While poverty\\nis the threatening foe of the empires of Europe riches is\\nthe menace most dangerous in our own land. So true is\\nthis that we might destroy all other existing evils and let\\nriches prevail, and with it a tyranny despicable and cruel\\nwould remain.\\nIt has been taught and widely believed that the in-\\ndifferent and prodigal poor are beyond repair. The sub-\\nmerged tenth/^ according to modern charity, are scarcely\\nworth the effort required to save them. But their condi-\\ntion is no more hopeless than that of the emerged tenth^^\\nthe very rich whose sympathies are selfish, whose af-\\nfections are calloused by the love of gold.\\nConcentrated riches m^ore than poverty is a progressive\\ndisease. It is active, aggressive, usurping, and dangerous.\\nMore than poverty has it defied law, forgotten God, and\\nruined nations. More than poverty has it palsied industry,\\ndegraded labor, and corrupted the ballot-box. More than\\npoverty is it the hidden power behind corrupt legislation,\\nthe saloons, and the evils that curse our financial and in-\\ndustrial systems. More than poverty is riches a deep-\\nseated organic lesion, poisoning and destroying the vital\\nprinciples of our national life and threatening the in-\\ntegrity of the Government itself.\\nAnother lesson to be learned is that concentrated riches,\\nas well as poverty, is in need of destruction. The world\\nhas expected too much from the rich and not enough from\\nits poor. The rich have been burdened with responsibil-\\nities, while the duties of the poor have been ignored. We\\nwould have the rich assume guardianship over the poor\\nmake of the wealthy philanthropists in public and alms-\\ngivers in private. We forget that from among the com-\\nmon people, even from among the poor and oppressed,\\nGod calls His heroes and chief workers. Poverty is a great\\nteacher. It has a nobler mission than making misan-\\nthropes of mankind. He who cowardly ignores the lessons\\npoverty is wont to teach is as guilty as he who wastes his", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "244 OUB NATION S NEED.\\nriches in luxury and riotous living. Widely separated as\\nthe rich and poor are in many respects, in responsibility\\nthey are a unit. The poor man, as well as the rich man,\\nis his brother^s keeper. It is no more the duty of the rich\\nto hold dominion over the poor than it is the duty of the\\npoor to hold guardianship over the rich. Poverty more\\nthan wealth teaches men the needs of mankind. It is\\nboth futile and unfair to expect the rich as a class to\\nheartily enlist in or wisely shape the course of any benefi-\\ncent reform. The advent of doomsday is as promising.\\nThe divine rights of property will be as persistently de-\\nfended as the divine rights of kings. It is as impossible\\nfor the rich to voluntarily give up their wealth or favor\\nany measure that would jeopardize its possession as it\\nwould be for the royal potentates of earth to vacate their\\nthrones and scatter to the winds the diadems that il-\\nlumine their crowns.\\nThe rich, in common with the poor, deserve our sym-\\npathy and compassion. More than the poor are they\\nenslaved. They demand help. Meager, indeed, are the\\nlessons learned by our statesmen until the needs of riches,\\nas well as those of poverty, are pointed out and placed\\nwithin reach. One-sided and impotent will political and\\nsocial reforms and Christian charity remain until the\\nfact is appreciated that both riches and poverty are twin\\nevils to be overcome and subdued. As existing in our\\nland to-day, concentrated wealth and diffused poverty are\\na common curse. Their existence forms a dominating\\nnational characteristic. Their perpetuation means the\\nnation s peril. Their continued growth and influence will\\nmean the nation s ruin.\\nSolomon classified riches and poverty together and\\nprayed for deliverance from both. They are vitally asso-\\nciated evils; both ever-present symptoms of the same dis-\\nease and can never be divorced. It is impossible to foster\\none without fostering the other. It is impossible to de-\\nstroy one without destroying both. So long as a nation is\\nthe paradise of the rich it will remain the purgatory of\\nthe poor. Whenever the poor are given what justly be-\\nlongs to them, it is inevitable that it be done at the ex-\\npense of the rich. With certain limitations these results\\naire inevitable. Through motives born of the noblest im-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "OUR NATION S NEED. 245\\npulse and througli love, iinalloyed and of the heart, is\\nit the plain dnty of the millions of common people in our\\nland to demand that both riches and poverty, in their\\nunnatural and unwarranted extremes, be speedily and\\neffectually destroyed.\\nThus viewed, a divide-up and start-even would not be\\na war between the rich and poor, but a conflict in behalf\\nof both. It would be a warfare that has been waged\\nover and over again a warfare to secure human liberty\\nand equality. Lincoln said that this nation could not con-\\ntinue half slave and half free. ISTor can it. It matters\\nlittle whether the slavery means fetters which bind men\\n-to the will of other men or fetters which bind men to the\\npower of money. Mankind will not only revolt against\\nslavery, but it will, with even greater protestation, revolt\\nagainst the tyrannies of unjust and enforced inequalities.\\nThe love of liberty and equality is so great that while men\\nmay endure bondage and humiliation for a season, the\\ntime inevitably arrives when the passion for freedom and\\njustice becomes so intense that it swells to the height of a\\nfury. There is great truth in the words of De Tocque-\\nville: Democratic communities have a natural taste for\\nfreedom. Left to themselves they will seek it, cherish\\nit, and view any privation of it with regret. But for\\nequality their passion is ardent, insatiable, incessant, in-\\nvincible; they call for equality in freedom; and if they\\ncannot obtain that they still call for equality in slavery.\\nThey will endure poverty, servitude, barbarism, but they\\nwill not endure aristocracy.\\nBy the close student of men and public affairs the op-\\nportune time for a radical reform in our customs and po-\\nlitical conditions is seen to be rapidly approaching. While\\nprosperity and adversity, in the form of riches and pov-\\nerty, are both capable of proving of benefit, this benefit\\nis only transient and is soon transformed into injury.\\nThe good effects of these opposite experiences are fast\\ndisappearing in our country. The rich have extracted all\\nthere is of genuine benefit from their possessions, and\\nthe reaction, in many instances, has already begun its\\nwork of ruin. To most of the rich the discipline of earn-\\ning a livelihood would prove a real blessing. The masses,\\nin turn, have reaped all the advantages that adversity and", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "246 OUR NATION S NEED.\\noppression can bring. When either riches or poverty be-\\ncomes an inheritance, a fixed experience from the cradle\\nto the grave, the higher motives and best energies are sel-\\ndom awakened. In one instance man is robbed of the\\nneed and in the other of the chance to exercise his natural\\ntalents and possibilities.\\nFor a number of years we have been growing a crop,\\never increasing, of two dangerous classes of men. One\\nclass, rich from birth, trained in luxury, isolated in so-\\nciety, poisoned with conceit, considering themselves su-\\nperior in blood and finer in mind than the rest of the world,\\nhave lost sympathy and grown heartless, and are ready\\nand willing to grind their fellows into ignorance and\\nwant to gratify their inherited and pampered appetites\\nfor indulgence and maintain their social dominion. The\\nother class, born in poverty, grow up indolent, indifferent,\\nand ignorant, neither trained in virtue nor disciplined\\nin character, and, morbidly contented and apathetic, they\\nsettle like dregs to the bottom of our social life. These\\ntwo classes are the counterpart of each other. They are\\nboth a constant menace to good government and they\\npollute society with conceit and luxury, calumny and\\nhate.\\nBut these classes are not yet large. The great mass\\nof the people are patriotic and intensely loyal to the com-\\nmon good. Legions of them, schooled in adversity and\\neconomy, are, to a remarkable degree, prepared to ap-\\npreciate and wisely use a just proportion of property.\\nTaken as a whole, no people in the world were ever better\\nprepared to respond to increased aims and opportunities.\\nGive the people an object in life, said Edward Everett,\\nand the best methods will infallibly be suggested by that\\ninstinctive ingenuity of our nature which provides means\\nfor great and precious ends. Give the people an object,\\nand the worn hand of labor will be opened to the last\\nfarthing, that its children may enjoy means denied to\\nitself.\\nWhile to divide up would be a new feature in the\\nmodern economy of nations, it is also true that our coun-\\ntry must of necessity adopt new and untried methods in\\npromoting and preserving the national life. It is an in-\\nteresting fact that America is peculiarly situated regard-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "OTfR NATION^ 8 NEED, 247\\ning the settlement of questions upon which citizens widely\\ndiiier. The records of history show that irreconcilable\\ndifferences have usually been settled, if settled at all, by the\\nweaker side taking refuge in some remote land to avoid\\npresecution and ignoble defeat. Thus from the beginning\\nof nations the oppressed have sought a new country/\\nwhere more room and greater freedom abound.\\nBut a new settlement of differences must be found.\\nMankind has populated its last refuge. Every river has\\nbeen forded, every mountain climbed, and ships laden\\nwith expatriated exiles have spanned, every deep. Follow-\\ning in the march of mankind the world s scepter has\\npassed from Persia to Greece, from Greece to Italy, from\\nItaly to Great Britain, and from Great Britain it has\\ncome to the New World. Like the easter star which took\\nits course westward until it stood still over the cradle of\\nBethlehem, so the star of empire, rising in the east, has\\nled the course of empire until it stands still over our\\nnational domain, beckoning the people of earth to follow\\nin its pathway. Beyond us is the Orient. The bridges\\nback to the fatherland from whence we came are forever\\nburned. There is no new country in which the oppressed\\nor despised can seek refuge and liberty. Here, for the\\nfirst time in human history, men are required to settle\\ntheir differences face to face. It is a new epoch that con-\\nfronts mankind. The oppressed and the oppressor, the\\nweak and the strong, the poor and the rich are clothed\\nwith a new duty. Heretofore it has been the privilege of\\nthe oppressed to plead humbly for justice and the equal\\nprivilege of the oppressor to refuse it. But America has\\nestablished a new tribunal, before which her humblest\\nsubjects may come and plead their cause. To-day it is\\nthe duty of the oppressed to demand justice, and it is the\\nequal requirement that the oppressor manfully and hon-\\norably grant it.\\nThese new and more intimate relations mark the ad-\\nvent of a higher type of citizenship. They demand that\\npublic differences not only be settled, but that they be\\nsettled right. They mean that civilizing forces have\\nprogressed and that duty and law have received a higher\\nand nobler mission among men.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAgassiz, 29.\\nAnarchy, 64.\\nAretta, The, 143.\\nAtherton, Chas. G., 202.\\nAustralia, History of, 143.\\nAndrews, E. B., 82.\\nBancroft, George, 32.\\nBaker, E. D., 90.\\nBarbauld, 82.\\nBeneficial Societies, 85.\\nBeattie, James, 208.\\nBimetallism, 162; Interna-\\ntional, 165.\\nBlaine, Jas. G., on Constitu-\\ntion, 66; on Money, 157.\\nBrooks, Phillips, 14; 40.\\nBrace, C. Loring, 14,\\nBright, John, 220.\\nBurke, Edmund, 54.\\nBuilding Associations, 84.\\nBusiness methods, 86; and\\nCivilization, 151.\\nBooth, William, on child train-\\ning, 144.\\nBunyan, John, 235.\\nCadman, H. W., 40; 54; 104;\\n236.\\nCarlyle, Thomas, on nations,\\n18; on religion, 118.\\nCapital and Labor, 127; 140.\\nCarnegie, Andrew, on Charity,\\n217.\\nCertificates, money, 161.\\nChanning, on War, 22.\\nChildren, benefiting, 142; ex-\\npensive, 227.\\nChambers s Cyclopsedia, 143.\\nCharlton, Mrs., on prostitution,\\n144.\\nChautauqua Circle, 214.\\nChristian Citizenship, 221.\\nChristianity, duty of, 229.\\nCigarettes, 125.\\nCivil War and a divide, 194.\\nCicero, 148.\\nClay, Henry, on money, 158.\\nComstoek Mine, 155.\\nCompetition, 128.\\nCommunism, 58.\\nConfucius, 82.\\nConstitution, 56; 64.\\nCongress, Power of, 42.\\nCo-operation, 86.\\nCzar of Eussia, 21.\\nDanton, G. J., 208.\\nDepew, Chauncey, 90; on fail-\\nures, 193.\\nDe Tocqueville, on aristocracy,\\n245.\\nDebts, Release of, 73.\\nDick, Thomas, 220.\\nDiversities, natural, 203.\\nDirect Legislation, 181.\\nDollar, The, 158.\\nDraco s Laws, 78.\\nDrummond, Henry, 14; 208;\\non environment, 230.\\nDun s Review, 27.\\nDuffie, Geo. M., 186.\\nEckles, Comptroller, 148.\\nElections, Honest, 183; 192.\\nEmerson, on America, 238.\\nEncyclopaedia Britannica, on\\nmoney, 158.\\nEverett, Edward, on parental\\nlove, 246.\\nExcursions will be educational,\\n214.\\nFaber, F. W., 54.\\nFailures, 27.\\nFiat Money, 160.\\nFiske, John, 118.\\nForeign Debts, 50.\\nFroude, 118.\\nFranklin, Benjamin, on inven-\\ntions, 127; on money, 158.\\nFraternal Insurance, 85.\\nGarfield, Jas. A., 54.\\nGaston, William, 132.\\nGambling devices, 126.\\nGladstone, W. E., on militar-\\nism, 21; on duty, 208.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "250\\nINDEX.\\nGold, value of, 155; is fickle,\\n161; in oceans, 161.\\nGovernment ownership, 171.\\nGrady, Henry W., 104.\\nGrant, U. S., 90.\\nGreat Britain, conditions of,\\n24; poverty of, 98.\\nGreece, History of, 78.\\nGompers, Samuel, 82.\\nGoldsmith, 0., 82.\\nHarrison, Commissioner, on Re-\\nsponsibility, 139.\\nHarrison, Benjamin, 40; 54;\\n148.\\nHamilton, Alexander, 54.\\nHare, Chas. J., 72; 148.\\nHazlitt, William, on adversity,\\n88.\\nHenry, Patrick, on Peace, 22.\\nHerron, Geo. D., 72; 208;\\n236.\\nHitchcock, P. D., 236.\\nHopkinson, Joseph, 54.\\nHonesty, 55.\\nHowitt, William, on Christian\\nduty, 80.\\nHome Journal, 107.\\nHolland, J. G., 118.\\nHowells, Wm. D., 132.\\nHopkins, Mark, 220.\\nHolmes, O. W., 186.\\nHuman Nature, 16; 29.\\nHumboldt, 132.\\nHull, Prof., on children, 143.\\nHume, J., 148; on money, 167.\\nInequalities, 17; natural, 203.\\nIntemperance, 135.\\nImmigration, 180.\\nInitiative and Peferendum, 182.\\nIncome Taxes, 191.\\nIntrinsic Value, 154.\\nIreland, condition of, 24; 98.\\nIsrael, laws of, 16; 73.\\nIsaiah, 132; 186.\\nJefferson, Thomas, on major-\\nity, 42.\\nJohnson, Alex., 90.\\nJubilee, 74.\\nKidd, Benjamin, on the edu-\\ncated, 198.\\nKingsley, Charles, 72.\\nKossuth, L., on public neglect,\\n220.\\nLaws, unstable, 63; natural,\\n76.\\nLaveleye, Emile De, 72,\\nLabor-saving machinery, 127.\\nLincoln, A., on Declaration, 66.\\nLife Insurance, 85.\\nLiquor Business, 120 137.\\nLiterature, Vicious, 126.\\nLicense, wrong and unprofit-\\nable, 169.\\nLowell, J. P., 236.\\nLord, John, 118.\\nLongfellow, 105; 186.\\nLycurgus, 78.\\nMammonism, 23.\\nMann, Horace, 32; 104.\\nMansions, private, 49.\\nMarriage, 107.\\nMackay, Chas., 72; 208.\\nMasses, Peaching the, 224.\\nMcAnally, Prof., on Marriage,\\n107.\\nMedicine, Secret, 122.\\nMiddle Classes, 197.\\nMoney Question, 153; kinds\\nof, 154; amount needed,\\n167.\\nMonetary Commission, 167.\\nMonopolies, 172.\\nMoral Influence, 133.\\nNations must be saved, 235.\\nOrganization, Value of, 175.\\nOwnership, Power of, 95.\\nO Pell, Max, 186.\\nPaul, 54; 118; 202; 225;\\n236.\\nPatent Medicines, 122.\\nPeace Conference, 21.\\nPensions, 50.\\nPentecost, Dr., 77.\\nPeel, Robert, 158.\\nPhilosophy of Divide, 15.\\nPhillips, Wendell, on the people,\\n102; on corporations, 186;\\non scholarship, 199.", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "INDEX,\\n251\\nPhilanthropy, 216.\\nPitt, William, 158.\\nPostal System, 84.\\nPlato, 132.\\nPowderly, T. V., on drink, 137.\\nPoor, The, prolific, 141.\\nPolitics, 187.\\nPoverty a disease, 242.\\nProsperity in spasms, 239.\\nPresent Issues, 149.\\nPrecedent, 18 197.\\nPublic Ledger, 58.\\nPublic Faith, 228.\\nPublic Ownership, 171.\\nQueen Victoria on War, 21.\\nReeves, Robert N., 90.\\nReforms fail, 188.\\nReed, Thomas B., 202.\\nRedemption Money, 162.\\nRiches a disease, 242.\\nRousseau, 14.\\nRodgers, John D., 32.\\nRoss, W. W., 118.\\nRuskin, John, 202; 220.\\nSchools, Common, 84; 209.\\nScientific American, 143; 154;\\n158.\\nSchiller, 40.\\nSeward, Wm. H., 32.\\nSelf Respect, 68.\\nSenators, Election of, 183.\\nShaftesbury, Lord, 132.\\nShrady, Dr. Geo. F., on char-\\nity, 217.\\nSlums, 93.\\nSmith, Wm., on Jubilee, 75.\\nSmith, Rev. S. M., 14.\\nSolon, 78.\\nSocial Influence, 133.\\nSolomon, 208; 220.\\nSocial Advantages, 209.\\nSystem of Public Culture, 209.\\nStrong, Josiah, on church, 229;\\n236.\\nStock Exchange, 92.\\nStandard of Value, 158.\\nSunday Rest, 126.\\nSwitzerland, Laws of, 182.\\nTalents, Diversities of, 16.\\nTariff, The, 150.\\nTenants, 97.\\nTheatres, 210.\\nTrusts, 86; 129; 172.\\nTobacco, 125.\\nTolstoi on Charity, 217.\\nTramps, 140.\\nTraveling Salesmen, 179.\\nTl avel for instruction, 214=\\nTucker, Booth, 142.\\nUniversity Extension, 214.\\nUnbelief, 225.\\nUnit of Value, 158.\\nValue, per capita, 35.\\nVenice, History of, 157.\\nVicious, The, 140.\\nVirgil, 148.\\nWar, use of, 19; unpopular,\\n21; not last resort, 42.\\nWage-earning, 137.\\nWarner, Chas. D., on crim-\\ninals, 141.\\nWashington, 148; on foreign\\nrelations, 167; on religion,\\n223.\\nWanamaker, John, on politics,\\n189.\\nWealth and Poverty, 26.\\nWealth of U. S., 34; per\\ncapita, 35; growth of, 35;\\n58; vested in people, 60.\\nWebster, Noah, 82.\\nWebster, Daniel, 132; 202.\\nWetty, J. B., on fallen women,\\n144.\\nWhittier, J. G., 22; 104; 118;\\n132.\\nWise, Daniel, 104.\\nWillard, Frances, 118; 220;\\non poverty, 242.\\nWright, Commissioner, 85.\\nWoodbury, Levi, 40.\\nYoung, The, 105.\\nYoung Men, duty of, 115;\\nclaims of, 225.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "Forty Popular Books.\\nWe call your special attention to the following list of\\ncopyright books written by popular authors, printed on\\nbest laid paper and bound in heavy paper covers.\\nAny of these books can be obtained from your book-\\nseller, or they will be sent by mail postpaid to any address\\non receipt of price, 50 cents each, by J. S. Ogilvie Pub-\\nlishing Company, 57 Rose Street, New York.\\nAny of these Books can be obtained from your bookseller, or they\\nwill be sent by mail postpaid to any address on receipt of\\n75 Cents each for the cloth edition, or 50 Cents each for the\\npaper covered edition, by J. S. OGILVIE PUBLISHING\\nCOMPANY, 57 Rose Street, New York.\\nNo. 1. ASENATH OF THE FORD. By Rita. 12mo,\\n358 pages.\\nThe reputation of this popular author is sufBcient to ex-\\npect a good story, and no one will be disappointed in this one.\\nNo. 2. A SECRET QUEST. By George Manyille Fenn.\\n12mo, 349 pages.\\nNo. 8. A MODERN DICK WHITTINGTON. By James\\nPayn, author of For Cash Only, A Prince of the\\nBlood, By Proxy, Lost Sir Massingberd, etc.,\\netc. 12mo, 334 pages.\\nThe Btory, In Its plot, holds the attention closely. Sir Charles Is admirably\\ndrawn, as are the women characters. There Is much of terse eplgrtun and clerer\\nBfttlre, here and there, which adds piquancy to the stoiy.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boston Times.\\n1-^", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "No. 4. ALONE ON A WIDE, WIDE SEA: An Ocean\\nMystery. By W. Clark Russell, author of My\\nDanish Sweetheart, The Golden Hope, etc. 12mo,\\n348 pages.\\nThe story is exciting. Women will read tlie story with peculiar interest and solemn-\\nly resolve never, never again to remove their wedding ring.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iView? York Herald.\\nThe story is powerfully told and marks a new departure by the author.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iVfeto\\nYork Tribune.\\nThe book is one of the freshest and most delightful of W. Clark Russell s sea\\nBtories.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 i^oston Traveller.\\nAltogether, It is a moving tale and very Instructive as to sea lUe.-^BrooJclin\\nCitizen.\\nNo. 5. A LOYAL LOVER. By Mrs. E. Lovett Camerok;\\nauthor of This Wicked World, ^Deceivers Ever,\\netc. 12mo, 294 pages.\\nstrongly dramatic, cleverly managed, well written, with a tragedy developed wlifli\\nmuch power.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 \u00c2\u00a3osto7j Saturday Evening Gazette.\\nNo. 6. A HARD LESSON. By Mrs. E. Lovett Cameron,\\nauthor of In a Grass Country, A Life s Mistake,\\netc. 12mo, 343 pages.\\nMrs. Cameron has written many good books, but none\\nbetter than this.\\nA charming story, graceful in style, crowded with incidents, often very dramtUlO\\ntJiough never sensational in the bad sense.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American Bookseller.\\nNo. 7. A DOUBLE LIFE. By Ella Wheeler Wilco-x,\\nauthor of Poems of Passion, etc. 12mo, 306 pages.\\nIn all of Mrs. Wilcox s writings she has done no better\\nwork than she has in this volume. She is one of the American\\nauthors that hold a high place in the opinion of the best critics.\\nNo. 8. A MODERN BRIDEGROOM. By Mrs. Alexander\\nFrazer. 12mo, 312 pages.\\na-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "No. 9. A TYPICAL AMERICAN An Anonymous\\nAmerican Story. l2mo, 256 pages.\\nIn this story the hero illustrates in his own person the\\nunique qualities and see-saw experiences of our ambitious\\npublic men. He is encircled by troops of friends, flatterers\\nand foes, in society, in politics and in the press. The por-\\ntraiture and the ever- varying play of these characters around\\nthe central figure make up a comedy-drama of daily life as\\nsparkling and faithful as anything now current in fiction or\\non the stage.\\nNo. 10. BACK TO LIFE A Story of a Mistake. By\\nT. W. Speight. 12mo, 254 pages.\\nA sensational novel, brightly written.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iVeio TorJc Independent,\\nWill attract readers of the best class.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 American BooTcseUer.\\nVery well told.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Springjield Re%mbUcan.\\nNo. 11. BEATRICE AND BENEDICK. By Hawley\\nSmart. 12mo, 277 pages.\\nThis is a soldier s love story, with a dash of sport, and\\nis in this popular author s happiest vein and most character-\\nistic style.\\nNo. 12. BOB MARTIN S LITTLE GIRL. By David C.\\nMUERAY. 12mo, 383 pages.\\nThis is a fascinating book by a popular author.\\nNo. 13. CONSTANCE. By F. C. Philips, author of\\nJack and Three Gills, The Dean and His\\nDaughter, As In a Looking Glass, etc. 12mo,\\n305 pages.\\nA story of extraordinary interest and dramatic power.\\nNo. 14. GRAVE LADY JANE. By Florence Warden,\\nauthor of The House On The Marsh, etc. 12mo,\\n320 pages.", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "No. 15. HER MAD LOVE. By Gerald Carlton. 12mo,\\n282 pages.\\nNo. 16. THE HUNTING GIRL. By Mrs. Edward\\nKennard, author of Pretty Kitty Herrick, etc. 12\\nmo, 374 pages.\\nNo. 17. IN THE DAYS OF THE MUTINY. By G. A.\\nHenty. 12mo, 397 pages.\\nThe book has a very clever and interesting plot. The scene is laid in India. The\\nstory is told in an easy, graceful, effective style. The characters are living beings,\\nand the final ending is fitting. The Boston Republic.\\nIt is a well told story of the great mutiny in ln^B,.~Syracuse Herald.\\nNo 18. INSCRUTABLE. By Esme Stuart. 12ino, 298\\npages.\\nNo. 19. LADY VERNER S FLIGHTo By The Duchess.\\n12II10, 310 pages.\\nThe girl next door will have this boofe within three days. It !s a pure story of\\nEnglish life, in which there is the most delightfully viliainous villain, who dies at\\nJust the right time, and there are no less than three love affairs going on at the same\\ntime. New York Recorder.\\nNo one of the popular fiction writers is more delightfully Interesting than the\\nDuchess, and in Lady Verner s Flight she quite surpasses her own standard\\nof entertaining literature. The story is told with the animation and humor char-\\nacteristic of this writer, and will be enjoyed by grave statesmen and Jurists and men\\nof affairs who desire to give themselves mental relaxation.-~!Z7ie Boston Beacon,\\nNo. 20, THE LAST SIGNAL. By Dora Bussell, author\\nof The Other Bond, etc. 12mo, 311 pages.\\nNo. 21. MR. AND MRSo HERRIES. By May Crommelin.\\n12mo, 250 pages.\\nNo. 22. MAYFLOWER TALESc By Julian Hawthorne,\\nGrant Allen, Richard Dowling and George E.\\nSims. 12mo, 2T6 pages.\\n-4-", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "Ko. 23. OUT AT TWINNETT S. By John Habbes.\\nTON, author of Helen s Babies. 12mo, 283 pages.\\nThis is a well- told and thoroughly readable romance of\\nNew York life. Mr. Habberton s direct and unaffected style\\nwas never shown to better advantage than in this drama,\\nwhich possesses an added interest by the fact that the scene is\\nlaid on the Sound, and some of its characters are graphic\\nword-pictures of the quaint folk still to be found along that\\ncoast.\\nNo. 24. ONE TOUCH OF NATURE. By Maegaret\\nLee. 12mo, 300 pages.\\nOne lays down the book with the sense of having made pleasant acquaintances.\\nt-New Fork Advertiser.\\nPlenty of thrilling sensations that give it a refreshing yigoT.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Philadelphia Item.\\nAn intensely interesting story.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pittsl urg Press.\\nA medal should be given to the author of this thrilling storj.\u00e2\u0080\u0094St. Louis Republic.\\nA bright little story that keeps the heart sweet and glad all the way through.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nDetroit News.\\nNo. 25. PRETTY KITTY HERRICK, A Dashing Story\\nof Love and Sport. By Mrs. Edward Kennard,\\nauthor of A Real Good Thing, The Girl in the\\nBrown Habit, Killed in the Open, Matron or\\nMaid, Straight as a Die, etc. 12mo, 407 pages.\\nNo. 26. THE PEER AND THE WOMAN. ByE. Phillips\\nt Oppenheim. 12mo, 259 pages.\\nA highly sensational but quite unobjectionable romance\\nof fashion and passion.\\nAn interesting and extremely Intricate story of crime and detention.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 iVfetc For*\\nHerald.\\nAn excellent story that wUl be read with pleasure by lovers of Gaborlau.-*\\nChicago Mail.\\nA powerful story, abounding in plot and well tol6..-\u00e2\u0080\u0094Toronto Farm,\\nThere isn t a dull page in it.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Lancaster New Era.\\n5", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "Noo 27o Sm ANTHONY S SECMET; of, A False Posi*\\ntion~The Story of a Mysterious Marriage, By\\nAdeline Sergeant, author of Roy s Repentance,\\nThe Great Mill Street Mystery, No Saint, etc.\\n12mo, 628 pages.\\nMiss Sergeant s books find a warm welcome wherever her dramatic and origi-\\nnal style is known. This is her latest novel and is one of her best efforts.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Boston\\nHeraZa.\\nNo. 28o SWEET IS REVENGE A Sensational Novel.\\nBy J. Fitzgerald Molloy, author of ThatYillain\\nRomeo, How Came He Dead? etc., etc. 12mo,\\n291 pages. _. _\\nThis little romance will find plenty of admirers. Pittsburg BuUetfn,\\nWholesome and well flavored.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ifmweapoMs Tribune.\\nNo. 29. TINKLETOP S CRIME. By George R. Sims,\\nauthor of Ostler Joe, Mary Jane s Memoirs, etc.\\n12mo, 316 pages.\\nNo. 30. THE SORCERESS. By Mrs. Oliphant. 12mo,\\n382 pages. Bound in cloth, with onyx side, 75 cents.\\nNo. 31. THROUGH PAIN TO PEACE. By Sarah Doud-\\nney. 12 mo, 380 pages.\\nNo. 32. TWO LOYAL LOVERS. By Elizabeth W.\\nJohnson. 12mo, 381 pages.\\nNo. 33. THE OTHER BOND. By Dora Russell, author\\nof Foot-prints on the Snow, The Broken Seal,\\nA Bitter Birthright, The Track of the Storm,\\nA Fatal Post, etc., etc. 12mo, 372 pages.\\nA pathetic, even tragic BtoYj.\u00e2\u0080\u0094BrooTclyn Eagle.\\nA well-told, English story, full of exciting incidents, and presenting some very\\nstrong character drawing. Boston Home Journal.\\nA most entertaining story.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 boston Daily Traveller^", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "No. 34. THE OLD MILL MYSTERY. BjA.W.Margh-\\nMONT. 12mo, 246 pages.\\nNo. 85. THE MAN FROM THE WEST. By A Wall\\nStreet Man. 12mo, 246 pages.\\nThis book created a great sensation, and has been drama-\\ntized for production on the stage. Every American should\\nread it.\\nNo. 36. UP FROM THE CAPE. By Aunt Desire. 12\\nmo, 252 pages.\\nThis is one of the most interesting books issued for a long\\ntime, and will make a record for itself.\\nNo. 37. VANITY S DAUGHTER. By Hawley Smart.\\n12mo, 320 pages.\\nNo. 38. WELL OUT OF IT. By John Habberton,\\nauthor of Helen s Babies, etc., etc. 12mo, 256\\npages.\\nAn intensely Interesting story, \u00e2\u0080\u0094Pittsburg Press.\\nA medal should be given to the author of this thrilling story.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Louis Jtepubllo,\\nA bright little story that keeps the heart sweet and glad all the way througli.^\\nDetroit News.\\nNo. 39. WELL WON. By Mrs. Alexander. 12mo, 256\\npages.\\nFull of snap and interest and altogether equal to anything\\nwritten by this popular author.\\nA clever and merry little story .\u00e2\u0080\u0094iVeitf TorTc Herald.\\nA capital domestic comedy. New TorTc Advertiser.\\nThis little romance will find plenty of admirers.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pi\u00c2\u00abs wrfl BuUetin.\\nNo. 40. THE ADVENTURES OF A BASHFUL BACHE-\\nLOR. By Clara Augusta. 12mo, 288 pages.\\nf", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "190Q", "height": "3272", "width": "2045", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3272", "width": "2072", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "Il\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bb\\nHIMIMW IMIIW IIMIMMMI\u00e2\u0080\u0094 II\\nLIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n013 722 243 7", "height": "3492", "width": "2199", "jp2-path": "ournationsneedor00conw_0264.jp2"}}