{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nChap.t^-^lrdpvriirlit No.\\nShelf\\nUMTED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "r", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "_Tort Scott*\\nD T 1 w By\\nWi Hi inv E. Goi\\\\ uellevj ice T lv\u00c2\u00ab Life c(Tc)i u B c w a.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "John Brown\\nBY\\nWILLIAM ELSEY CONNELLEY\\nAuthor of The Provisional Government of Nebraska Territory, James Henrj\\nLane, the Grim Chieftain of Kansas, Wyandot Folk-Lore,\\nKansas Territorial Governors, etc., etc.\\nSic itur ad astra\\nFrom boulevards\\nO erlooking both Nyanzas,\\nThe statured bronze shall glitter in the sun,\\nWith rugged lettering\\n3obn JBrown of Ransas\\nt e DareD bCQin;\\n1be l09t,\\nJBut, [oslng, won.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Eugene F. Ware.\\nCrane Company, Publishers\\nTopeka, Kansas\\n1900", "height": "3010", "width": "2002", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "r;\\n93f)9\\nort*i y of Conorn**\\nNOV 1 1900\\nSEr,( NO COPY.\\nOH[ ii{ DIVISION,\\nNOV 19 I90U\\nCopyrighted by Crank Co., Topeka, Kansas, 1900.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nAwait the issue. In all battles, if you await the issue, each\\nfighter has prospered according to his right. His right and his\\nmight, at the close of the account, were one and the same. He\\nhas fought with all his might, and in exact proportion to all his\\nright he has prevailed. His very death is no victory over him.\\nHe dies indeed; but his work lives, very truly lives. A heroic\\nWallace, quartered on the scaffold, cannot hinder that Scotland\\nbecome, one day, a part of England: but he does hinder that\\nit become, on unfair terms, a part of it; commands still, as with\\na god s voice, from his old Valhalla and Temple of the Brave,\\nthat there be a just real union as of brother and brother, not a\\nfalse and merely semblant one as of slave and master.\\nCarlyle.\\nEmerson says that all history resolves itself into the\\nbiographies of a few strong characters. This makes it\\nimperative that those who would have a right understand-\\ning of the history of their country should study carefully\\nthe life of John Brown. For it is rare that any country\\nproduces a man who deliberately, even joyously, lays down\\nhis life for a principle for an idea. When such a char-\\nacter appears among men he is first maligned and misun-\\nderstood, afterwards driven and persecuted, and often\\ngibbeted as a felon. After his death the people come\\ngradually to see and understand the great truths he will-\\ningly went to the scaffold for. It becomes apparent that,\\nafter all, though in conflict with accredited forms and\\nestablished and recognized conventionalities which regu-\\n(5)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nlate and prescribe the relations between men in their\\nsocial state, he was right. This realization presses upon\\nthe people; the cause in their interest which cost human\\nblood becomes vital to their existence, as the martyr in-\\nsisted. It becomes known by all that he was the first to\\ndiscern in its true magnitude and proportion the evil\\nwhich threatened the progress of the race. It is perceived\\nthat he alone proposed an adequate remedy, and so deep\\nwere laid the foundations of his faith that he willingly\\nsealed with his blood the cause which the people could but\\nreject until the broad sunlight which he saw from his\\nmountain-top flooded the valleys in which dwelt those of\\nhis generation. Men gather about the standard he reared\\nand carry it to a triumphant issue and victory for the\\ncause for which he suffered martyrdom at their hands.\\nThus, wonderfully and fearfully is man made, and\\nstrangely is society constituted.\\nJohn Brown perished on a scaffold of ignominy, in\\nconformity to the exactions of recognized and accredited\\nsystems and at the instance of reactionary institutions\\npoisoning and drying up the fountains of our national\\nlife, and in so doing died a martyr for human liberty.\\nSuch men remain potent forces in individual and national\\nlife. They touch and quicken in man and nation truth,\\njustice, patriotism. When the wiles of greed and avarice\\nwould tempt us to cast loose from the safe havens of lib-\\nerty and justice in pursuit of pomp and grandeur on the\\nglittering and deceptive seas of questionable or unjust\\nenterprises, the lives of such men blaze and burn a beacon\\non the eternal shores of truth to entreat us to return to\\naccord with laws human and divine.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nJohn Brown comes with a message to one and all to-day.\\nIf we can get some correct comprehension of the motives\\nby which his life was ordered and the principles which\\nled him to sacrifice himself for high and noble purposes,\\nif we can apprehend why he sought the relief of the poor,\\nthe weak, the despised, rather than the plaudits of the rich,\\nthe mighty, the unjust, and that in so doing he but sought\\nto bring us back to the truth and simplicity of the fathers\\nof our country, then we may profit by the important\\nlessons his life holds for us. He was a man, and not, as\\nsome are inclined to say, a saint whose every act was just,\\nv;ho was incapable of doing wrong, w^ho alone and un-\\naided saved Kansas to freedom and America to liberty.\\nAnd we insist that those who seek to sink him to the\\nlevel of the criminal and the malefactor, who distort their\\ncountry s history with malice and venom to gratify private\\nanimosity or exalt at his expense an inferior contemporaryj\\nare equally in error. The efforts of both are futile. Pos-\\nterity invariably comes to a right verdict on the actions\\nof men. Every fact that will in any way affect this ver-\\ndict becomes fully knoMTi. In such an instance it is as im-\\npossible to conceal a wrong or suppress a virtue as to blot\\nout the sun. John Brown was human, and as such was\\nburdened with human weaknesses. That he often erred,\\nmust be admitted. That his faults were grievous, none\\nso well knew as he himself and his letters are full of\\nconfessions. He made no claim to perfection w^ho would\\nplace him in a position so false would do him immeasura-\\nble injustice. He eschewed evil, and strove daily with his\\nown shortcomings. He never for a moment sought to\\nevade the full responsibility of any act committed by him-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "O PEEFACE\\nself or at his instance. Long before he left Kansas for\\nHarper s Ferrj he said without evasion or reservation\\nthat if the killing on the Pottawatomie was murder, he\\nwas not guiltless. He said this without anv injunction to\\nsecrecy, and with the full consciousness of the rectitude\\nof his own purpose and the unfaltering faith that a right\\nunderstanding of the facts would vindicate his course in\\nthe ejes of right-thinking men, and that history would\\nnot fail to justify him.\\nThe strength of John Brown s life and the grandeur\\nof his character lie not in his having been always right.\\nN o man has ever been so. But they lie in his having done\\nhis duty as he saw it. Perhaps he failed in judgment,\\nbut never in intention, nor by evasion. In Kansas, pa-\\ntriotic men differed from him in the policy to be pursued.\\nThey would have been satisfied with a temporary peace,\\nand any compromise which would have made Kansas alone\\na free State. And indeed this would have been a great,\\nand when accomplished was, a wonderful achievement\\nover seemingly insurmountable obstacles. .John Brown\\nbelieved it his duty and the duty of every man to demand\\nfreedom for the whole people. He was aware that we\\nmight patch a compromise and cry peace peace as we\\nhad done before, but he knew there would be no peace\\nand no possibility of permanent peace in Kansas or any\\nother State or Territory so long as our government was\\nan absurdity so long as we proclaimed freedom and\\npracticed slavery. When he came to Kansas he was an\\nold man, and his experience taught him that we had been\\ntrying compromise and proclaiming peace for half a cen-\\ntury, during which slavery had made conquest after con-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "PEEFACE\\n9\\nquest, marched from triumph to triumph, until those\\nforces of our country resting upon justice, humanity, the\\nDeclaration, the Constitution, and the Christian religion,\\nsaid that it was useless to continue longer the deception.\\nWithout claiming more than that he was acting in obedi-\\nence and conformity to God s will, John Brown repre-\\nsented these forces, which were our only hope for preser-\\nvation. He believed that God commanded him to make\\nwar upon the wickedness of slavery. jSTot only that; he\\nbelieved this command was universal, that it was to all\\nmen. I find no evidence that John Brown assumed to\\nbe the only man with a divine commission to fight slavery.\\nBut John Brown heeded this call, and acted upon it;\\ntherein lies his glory.\\nJohn Brown was right. He was an intense revolutionist\\nand an incisive reformer. He went back to the first prin-\\nciples of simple justice and having done so, self-deception\\nand the temporizing of others became impossible for him.\\nHe saw the inconsistency and injustice of a government\\nfounded upon liberty enslaving millions of its people. He\\nvery properly concluded that it was better that such a\\ngovernment cease to exist altogether if it could not be\\nbrought to conform to its expressed and underlying prin-\\nciples. Some will ask wherein he differed from the seces-\\nsionist, who sought the destruction of the Union. John\\nBrown would have destroyed it because of its injustice,\\nand have built of its ruins the temple of truth, justice,\\nliberty, and honor. The secessionist would have destroyed\\nit because of its justice, in the hope that he would be en-\\nabled to build from the fragments the dishonorable struc-\\nture of injustice and the brutality of human slavery a", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "10\\nPKEFACE\\nmonstrous empire of iniquity. John Brown believed that\\nGod called liim and every other man to work as in him lay,\\nto the end that our country might rise to the divine heights\\nof enduring truth and become in fact what the fathers\\ndesigned it the beacon to lead the world to higher con-\\nceptions of liberty. In this world obedience to the call\\nof duty, and the defense of the inalienable rights of hu-\\nmanity, are due from every man. How few of us respond\\nto even the conceptions we attain And our universal\\nindifference adds the great-er glory to the individual who\\nsays in his weakness: Here am I; send me; I will do\\nwhat I can. John Brown said that. In sickness and in\\nhealth, through evil and good report; maligned, misrep-\\nresented, persecuted and ridiculed beset and weighted\\ndown by poverty; surrounded by obstacles none other\\ncould have overcome; without any hope, desire or expec-\\ntation of reward in this life; not for himself nor his fam-\\nily nor for the rich, the powerful, and the great, but for\\nthe poor, the driven, the bondman and the slave who toiled\\nin a sore and bitter thralldom, he did struggle onward and\\nupward in the steep and rugged path appointed to him.\\nThere is little doubt that he often saw the scaffold, or a\\nfile of soldiers in front of himself with a coffin at his\\nfeet, at the end of the way. But he turned not aside.\\nSo devoted to his Master s work was he that he could\\nexclaim, with Saint Paul For I am persuaded, that\\nneither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor\\npowers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor height,\\nnor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate\\nus. And therein lies the nobility, the majesty, and the\\nsublimitv of the character of John Brown. God had given", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PEEFACE\\n11\\nhim the cup, and until He let it pass it must be drained\\nto the last drop. When it was manifest that this cup con-\\ntained the bitterness of death, it was given him to see\\nthat he was right, that his work had not been in vaiu,\\nand the power to exclaim in triumph and in great faith\\nwith another servant of God who perished at the hands\\nof a wicked and unjust state I have fought the good\\nfight, I have finished mj course, I have kept the faith:\\nHenceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteous-\\nness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at\\nthat day and not to me only, but unto all them that love\\nhis appearing.\\nSo much in advance of his age was John Brown, that\\nit took the Civil War to show us that he was right, and to\\nreveal to the world the divine height of justice, humanity\\nand liberty upon which he stood and looked down with\\nhorror upon the sodden iniquity of our land. He was\\nstrangled on the border-land between liberty and slavery.\\nHis blood maddened the South. It fell to them according\\nto the true proverb, Whom the gods would destroy they\\nfirst make mad. A year later the Southern people cried\\nKill burn slay Away with the Union We will have\\nnone of it! What is it to us or our children? We will\\nbuild us a country the foundation-stone of which shall be\\nhuman slavery! Truly, it was upon the second day of\\nDecember, 1859, as though the noonday sun had broken\\nthere over a field of moles But for the ISTorth, solemn\\nand serious was the day! Good men everywhere clothed\\nthemselves with sackcloth and sat in ashes in repentance\\nfor the sins of the land. They stood upon the walls of\\nthe cities to warn the people to flee from the manifest", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12\\nPEEFACE\\nwrath of Heaven. Thej girded on the sword of the Lord\\nand of Gideon. When the voice of incendiarism was\\nraised in the temple bv the South, the spirit of John Brown\\nstalked abroad and became the inspiration of the armies\\nmarching to bring back the nation to its starting-point.\\nJ fill and dale resounded with patriotic songs, Tramp,\\ntramp, tramp, the boys are marching, and We are com-\\ning, father Abraham, three hundred thousand more.\\nBut when the grim and grislj columns grew faint and\\nroad-worn when armies met in battle-shock which shook\\nthe solid earth and the day was doubtful when the long\\nlines of blood-stained Blue would staunch the wound and\\nLend the eye a terrible aspect;\\nLet it pry thruugli the portage of tlie head\\nLike the brass cannon let the brow o erwhelm it\\nAs fearfully as doth a galled rock\\nO erhang and jutty his confounded base,\\nSwill d with the wild and wasteful ocean,\\nand nerve the terrible arm of war to do or die, then\\narose the war-cry of the Xorth, that weird, soul-thrilling\\nstrain, bearing over the weary way, on the field of blood\\nand carnage, the solemn chant,\\nJohn Brown s body lies mouldering in the grave,\\nBut his soul goes marching on.\\nAs the volume of this grim Marseillaise of America\\nrose and rolled, filling the valleys and overflowing the re-\\nstraining hills with a fearful menace like the eagle s\\nscream, courage filled every heart, daring shone in every\\neye, and the armies of the Republic became invincible.\\nThe Kansas Historical Societv has one of the finest", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "PEEFACE\\n13\\nlibraries in America. Its vaults are rich in documents\\nrelating to John Brown, his men and his times. The\\nobliging and efficient Secretary, Hon. George W. Martin,\\nplaced all these at my service. He that would know John\\nBrown as he really was must pore over these papers and\\nthis John Brown Collection is the most complete in the\\ncountry.\\nI rest, also, under deep obligations to F. B. Sanborn,\\nEsq., of Concord, Massachusetts, author of Life and Let-\\nters of John Brown. His work is the most extensive and\\nexhaustive biography of John Brown ever written. It is\\nparticularly rich in letters and other original documents.\\nMr. Sanborn had unusual opportunities to gather this in-\\nvaluable material, and all students of American history\\nhave cause to thank him for the fidelity with which he\\nhas performed the work. His burning pages have ever\\nbeen an incentive to me to dig and delve in this interest-\\ning historical field. During his recent visit to our city\\nwe discussed the work of John Brown; since his return\\nhome he has sent me books and papers.\\nAnd I am no less bound to Colonel Richard J. Hinton,\\nof Brooklyn, N. Y. While he was in attendance upon the\\nsessions of the annual meeting of the State Historical\\nSociety we had many conferences upon this subject. Since\\nhis return home. Colonel Hinton has continued to assist\\nme. He is one of John Brown s men, and but one other\\nman now living has so great a personal knowledge of the\\nmartyr. Colonel Hinton is the author of John Brown and\\nHis Men, the best book ever published for information of\\nthose who followed the old hero to Harper s Ferry. Kan-\\nsas owes much to Colonel Hinton. He fought for her", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14\\nPREFACE\\nthrough the dark days of the Territorial period, with pen\\nand sword. He fought in the ranks of her armies through\\nthe Civil War; and he has fought her battles with the pen\\nevery day since the close of the Rebellion. Kansas never\\nhad a truer friend than Colonel Hinton.\\nVery few States or countries have been favored with\\n80 complete a record of the events constituting their his-\\ntory as can be found in ^Vilder s Annals of Kansas, gath-\\nered, compiled, -and written by the Honorable D. W.\\nWilder, of Hiawatha. It is by far the greatest work ever\\nprepared upon the history of Kansas; all others sink into\\ninsignilicance when cvumparcd with it. It is an imperish-\\nable monument to the genius and industry of its author.\\nMr. Wilder brought greater talents and learning to his\\ntask, and longer experience in the field he covered so thor-\\noughly, than can be boasted of any other Kansas work.\\nThe genius of an author is as much displayed in what he\\nomits as in what he writes; Mr. Wilder seizes the vital\\nthread of Kansas history and holds it to the end. Nothing\\nsuperfluous is tolerated. Every vital fact is stated. In\\nthis great work we see accomplished the most delicate\\nand difficult feat known to literature a work at once in-\\ndispensable to the busy man at his desk, seeking the barest\\nstatement, and to the student poring at his table by the\\nmidnight oil. No Kansas writer has ever equaled Mr.\\nWilder in the use of short, sharp, clear-cut, meaty sen-\\ntences. His words take their places like polished blocks\\nin a granite wall. The pages of Kansas history are filled\\nwith illustrious names; and that of D. W. Wilder will\\noutlive and outshine all others. Aside from his work,\\nthe book of Kansas books, I have had th^ benefit of Mr.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "PREFACE 15\\nWilder s personal interest in this Life of John Brown;\\nhis vast knowledge of the subject has been at all times\\nat my disposal.\\nI am under obligations to Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson,\\nof Lawrence, for aid in preparing this work. She kindly\\nsent me books and pamphlets which it would have been\\ndifficult for me to find elsewhere than in her vast collection\\nrelating to Kansas history. One of the earliest and best\\nbooks written on Kansas is her Kansas: Its Interior and\\nExterior Life. It was not the least of the causes which\\nmade Kansas free. And in addition to her literary work\\nfor bleeding Kansas, she rendered services which were\\na credit to her head and heart, and of vast benefit to us\\nwho enjoy the fruits of them.\\nThe list of brilliant Kansas writers to whom I am under\\nobligations for aid in preparing this work contains no\\nmore illustrious name than that of Eugene F. Ware.\\nMr. Ware insists that he is only a business man who turns\\noccasionally to the delights of literature as he is moved\\nby his muse. It may be so; but he is perfectly familiar\\nwith every phase of Kansas life and development, and has\\ninvestigated and written well on many of our important\\nhistorical subjects. His writings are not all in verse,\\nalthough he is our earliest eminent Kansas poet. The\\nkeepers of the true traditions were the first poets, and the\\nfounders of all literature. In ancient times, as in the\\ndays of Homer, the songs they chanted had imbedded in\\nthem the history of their country, and they were national\\ncharacters. Our mother country still adheres to this* an-\\ncient usage, and recognizes a national bard. It is the boast\\nof Kansas that she has everything good possessed by any", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "16\\nPRETACE\\nother land. Our Poet Laureate is Mr. Ware, than whom\\nKansas has no more talented nor loyal son. His poem,\\nJohn Brovum, is second in popularity only to the great\\nsong which inspired the legions on the battlefield, where\\nMr. Ware doubtless often sang it. Every student of Kan-\\nsas history must read well the writings of Eugene F. Ware.\\nThe Rev. Thomas C. Richards, pastor of the Congre-\\ngational Church in West Torrington, Connecticut, to\\nwhich John Brown s father and mother belonged, sent me\\nvaluable papers. The Historical Department of Iowa,\\nDes Moines, sent me books and papers which I found indis-\\npensable in writing this work. Mrs. Elvira Gaston Piatt,\\nformerly of Nebraska and Iowa, residing now in Oberlin,\\nOhio, was long engaged in benevolent and charitable work\\nin the West. In the days when John Brown was labor-\\ning for Kansas she lived on the road through Iowa taken\\nby Eree-State people in passing to and from the Territory.\\nShe knew the old hero, and her roof gave him shelter.\\nShe is now in the evening of a noble and beautiful Chris-\\ntian life; and forgetting the weight of her many years,\\nhas taken her pen in hand to give me the benefit of her\\nknowledge. Major J. B. Remington, of Osawatomie, mar-\\nried the daughter of the Rev. S. L. Adair, who was the\\nbrother-in-law of John Brown. There remain some of the\\nletters of the martyr in the family. These, together with\\npapers and pictures, Mr. Remington sent me, for which I\\nacknowledge here my obligations. I have talked with a\\ngreat number of persons who knew John Brown in Kansas\\nand elsewhere, and from them I obtained much of value.\\nSome of these are the oldest and most respected citizens\\nof the State. Among the many so consulted I desire to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\n17\\nmention the following: Edward P. Harris, John Arm-\\nstrong, G. W. W. Yates, Harvey D. Kice, Edwin R Par-\\ntridge, Jacob Willets, and Samuel J. Header. I am in-\\ndebted to Captain Joseph G. Waters for many useful\\nsuggestions.\\nThis work was originally prepared for the Twentieth\\nCentury Classics, a monthly educational publication issued\\nby Crane Company, Topeka. The Classics are issued\\nunder the editorial supervision of William M. Davidson,\\nSuperintendent of the Topeka public schools, and are rap-\\nidly finding favor with the general readers of the country,\\nas well as with the thorough investigators and students.\\nMr. Davidson is well equipped by nature and training\\nfor his responsible position. I have had the benefit of\\nhis perfect knowledge of the subject in the writing of this\\nwork, and am under deep debt to him for assistance.\\nI am in duty bound to acknowledge the deep interest\\ntaken in this work by the house of Crane Company, for\\nwhom it was prepared. They have given me every facil-\\nity at the command of their great establishment, for the\\ncollection of material for this volume. They assisted me\\nto secure all that the latest and most thorough research\\ncould offer. They have ever been the true friends of\\nKansas writers, and have published more Kansas books\\nthan all other Kansas houses combined. Their publica-\\ntions have covered every field, and they deserve well of the\\nState. They left nothing undone to help me make this\\nwork all it should be.\\nWILLIAM ELSEY OONNELLEY.\\nToPBKA, Kansas, September 3, 1900.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00942", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "TABLE OF CONTENTS.\\nFrontispikcb. Map showing area of the Kansas Territorial Wars.\\nPhbfaob 7\\nCHAPTER I.\\nSlaveby in America 21\\nCHAPTER II.\\nThe Political Beginnings of Kansas 48\\nCHAPTER III.\\nThe Browns A Family of Pioneers 78\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nJohn Bbown and the Fugitive Slave Law 102\\nCHAPTER V.\\nFrom Big Springs to Pottawatomie 119\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nWar on the Pottawatomie Preliminary 152\\nCHAPTER VII.\\nWar on the Pottawatomie Cowp de Maitre 185\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\nWar on the Pottawatomie Determination 219\\nCHAPTER IX.\\nThe Battle op Black Jack 252\\n(19)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 CONTENTS\\nCHAPTER X.\\nWoodson s Wa r of Extermination 1858 278\\nCHAPTER XI.\\nFabiwell to Kansas 305\\nCHAPTER XII.\\nThe Kennedy Farm 334\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nThb Seizure of Harper s Fkrrt 348\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\nThe Tkul of Captain John Brown 360\\nCHAPTER XV.\\nCourt to Scaffold 371\\nIndex 397", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "^ppwr", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER I.\\nSLAVERY IN AMERICA.\\nThe abhorred Form\\nWhose scarlet robe was stiff with earthly pomp,\\nWho drank iniquity in cups of gold.\\nWhose names were many and all blasphemous.\\nColeridge.\\nThe origin of moral law must be sought in the dawn\\nof intelligence and at that point in human progress where\\nman is first conscious of human dignity. In the condi-\\ntion anterior to this, man was a savage with a remote\\nsocial instinct. He was a hunter, and prowled from the\\nsame necessity that impels the wolf. As war is a relation\\nbetween state and state and not a relation between man\\nand man,^ his conflicts in this early stage of his develop-\\nment are to be regarded as single combats, duels, and\\nencounters;^ and in these he could capture prisoners but\\ncould not make them slaves. Having no occupation nor\\nindustry in which one held by force could be profitably\\nemployed, he slew his captives on the field of battle or\\nreserved them for torture or sacrifice. If any escaped\\nthese ends, they were adopted, and became competent\\nmembers of the victorious band or family. But death\\nmight not await females, for in this period of social prog-\\nress (or the want of it) whatever of labor is necessary to\\nlife is performed by the women. And in the animal king-\\n(21)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "22 JOHN BBOWN\\nflom the first and cbief contention between the males arises\\nfor possession of the females; in even the crudest forms\\nof society females may be held by force, but their deten-\\ntion is not slavery as we understand the term, and their\\nlot is not more wretched than that of the women born in\\nthe family or band holding them.\\nIn the path of human progress the barbarian follows\\nthe savage; the advance is chiefly due to the tending of\\nsuch animals as may have been domesticated. Men are\\ncongregated into rude governments, the distinguishing\\nfeatures of which are patriarchal men are associated\\nalong the lines of consanguinity. Man is here nomadic,\\nbut usually the wanderings of a band or community do\\nnot extend beyond the bounds of a circumscribed and well-\\ndefined district; and such rovings are often to find pas-\\nturage for herds and flocks. The outlines of a state are\\ndiscernible and a rude and savage warfare is possible.\\nCaptives are reserved for bart }r to adjoining tribes, and\\na few are retained to assist in whatever of agriculture\\nmay be practiced some may be even intrusted with the\\ncare of animals.\\nIn the third period of human progress society becomes\\nsedentary and man fixes himself to the soil of a particular\\nlocality, and in the main he keeps to this. This is the\\nresult of several causes; as the nomadic families and\\nclans of the barbarous increase, more dependence is had\\nupon the soil for existence. The warlike characteristics\\nare retained, and as slaves cannot be expected to battle\\nvaliantly for their masters, they are forced to cultivate\\nthe land, and are also given care of the herds and flocks\\nwhich the masters have deserted for war and conquest.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMEEICA\\n23\\nThe divine decree, In the sweat of thy face shalt thou\\neat bread, was considered by the ancients a punishment\\nof sufficient mag-nitude for disobedience to God s specific\\ncommand. This judgment is founded in the nature of\\nman, for in him there is no inherent love of work. Reg-\\nular and sustained labor is a characteristic which it has\\ntaken man ages to acquire. Antipathy to regular and\\nsustained labor is deeply rooted in human nature, es-\\npecially in the earlier stages of the social movement,\\nwhen insouciance is so common a trait, and irresponsi-\\nbility is hailed as a welcome relief.\\nProductive industry has always been the result of slav-\\nery, and has become a fixed characteristic in a people only\\nafter ages of labor performed by the helpless under the\\nstrong hand of force and oppression. Nowhere has a\\nsystem of economics arisen by voluntary effort. When\\nthe decadence of force enabled the lower strata of society\\nto rise and throw off their bonds, the whole community\\nwas compelled to work, to unite in labor to supply the\\nnecessaries and wants resulting from the labor of a por-\\ntion, now become indispensable to the existence of all.\\nSlavery is reestablished by further conquest, or, perhaps,\\nhas not been allowed to become altogether obsolete. But\\nas slavery presupposes the existence of a condition or state\\nof war, it becomes now deleterious to the society founded\\nupon the industries its presence developed. For, in the de-\\nvelopment of these industries human dignity appears and\\nmoral law is perceived; this the moral reaction of slav-\\nery tends to subvert, and if involuntary servitude is per-\\nsisted in as an institution, society is thrown back on itself\\nand industrial and moral development becomes impossible.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "24\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nAnd the mental powers being different in different indi-\\nviduals, or becoming so by occupations in different indus-\\ntries or by certain conventionalities instituted and im-\\nposed by the masters, society divides along the line of\\nmental strength or upon the basis of conventionalities,\\nand this results in the enslavement of a portion of society\\nby caste or custom. The accumulations of ages fall into\\nthe hands and under the control of a few. If the inferior\\nclasses escape the slavery of caste, slaves are imported,\\nand the free citizens are sent to war. The property of\\nthe state, including the land, falls into the hands of the\\nclass who rule politically, and who are supported by the\\nlabor of the weak and the helpless. They become a class of\\nidlers and cruel oppressors who lead lives of ease, indul-\\ngence, and often of excess and wickedness. War is en-\\ntered upon for conquest and weaker nations are enslaved\\nor destroyed. In this period of human progress slavery\\nbecomes a curse to all classes, and must cease, or end in\\ndisorder or, even, the destruction of society.\\nThough the evil effects of slavery always manifest\\nthemselves so clearly in this period of progress and are\\ncried out against by the just and the humane, the interests\\nof property are usually paramount to the rights of man,\\nand only the most enlightened nations have abolished\\nslavery.*\\nOnly the political effects of slavery and its aid in the\\ndevelopment of productive industry have been noticed\\nhere. The moral effects of the institution have been\\nscarcely considered in the foregoing. While it must be\\nadmitted that politically slavery was indispensable in\\nthe early periods of social progress, in that productive", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "OK\\nSLAVERY IN AMERICA\\nindustry is wholly the result of it, it is true that its moral\\neffects have always been debasing and disastrous, and\\nequally so to the master and the slave. It always afforded\\nunusual opportunities for the indulgence of the basest\\npropensities of human nature.^ Another evil of slavery,\\nmore manifest to society than the preceding one, was the\\ndevelopment of tyranny. Absolute rule the exercise of\\nabsolute power is ruinous to man s nature, and the ar-\\nrogance and intolerance it develops in a class are always\\nsubversive of patriotism. It engenders and develops all\\nthe brutal tendencies of unrestrained human nature.\\nFlattery is sought and vanity becomes characteristic.\\nTrue conditions of moral life become obscured, society\\nbecomes distorted, and tendencies to decay and demorali-\\nzation are hailed as signs of social and political progress.\\nThe rights of others are wholly disregarded, and this\\ncharacteristic is carried into all intercourse with institu-\\ntions and states. Constraint in even its mildest forms is\\nirksome, not to be endured or even thought of, and the\\npolicy of the slave-owner comes to be expressed in two\\nwords rule or 7-uin.^ Reason is dethroned and tyranny\\nset on the throne in the temple of human liberty. The\\nvoice of protest is stifled and the right of free speech\\ndenied. In ancient times the sages commented on the\\nlittle humanity commonly observed in persons accustomed\\nfrom their infancy to exercise so great authority over\\ntheir fellow-creatures and to trample upon human nature.\\nNor can a more probable reason be assigTied for the\\nsevere, I might say, barbarous manners of ancient times\\nthan the practice of domestic slavery, by which every\\nman of rank was rendered a petty tyrant, and educated", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "26 JOHN RROwx\\namidst the flattery, submission, and low debasement of his\\nslaves.\\nSlavery was introduced into the Xew World by the\\nSpaniards. They enslaved the natives, and in many\\nplaces exterminated them by this barbarous system.\\nBefore the discovery of America (in 1492), the Portu-\\nguese had bc\u00c2\u00a3;un to enslave the Africans. One Antam\\nGonsalves captured some Moors while exploring the At-\\nlantic coast of Africa, and carried them to his own country.\\nPrince Henry the Navigator ordered them returned to\\ntheir own land; and as a reward for this act of justice\\nthe Moors of that country gave Gonsalves ten negroes\\nand some gold dust. Here was discovered by accident an\\nopportunity for enterprise in a new field of commerce, and\\nmany Portuguese embraced it. Forts were built and\\nmanned along the Atlantic coast of Africa, to serve as\\nbases for the slave trade. Prom these points many\\nnegroes were sent into Portugal and Spain, and their de-\\nscendants were carried slaves to the Spanish and Portu-\\nguese colonies in America. Early in the sixteenth cen-\\ntury the King of Spain granted a patent to a favorite\\ncourtier, giving him the exclusive right to carry negro\\nslaves to the West Indies. This patent allowed the im-\\nportation of four thousand slaves per annum; it was sold\\nto Genoese navigators, who procured their negroes from\\nthe Portuguese. The practice became from this time\\nsystematic, and was eagerly entered by many of the\\nnations of Europe. The first Englishman to engage in\\nthis odious traffic was Captain John Hawkins, who\\namassed a great estate, and was knighted by Queen Eliza-\\nbeth. England had no colonies in America at that time,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMERICA\\n27\\nand Sir John s business was with the Spanish settlements.\\nHis manner of barter is said to have been somewhat arbi-\\ntrary. It is recorded of him that he would land with his\\nhuman chattels at some unfortified town, train the cannon\\nof his ships upon the principal buildings, and then de-\\nmand that he be instantly paid so much for his human\\ncargo. His conditions were complied with from necessity,\\nand the bluff old Captain sailed away with great satisfac-\\ntion..\\nThose portions of our country acquired from Spain, or\\nsome of them, contained slaves before the English planted\\ncolonies in America. But in 1620 a Dutch ship landed\\nat Jamestown, in the colony of Virginia, with slaves\\nobtained on the coast of Guinea. A part of this cargo\\nwas sold to the tobacco-planters of Virginia. The trade\\nhere commenced was carried into all the colonies of Great\\nBritain in America; and in 1790 Virginia contained\\ntwo hundred thousand negro slaves.\\nThe greatest men of England condemned the slave trade\\nin the last half of the seventeenth century, and in 1772\\nLord Mansfield defined the legal status of an English\\nslave in his famous decision rendered for the whole bench.\\nHe declared that as soon as a slave set his foot on the\\nsoil of the British Islands he was free.\\nThe first action taken in England by an organization\\nor body against the slave trade was had by the Quakers,\\nwho declared in their meeting of 1727 that it was a prac-\\ntice not to be commended or allowed. In 1761 they\\nprohibited their members from engaging in it. They\\nformed an association of their members in 1783 having\\nfor its object the relief and liberation of the negro slaves", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "28\\nJOIIX BROW-V\\nin the West Indies, and for the discoiirageraent of the\\nslave-trade on the coast of Africa. The practice was not,\\nhowever, abolished and prohibited by En rland until 1811.\\nDenmark was the first country to abolish the loathsome\\ntraffic; May 10, 1792, it was dcerord that it cease in the\\nDanish possessions at tlio on l of 1S02.\\nThe Quakers in Pennsylvania advocated tlie abolition\\nof the slave-trade before those in Enghmd considered the\\nquestion. Their first opposition to it was formulated in\\n1696 and they continued to take advanced ground upon\\nthe subject until 1776, when they excluded slaveholders\\nfrom membership in their society. The United States\\nfinally jirohibited the importation of slaves; the law was\\npassed March 2(1, 18U7, to become cfFc^ctive January 1st,\\nISOS.\\nWashington, Jefferson, Franklin, Madison, Hamilton,\\nand many others of the founders of the Republic opposed\\nslavery and saw in it the source of evil and trouble to\\nour country. Jefferson was the most active of its eminent\\nadversaries. In 1784: he proposed to the Continental\\nCongress a plan of government for the territory included\\nnow in the States of Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee,\\nin which it was provided that after the year 1800 there\\nshall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any\\nof said States, otherwise than in punishment for crime.\\nThis humane and patriotic measure was lost. The conven-\\ntion which met in Philadelphia in 1787 and formed our\\nConstitution was opposed to slavery. The fathers of the\\nRepublic there assembled would have provided for its ex-\\ntinction but for the States of South Carolina and Georgia.\\nBoth of these States, the latter probably at the instance", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "SLAVEKY IJNT AMERICA\\n29\\nof the former, insisted upon its retention as a condition\\nto their becoming members of the new Union. In the\\nsame year slavery had been excluded from the territory\\nnorthwest of the Ohio river by the last Continental Con-\\ngress. Slavery was gradually extinguished in the North.*\\nSlavery having survived the establishment of the Re-\\npublic, it soon became aggressive. Its tenacious depravity\\nwas aided by many favorable circumstances. The in-\\nfluences which augmented the increasing power of the\\nslave-owners and slave States are marked in our national\\ngrowth by (1) The acquisition of Louisiana, although the\\npurchase was not made in the interest of slavery (2) The\\nMissouri Compromise of 1820; (3) The annexation of\\nTexas, in 1845; (4) The Fugitive Slave Law, slavery\\nlegalized in New Mexico, and the other measures of the\\nCompromise of 1850; (5) The Kansas-Nebraska bill,\\n1854; (6) The Ostend Manifesto, 1854; (7) The at-\\ntempt to reopen the slave-trade, 1859-60.^ While the\\nmeasures of 1854 were in the interest of slavery,\\nthey precipitated the conflict which ended in its ex-\\ntinction. There were many subordinate causes for the\\ngrowth of slavery, not the least of which was the\\ninvention of the cotton-gin by Whitney, the profits\\nof which were almost all filched from him by the\\nslave States. The South apostatized from the faith\\nof Jefferson, and chiefly through the efforts of Calhoun.\\nThe tariff was made the cause in 1828, when Calhoun de-\\nclared that the resolutions of 98 inculcated the doctrine\\nof secession as a remedy against obnoxious or unsatis-\\nfactory Federal laws. His construction was soon made\\napplicable to slavery by Southern statesmen, who were", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "30 JOHN BKOWN\\ndetermined to make this institution the underlying prin-\\nciple of a league or cabal for the control of the Govern-\\nment.\\nIt is wonderful to realize the conipletcness of the infat-\\nuation of the South with the institution of negro slavery.\\nIt is strange and seems almost incredible that the truth\\nof history allows us to say that in this free land, up to\\n1860, freedom of speech was absolutely prohibited in more\\nthan one-half of it. Yet such is the fact. So minister\\ndared to lift up his voice there against slavery or any of\\nits evil consequences. Sermons were always prepared to\\nmeet the approval of the slave-owners.^ Mob law and\\nsuch punishments as burning at the stake were advo-\\ncated by the aristocratic press of the South as suitable\\nfor those who opposed their institution on its own ground.\\nThe non-slaveholding whites were terrorized and brutally\\nhung without trial.^^ Many persons of Northern birth\\nwere put to death in the South upon mere suspicion and\\nwithout even mob trial. The Government mails were\\nrifled and anti-slavery literature seized and publicly\\nburned by the clergy and prominent men in public assem-\\nbly. The Eev. Elijah P. Lovejoy was slain in Alton,\\nIllinois, and anti-abolition riots occurred in many North-\\nern cities, including Boston. Never in our history have\\nthe arrogance and intolerance of the slave-power been\\nequaled. It was boasted that the masters would again call\\nthe rolls of their slaves in the shadow of the Bunker Hill\\nmonument. Public moneys were embezzled and purloined\\nto buy newspapers to speak for slavery.^^ It was asserted\\nthat could Washington have returned to life he would\\nhave been mobbed in Virginia. A lawyer sent from", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "SLAVEEY IN AMERICA 31\\nMassachusetts to South Carolina to perform a mission\\nfor the State was forced to depart from Charleston after\\na mob had been for days warning him to quit the city he\\nand his daughter were forcibly placed in a carriage, driven\\nto the wharf, placed on a boat and sent away.^^ Slavery\\nwas carried into our foreign relations, and we stood in\\nthe eyes of the world what we in fact were a slave\\nNation.i^ At the close of the Missouri struggle in 1820\\na Governmental policy was formulated which prevented\\nthe North from reaping any advantage accruing from that\\nCompromise. The arable portion of the country north of\\nthe Compromise line in the Louisiana Purchase was as-\\nsigned to emigrant tribes of Indians, to be by them held\\nas long as grass grows or water runs. As opposed to\\nthis policy for the North, Texas was annexed to afford\\nslavery a field for expansion. Cuba was coveted, and the\\nslave-power committed the Government to its acquisition.\\nThe Mexican war brought vast territory to slavery and as\\na last resort the Compromise was repealed. The supreme\\ntribunal of the land was made the ally of slavery, and\\nannounced that the institution could not be excluded by\\nlaw from any territory in the United States. Slavery\\ndominated the Government; up to 1860 the South had\\nheld the Presidency forty-eight years more than two-\\nthirds of the time to 1860 eleven of sixteen terms. The\\nSouth had seventeen of the twenty-eight Justices of the\\nSupreme Court, fourteen of the nineteen Attorneys-\\nGeneral, sixty-one of the seventy-seven Presidents of the\\nSenate, twenty-one of the thirty-three Speakers of the\\nHouse, and eighty of the one hundred and thirty-four\\nForeign Ministers.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "32\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nNature never made a fairer country nor a more fertile\\none than that portion of the United States south of Mason\\nand Dixon s line. No material natural resource is want-\\ning. Gold, silver, lead, zinc, copper, iron, coal, oil, build-\\ning-stone, timber, natural gas, water-power, fertile soil,\\nbeautiful and grand scenery, a healthful and pleasant cli-\\nmate, navigable rivers in great abundance, and an ocean\\nline of remarkable extent, all these invited for the South\\nan industrial development second to no other equal area\\non the globe. At the time of the adoption of the Federal\\nConstitution the South was the most populous portion of\\nthe Union, and, too, the most prosperous and wealthy.\\nIn 1790 Virginia contained 748,308 inhabitants and Xew\\nYork but 340,120. The census for 1850 showed 3,097,394\\nfor New York and 1,421,6G1 for Virginia. Commerce\\nmade a similar transfer of preponderance. In 1791 the\\nexports of Virginia amounted to $3,130,865, while those\\nof New York were only $2,505,465. The figures in 1852\\nwere, for New York $87,484,456, and for Virginia, $2,-\\n724,657, a decrease of $406,208 from the amount for the\\nyear 1791.^ The comparisons between Massachusetts anil\\nNorth Carolina, Pennsylvania and South Carolina, show\\neven greater paralysis and stagnation in those Southern\\nStates and the same vigor and progress in the correspond-\\ning Northern States. No manufactures were established\\nin the South in fact, they were discouraged; by public\\nsentiment, prohibited.\\nNot alone did slavery blight agi iculture and commerce\\nin the South. Where the foot of the slave pressed it the\\nsoil was accursed. In 1850 the value of land in New\\nJersey was $28.76 per acre; in South Carolina, consid-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMEEICA 33\\nered the queen of the slave States, the value of land in the\\nsame year was one dollar and thirty-two cents per acre,\\nand almost the same proportion prevailed between the\\nother I^orthern and Southern States.^\\nThe slaveholders were always a great minority of the\\nwhite population of the South; hut they succeeded in\\noverriding and debasing the non-slaveholding whites to\\nthat degree that they were eliminated from any participa-\\ntion in public affairs. No schools were provided, and so\\nignorant and sodden became the poor whites that they\\nwere held in contempt by even the slaves. This condition\\nexisted in all portions of the South, except what may be\\ntermed Appalachian America. Here there was a hardy\\npeople imbued with the principles of liberty, and who\\nbitterly hated slavery. When the opportunity came they\\nfought for its destruction, and they have never been in\\nsympathy with the slave portion of the South. The South-\\nern planters sold their own children by slave mothers into\\nslavery, and the knowledge of this fact brought no dis-\\ngrace. Indeed, it secured honor; for Kichard M. John-\\nson, of Kentucky, was elected Vice-President of the United\\nStates after it was publicly known that many of his chil-\\ndren were slaves.^^ Wendell Phillips said: Virginia is\\nonly another Algiers. The barbarous horde who gag each\\nother, imprison women for teaching children to read, pro-\\nhibit the Bible, sell men on the auction-block, abolish\\nmarriage, condemn half their women to prostitution, and\\ndevote themselves to the breeding of human beings for\\nsale, is only a larger and blacker Algiers.\\nIt will be asked why slavery was permitted and so\\nfiercely fought for as to lead men to look to a dissolution", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "34\\nJOIIX BROWN\\nof the Union in order to perpetuate it, if it was so great\\nan evil. Slavery benefitted the individual slave-owners.\\nThrough it they seized all political power where the in-\\nstitution existed they were the landholders, ministers,\\nmerchants, and planters. By their insolent intolerance\\nthey moulded the sentiment of the South, and there it was\\nmade to favor the institution with a unanimity remark-\\nable, and never before surpassed in any part of any country\\non any subject. They cared nothinj? for the general decay\\nof their country so long as they fhmrished individually.--\\nTheir white non-slaveholding neiirhburs increased enor-\\nmously, but there was nothing for them to follow in the\\nway of honorable calling, and there existed no schools for\\ntheir children; but this was brutally disregarded, for to\\ntheir own children would fall slaves to cultivate the soil,\\nand an education in Xorthern colleges. They utterly\\nignored and disregarded that axiom of republican govern-\\nments, that the injury to one is the injury of the whole.\\nIn the South violence was done to the rights of a vast\\nmajority of tlie people, and this violence benefitted a\\nclass upon which it finally reacted morally, and the reac-\\ntion destroyed the institution by which the wrong existed.\\nEvery law is the result of some social instinct in the\\nnature of man. What conflicts with his nature and social\\ninstinct cannot long remain a law. As man is the only\\nanimal endowed with any considerable degree of reason,\\nhe is the only animal in which different environment and\\ndegrees of progress beget variety and modification in in-\\nstinct to an appreciable degree. Progress in man modifies\\nhis social instinct, and this modification makes social ad-\\nvancement possible necessary imperative, Man will", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMERICA\\n36\\nbattle in one age to throw off and rise above what cost blood\\nand treasure in a preceding age. There is no stationary\\nground for man socially, morally, or mentally; he must\\nadvance, to avoid retrocession. Institutions suited to one\\ncondition of society become the bane and destruction of a\\nhigher condition. Governments that do not learn and\\nheed this law perish from the earth. We may see this\\nexemplified in the tendencies of our own country under\\nslavery. We founded a free government a republican\\ndemocracy with slavery as an institution, an institution\\nso alien to our Declaration of Independence and all our\\navowed principles and recognized tenets, that only the\\npatriotism developed in our people by the War of the Kevo-\\nlution enabled us to survive for even a short time. In the\\ngeneration succeeding the Kevolutionary fathers, the poison\\nmanifested itself in symptoms of some violence. Before\\n1850 the decadence of the Kepublic was plainly visible;\\nand between 1850 and 1860 the Government was a slave\\noligarchy. From the time of the beginning of the Admin-\\nistration of Jackson the nationality of the country and the\\nsentiment of the people for the Union feU into a rapid\\nand almost fatal decline. This may be said to have begun\\nwith the adoption of the Missouri Compromise. It took\\ncivil war to save us; that cleared away falsehoods and\\ngave us a true conception of what our Union means. It\\nrighted us about, and from the devious paths through the\\nquagmires of nullification. State-rights, human bondage,\\nand secession, brought us to the solid highway of liberty\\nand nationality. Von Hoist finds slavery in a democratic\\nrepublic to be such a political inconsistency as could only\\nend in violent revolution.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "36\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nThe opposition to slavery in the early days of the Kepub-\\nlic was of the type which tolerated it while recognizing its\\nevils and its dangers to free institutions. The fathers of\\nour country were opposed to it,^^ but they feared to take\\naction looking to its extinction: that step might have pre-\\nvented the formation of a more perfect Union. They con-\\ntented themselves with leaving to posterity their recorded\\nconvictions, and the hope that time would set right what\\nthey could not then with safety undertake. Their action\\nwas the choice of the least of two evils.\\nNo direct anti-slavery movement, or even advocate, was\\nanywhere found in our country until about the year 1815.\\nA New Jersey Quaker named Benjamin Lundy organized\\nthe Union Humane Society in Wheeling, Virginia, in\\nthat year. So much engrossed with his Avork in this field\\ndid he become that he spent his life in it. He founded\\npapers for the exposition of his views. He organized anti-\\nslavery societies in the South in 1824, principally among\\nthe Quakers there, and visited Hayti in 1825 in the interest\\nof his work. He was followed by William Lloyd Garrison,\\nwho was the most radical and impracticable of all the\\nopponents of slavery many opponents of the institution\\ncould not agree with him in either method or sentiment.\\nA Liberty party arose, composed of men who believed\\nthe Federal Constitution was in spirit anti-slavery. They\\nsupported only such men as were in favor of liberty for\\nall, and were the most practical and effective in their\\nwork against slavery, of the Northern parties. There\\nwere many organizations formed in the North having for\\ntheir purpose agitation against the further extension of\\nslavery, not so radical as the Garrisonians nor so liberal", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "SLAVEEY IN AMERICA\\n37\\nas the Liberal party. They were never independently\\nnor collectively of sufficient strength to materially influence\\npublic sentiment, and served more to indicate the growing\\ndiscontent with the institution than as a means to its aboli-\\ntion. The agitation commenced in the iSTorth by Lundy,\\nand carried forward by those societies and parties,\\nbore fruit in later years. There began to be a conservative\\nand independent element there that grew steadily and took\\na practical view of the situation; they did not separate\\nthemselves from existing parties, but sought the election\\nof such men as they believed would turn every favorable\\nincident to advantage and work consistently against the\\nfurther extension of slavery. Of this great body such men\\nas Lincoln, Greeley, and Giddings were leaders their\\nadherents constantly increased in numbers and influence,\\nand finally in the development of events, and, fired by the\\nmartyrdom of John Brown, they arose in their might and\\naccomplished the redemption and purification of our coun-\\ntry.25\\nBy slaveholders everywhere in the South these people,\\nsocieties and parties were called abolitionists indis-\\ncriminately. Ko distinctions were made; and the people\\nthere were taught that these iN orthern opponents of slavery\\nwere in hostility to the Christian religion and the Federal\\nConstitution, and were deserving of death. In the South it\\nwas taught that ISTorthern society was founded on free-love\\nprinciples, and the text-books spoke of Northern childless\\nwives, old maids, and divorced women as constitut-\\ning the female part of the population. The men of the\\nNorth were spoken of as cowardly, hypocritical, mercenary,\\nand meddlesome; it was taught and believed that one", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "38 JOHN BEOWN\\nSouthern man could easily put six Yankees to flight,\\nand that Northern men would never fight the aggressions\\nof slavery if it came to blows. The Democratic party\\nstood as the champion of slavery, and from a national\\nbecame a sectional party, seeking the supremacy of the\\ninstitution, or, in the event of failure in that, a sepa-\\nration from the Xorth by means of secession. The odium\\nwhich it cast upon the workers for the confinement of\\nslavery to its bounds as fixed by the terms of the Missouri\\nCompromise had its eflFect and influence in the North, and\\nmany persons who really favored freedom were deterred\\nby it from identifying themselves with the advocates of\\nliberty.\\nUp to 1854 the abolition movement had accomplished\\nlittle of practical benefit. Public sentiment was being\\nslowly aroused very slowly the minister who preached\\nthe funeral sermon of John Brown in 1859 was driven\\nfrom his charge. In the face of all the agitation and\\ntheory the slave-power constantly extended its prestige and\\ninfluence. It had cause to be encouraged, and felt strong\\nenough to undertake the removal of the last barrier which\\nstood between it and the unsettled portion of the United\\nStates. In this spirit it triumphantly entered upon the\\nrepeal of the Missouri Compromise, and in the accomplish-\\nment of this purpose it stood in exultation on the ruins of\\nthe temporizing measures devised to prohibit the intro-\\nduction of slaves into the Territories.\\nBut it has often happened in this world that the exultant\\ncry of victory and defiance was the voice that aroused\\nthe latent energies of a nation to a more desperate resist-\\nance. It proved so in this case. Theory and agitation\\nhad failed. It now came to blows in Kansas.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMEEICA 39\\nNote 1. Eousseau, The Social Contract; article, Slavery.\\nNote 2. Rousseau, The Social Contract; article, Slavery.\\nNote 3. J. K. Ingram, in Enc. Brit.; article, Slavery, which\\nthe student should carefully read. Acknowledgment is here made\\nfor use of some of the ideas contained in it.\\nNote 4. The property interests have always raised up defenders\\nof wrongful acts against man and society. Thus, Rousseau s arti-\\ncle on Slavery is principally a refutation of the contention of the\\nwriters of his time that slavery is justifiable. He says: Grotius\\nand others find in war another origin of the pretended right of\\nslavery. The conqueror having, according to them, the right to\\nkill the conquered, the latter can buy back his life at the expense\\nof his liberty; an agreement the more legitimate as it turns to\\nthe profit of both. But it is clear that this pretended right to\\nkill the conquered, results in no way from the state of war.\\nFrom the fact alone, that men, living in their primitive inde-\\npendence, have not among themselves relations sufficiently perma-\\nnent to constitute either the state of peace or war, they are not\\nnaturally enemies. It is the relation of things and not of men\\nthat constitutes war; and as it is impossible for war to arise from\\nsimple personal relations, but only from property relations, pri-\\nvate war, or war between man and man, can exist neither in\\nthe state of nature, where there is no permanent property, nor in\\nthe social state, where all is under the authority of the laws.\\nNote 5. This feature of the horrible results in the United States\\nis now entering our literature. Mr. Opie Read s novel, My Young\\nMaster, is founded upon such an incident. That many slave-\\nowners sold their own children by slave mothers into the deepest\\ndegradation slavery could produce, is too well known to need elab-\\noration or proof.\\nNote 6. In Mr. Read s novel, The Jueklins, the aristocratic\\nold slaveholder is represented as refraining from killing Mr. Juck-\\nlin for defeating him in a wrestling bout only because there was\\npresent no spectator to witness his imaginary disgrace from having\\nhad his back wallowed in the sand by Mr. Jucklin, who was not\\na slave-owner.\\nNoTB 7.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Hume.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "40\\nJOHN BROWN\\nNote 8. The Census of 1850 has the following:\\nIn Pennsylvania slavery was abolished in 1780. In New Jersey\\nit was provisionally abolished in 1784; all children born of a slave\\nafter 1804 are made free in 1820. In Massachusetts it was de-\\nclared after the Revolution that slavery was virtually abolished\\nby the Constitution (17S0). In 17S4 and 1797, Connecticut pro-\\nvided for the ffradual extinction of slavery. In Rhode Island, after\\n1784, no person could be born a slave. The Constitutions of Ver-\\nmont and New Hampshire, respectively, abolished slavery. In New\\nYork it was provisionally abolished in 1709, twenty-eisjht years\\nownership beinp allowed in slaves born after that date; and in 1817\\nit was enacted that slavery was not to exist alter ten years, or 1827.\\nThe Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in thj Territory Northwest\\nof the Ohio river.\\nThe above authoritative statement of the dates of the abolition\\nof slavery in the Northern States cfTectually refutes the oft-repeated\\nstatement of Southern men, that the North, having found slavery\\nunprofitable, sold her slaves to the South and immediately began\\na crusade for their emancipation.\\nNote 9. The limits set for this paper will not permit us to\\ndiscuss these various measures of the slave-power designed to retain\\nor increase the prestige of slavery and slaveholders. Their full\\ndiscussion belongs to the general history of the country. They are\\nall briefly and excellently treated in the first volume of Greeley s\\nAmerican Conflict.\\nNote 10. Let your emissaries cross the Potomac, writes the\\nRev. T. S. Witherspoon from Alabama to the Emancipator, and\\nI can promise you that their fate will be no less than Haman s.\\nOreelei/ s Avicrican Conflict, p. 128.\\nNote 11. At a public meeting convened in the church in the town\\nof Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, 1833, it was\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Resolved, That it is our decided opinion that any individual\\nwho dares to circulate, with a view to eilectuate the dtsigus of th\\nAbolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in\\nthe course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the\\nsight of God and man, of immediate death; and we doubt not that\\nsuch would be the punishment of any such offender, in any part of\\nthe State of Mississippi where he may be found.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "SLAVEEY IN AMERICA\\n41\\nThe cry of the whole South should be death instant death\\nto the Abolitionist, wherever he is caught. Augusta (Ga.) Chron-\\nicle.\\nWe can assure the Bostonians, one and all, who have embarked\\nin the nefarious scheme of abolishing slavery at the South, that\\nlashes will hereafter be spared to the backs of their emissaries.\\nLet them send out their men to Louisiana they will never return\\nto tell their sufferings, but they shall expiate the crime of interfer-\\ning with our domestic institutions by being burned AT THE STAKE.\\nNew Orleans True American.\\nAbolition editors in Slave States will not dare to avow their\\nopinions. It would be instant death to them. Missouri Argus.\\nAnd Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, who once delivered a speech\\nat Columbia in reference to a proposed railroad, in which he\\ndespondingly drew a forcible contrast between the energy, enter-\\nprise, knowledge and happiness of the North, and the inertia, indi-\\ngence, and decay of the South, in the U. S. Senate afterward de-\\nclared\\nLet an Abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina,\\nif we can catch him we will try him, and, notwithstanding all the\\ninterference of all the governments of the earth, including the Fed-\\neral Government, we will hang him. N. Y. Journal of Commerce,\\nJune 6, 1838.\\nAll this note is quoted from Greeley s American Conflict, p. 128,\\nnotes 7 and 8.\\nNote 12. In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison county,\\nMississippi, that a conspiracy for a slave insurrection existed.\\nFive negroes were first hung; then five white men. The pamphlet\\nput forth by their mob-murderers shows that there was no real\\nevidence against any of them, that their lives were sacrificed to\\na cowardly panic, which would not be appeased without bloodshed.\\nThe whites were hung at an hour s notice, protesting their inno-\\ncence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such.\\nIn a panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who ever said a\\nkind word or did a humane act for a negro is a doomed man.\\nGreeley s American Conflict, p. 128, note 9.\\nNote 13. From whose hands did this man receive fifty thousand\\ndollars improperly, if not illegally, taken from the public funds\\nin Washington? When did he receive it? and for what purpose?\\nand who was the arch-demagogue through whose agency the trans-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "42 JOHN BROWN\\nfer was made? He was an oligarchical member of the Cabinet under\\nMr. Polk s administration in 184.3, and the money was used and\\nwho can doubt intended f for the express purpose of establishing\\nanother negro-driving journal to support the tottering fortunes\\nof slavery. From the second volume of a valuable political work,\\nby a Senator of thirty years, we make the following pertinent\\nextract:\\nThe Olobe was sold, and was paid for, and how? becomes a\\nquestion of public concern to answer; for it was paid out of public\\nmoney those same $50,000 which were removed to the village\\nbank in the interior of Pennsylvania by a Treasury order on the\\nfourth of November, 1844. Three annual installments made the\\npayment, and the Treasury did not reclaim the mom-y for these\\nthree years; and, tlunigh traveling through tortuous channels, the\\npharpsighted Mr. Rives trnctd the money back to its starting-point\\nfrom the tleposit. Hcsides, Mr. Cameron, who had control of the\\nvillage bank, admitted before a committee of Congress, that he had\\nfurnished money for the payments an admission which the obliging\\ncommittee, on request, left out of their report Mr. Robert J.\\nWalker was Secretary of the Treasury during these three years,\\nand the conviction was absolute, among the close observers of the\\ncourse of things, that he was the prime contriver and zealous man-\\nager of the arrangements which displaced Mr. Ulair and installed\\nMr. Ritchie.\\nThus, if we are to believe Mr. Benton, in his Thirty Years*\\nView. and we are disposed to regard him as good authority, the\\nWashington Union was brought into existence under the peculiar\\nauspices of the ostensible editor of the Richmond Enquirer. The\\nImpending Crisis, Helper, p. lOJ^.\\nNote 14. If the great founders of the Republic, Washington,\\nJefferson, Henry, and others, could be reinvested with corporeal\\nlife, and returned to the South, there is scarcely a slaveholder be-\\ntween the Potomac and the mouth of the Mississippi that would\\nnot burn to pounce upon them with bludgeons, bowie-knives and\\npistols! Yes, without adding another word, Washington would be\\nmobbed for what he has already said. Were Jefferson now em-\\nployed as a professor in a Southern college, he would be dismissed\\nand driven from the State, perhaps murdered before he reached\\nthe border. If Patrick Henry were a bookseller in Alabama, though\\nit might be demonstrated beyond the shadow of a doubt that he\\nnever bought, sold, received, or presented any kind of literature\\nexcept Bibles and Testaments, he would first be subjected to the\\nignominy of a coat of tar and feathers, and then limited to the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMEEICA\\n43\\noption of unceremonious expatriation or death. The Impending\\nCrisis, Helper, p. 188.\\nNote 15. Greeley s American Conflict, p. 178. Samuel Hoar\\nwas sent by the Governor of Massachusetts to investigate the im-\\nprisonment of her sailors by South Carolina. These seamen were\\nfree negroes, and they were seized in the ports of South Carolina\\nand sold into bondage in some instances, though they were usually\\nimprisoned and fined and compelled to pay the costs of suits.\\nMr. Hoar was driven out of Charleston.\\nNote 16. See Greeley s American Conflict, p. 175.\\nNote 17. It may be painful, but nevertheless, profitable, to\\nrecur occasionally to the history of the past; to listen to the ad-\\nmonitions of experience, and learn lessons of wisdom from the\\neffects and actions of those who have preceded us in the drama\\nof human life. The records of former days show that at a period\\nnot very remote, Virginia stood preeminently the first commercial\\nState in the Union; when her commerce exceeded in amount that\\nof all the New England States combined; when the city of Norfolk\\nowned more than one hundred trading-ships, and her direct foreign\\ntrade exceeded that of the city of New York, now the center of trade\\nand the great emporium of North America. At the period of the\\nWar of Independence, the commerce of Virginia was four times\\nlarger than that of New York. Ooveinor Wise, quoted by Helper\\nin The Impending Crisis, p. 16.\\nNote 18. We want Bibles, brooms, buckets and books, and we\\ngo to the North; we want shoes, hats, handkerchiefs, umbrellas,\\nand pocket-knives, and we go to the North; we want pens, ink,\\npaper, wafers, and envelopes, and we go to the North; we want\\nfurniture, crockery, glassware and pianos, and we go North; we\\nwant toys, primers, school books, fashionable apparel, machinery,\\nmedicines, tombstones, and a thousand other things, and we go to\\nthe North for them all. Instead of keeping our money in circula-\\ntion at home, by patronizing our own mechanics, manufacturers,\\nand laborers, we send it all away to the North, and there it re-\\nmains; it never falls into our hands again.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "44\\nJOHN BROWN\\nIn infancy we are swaddled in Northern muslin; in childhood\\nwe are humored with Northern gewgaws; in youth we are in-\\nstructed out of Nortliern books; at the age of maturity we sow\\nour wild oats on Northern soil in middle life we exhaust our\\nwealth, energies and talents in the dishonorable vocation of en-\\ntailing our dependence on our children and our children s children,\\nand, to the neglect of our own interests and the interests of those\\naround us, in giving aid and succor to every department of North-\\nern power; in the decline of life we remedy our eyesight with\\nNorthern spectacles, and support our infirmities with Northern\\ncanes; in old age we are drugged with Northern physic, and,\\nfinally, when we die, our inanimate bodies, shrouded in Northern\\ncambric, are stretched upon the bier, born to the grave in a North-\\nern carriage, entombed with a Northern spado, and memorized with\\na Northern slah. The Impending Crisis, Helper, p. 22.\\nFrom the same, p. 47\\nFood from the North, for man or for beast, or for both, is for\\nsale in every market in the South. Even in the most insignificant\\nlittle villages in the interior of the slave States, where books,\\nnewspapers and other mediums of intelligence are unknown, where\\npoor whites and the negroes are alike bowed down in heathenish\\nignorance and barbarism, and where the news is received but once\\na week, and then only in a Northern-built stage-coach, drawn by\\nhorses in Northern harness, in charge of a driver dressed cap-a-pie\\nin Northern habiliments, and with a Northern whip in his hand,\\nthe agricultural products of the North, either crude, prepared,\\npickled or preserved, are ever to be found.\\nIn the same work, p. 90, Governor Wise is quoted as follows:\\nCommerce has long ago spread her sails and sailed away from\\nyou. You have not, as yet, dug more than coal enough to warm\\nyourselves at your own hearths; you have set no tilt-hammers of\\nVulcan to strike blows worthy of gods in your own iron-foundries;\\nyou have not yet spun more than coarse cotton enough, in the way\\nof manufacture, to clothe your own slaves. You have no commerce,\\nno mining, no manufactures. You have relied alone on the single\\npower of agriculture, and such agriculture! Your sedge-patches\\noutshine the sun. Your inattention to your only source of wealth\\nhas seared the very bosom of Mother Earth. Instead of having to\\nfeed cattle on a thousand hills, you have to chase a stump-tailed", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMERICA 46\\nsteer through the sedge-patches to procure a tough beefsteak. The\\npresent condition of things has existed too long in Virginia. The\\nlandlord has skinned the tenant, and the tenant has skinned the\\nland, until all have grown poor together.\\nNote 19. In the year 1836 or 1837 the Hon. Abbott Lawrence,\\nof Boston, backed by his brother Amos and other millionaires of\\nNew England, went down to Richmond with the sole view of re-\\nconnoitering the manufacturing facilities of that place, fully deter-\\nmined, if pleased with the water-power, to erect a large number of\\ncotton-mills and machine-shops. He had been in the capital of\\nVirginia only a day or two before he discovered, much to his gratifi-\\ncation, that nature had shaped everything to his liking; and as he\\nwas a business man who transacted business in a business-like\\nmanner, he lost no time in making preliminary arrangements for\\nthe consummation of his noble purpose.\\nTo the enterprising and moneyed descendant of the Pilgrim\\nFathers it was a matter of no little astonishment, that the im-\\nmense water-power of Richmond had been so long neglected. He\\nexpressed his surprise to a number of Virginians, and was at a\\nloss to know why they had not, long prior to the period of his\\nvisit amongst them, availed themselves of the powerful element\\nthat is eternally gushing and foaming over the falls of James river.\\nInnocent man! He was utterly unconscious of the fact that he\\nwas interfering with the beloved institutions of the South, and\\nlittle was he prepared to withstand the terrible denunciations that\\nwere immediately showered on his head througn the columns of\\nthe Richmond Enquirer. Few words will suflEice to tell the sequel.\\nThat negro-worshipping sheet, whose hireling policy, for the last\\nfour-and-twenty years, has had to support the worthless black\\nslave and his tyrannical master at the expense of the free white\\nlaborer, wrote down the enterprise! and the noble son of New\\nEngland, abused, insulted and disgusted, quietly returned to Massa-\\nchusetts, and there employed his capital in building up the cities\\nof Lowell and Lawrence. The Impending Crisis, Helper, p. 107.\\nNote 20. In traversing that county, [Madison county, Ala-\\nbama,] one will discover numerous farm-houses, once the abode of\\nindustrious and intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves, or\\ntenantless, deserted and dilapidated; he will observe fields, once", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "46 JOHN BROWN\\nfertile, now unfenced, abandoned, and covered with those evil har-\\nbingers, fox-tail and broom-sedge; he will see the moss growing\\non the mouldering walls of once thrifty villages, and will find\\none only master grasps the whole domain, that once furnished\\nhappy homes for a dozen white families. Indeed, a country in\\nits infancy, where fifty years ago scarce a forciit tree hud been\\nfelled by the axe of the pioneer, is already exhibiting the painful\\nsigns of senility and decay. The soil itself soon sickens and dies\\nbeneath the unnatural tread of the slave.\\nSuch are the agricultural achievements of slave labur; such are\\nthe results of the sum of all villainies. The diabolical institution\\nsubsists on its own flesh. At one time children are sold to procure\\nfood for the parents, at another, parents are sold to procure foo l\\nfor the children. Within its pestilential atmospliere, nothing suc-\\nceeds; progress and prosperity are unknown; inanition and sloth-\\nfulness ensue; everything becomes dull, dismal and unprofitable;\\nwretchedness and desolation run riot throughout the land; an aspect\\nof most melancholy inactivity and dilapidation broods over every\\ncity and town; ignorance and prejudice sit enthroned over the\\nminds of the people; usurping despots wield the sceptre of power;\\neverywhere, and in everything, between Delaware Bay and the Gulf\\nof Mexico, are the multitudinous evils of slavery apparent. jT/ie\\nImpending Crisis, Helper, pp. 56, 57.\\nNote 21. Greeley s American Conflict, p. 136.\\nNote 22. Oligarchical politicians are alone responsible for the\\ncontinuance of African slavery in the South. For purposes of self-\\naggrandizement, they have kept learning and civilization from the\\npeople; they have willfully misinterpreted the national compacts,\\nand have outraged their own consciences by declaring to their illiter-\\nate constituents that the founders of the Republic were not Abo-\\nlitionists. The Impending Crisis. Helper, p. 189.\\nNote 23. Washington said in a letter to John F. Mercer, Sep-\\ntember 9, 17S6:\\nI never mean, unless some particular circumstances should com-\\npel me to it. to possess another slave by purchase, it being among\\nmy first icishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery, in this\\ncountry, may be abolished by law.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "SLAVERY IN AMERICA\\n47\\nGeneral Washington made many similar expressions, and manu-\\nmitted his slaves in his will.\\nIn his Notes on Virginia, Jefferson says:\\nWith the morals of a people their industry is also destroyed;\\nfor, in a warm climate, no man will labor for himself who can\\nmake another labor for him. This is so true, that of the proprietors\\nof slaves a very small proportion, indeed, are ever seen to labor.\\nAnd can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, when we\\nhave removed their only firm basis a conviction in the minds of\\nthe people that their liberties are the gift of God? that they\\nare not to be violated but with His wrath Indeed, I tremble for my\\ncountry when I reilect that God is just; that His justice cannot\\nsleep forever.\\nMr. Jefferson uttered much more than this against slavery.\\nNothing stronger than the Declaration of Independence has ever\\nbeen written, and the preamble to that instrument is a declaration\\nfor liberty.\\nPatrick Henry says:\\nIt would rejoice my very soul, that every one of my fellow-\\nbeings was emancipated. We ought to, lament and deplore the neces-\\nsity of holding our fellow-men in bondage. Believe me, I shall\\nhonor the Quakers for their noble eflorts to abolish slavery.\\nJohn Randolph, of Roanoke, said:\\nSir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from\\nthe North w ho rises here to defend slavery on principle.\\nHe emancipated his slaves by will, in which he said: I give to\\nmy slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are\\njustly entitled.\\nMadison, Mason, Marshall, Boiling, Blair, Benton, and many\\nother Southern patriots were against slavery. Franklin, Jay, and\\nmany of the most eminent statesmen of what were later called the\\nfree States were opposed to slavery in the convention which formed\\nour Constitution.\\nNote 24. His attitude was expressed thus: The Federal Consti-\\ntution is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell.\\nNote 25. Read The Rise and Progress of Abolition, in The\\nAmerican Conflict, by Greeley, Vol. I, p. 107, and followinor.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nTHE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS.\\nWe cross the prairies as of old\\nThe fathers crossed the sea,\\nTo make the West, as they the East,\\nThe homestead of the free.\\nWe go to plant the common school\\nOn distant prairie swells.\\nAnd give the Sabbaths of the wilds\\nThe music of her bells.\\nUpbearinpr. like the ark of God,\\nThe Bible in our van.\\nWe go to test the truth of God\\nAgainst the fraud of man.\\nWhit tier.\\nThe Platte Country was so called from some time\\nperhaps as remote as the Missouri Compromise. It\\nstretched from the Indian Territory and the Missouri river\\nto the summit of the Pocky Mountains and to the borders\\nof British America. The name came from the great river\\ncrossing it from west to east to add its turbid waters to\\nthe yellow flood of the Missouri.^ It was in 1850 a vast\\nplain covered with Indian tribes and buffalo the home of\\nwild men and wild animals. White men were prohibited\\nfrom settling on this portion of the public domain, and\\nthe fairest and most fertile land in the West remained\\na waste. But, although without civilization, the land was\\nwell known. Great and ancient highways traveled these\\n(48)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINISUXGS OF KANSAS\\n49\\nboundless plains. One followed the Platte up to that de-\\npression in the great mountain-chain known as South\\nPass here it divided, and separated into two ways. One\\nof these followed western waters down to the Great Salt\\nLake Yalley, and from thence across the burning sand-\\nwastes, over plains of sage, cactus and grease-wood, up\\nmountain ranges till the clouds v/ere below, and down\\ngolden waters to the fair valleys of California. The other\\nbranch followed over rocky fastnesses, along and across\\ndeep and winding rivers, into wilderness wastes, over\\nragged and lava-scorched mountains to the green valley\\nof the Willamette, in Oregon, and down the mighty Co-\\nlumbia to the shores of the Pacific ocean. The other\\nancient way was the Old Santa Fe Trail, famous in\\nromance and song, and leading from the mouth of the\\nKansas river across the plains and through the mountains\\nto the land of the Montezumas. Along these plains high-\\nways rolled a commerce; the migration of the Mormons\\nand the discovery of gold in California sent over them\\nmighty streams of humanity.\\nBy the Missouri Compromise the Platte Country\\nwas dedicated and set apart to human liberty it was never\\nto be polluted nor pressed by the foot of the slave. For\\nthis reason the Government, in the hands of the slave-\\nowners, had removed it from the roll of lands upon which\\nthe people might enter and build homes. This removal\\nwas effected with plausibility; the land was assigned to\\ntribes of eastern Indians^ who held it by virtue of solemn\\ntreaties which guaranteed that neither they nor the tracts\\nby them occupied should ever become part of any State\\nor Territory to be organized by the United States. But so\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00944", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "50 JOIIX BKOWN\\nabsurd became this poliev of prohibition that even the\\nIndians came to oppose it. In 1S52 thev began tlie agita-\\ntion for the removal of restrictions whieii resulted in the\\nformation of a provisional government for the country,\\nwhich thej called Nebraska. Clamor for the removal of\\nthe restrictions resulted, and the representatives of the\\nprovisional government knocked for admission to tho hulls\\nof Congress.^ The pressure of home-seekers upon tho\\nborders of the beautiful and forbidden land became tre-\\nmendous. Public sentiment, led hy the owners of the soil,\\nwas fast coming to demand that the country be opened to\\nsettlement. Tliis sentiment was not confined to the free\\nStates; the people of some of the slave States, Missouri\\nespecially, were eager to have permission to establish them-\\nselves on the fair and fertile plains of Nebraska. On this\\naccount the provisional government received encourage-\\nment from that portion of the Missouri people reposing\\nconfidence in the leadership of Senator Benton. But as\\nthere was no available tract of country in that portion of\\nthe unsettled public domain surrendered to slavery to bo\\nopened to settlement to counterbalance the Platte Coun-\\ntry should the restrictions to its settlement Ijo removed,\\nto allow its organization would be giving an advantage to\\nfreedom. By the Missouri Compromise this land right-\\nfully belonged to the principles of freedom, and had been\\nrelin(]uislicd by the advocates of slavery thirty years be-\\nfore but it was resolved to now make an effort to regain\\nat least a portion of the domain then lost.\\nA new tenet had been recognized in the compromise of\\n1S50 it permitted the people of a Territory applying for\\nadmission as a State to determine for themselves the nature", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGIXNIXGS OF KANSAS 51\\nof their institutions, and to legalize or prohibit slavery as\\nthey might choose. When the Nebraska question came up\\nfor discussion the slave-power contended that this principle\\nabrogated the Missouri Compromise. The bills for the\\norganization of Nebraska Tcrritoiy were cast aside, and a\\nbill providing for the formation of two Territories from the\\ndomain of the Platte Country was substituted for them.\\nThis bill declared the Missouri Compromise inoperative\\nand void, and affirmed the application of the principle of\\nthe compromise of 1850 to the proposed Territories in\\nexplicit terms. The struggle was long and bitter, and no\\nless, so in Congress than in the country at large. The\\nSouth was properly charged with bad faith, and the matter\\nwas discussed by every newspaper in the land by citizens\\nin private walks and in public assemblies. Ministers ev-\\nerywhere made it the subject of sermons often objurga-\\ntory and vituperative in the North, always complimentary\\nand commendatory in the South. But in the struggle the\\nSouth had the advantage she was perfectly united, and\\nby seizing upon the personal ambitions and demagogical\\npropensities of Northern politicians created and main-\\ntained a considerable sentiment in its favor in that part\\nof our country where slavery was abhorred. She had\\nlooked forward to this very contingency, and fortified her-\\nself in the White House Pierce was compelled to commit\\nhimself without reserve to the policy declared in the\\nKansas-Nebraska bill, in order to attain the Presidency.^\\nIt was with great satisfaction, therefore, that he approved\\nthe Kansas-Nebraska bill on the 30th day of May, 1854.\\nThe result of this struggle was despondency in the North\\nand exultation in the South. Slavery regarded the vie-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "62 JOHN BKOWX\\ntorv won as in fact a compromise on the same lines gov-\\nerning the admission of States into the Union in the early\\ndays of the Government, when cquilihrium of Congres-\\nsional representation was maintained by the admission of\\none slave and one free State at the same time.* On this\\nprinciple two Territories were formed instead of one, nnd\\nthe South claimed the slave State Kansas, and conceded\\nthe free State Nebraska. The South was well equipped\\nto cnt^r the contest for the consummation of this design.\\nOn the east Kansas joined a slave State Missouri. The\\nwestern counties of Missouri contained a large population\\npossessing many slaves, and an intense sentiment and do-\\nsire for the extension of slavery int^) Kansas. This condi-\\ntion was largely relied upon in the formulation of the\\nKansas-Xebraska plan.** It was believed that the citizens\\nof Missouri would at once migrate to the new Territory\\nand seize all the choice lands before people fmm a\\ngreater distance could arrive. To facilitate this action the\\nGovernment concluded secret treaties with the Indian\\ntribes owning the land in the eastern portion of the Terri-\\ntory, wherein the greater part of the best land was to be at\\nonce opened to settlement; and the representatives of the\\nslave-power in Missouri were apprised of the conclusion\\nof these treaties long before their public proclamation.\\nAnd other slave States were expected to contribute largely\\nof their inhabitants with their slaves to form the popula-\\ntion of the new Territory organized in the interest of\\nslavery.\\nBut, the best-laid schemes o mice and men gang aft\\na-gley. Missouri failed to meet the expectations enter-\\ntained of her, because there was no pressing demand in", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS\\n53\\nher western counties for land. These counties were yet\\nnew, and the people had not more than accomplished the\\nsubjection of the forest and prairie f land was cheap, and\\nno great sum could be realized from its sale. ^Yhen it\\nwas known that people from the free States intended to\\ncontest for Kansas, the people owning slaves in Missouri\\nbecame averse to jeopardizing their property by carrying\\nit to a Territory which might in the end destroy its value.\\nThe institution proved too clumsy and too much of a\\nweight to be readily removed from States at a greater\\ndistance.\\nThe despondency of the Korth was temporary, and dis-\\nappeared after a brief period following the passage of the\\nKansas-JSTebraska bill. In Xew England this reaction\\nwas largely sentimental.^ In the free States of the Ohio\\nValley it was intensely aggressive and practical. People\\nfrom Ohio, Pennsylvania and Indiana were in Kansas be-\\nfore the bill had finally passed.\u00c2\u00ae When it was known that\\nit had become a law, people from western Kew York and\\nPennsylvania, and from all the States made from the old\\nNorthwest Territory, set their faces towards Kansas with\\nthe avowed intention of building themselves homes and of\\nmaking the Territory a free State. The people of Mas-\\nsachusetts turned their sentiment to practical use, and\\nother New England States followed the example. The\\nEmigrant Aid Company was formed to carry out the\\npolicy announced by William H. Seward in the debate of\\nthe bill in the United States Senate.^ Eli Thayer was\\nthe principal mover in this organization, which became a\\npotent factor in making Kansas a free State. It was\\nlargely due to his efforts that the sentimental opposition", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "54 .lOHX HKOWN\\nto the bill in Xcw Englaiul was given some practical\\ndirection and form. Societies like that projected hiui\\nwere formed in other Xew England States, and, indeed,\\nin other parts of the North. Wiiile it nnist be admitted\\nthat thev accomj)lished great gc\u00c2\u00bbod for Kansas and the\\ncountry, it is true that their organization first alarmed the\\nSouth, and many of the outrages peri etrated by the lK:)rder\\nruflians were inspired by their iiostility to Northern emi-\\ngrant aid societies.** Similar organizations were formed\\nin the South in the interest of slavery; in Missouri it was\\nclaimed that their organization was for the purpose of\\ncounteracting those of the North; they were called Blue\\nlodges, Social Bands, Friends Societies, ami\\nThe Sons of the Soutli.\\nThe result of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill\\nwas to localize for a time, and to transfer to Kansas, the\\npreliminary battle in the final contest between freedom\\nand slavery. The forces on each side were stirred to effort.\\nThe resources of eacli section were drawn upon to advance\\nrespective interests and pave the way to ultimate victory,\\nof which the South was sanguine and the North hopeful.\\nIn the actual conflict in Kansas, the South, flushed with\\nvictory in Congress \u00c2\u00bbi\\\\il animatetl with impatience of re-\\nstraint, intolerance, and a fanatical but distorted faith\\nin the justice of her cause, was always the aggressor. The\\nNorthern emigrant was proclaimed an abolitionist, what-\\never his political faith or however tolerant his views.\\nNo discriminations were made. Abolitionists were de-\\nnounced in Kansas, as they liad been everywhere in the\\nSouth, as the enemies of society, religion, humanity, and\\nthe Union. Of rights they were supposed not to have any,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGIXNINGS OF KANSAS 55\\nand they were to be accorded none in Kansas. Their lives\\nwere considered as forfeited here, as in the South, and the\\nPro-Slavery settlers were urged to destroy them. The\\npartisans of freedom soon came to be called Free-State\\nmen; the advocates of slavery were known by various\\nnames: Pro-Slavery men, Law and Order men, and Na-\\ntional Democrats. But the people of Kansas bestowed\\nupon them the name. Border Ptuffian.^ Many of the more\\ndepraved characters among them came to glory in this\\nterra, but there were many good people in the slavery\\nranks, and they were opposed to violence at all times.\\nThey were allowed little part in the formulation of the\\ncourse in Kansas in the interest of slavery. Those in\\npower and the great majority of those who came to Kansas\\nwere noisy, violent, aggressive, brutal and murderous from\\nthe very first. Some of the outrageous conduct of these\\nslavery partisans is enumerated:\\nAs early as the Gth of October, 1854, Westport sent a\\nlarge body of men with arms, and banners decorated with\\nstrange devices and violent and threatening legends, to\\nbreak up the Free-State settlement of Lawrence. In the\\nmost violent and horrible oaths possible of expression in the\\nEnglish language they ordered the abolitionists to strike\\ntheir tents and leave the Territory. The settlers showed\\nthe eyes and teeth of courage, and the presumptuous\\ninvaders were so astonished at the exhibition of bravery\\nin Yankees that they returned home swearing wicked\\noaths of what they would do when they returned at the\\nend of a week with a larger force.^^\\nThe first elections were scenes of violence and disorder.\\nLong lines of whisky-sodden ruffians^ wound their sev-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "66\\nJOHN nijov. x\\nera! ways about the prairie3 and along the streams of\\nKansas, took armed possession of the polls and voting-\\nplaces, cast thousands of illegal votes, perjured themselves\\nby certifying to fraudulent election returns, and returned\\nin a drunken frenzy to their homes in Mi.-souri. At\\nLeavenworth a Free-State election clerk named Wetherell\\ncomplained because a youth who said he was but nineteen\\nwas allowed to vote, on the qualification of having a claim\\nin Kansas; he said he lived in Missouri. lie was allowed\\nto cast nine votes for residents of Missouri who were not\\npresent, but who, so tlie youth said, had claims in the\\nTerritory. At this easy manner of exercising the rights\\nof suffrage Wetherell declared that the election was a\\nfraud. Charles Dunn was the cJiief ruflian present, and\\nhearing the remark of the clerk, seized him by the head,\\ndragged him from the building through the window with\\ngreat bodily injury, fell upon him, in company with other\\nruflians, beat and kicked him in a shamefully brutal man-\\nner, and left him for dead.\\nIn the same city a vigilance committee was formed at\\na. meeting addressed by the Chief Justice of the Territory\\non the 30th of April, 1855. The resolutions adopted\\nwarned all persons not to come to our peaceful firesides\\nto slander us, and sow the seeds of discord between the\\nmaster and the servant and the duty of the committee\\nwas defined in the following explicit language: All such\\npersons as shall by the expression of abolition sentiments\\nproduce a disturbance to the quiet of the citizens or danger\\nto their domestic relations, shall be notified and made to\\nleave the Territory.\\nMr. William Phillips, a lawyer, and by all reports a", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 57\\nbrave and good citizen, lived at the time in Leavenworth,\\nand soon became amenable to this power of the committee.\\nA mob seized him and carried him to Weston, Mo. There\\none-half his head was shaved as were the heads of convicts\\nin the dark ages; he was stripped of his raiment, tarred\\nand feathered, ridden on a rail, had a halter put on his\\nneck by which he was led to tlie block, and by a negro\\ncried to the highest bidder and sold for one-fourth of one\\ncent. He was allowed to return home, but was soon after-\\nward murdered in his own house by a band of law and\\norder men styling themselves Territorial militia, and\\ncommanded by Frederick S. Emory; his sole offense was\\nhis refusal to leave the town of Leavenworth at the mob s\\nbidding.^\\nOne of the most brutal and wanton murders ever com-\\nmitted in the Territory was that of Eees P. Brown. He\\nwas a resident of Leavenworth county, and had been to\\nthe polls at the village of Easton to attend the election\\nfor State officers under the Topeka Constitution. As he\\nand a number of other Free-State men were returning\\nhome they were met by Captain Charles Dunn, one of\\nthe most rabid ruffums that ever cursed the border. They\\nwere taken back to Easton and confined in a store; all\\nbut Brown were allowed to escape. A mob broke into\\nthe building in which Brown was confined and struck\\nhim several times in the face with a hatchet. The assault\\nwas made by one Gibson. He was thrown into a lumber\\nwagon, where he remained for seven houi*s while his\\ncaptors were drinking at a doggery, the weather being at\\nthe time bitterly cold. He was taken home and dragged\\nfrom the wagon to the frozen ground; he was cast into", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "58\\nJOHN BROWX\\nthe cabin with the words, Here is Brown I Tie died\\nin about three hours, and tlie brutality he liad suffered\\nmade his wife a maniac.^\\nA Pro-Slavery man in Leavenworth made a bet that he\\ncould in two hours bring in the scalp of an abolitionist. A\\nyoung German was just returning to town after having\\ntaken his wife to visit her sister in Lawrence. The\\nruflian shot him, and he fell from his carriage; then the\\nmurderer scalped him and triumphantly returned witli his\\nreeking trophy to claim his winning, which was a pair of\\nboots, against which he had bet six dollars. Tic ua^ .iftcr-\\nwards tried for murder, and acquitted I\\nThe paper of Stringfellow, published at Atchison, con-\\ntaineil a standing notice that abolitionists would be\\nlynched if they dared to pollute our soil.\\nBut the lie plus ultra of rutHan outrage and villainy\\nwas attained in the enactment of the infamous code known\\nas the Bogus Laws, by the Legislature fraudulently se-\\nlected by the election at which the outrages before spoken\\nof occurred, and known in history as the Bogus Legisla-\\nture. One of these statutes provided that any person\\ndaring to discuss the question of the establishment of\\nslavery in Kansas, or whether it exists or does not exist\\nthere, should be imprisoned at hard labor for at least two\\nyears the maximum term not fixed; it might be ninety-\\nnine years. By this code no man could serve on a jury\\nwho was opposed to slavery. It contained many laws of\\nthe same nature; and that certain indication of tyranny\\nthe appointment of all county and township officers by the\\nLegislature or executive was fixed upon the people, who\\nwere thus divested of the right of local self-government.^*", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS\\n59\\nAndrew H. Keeder, of Pennsylvania, was appointed the\\nfirst Governor of the Territory; and his administration\\nwas one continuous struggle against the ruffians and min-\\nions of the slave-power for some semblance of right and\\njustice for the people. His efforts in this direction were\\nresented at Washington, and he was removed from office.\\nHe remained for a time in the Territory, and assisted in\\nthe founding of the Free-State party and became its first\\ncandidate for Delegate to Congress. He was defeated by\\nfraud, and contested the election; the result was the ap-\\npointment of a committee to investigate Kansas affairs.\\nThis committee was virtually driven from the Territory\\nby the ruffians but it formulated a report which contains\\nmore than a thousand printed pages of the outrages against\\nliberty and the free people of Kansas. Reeder was forced\\nto fly to escape assassination at the hands of the principal\\nruffian of Leavenworth county acting for the slave-power.^^\\nUpon the removal of Reeder, Wilson Shannon was ap-\\npointed Governor. His weakness and his cringing and\\nobsequious sycophancy resulted in the outrages committed\\nin the Wakarusa war, and, finally, in anarchy. The\\nmurder of Free-State men became so common that it\\nceased even to cause comment. Governor Shannon was\\nhimself compelled to seek safety from assassination in\\nflight he reported that dead bodies lay thickly all along\\nall the Territorial highways.^*\\nThus, chaos, anarchy, confusion and disorder in Kansas\\nresulted from the efforts of the Government to force\\nhuman bondage upon the people. Nevertheless, emigrants\\nfrom the free States continued to arrive. The foregoing\\ndescription will serve to show to some degree the disor-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "60\\nJOH3^ BSOWX\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2i fettled condition of societr- into which thev\\nc. their lives were forfeited the minute they\\nset loot in Kansas. Thev were subjected to manv indig\u00c2\u00ab-\\nnities while r _ ri; and the pirates\\nztA nrians ^-i?=: r: river in the\\nthej wotild thereby be deter: attempting\\nto r\u00c2\u00abr Territory. But these crusaders for freedom\\nwere i sterner stuff. They turned to the north,\\nand came into the Mecca of their faith by the way of\\nI Xebraska.\\nThere living in 0\u00e2\u0080\u009e. _:.! New York\\na n.:~: r that of John Brown. So im-\\nportant was the work of this family in the emancipation\\nwriter\\nu _ _ causes\\nwhich resulted in their freedom. In the fall of IS 54 five\\nof the sons of John Brown determined to Kansas\\nto make theniselves homes and assist g it a free\\nStare. TLey were bred to rugged and self-\\nreliance, and were inured to hardship, scant living, high\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2t before God and man. They\\nzAi, to erect houses, to plant and\\ntend vineyards and orchards and to rear cattle, to devote\\nthemselves to the peaceful pursuits of the farm. They\\nV J fruit trees and grapevines,\\ntheir tents and their cattle.\\nThey set out from the Western Reserve, in Ohio, where\\nthey then lived and where they had been bom, in the fall\\nof 1S54, with their csttle. and g\u00c2\u00bb:\u00c2\u00bbt as far as ATeredosia,\\nHUnois. Here the brooier?. O^en. Frederick and Salmon,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE POUTICAL BEGETSTXGS OF Ka2sSAS 61\\nremained to care for tbe cattle tliroiigh the winter, and\\nwhen spring came they drove them overland into Kansas.^\\nThe brothers, Jason and John, jr., came by steamer down\\nthe Ohio river and to St. Louis. At this point they and\\ntheir families took passage on a boat bound for the Terri-\\ntory. It was crowded with people mostly from the South,\\nas was plainly indicated by their language and dress;\\nwhile their drinking, profanity, and display of revolvere\\nand bowie-knives openly worn as a part of their make-up\\nclearly showed the class to which they belonged, and\\nthat their mission was to aid in establishing slavery in\\nKansas. Cholera appeared on the*boat, and a number\\nof passengers died; among them, Austin, the little son\\nof Jason Brown. The brothers and their families went\\nashore at the panic-stricken town of Waverly, Missouri^\\nat night, in a furious thunder-storm, to commit to the\\nearth the body of their child; and without warning the\\nboat cast off and continued her way without thenL**\\nThey were left to make their way to Kansas City as best\\nthey could, and were compelled to complete their joumev\\nby stage.\\nThese brothers arrived very early in the spring of 1S55.\\nJi they were too late to see the ruffians come over from\\nMissouri to carry the election, they arrived while that\\noutrage was fresh in the minds of the people. Thev all\\nselected claims some ten miles from Osawatomie, near\\nthat of their uncle, the Rev. S. L. Adair. Their farms\\ndid not adjoin, for claims were then selected with a view\\nto secure some timber but they were not far apart, and a\\ncircuit of two miles would have inclosed them alL They\\nsucceeded in raising something, though little, the first vear.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "62\\nJOHN BROWN\\nBut the political turmoil and the merciless persecutions of\\nthe Free-State men raged during the summer. The usur-\\npation of the government by the Missourians and their\\nenactment of the bogus laws could n\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bbt be tamely submitted\\nto bv a people loving liberty and coming from a c \u00c2\u00bb\\\\intrv\\nwhere the laws were for all and obeyed by all. ft was\\ngenerally agreed by the Free-State settlers that they could\\nnot submit to all these laws. It was apparent that it was\\nintended that the laws should make it impossible for\\nFree-State people to remain in Kansas. As the newspa-\\npers along the border of ^Mi^.souri were teeming with\\nthreats and inlhunmatory articles, it was believed that\\ntrouble would arise as soon as the crops ceased to engross\\nthe attention of the people. The part of prudence de-\\nmanded that the Free-State men be prepared to protect\\nthemselves from assault. The Browns early identiliod\\nthemselves with the movement to organize and make effect-\\nive the anti-slavery forces in the Territory. On the 8th\\nof June, 1S55, some of them attended the Free-State meet-\\ning in Lawrence, and John Brown, jr., was a member of\\nthe committee on resolutions.^^ He and his brother Fred-\\nerick were delegates to the Big Springs Convention, and\\nassisted there to form the Free-State party.^*\\nEarly in the summer John Brown, jr., wrote his father\\nthe conditions existing in the Territory, and requested him\\nto procure arms for their defense and send them on to\\nKansas.^^ John Brown was then living at Xorth Elba\\nXcw York. He attended an anti-slavery or abolition con-\\nvention at Syracuse, in that State, in the latter part of\\nJune. Here he made a very fiery speech, during which\\nhe said he had four sons in Kansas, and had three others", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINXIXGS OF KANSAS\\n63\\nwho were desirous of going there, to aid in fighting the\\nbattles of freedom. He could not consent to go unless\\narmed, and he would like to arm all his sons; but his\\npoverty prevented him from doing so. It had not been\\nhis intention to go to Kansas. In a letter to his son John\\nalmost a year before he had said If you or any of my\\nfamily are disposed to go to Kansas or Nebraska, with a\\nview to help defeat Satan and his legions in that direction,\\nI have not a word to say but I feel committed to operate\\nin another part of the field. If I were not so committed,\\nI would be on my way this fall. His attendance upon\\nthe Syracuse convention appears to have changed this de-\\ntermination; perhaps he met there persons with whom he\\nwas committed to labor in some different part of the\\nfield, and after discussion it was agreed that Kansas was\\nas inviting and promising as any field for the time being\\nneed be. His appeal to the convention for arms and\\nmeans to reach the Territory seems to have resulted to his\\nsatisfaction, for he wrote his wife I have reason to\\nbless God that I came, I met with a most warm recep-\\ntion a most hearty approval of my intention\\nof arming my sons and other friends in Kansas. Some-\\nthing more than sixty dollars was given him; and it is\\nvery probable that other and further contributions were\\nsent him before he left New York for the Territory.\\nHe set out for Kansas sometime in August, accom-\\npanied by his son-in-law, Henry Thompson. His son\\nOliver was then at Rockford, Illinois, and he was taken\\nalong, and wrote to his mother that he hoped to see them\\nall in Kansas in a year or two. They wrote from Chicago\\nthat they had there purchased a nice young horse for", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "04\\nJUll.N UHOWN\\n$120, but have bo much loa\u00c2\u00abl that we shall have to walk\\na good deal enough probably to supply ourselves with\\ngame. From a point in Scott county, Iowa, ulv ut\\ntwenty miles west of the Missi^fippi, he wrote hii* wife\\nthat their load was heavy and they walked much. They\\nfared vtry well on crackers, herring, boiled eggs, prairie\\nchicken, tea, and sometimes a little milk. Have three\\nchickens now cooking for our breakfast. We shoot enough\\nof them on the wing as wo go along to supply us with\\nfresh meat, Oliver succeeds in bringing them down quite\\nas well as any of us. He further says: We hope our\\nmoney will not entirely fail us; but we shall not have any\\nof account left when we got through. They expected **to\\ngo direct through Missouri. This letter contains the\\nremarkable ^tatomoiit I thl: in any other\\nway to answtr thf cud of my 1 ik? quite con-\\ntent to be at North Elba. He believed with his whole\\nsoul that God bad appointed him to make war on slavery,\\nand in no other way could he hope to answer the end of\\nhi.\u00c2\u00ab Ixing. To answer this call he surrendered the com-\\nforts of domestic happiness, the ease so much coveted by\\nmen of his age, anything like a competency for increasing\\nyears, and set forth on a journey long and toilsome, and\\nin which he walked much, to join a heroic band of\\nfreedom-loving men and women engaged then in fighting\\nback the foul institution of human bondage threatening to\\nengulf them on the plains of Kansas. In that sentence\\nis the key and explanation of the character of John Brown.\\nThey arrived at the Brown settlement on the 6th\\nof October, and found all more or less sick or feeble\\nbut WinMiv nTnl .T( 1:iinv. Thf entire party had but", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGI^ NI^ GS OF KANSAS 65\\nsixty cents -when they arrived. And strange man, this\\nBrown! while anxious to battle to the death with the\\npowers of slavery and darkness, and determined to shed\\nblood if need be, and fully realizing that his own blood\\nmight be required, as well as that of his children, he was\\nas sensitive to the touch of love and sympathy as is a\\nmother to the cry of her babe. Xo mother ever carried\\nmore tenderness in her soul for her children than John\\nBrown bore in his heart for suffering of every kind. His\\nwhole being responded to the grief of those who mourned.\\nOn this weary journey he remembered that his daughter-\\nin-law had left the light of her life in an unmarked and\\nlonely grave on a hill washed by the yellow tide of the\\nMissouri. He turned aside to seek the lowly grave; he\\nlifted from it the tiny body of his grandson, and carried\\nit with him to the free land of Kansas to gladden the\\nheart of her that wept.^^ All summer she had borne such\\ngrief as only a mother who has lost her child can feel.\\nThe parents had written: We fully believe that Austin\\nis happy with his Maker in another existence and if there\\nis to be a separation of friends after death, we pray God\\nto keep us in the way of truth, and that we may so run our\\nshort course as to be able to enjoy his company again.\\nEllen fe\u00e2\u0082\u00acls so lonely and discontented here without Austin,\\nthat we shall go back to Akron next fall if she does not\\nenjoy herself better.\\nWhat manner of people are these Browns, old and\\nyoung, to whom the world seems a sort of temporary\\nstopping-place; who are continually seeking the sustain-\\ning arm of a higher power; who never fail to commend\\none another to God; who realize their weakness and ask\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00945", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "6G JOHN BROWX\\nStrength only from Ilim who is able to give; wlio struggle\\nin poverty to do the work a nation has neglected? Ah!\\nthese are questions which John Brown answered with his\\nlife on a scaffold in the beautiful mountains of Virginia!\\nNote \\\\.\u00e2\u0080\u0094The American Conflict, Grcolcy, p. 225.\\nNote 2. The I roviniomtl Government of Srhra^kn mtory,\\nWilliam E. Conncllcy, p. 17, and following.\\nNote 3. Memorial of S. .V. Wood, br his wife. p. 21. Al*o Mate\\nment of Hunnibal Hamlin. See The Kansas Crusade, Eli Thayer,\\nP-\\nNote 4. The repeal of the Compromise bill of 1820 by the\\npaftiajro of the Kan!\u00c2\u00aba\u00c2\u00bbNrl)ra\u00c2\u00bbkR Act of 1s.j4. wan. of it*elf. though\\nnot \u00c2\u00bbo spetified or implied, a eort of compromiKe nicaHure. The\\nori inal aet, as has bf-en stated, provided for the or};anization of\\na sin^^le Territory, to be called Nebraska, which was to embrace\\nall that section of country which conntituten the Territory of\\nKansas. The locality of the greater portion of Nebraska as thus\\ndesigned; its ready access to immigration from the North; and its\\npeculiar adaptation as respects both climate and M il, to free labor,\\nrendered it certain of being received into the L nion at an early\\nday as a free State. The Southern politician.^ could not wisely\\nand openly object to its organization upon this ground. Hence a\\nmore judicious policy, as it was less likely to meet with deter-\\nmined opposition and condemnation, was adopted. The substitute\\nof Mr. Douglas, though it could not prevent the erection of a free\\nState, would at least so far keep up the equality as to create an--\\nother State, into which slavery would be introduced. By the propo-\\nsition to erect two new Territories instead of one, as at first\\nproposed, and to allow the inhabitants of each to determine for\\nthemselves whether slavery should or should not be admitted, it\\nwas intended and so understood, that Nebraska should become a\\nfree State and Kansas a slave State. I hi- t.. v,,ti,1 all question,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGIXTsIXGS OF KANSAS 67\\nthe object and meaning of the Kansas-Nebraska bill of Mr. Douglas;\\nand it was so regarded, as all its acts show, by the late Administra-\\ntion. This, in fact, is the only excuse, although by no means a\\nsufficient one, that can be offered in extenuation of the outrages\\nthat have been committed against Free-State settlers. Many mem-\\nbers of the Pro-Slavery party, believing it to have been a matter\\nunderstood and fixed by certain contracting powers and the heads\\nof the General Government, that Kansas was to become a slave\\nState, in order to keep up an equilibrium of Northern and South-\\nern sectional and political interests, conscientiously supposed that\\ninstead of its being a criminal offense, it was not only justifiable,\\nbut a virtue, to persecute, even to death, all Northern people who\\nshould enter the Territory with the disposition to defeat or thwart\\nthat object. All such were regarded as intruders, whom it was\\nproper to remove at all hazards and by whatever means, however\\ncruel or oppressive, that could be employed. This sentiment was\\nnot confined to Kansas and the adjoining State of Missouri, but was\\nentertained by persons high in authority elsewhere, and especially\\nat the seat of the Federal Government. History of Kansas,\\nJohn H. Oihon, pp. 27, 28.\\nA meeting at Independence, Mo., resolved that we ask only our\\nrights as compromise, viz.: That we, the South, be permitted\\npeaceably to possess Kansas, while the North, on same privilege,\\nbe permitted to possess Nebraska Territory. History of the Slate\\nof Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. S3.\\nThe Baltimore Sun, June 28, 1854, said: Abolitionists or Free-\\nSoilers would do well not to stop in Kansas Territory, but keep on\\nup the Missouri river until they reach Nebraska Territory, where\\nthey can peacefully make claims and establish their abolition and\\nfree-soil notions; for if they do, they will be respectfully notified\\nthat but one day s grace will be allowed for them to take up their bed\\nand baggage and walk. History of the State of Kansas, A. T.\\nAndreas, p. 83.\\nNote 5. There was even a pro-slavery plan to annex the portion\\nof Missouri known as the Platte Purchase to Kansas Territory.\\nAnnals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 66.\\nNote 6. In fact, this had not yet been done. One township in", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "68\\nJOHN BROWN\\nJackson county was not subdivided until 1843; if thpre had Wrn\\nanj pressing demand for land it would have been Bectionired and\\nBold prior to that date. It is true that there was much public land\\nin the border counties of Missouri in even 1S50. But the choice\\nlands were sciettt d and occupied long before. Much of the clamor\\nfor the op -nin(\u00c2\u00bb of the I latte Count ry came from the vanpuiird\\nof real civilization frontier chariuters who would reiunin for a\\ntime and then depart to seek another new country. There wa* a\\ngreat (juantity of this human drift wtxyl banked np\u00c2\u00bbin*t the west\\nern State line of Missouri in 1854. It furni^he\u00c2\u00bbi ixw.riiv of\\nthe border ruflians.\\nNote 7. The principal reason why the emigrant aid aocietiea of\\nthe South maile no better \u00e2\u0080\u00a2bowing in sending slaveholding settlers\\nto Kansas, was their poverty. They could secure no money. Ala-\\nbama appropriated $25,000; whether any of this sum was ever paid\\nis not known with certainty. The wealth of the South consisted\\nlargely of land and negroes; accumulations of money consequent\\nupon commerce and manufactures did not exit t. The people had no\\ngenius for the adroit handling of money in any enterprise where\\nthey met close competition. Missouri spent large sums, but not in\\nan efTcciivc manner; she observed no system.\\nNote 8. One of Eli Thayer s most efTective arguments was,\\nthat it was much better to go and do something for free lalxir\\nthan to stay at home and talk of manacles and aurtionblocks and\\nbloodhounds, while deploring the never ending aggrcKnionB of slav-\\nery. The Kansas Crusade, Eli Thayer, p. SI.\\nNote 9. Early in May, 1854, the Barber brothers, Thomas W.\\nand Oliver P., with Samuel Walker and Thomas M. Pearson, made\\na tour in the Territory with a view to settlement. They had all\\nbeen toys together in Franklin county, Pennsylvania, but the\\nBarbers now lived in Indiana. They came to Wejitport, Missouri,\\nby public conveyance. Here they hired a half-breed Indian to take\\nthem over the Territory with his team. They spent a night at\\nBlue Jacket Crossing on the Wakarusa, and passed over what was\\nto be the site of Lawrence, passing up the spur of the hill south of\\nwhere the University now stands. They went aa far as Topeka,\\nwhere there was an old-fashioned rope ferry; they then went acroaa", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 69\\nthe prairies to Fort Leavenworth, and then back to their home.\\nThe Kansas-Nebraska bill passed while they were in the Territory.\\nAll four afterwards removed to Kansas, and were largly instru-\\nmental in inducing others to come. A History of Lawrence,\\nKansas, Rev. Richard Cordley, p. S.\\nNote 10. As soon as the land was thrown open to settle-\\nment squatters came in from ^Missouri and from the Western and\\nNorthwestern States to secure claims. Among the settlers\\nwho came into the county in the spring and early sum-\\nmer of 1854, were J. W. Lunkins, of South Carolina, April 13;\\nA. R. Hopper, May 9; Clark Stearns and William H. R. Lykins,\\nMay 26; A. B. and N. E. Wade, June 5; J. A. Wakefield, June 8;\\n[he was a South Carolinian, but came to Kansas from Virginia,\\nthrough Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Wm. E. C] Calvin and\\nMartin Adams, June 10; J. J. Ebcrhart, June 12; Bryee W. Miller,\\nJune 6; J. H. Harrison, June 14; H. S. and Paul C. Eberhart,\\nJune 15; S. N. Wood, June 24; Mr. Rolf, June 24; L. A. Larger-\\nquest, July 4; James F. Legate. July 5; William Lyon and Josiah\\nHutchinson, in July. On the Wakarusa, Joel K. (Joodin settled in\\nM^y, and William Broyman. July IS. Douglas ConrJij, in His-\\ntory of the State of Kayisas, A. T. Andreas, p. SOS.\\nThen it is impossible to do justice to all the actors engaged.\\nThe movement that saved Kansas was of the people, rather than of\\nthe leaders. There were leaders, but they were leaders chiefly\\nbecause they went before. They did not create the movement, nor\\nthe sentiment out of which it grew. The people moved toward\\nKansas of their own impulse. They did not go at the beck of any\\nman. They followed certain men because they were going their\\nway. If all the leaders had failed them they would have chosen\\nothers and gone on. They were moved by individual conviction\\nand a common impulse. Men and women who have never been\\nheard of displayed a spirit of self-sacrifice and heroism as worthy\\nof remembrance as anything history records of noted names. No\\nhistory can do honor to all who deserve it. History of Lawrence,\\nRev. Richard Cordley, p. Hi, Preface.\\nThe above quotation from the excellent work of Dr. Cordley is\\nthe best statement of the cause actuating people to come to Kansas\\nthat has ever been written. It states the exact truth, and refutes\\ncompletely the impression sought to be conveyed by Eli Thayer in", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "70 JOnX BBOWN\\nhis Thr Kansaa Cnitade, that the peopling of KanMt w*\u00c2\u00bb largely\\nthe work of the Emigrant Aid It it estimated that at\\nthe end of 1854 thrrr w\u00c2\u00abTf i nd Free Sute \u00c2\u00bb^ttl.T\u00c2\u00bb in\\nKunKi\u00c2\u00bb. Of thi-\u00c2\u00abe, M; it five re\\non the rolla of the y; but ily\\nand with remarkable pro. all. The claim that\\nthe Emigrant Aid Company ..w.. ,t aaved Kan\u00c2\u00abat i\u00c2\u00ab pre-\\nposteroua and ridiculoua. It waa one of the manj agenciea that\\nar. at work. icra wer thejr\\nhas be I Dr. Cc. littla\\nto be Mild\\nFor Mr. i f hia book. Tkt A anaoa Crtiaadc;\\nand for thia particular matter, ae* page 54. The book la very\\nvaluable contribution to Kantaa history, but it it written with\\nthat pompoua self importance uppermoot in the mind of the author,\\nwhich detract* from candor.\\nNote 11.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Th\u00c2\u00ab- i\u00c2\u00bb men of\\nthe \u00c2\u00bblave Stale*. no r^ v- wc ac-\\ncept it in the name of ircrtlum. W ion fur\\nthe virgin \u00c2\u00bboil of Kansaa. and (\u00c2\u00abod n^ which\\nis \u00c2\u00bbtrongiT in numbers, aa it la In right.\\nNote 12. Th\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb I*ro SUvrry party fancied it aaw in the Immi-\\ngriition of thcTw \u00e2\u0080\u00a2re-\\nhend the dcfcnl ty;\\nbeen altend\u00c2\u00ab-d with many b\u00c2\u00bb of \u00c2\u00bbuoh moment-\\nouH importance; and until i. i certain and ultimata\\nsuccess. It therefore resolved, a* a matter of safety and intereat,\\nnot only to diupcr^e tho\u00c2\u00bbe who had already entered the Territory,\\nbut to prevent, if |M \u00c2\u00abi ib!c. the admi oion of all other* of similar\\ncharacter. To t! various Se\\nTerritory ami in ri, at v i--*\\nwere made and r(*^olutlun t adopted of the most u md in-\\nfluniinatory dc.-* Tipliou. Some of them were so e\\\\ _ violent\\nand disgustingly profane, ait to be unfit for publication. The t^nor\\nand spirit of them all was, that Kansas must be a slave State;\\nthat abolitionists and this meant all Northern men not pledged\\nto favor slavery exten.\u00c2\u00abion hud no right to come there; and that\\nall such should be driven from the Territory or destroyed.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINN-JNGS OF KAXSAS 71\\nAt one of these meetings held at Westport, Mo., in July, 1854,\\nan association was formed, which adopted the following resolution:\\nResolved, That this association will, whenever called upon by\\nany of the citizens of Kansas Territory, hold itself in readiness\\ntogether and assist to remove any and all emigrants who go there\\nunder the auspices of the Northern emigrant aid societies; etc.,\\netc. History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 29.\\nThe Platte County (Mo.) Self-Defensive Association was formed\\nat Weston, Mo., July 29. Its objects were: (1) Expulsion of all\\nfree negroes from the country. (2) Traffic between whites and\\nslaves forbidden. (3) Slaves not allowed to hire their own time.\\n(4) Themselves, their honor and their purses, mutually pledged\\nto bring to immediate punishment all Abolitionists. History of\\nthe atate of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 90.\\nNote 13. The Platte Argus said:\\nIt is now time to sound the alarm. We know we speak the\\nsentiments of some of the most distinguished statesmen of Missouri,\\nwhen we advise that counter organizations be made both in Kansas\\nand Missouri to thwart the reckless course of the abolitionists. We\\nmust meet them at their very threshold and scourge them back to\\ntheir caverns of darkness. They have made the issue, and it is for\\nus to meet and repel them. History of Kansas Territory, J. N.\\nHolloicay, p. 120.\\nNote 14. The St. Louis Republican says that B. F. String-\\nfellow knocked Ciovernor Reedcr down, at the Shawnee Mission, for\\nhaving said that Stringfellow was a frontier rufiian or border\\nruffian. The expression soon becomes national. Annals of Kan-\\nsas, D. TV. Milder, p. 60.\\nNote 15. The farmers, large landholders, capitalists, merchants\\nand industrious artisans living in western Missouri, or emigrated to\\nthe new Territory, largely outnumbered the class above described.\\nThey were, many of them, slaveholders, and nearly all conscien-\\ntiously, or from personal interest, favored the extension of slavery\\ninto the new Territory. Yet, they were high-minded, despised mean-\\nness, believed in fair play and law and order, and in living up to\\nall contracts to the letter. Like Benton, they had had no hand\\nnor heart in the recent abrogation of the old compromise, took no", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "JOHN DROWN\\npride or 8ati\u00c2\u00ab;faetion in it, and gave but lukrwann support to any\\nJcwless effort* to foreftUll the MtUeoient of the Territory, or\\nothorwiMe pu\u00c2\u00bbh hastily the advantages of the faithleaa abrogation.\\nHistory of the State of Kanaa-n \\\\:\\\\Jreat, p. 90.\\nNoTK 10. HtJitory of Kansas, JoLu 11. CttboD, p. 30.\\nNote 17. A description of one of theae will give the reader\\nsome idra of their general cbaracteristica. Imagine a man stand-\\ning in a pair of long boota. covered with dust and mud and drawn\\nover his trouiurrs, the latter made of coarse, f. .1 cloth,\\nwell Huiled; the handle of a larcrt* bnurie knif )i ;:um one\\nor both boot lupK a Irath rn I on each\\nside of which i\u00c2\u00bb faitcn*^ a lai,- rt, with\\na he\u00c2\u00abrt. anchor, eajjle or some other favorite device braided on the\\nbreuiit and back, over which is swung a rifle or carbine; a sword\\ndangling by his side, and a chicken, goose or turkey feather stick-\\ning in the top of his hat; hair uncut and n his\\nneck and shoulders an un\u00c2\u00abhavrd face and un .-ne\\nsuch a picture ty. who of\\noaths in any i p I rirk -.i- .th-\\nout gctlins drunk, and I stolen a half dozen horsea\\nand killed one or more i i,d you will have a pretty\\nfair conception of a border ruflian aa be appear* in SJisaouri and\\nKansas. He baa, however, the happy faculty of assuming a very\\ndiflferent aspcvt. Like other animals, he can shed hi\u00c2\u00ab coat and\\nchange his colors. In the city of n he is ,cr\\nj erson. You will see him in the cu: the first\\nupon Pennsylvania nuc in the rotunda of the capitol, or the\\nspacious halls of the Wliite House, dressed in the finest broadcloths\\nand in the extreme of fashion; his hair trimmed, his face amoothed\\nand his hands cleansed; his manner gentle, kind and courteous; his\\nwhole deportment that of innocence, and his speorh so ^mooth,\\nstudied and oily as to convince even V: iit him-\\nself that he is a voriuble and polis^hcd l hd from\\nthe wise heads that form the cabinet the most important posts\\nof trust, honor and emolument in the u .ii of fli.- nut:..?) -ffit.\\ntory of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 101.\\nNote 18. This differs from the account given by H. U. Johnson", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS\\nin his testimony before the committee to investigate the aflfairs\\nof the Territory, as set out in its Report at page 973. I have fol-\\nlowed the version given me by the Rev. J. B. McAfee, who was at\\nthat time a resident of Leavenworth, and saw the occurrence. Mr.\\nMcAfee is now a resident of Topelca, where he has lived for a great\\nmany years; he is a Lutheran minister, and one of the first citizens\\nof the State in time of residence, intelligence, reliability, high stand-\\ning, public spirit, and all that goes to constitute a Christian gentle-\\nman.\\nNote 19.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 See the account of this outrageous affair in the His-\\ntory of Kansas, by John H. Gihon, p. 35. See also, Leavenworth\\nCounty, in History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 425.\\nNote 20.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The story of his brutal treatment is told by Cole\\nMcCrea, a neighbor of Captain Brown s, and whose wife was one of\\nseveral kind friends who attempted to revive the injured man:\\nThey then [after the assault] tossed Brown into a lumber wagon\\nand drove on to Merrill Smith s saloon, on Salt creek. The rough\\nwagon, driven over hard, frozen ground, made the wounded man\\ngro!in, when the ruffian kicked him in the face, neck and breast to\\nmake him keep still. Eli Moore, putting his foot to his cheek, twisted\\nhis neck so as to put a tobacco-spit into his wound, saying that\\nAvould ease any d-d abolitionist. Thus abused and kept in the bed\\nof the wagon some seven hours, they drove over to my cabin. Coming\\nup so that the tail end of the wagon would come opposite the door,\\nthey flung it open, saying, Here is Brown! There being no one at\\nthe house but our wives and infant children, Charley Dunn and\\nPap Taylor undertook to bring him into the house. They first\\ndragged him out of the wagon by the feet, letting his body fall at\\nfull length upon the hard frozen ground. The thud which the hus-\\nband s body gave against the hard earth echoed in the faithful,\\nloving heart of the wife, and she fell to the floor. Returning con-\\nsciousness only found her a helpless maniac, and she so continued till\\nmy wife delivered her over to her brother at Chicago, who had come\\nfrom Cass county, IMich., to receive her. The two ruffians then\\ndragged Brown into the cabin as far as his knees. They then stag-\\ngered and stumbled through the cabin, upsetting the water bucket.\\nMy wife could not drag the dying man further in, or close the door,\\nthat 18th of January night, one of the coldest ever known in Kansas.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "74\\nJOUN BROw:\u00c2\u00bbr\\nThe helplesB wompn and children and dying man were left exposed\\ntill David Brown, a T nnit Hcean, came over from the adjoining claim.\\nCaptain Hrown died about three hours after being brou^iht home.\\nLeaicmcorlh County, in History of the 8tate of KanMoa, A. T.\\nAndreiu, p. J^JS.\\nNote 21. One of the mo\u00c2\u00bbt heathenish (becau ly pre-\\nmeditated, with no provocation whatever) occurred mar ihc south\\nlino of the city [Leavenworth], on August 19, A Missouri rufHan\\nnamed Fuget had made a bet of six dollara against a pair of boots,\\nthat in less than two hours he would bring into Leavenworth an\\nabolitionist s scalp. Starting out on his inhuman errand he met a\\nyoung man nainid II had ju\u00c2\u00bbt arrived from IllinoiM a\\nfew day* ago, and wan from l^wrpn*^, x^hore he had lak.n\\nhis wife to vi\u00c2\u00bbit a siater. iic was \u00c2\u00bbliut his carriage by\\nFuget, who Hcalped his victim and left l road. He then\\ncarried the retking Mralp with him to the house of bis cousin. Mrs.\\nTodd, situated on the I^wrence road, about a mile from where the\\ncrime was committed! Lravrntcorth County, in Utttory of the\\nState of Kunsa*, A. T. Andreas, p. 427.\\nNote 22.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 John M. Clayton. I nitrtl StaU*\u00c2\u00ab S\u00c2\u00ab nator from the\\nState of Delaware, afterwards referring to thrne laws, thuit charact\u00c2\u00ab r-\\nized them: Now. Sir. let me allude to that subject which is the\\ngreat cause of all this diiux rd between the two house*. The unjuot,\\niniquitous, oppre\u00c2\u00bbi ive and infamous laws enacted by the Kan\u00c2\u00bbas\\nL^giflluture. as it in tallctl. ouj^ht to be r f .re wc adjuurn.\\nWhat are thcHe lawh? One of t; a man to hard\\nlabor for not les\u00c2\u00abi than two years for daring to dii\u00c2\u00bbcu\u00c2\u00abit the queotion\\nwhethiT slavery exim.s or does not exist in KaniMis: not less than two\\nyears it may be tifty; and if a man could live to be as old a\u00c2\u00bb\\nMethuselah, it might be over nine hundred years. That act pro-\\nhibits all freedom of dibcusnion in Kantms, on the great subject\\ndirectly referred to the exclusive decinion of the people in that\\nTerritory; strikes down the liberty of the press, too; and is an act\\nPgTf^ ousIy tyrannienl as ever was attempted by any of the Stuart*.\\nTudors or Plantagenetji of England, and this Senate persists in\\ndeclaring that we are not to re| eal that!\\nSir, let us tender to the House of Representatives the repeal of\\nthat and of all other objectionable and infamous laws that were", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS 75\\npassed by that Legislature. I include in this denunciation, \u00e2\u0096\u00a0without\\nany hesitation, those acts which prescribe that a man shall not\\neven practice law in the Territory unless he swears to support the\\nFugitive Slave Law; that he shall not vote at any election, or be a\\nmember of the Legislature, unless he swears to support the Fugitive\\nSlave Law; that he shall not hold any office of honor or trust, unless\\nhe swears to support the Fugitive Slave Law; and you may as well\\nimpose just such a test oath for any other and every other law.\\nI will not go through the whole catalogue of the oppressive\\nlaws of this Territory. I have done that before to-day. There are\\nothers as bad as those to which I have now referred. I\\nwill not, on the other hand, ever degrade myself by standing for an\\ninstant by those abominable and infamous laws which I denounced\\nhere this morning. What I desire now is, that the Senate of the\\nUnited States shall wash its hands of all participation in these\\niniquities, by repealing those laws. Quoted from History of Ameri-\\ncan Conspiracies, Orville J. Victor, p. Jfl^.\\nNote 23. During the year he was twice notified that he must\\nleave or hang, his only crime being that he was a Free-State man\\nand read the New York Tribune and similar papers. On June 5,\\n185G, the Law and Order party held a meeting in Reese Keith s\\nwarehouse, in which violent and denunciatory speeches concerning\\nFree-State men were made by some and opposed by others. A com-\\nmittee of safety of one hundred men was appointed, which ap-\\npointed a sub-committee of six, whose duty was to notify Father\\nGould, H. J. Adams and Joseph B. McAfee to leave or hang. This\\ncommittee, consisting of Taylor, Todd, Murphy, Renick, Cook and\\nanother, visited him with the notice, and also read to him a letter\\nhe had written to Governor Reeder, which they had obtained when\\ntheir party had sacked Lawrence. The history of the letter is as\\nfollows: The Pro-Slaveiy party had held a meeting, and at its close\\nhe went near the house, and seeing a drunken Georgian whom he\\nknew, but to whom he was unknown, he walked up behind and said:\\nWell, that was a good meeting. The Georgian replied that it was.\\nHe then said: What was done about Governor Reeder? To\\nwhich the Georgian answered: Charley Dunn has taken an oath that\\nshears shall not go upon his head, razor upon his face, nor whisky\\ndown his throat until he has murdered Governor Reeder. The man\\nsupposed Mr, Mctifee was one of their own men, but had failed to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "76\\nJOHN BUOWX\\nhoar what was Raid. Mr. McAfee went home and wrote a letter to\\nGovernor Keitlcr, a\u00c2\u00ab follow*:\\nLFAvr-xwomi, Kaxkas, M*t 7. 18M.\\nHon. A. Rrrdrr. I. Mt I)ca\u00c2\u00ab I\\nam credibly inform\u00c2\u00ab t] lli jufl t -mn\\nonth I\\nnor w\\nor ait J.I will- .i.u ..-..I li. i:.. M-u V ...v..\\nVigilance ia the mother of tafetT.\\nYours reap*\\nit. McAl\\nill- lo.ic thi\u00c2\u00bb K-iter to William Phillipn murdered\\nin Leavenworth who arnt it by hi\u00c2\u00ab hired hand t r Hwder,\\nthe (iirrier Kaw rr. ivcr tL lUv tJovernor,\\niiiit nd of burn tcr, aa h .Ave done, put it among\\nhit paper* for future reference. Thu la the Irttrr that wa\u00c2\u00ab brought\\naa an additional reason whjr he ahould b* driven from the Terri-\\ntory. rA\u00c2\u00ab $kelck of Kev. J. B. MeAfet, in Tk\u00c2\u00ab VmU\u00c2\u00abd 8l He\u00c2\u00bb\\nBivgraphical Dictionary, KamMM Volyme, p. 208.\\nNoTt 24 V,\\na \u00c2\u00ableamhiK\u00c2\u00bbL, l\u00c2\u00bb\\nalongside the Keystune. Kx Uuvemor Shannon waa a paaaenger, who,\\nupon learning the clo\u00c2\u00bbe proximity of (Governor (Scary, aought an im-\\nmediate interview with him. The ex-Governor waa greatly agitated.\\nHe had fled in ha\u00c2\u00bbte and m the T still\\nto be laboring; under an on f r Mia\\ndcjicriptiun of Kan\u00c2\u00bba8 wa* u tful\\nand horrible. ItA condition The\\nwhole Territory waa in a etate of inturrection. and a de\u00c2\u00bbtructive\\ncivil war was devastating the country. Murder ran rampant and the\\nroada were everywhere atrewn with the bodies of alaughtercd men.\\nNo lanj, uape can exa ;)f Tate the awful picture that waa drawn.\\nHutory of Kan.t ia, John Cihon, p. lOi.\\nXoTK 25. Lxfr and Lflter$ of John Brotcn, F. B. Sanborn, p.\\n189.\\nNote 26. For a full account of the removal of the sons of John\\nBruwn to Kansas, 6*^ the statement of John Hrown. jr., at pa^e\\n1S8 and following, of Life and Letters of John Brotcn, F. B. Sanborn.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE POLITICAL BEGINNINGS OF KANSAS\\nNote 27.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, edition of 1886, p.\\n65.\\nNote 2S.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Reminiscences of Old John Broicn, G. W. Brown, p. 6.\\nNoTK 29.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In the account of the Syracuse convention written by\\nJohn Brown to his wife and children he says: John s two letters\\nwere introduced, and read with such effect by Gerrit Smith as to draw\\ntears from the numerous eyes in the great collection of people pres-\\nent. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Satiborn, p. 191,.\\nNote 30. The Public Life of Captain John Brown, James Red-\\npath, p. 81.\\nNote 31. Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 191.\\nNote 32. This account is in his letter to his wife and children,\\nwhich is published in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn,\\np. 193.\\nNote 33. See this letter published in Life and Letters of John\\nBrown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 199-200.\\nNote 34.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The wife and son of John Brown, jr.\\nNote 35. See letter to his family, published in Life and Letters\\nof John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 201.\\nNote 3G. I should have written you before, but since we laid\\nlittle Austin in the grave I have not felt as if I could write. This\\nquotation and the one in the text are taken from Jason Brown s\\nletter, published in Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn,\\np. 197.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "C H APTEK III.\\nTHE BROWNS\u00e2\u0080\u0094 A FAMILY oF PIONEERS.\\nThe priebt-like father reads the Mcred page.\\nHow Abrnm wan the friend of God on high;\\nOr, MottPii budc vt rnal warfare wage\\nWith Aniulck n ungrnrtouK progeny:\\nOr how the royal bard did groaning lie\\nHrncath the ittroke of Heavm n avenging lr\u00c2\u00ab:\\nUr iJob H puthi-tic plaint, and wailing cry;\\nOr rapt Inaiah a wild nerapliic flre;\\nOr other holy aeem that tune the aacred lyre.\\nDuma s The Cottcr a Saturday ;;/nr\\nPeter Brown wns an Enp:lishmnn lie was a Puritan,\\nand one of the Pilpriin Fatliers who lauded on Plymouth\\nKock, DeoonilxT l*\u00c2\u00abi1, 1C20. In even that early age he\\nwas a crnsaik-r for political and religions libort} He\\nwas bv trade a carpenter, and of his life we know little\\nmore tiian lia.s In^en already here told. Jitit that he loved\\nliberty and hated tyranny is fully establifihed by his action\\nin coming to America to brave the forces of the untamed\\nwilderness on the bleak shores of rock-bound New Eng-\\nland, when he might have remained in his native land in\\nease and peace had he chosen to conform outwardly to what\\nhis conscience condemned. That the evils under which he\\nlay in his native land might be slowly reformed and\\nfinally corrected, wns not enough for him. We see in the\\naction of the Pilgrims in their migration to a primeval\\n(78)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEEES 79\\nland the uncompromising spirit which moved the old\\nprophets to exhort those who had not bowed the knee to\\nBaal to come out of her, O my people.\\nPeter Brown, the Pilgrim, married and to him was\\nborn in 1632 a son, called, also, Peter Brown. The son\\nmarried Mary Gillett, in 1658, and died in 1692, leaving\\nfour sons. The second son was named John, and he\\nmarried Elizabeth Loomis in the year of his father s death.\\nHis second son was also named John he married Mary\\nEggleston, and one of his sons, born November 4, 1728,\\nwas named John. This third John Brown married\\nHannah Owen in 1758 she was the daughter of John\\nOwen, a native of Wales, who had sought broader oppor-\\ntunities and greater freedom in the New World. He was\\none of the first settlers of Windsor, Connecticut, where\\nhe was a good citizen and held as a man of worth and in-\\ntegrity to the end of life. The sons of John and Hannah\\n(Owen) Brown were John, Frederick, Owen, and Abiel.\\nIn the war of the Revolution John Brown heeded the\\ncall of his country, and, disregarding his personal conven-\\niences and interests, left the peace and quiet of private\\nwalks and joined the army of the patriots. He was chosen\\nCaptain of the trainband of West Simsbury, Connecticut,\\nand sent to join the American army, then in New York.\\nAt the end of two months he was seized with a fatal illness\\nand died in a barn, September 3, 1776, and was buried\\non the Highlands near the western bank of East river.\\nHe, too, might have remained at home, a defender of\\naccredited and established order, could he have reconciled\\nhis conscience to a course so unpatriotic and unjust; he\\ncould have been protected, and might have been carried to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "80\\nJOHN BROWX\\nEngland and there made the reeipient of roval favors, as\\nothers were. But he saw a duty and chose liberty for him-\\nself and others and resolved to battle for it as stoutly as\\nhe might though hung for a traitor, as he wo\\\\ild have been\\nhad the eau ^e failed and he had lived. lie left a widow\\nand eleven children.\\nOwen Brown, the son of the Revolutionary hero, mar-\\nried Ruth Mills. She was a teacher, and came of illus-\\ntrious ancestry, descending from a long line of God-fearing\\nmen, ministers of the gospel, and Revolutionary soldiers.\\nThe family was founded by Peter Mills, an emigrant\\nfrom Holland to Connecticut, and was one of the fir\u00c2\u00abt in\\nthat stable, solid, patriotic, and enterprising common-\\nwealth. Owen BrouTi was a tanner and shoemaker, and\\nlived at difTennt places in Connecticut to the year 1.S05,\\nwhen he removed to Hudson, Ohio, in the Western Reserve.\\nThis was in fact a New Connecticut, and no equal area of\\nour country has surpassed it in patriotic devotion to liberty\\nor enterprise in prtKluctive industry. It has sUimped the\\nimpress of ita high purp \u00c2\u00ab:c.s upon the civilization of the\\nentire West. This is the result of the just principles,\\nthe upright lives, the rigid morality, and the uncompro-\\nmising stand for the right and hostility to evil carried here\\nby the sons of old Connecticut to serve as foundations\\nfor their institutions to be erected in the Western wilder-\\nness.\\nOwen Brown first came to the Western Reserve in 1804,\\non a tour of observation, a journey preliminary to his\\nfinal removal. He made his way with his family, in 1805,\\nthrough Pennsylvania with an ox team. Hardships inci-\\ndent to pioneer life beset Owen Brown. His wife died", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE BROWXS A FAMILY OF PIOXEEKS\\n81\\nand he was subsequently married, and his second wife\\ndying, he took a third. He had a large family. One of\\nhis sons, Salmon, died in Xew Orleans with yellow fever.\\nHe was a lawyer, and editor of a French and English\\nnewspaper called the Xew Orleans Bee.\\nThe remarkable things to be observed of Owen Brown\\nare, the pure and exalted Christian life he led, and the\\nprinciples and purposes he instilled into his children.\\nHe became acquainted with the business people and\\nministers in all parts of the Western Reserve. In his\\nOAvn account of his life he says: In 1807 (Feb. 13)\\nFrederick, my sixth child, was born. I do not think of\\nanything else to notice but the common blessings of health,\\npeace, and prosperity, for which I would ever acknowledge\\nthe goodness of God with thanksgiving. He was a man\\nof strong attachments. Forty years after the death of his\\nwife, Ruth, he writes: These were days of affliction.\\nThe remembrance of this scene makes my heart bleed now.\\nHe was a home-lover I would say that the care of our\\nfamilies is the pleasantest and most useful business we\\ncan be in. The absence of a child caused him to suffer:\\nAbout this time my son Salmon was studying law in\\nPittsburg. I had great anxiety and many fears on his\\naccount. With Owen Brown the things of this life were\\ncounted as but dross I can say the loss or gain of\\nproperty in a short time appears of but little consequence;\\nthey are momentary things, and will look very small in\\neternity. The justice of God as well as His mercy re-\\nmained always before him January 29, 1832, my son\\nWatson died, making a great breach in my family. He\\ndid not give evidence in health of being a Christian, but", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "82 JOHN BBOWX\\nwas in great anxiety of mind in his sicknegg; \\\\vc some-\\ntimes hope he dieJ in Christ. At the age of seventy-\\neight he writes: I have great reason for tliunksgiving.\\nlie was a lifelong alxjlitionist In 1S50 he wrote: I am\\nan aholitionist.* I know we arc not loved by many-\\nI have no confession to make for biing one. Every\\nact of his life was ordered in the light he drew from the\\nScriptures and liis Christian experience. A few months\\nbefore his death he wrote his son John: 1 itol as\\nthough God was very merciful to keep such a gnat sinner\\non probation so h-ng. I atik all of you to pray more ear-\\nnestly for the salvation of my soul than for the life of my\\nbody, and that I may give myself and all I have up to\\nC hri.- t, and honor him by a sacrifice of all we have.\\nHis family remained unbroken, though widely scattered\\nand often invaded by death, lie writes bis son I con-\\nsider all my children in Kansas as one family. He was\\nafilictcd with stammering or a stoppage in his speech;\\non tliis acount it was very painful to strangers to hear him\\ntalk. But there was one place where this defect disap-\\npeared: in the services of the church, in his prayers, he\\nwas eloquent from fervency, and his tongue was loosed\\nand he spake with power. His life is fittingly described\\nin the words, He walked in the fear and admonition\\nof the Lord.\\nTo this humble and devout man who lived daily in the\\nsight of God and abased himself continually that his Master\\nmight not refuse to exalt him, was born a son while he yet\\nlived in his native State of Connecticut. He notes this\\nin the simple annals of his life: In 1800, May 9, John\\nwas born, one hundred years after his great-grandfather.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "THE BEOWXS A FAMILY OF PIONEEES 83\\nThis son was John Bro\\\\ATi, afterwards the liberator of the\\nlowly, despised, oppressed and enslaved, and the martyr\\nfor a more perfect Union. Some one has said that the first\\nrequisite of greatness is to be born right. Another has\\nsaid that the first indication of genius in a man is mani-\\nfested in the selection of his parents. Still another has\\nsaid that the time to begin to educate a child is a\\nhundred years before it is born. The biographer of a\\ngreat man has said I do not think a great man ever\\nlived who was not born of a strong, naturally intellectual,\\npoetic and emotional mother. As much as John Brown\\nowed to his father, he owed still more to his mother. She\\nwas a woman of superior intelligence, deep and profound\\nreligious convictions, emotional, and of great strength of\\ncharacter. Her husband wrote of her About this time I\\nbecame acquainted with Ruth Mills (daughter of Rev.\\nGideon Mills), who was the choice of my affections ever\\nafter, though we were not married for more than two years.\\nIn March, 1793, we began to keep house; and here luas\\nthe heginning of days with me. We have seen that she\\nwas descended from a Hollander who was early in Con-\\nnecticut. The solid and enduring qualities of the Teuton\\nwere quickened and intensified in America, and enriched\\nthe character of the mother of John Brown. She died\\nwhile he was yet a child, but his recollection of her was\\nclear and the memory of her justice as well as of her love\\nremained to him a priceless heritage. So complete was\\nher influence over him and his love for her that he never\\nceased to feel her loss. In his Life written for the\\nlittle son of George L. Stearns, he says At eight years\\nold, John was left a motherless boy, which loss was com-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "84 JOHN BBOWX\\npletfi and permanent, for notwithstanding his father again\\nmarried to a sensible, intelligent, and on manv accounts\\na very estimable woman, yt-t he i. her m feel-\\ning, but coutinued to pine after hi- r for years.\\nIn this brief autobiography he has described his youth and\\nearly manhood with a charming simplicity and faitJiful-\\nlu- s whirh no otber can ever equal; and the reader is ex-\\nh .rt (l to read and study it-*\\nJohn Brown was taught from earliest childhood to fear\\nGod and keep His commandments. lie rt-ceived no more\\neducation than fell to the lot of the average boy on tlie\\nfrontier, where schools wore few and necessarily inferior,\\nlie acquired knowU dge enough of mathematics to enable\\nhim to lx xin)o a p N d 8ur\\\\ryor of lands, and thii*\\nhe followed at intervals for years. He was of a\\nand reflective disposition. The books which ho read were\\nfew, but the principles they inculcated were deeply pon-\\ndered and became a part of b: they\\n.-Ksr.p g p abU?, the Life of I Pilgr\\nProgress, the hymns of Dr. Watts, and above all, the\\nBible. Upon the teachings of this latter book he meditated\\nboth day and night; he was familiar with its every f\\nand principle. He could recite many parts of it, and\\nreadily turn to any portion referred to. He was particu-\\nlarly charmed with the beauties of the Old Testament; thr-\\nstem old prophets denouncing tlie wickedness of the times\\nhad a peculiar fascination for him.\\nIt has been shown that the Brown family have Ix^n\\npioneers in America for almost three centuries. Thfv\\nhave been in the vanguard of advancing civilization in\\nits march across the continent from sea to sea. While", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE BROWXS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS 85\\nthe frontier is always devoid of good schools, it possesses\\nfacilities for education in the practical affairs of life\\nsuperior to those found in the elegant society of older com-\\nmunities. To develop sterling qualities of head and heart,\\nno other place equals tlie frontier of a progressive and\\ngrowing people. Hero man must always grapple with\\nnature direct. Truth is not veiled with conventionalities,\\nand here shams cannot exist. ^len stand before their\\nfellows uncovered and in their true characters. Crime\\ncannot be hidden nor virtue and worth concealed in a\\nfrontier settlement. The few conventionalities indulged\\nare the simplest and those rendered most necessary by social\\ncustom and the law. Heart touches heart and man knows\\nhis fellow in every detail and relation of character; the\\nbusiness and inclinations of one are known to all and are\\nusually the concern of all. All dealing and intercourse\\nbetween men become direct and personal. The somber\\nface of nature in winter, the lack of crowds and large\\nassemblies of men, and the absence of strangers and strange\\nthings, all tend to develop the reflective faculties of the\\nmind and to induce melancholy. Melancholy is the child\\nof solitude, the parent of genius. Add to these influences\\nand agencies a poetic temperament and a fearful sense of\\nresponsibility to a personal God who numbers the hairs of\\nyour head and will demand a strict accounting at that\\nday, and you have the environment that burned out the\\ndross and sent John Browm forth with a character purged\\nand refined as by fire.\\nThe heroic age of any country is that in which man\\nmeets and subdues the wilderness. Here in the subjection\\nof the forest and wild beast, confidence is obtained. Men", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "80\\nJOHN BROWN\\nfrom this school expect to succeed the overcoming of ob-\\nBtaclcs is tlie dailv experience. Relations between men are\\nexhibited in their true light and are sharply defined. ^Nferit\\nalone brings approval. The frontier is a social democracy\\nwhere nothing artificial or superfluous can exist. Men are\\njealous of their rights and the rights of others, and are im-\\npatient of delays and restraints. Rude and exact justice ia\\ndemanded, and the manner of insuring it often shocks\\nthe disciples of formal conventionalities. In matters of\\ncharacter only the pure gold passes for anything; the false\\nis not tolerated, and it is usually requested to move on;\\nif it remains it is only by sufferance, and it must skulk\\nand cower and sink to depths of public scorn unknown in\\nmore polite and well-ordered society.\\nIn this school was John Brown reared and well learned.\\nOther men of our country coming from this school were\\nWasliingtun, Franklin, Sevier, Shelby, Jefferson, Jack-\\nson, Benton, Harrison, Corwin, Clay, Lincoln, and Lane.\\nIn the establishment and njaintenance of our Government\\nthese men have been the friends and bulwarks of human\\nliberty. And our rank in the nations of the world and\\nour phenomenal advancement along all the lines of mental\\nand productive industry may be best accounti d for by re-\\nmembering tliat we are a nation of pioneers, and yet\\nattacking the primeval forest and plain with blade and\\nsaw and share.\\nJohn Brown became a tanner, and worked in his father s\\nservice as foreman of his establishment. He had not at-\\ntained his majority when he married, as he says, a re-\\nmarkably plain, but neat, industrious and economical girl;", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THE BEOWNS A FAMILY OF PIOXEEES\\n87\\nof excellent character, earnest piety, and good practical\\ncommon-sense; about one year younger than himself.\\nShe was indeed all that he described her, and by her\\nmild, frank, and more than all else, by her very consistent\\nconduct, acquired and ever while she lived maintained a\\nmost powerful and good influence over him. Her plain\\nbut kind admonitions generally had the right effect;\\nvrithout arousing his haughty obstinate temper. Her\\nname was Dianthe Lusk, and he seems to have regarded\\nher with the same deep affection held by his father for\\nhis mother, Ruth Mills Bro^vn. Long after her death he\\nsaid to his son, John, jr., I feel sure that your mother\\nis now with me and influencing me. Seven children\\nwere born to them.\u00c2\u00ae After her death he married Mary\\nAnne Day, daughter of Charles Day, of Whitehall, Xew\\nYork, but living at that time in Pennsylvania. Thirteen\\nchildren blessed this marriage, but seven of them died in\\ninfancy and childhood.^* She was the sheet-anchor of his\\nhopes and the object of his anxious solicitude, the inspira-\\ntion to exertion during the long years of his heroic battle\\nagainst human bondage. She survived him more than\\ntwenty years, and died at the residence of her daughter\\nin San Francisco, Cal.\\nJohn Brown was laboring at the vocations of both tanner\\nand surveyor before his marriage. He lived in his own\\nhouse, having employed a housekeeper, a widow named\\nLusk, who brought her daughter, Dianthe Lusk, who be-\\ncame his first wife, as we have seen. In 1825 he moved\\nto Pennsylvania, settling near Randolph (now Richmond),\\nwhere he remained for ten years. He served as postmaster\\nhere for some years, and carried on a large tannery. He", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "88 JOHN BROWN\\ntook a leading part in tlie affairs of tlie commnnitj, and\\nthe neighborhood school was taught in a part of his huge\\nlog dwelling. He removed to Franklin Mills, Portage\\ncounty, Ohio, in 1835. Here a speculation in village lot-s\\nruined him financially; he made an assignment and was\\ndischarged as a bankrupt, but afterwards paid much on\\nthe debts he was legally free from. Later he was an ex-\\ntensive sheep-farmer; and from this business became a\\nmember of the firm of Perkins Brown, wool merchants,\\nwith warehouses at Springfield, Massachusetts, to which\\ncity he moved in 1846. He became an expert grader of\\nwool,^^ and might have succeeded in his enterprise but\\nfor the attempt to dictate the price of wool to the New\\nEngland manufacturers; this caused him to take a large\\ncargo of wool to England in August, 1849, which was\\nfinally sold for much less than it would have brought in\\nSpringfield. He traveled considerably in Europe, and\\nvisited for critical inspection and study some of the most\\nfamous battlefields. He returned to Springfield in Octo-\\nber. His reception by his partner was cordial, and he\\nwas urged to remain in business. He might have succeeded\\nas a wool-factor, though he was not fitted by nature for a\\ncompetitor in trade. And through all the years since\\n1837 he had another purpose in life than the accumulation\\nof property he had in that year dedicated his remaining\\nyears to an aggressive battle against slavery, and had or-\\ndered his life accordingly.\\nOn August 1, 1846, the anniversary of the emancipation\\nof slaves in the West Indies, Gerrit Smith offered to give\\none thousand acres of wild mountain land in the Adiron-\\ndack Mountains of Xew York to such negroes as would", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS\\n89\\naccept, clear and cultivate farms there. The tracts were\\nlimited to forty acres in size, and a few families accepted\\nthem at once, though the severity of the climate and the\\nhardships of pioneer life made it a discouraging venture\\nfor negroes. In April, 1848, John Brown called upon\\nSmith and proposed to take one of the farms, go on it and\\nbuild a home, and become an example to the few negro\\nfamilies then there and to those who might afterward come.\\nHe explained that pioneer life was familiar to him, and\\nthat he could be of much use and assistance to the colony\\nin teaching the best means of surmounting difficulties en-\\ncountered in building homes in the wilderness. There is\\nlittle doubt that he had other designs in mind, for he\\nhad, when a resident in Pennsylvania, proposed to his\\nbrother that they found some such colony as this now\\nprojected by Smith. The proposition was promptly ac-\\ncepted by Mr. Smith, and Brown secured one or more sur-\\nveys, and the refusal of others. Before the final settlement\\nof his wool business he removed a portion of his family to\\nXortli Elba, Xew York, where his home always remained,\\nand where he is buried.\\nLike his father, John Brown was a tender and affec-\\ntionate parent. Whenever he and I were alone, he never\\nfailed to give me the best of advice, just as a true and\\nanxious mother would give a daughter, says Ruth. He\\nalways seemed interested in my work. When I\\nwas learning to spin he always praised me, if he saw that T\\nwas improving, she writes. And again Father used to\\nhold all his children, while they were little, at night, and\\nsing his favorite songs. She recorded the recollections\\nof her baptism: The first recollection I have of father", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "90 JOHN BEOWN\\nwas being carried through a piece of woods on Sunday,\\nto attend a meeting held at a neighbor s house. After we\\nhad been at the house a little while, father and mother\\nstood up and held us, while the minister put water on our\\nfaces. After we sat down, father wiped my face with a\\nbro^vn silk handkerchief with yellow spots on it in dia-\\nmond shape. It seemed beautiful to me, and I thought\\nhow good he was to wipe my face with that pretty hand-\\nkerchief. He showed a great deal of tenderness in that\\nand other ways. He sometimes seemed very stern and\\nstrict with me; yet his tenderness made me forget that\\nhe was stern. He even accepted two-thirds of the punish-\\nment he felt due his son John, his sense of justice and\\nduty not permitting him to have any of it omitted.^ Even\\nhis daughters did not escape the rod He used to whip\\nme quite often for telling lies, one of them writes. His\\naffection for his children was very great; it caused him\\nto think of them constantly, and he was anxious on their\\naccount. Ruth received a letter from him when she was\\neighteen, from which we take the following\\nI will just tell you what questions exercise my mind\\nin regard to an absent daughter, and I will arrange them\\nsomewhat in order as I feel most their importance.\\n^^^lat feelings and motives govern her In what\\nmanner does she spend her time Who are her associates\\nHow does she conduct in word and action Is she improv-\\ning generally? Is she provided with such things as she\\nneeds, or is she in want? Does she enjoy herself, or is\\nshe lonely and sad Is she among real friends, or is she\\ndisliked and despised\\nSuch are some of the questions which arise in the\\nmind of a certain anxious father and if you have a\\nsatisfactory answer to them in your own mind, he can\\nrest satisfied.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS\\n91\\nShe describes the sickness and death of her sister:\\nThe little babe took a violent cold that ended in quick\\nconsumption, and she died at the end of April, 1849.\\nFather showed much tenderness in the care of the little\\nsufferer. He spared no pains in doing all that medical\\nskill could do for her, together with the tenderest care\\nand nursing. The time that he could be at home was\\nmostly spent in caring for her. He sat up nights to keep\\nan even temperature in the room, and to relieve mother\\nfrom the constant care which she had through the day. He\\nused to walk with the child and sing to her so much that\\nshe soon learned his step. When she heard him come\\nup the steps to the door, she would reach out her hands\\nand cry for him to take her. When his business at the\\nwool store crowded him so much that he did not have time\\nto take her, he would steal around through the woodshed\\ninto the kitchen to eat his dinner, and not go into the\\ndining-room, where she could see or hear him. I used to\\nbe charmed myself with his singing to her. He noticed a\\nchange in her one morning, and told us that she would not\\nlive through the day, and came home several times to see\\nher. A little before noon he came home, and looked at\\nher and said, She is almost gone. She heard him speak,\\nopened her eyes, and put up her little wasted hands witli\\nsuch a pleading look for him to take her that he lifted\\nher from the cradle, with the pillows she was lying on,\\nand carried her until she died. He was very calm, closed\\nher eyes, folded her hands, and laid her in her cradle.\\nWhen she was buried, father broke down completely, and\\nsobbed like a child. It was very affecting to see him so\\novercome, when all the time before his great tender heart\\nhad tried to comfort our weary, sorrowing mother, and all\\nof us. 13\\nWe give the private and domestic life of John Brown at\\nsome length that it may be fully known to the reader, on", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "92\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nthis account a man is often best judged by the members\\nof his own household. And if a man is strong with his\\nneighbors or associates it may be taken as reasonably cer-\\ntain that his life is correct and his actions just. The\\nfirst question asked when a man s character is a matter of\\ninquiry, is, What do the people of his home, his castle,\\nthink and say of him If at home he is strong in the\\naffection and esteem of his family, friends, associates and\\nneighbors, it is very sure that he is just.\\nIn addition to the books enumerated as being the favor-\\nites of John Brown his daughter adds Plutarch s Lives,\\nLife of Oliver Cromwell, and Baxter s Saint s Ever-\\nlasting Best. She also mentions that greatest of all books,\\nthe Bible. He could, she says, repeat whole chapters and\\nbooks from it. The stern and rigid righteousness of the\\nold prophets was in accord with his own faith. He ordered\\nhis life by precepts taken from the Holy Word.^^ It has\\nbeen said here that he sang well, and in his home he lifted\\nhis voice in song in the praise of God. His favorite\\nhymns were, Blow ye the trumpet, blow, Why should\\nwe start, and fear to die, Ah, lovely appearance of\\ndeath His religion entered into his daily life. When\\na tanner he was very careful to see that his leather was\\nperfectly dry before being offered for sale. His voice was\\ndaily lifted in supplication at the family altar. On the\\nplains of Kansas he cried to God for help and guidance,\\nand no meal was eaten in his camp until the blessing of\\nheaven was invoked upon it.\\nAnother feature of John Brown s life was his intense\\nearnestness.^^ He early selected an object in life, or rather,\\nit was selected by his training and the inherited tenden-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE BEOWNS A FAMILY OF FIONEERS\\n93\\ncies of his nature. He swore eternal war against slavery.\\nFollowing are his own words\\nDuring the war with England a circumstance oc-\\ncurred that in the end made him a most determined\\nAbolitionist, and led him to declare, or swear, eternal war\\nAvith Slavery. He was staying for a short time with a\\nvery gentlemanly landlord, since a United States Marshal,\\nwho held a slave boy near his own age, very active, intelli-\\ngent, and good feeling, and to whom John was under con-\\nsiderable obligation for numerous little acts of kindness.\\nThe master made a great pet of John: brought him to\\ntable with his first company and friends; called their at-\\ntention to every little smart thing he said or did, and to\\nthe fact of his being more than a hundred miles from home\\nwith a company of cattle alone; while the negro boy (who\\nwas fully if not more than his equal) was badly clothed,\\npoorly fed and lodged in cold weather, and beaten before\\nhis eyes w^ith iron shovels or any other thing that came\\nfirst to hand. This brought John to reflect on the wretched,\\nhopeless condition of fatherless and motherless slave chil-\\ndren; for such children have neither fathers nor mothers\\nto protect and provide for them. He sometimes would\\nraise the question, Is God their Father?\\nEternal war with slavery! This subject was never\\nabsent from his mind; it abode with him; it glared in\\nupon him it became a companion ever present. While\\nhe toiled in the tan-yard, when he traced the lines of\\ntortuous survej s, in the care of his cattle, when he tended\\nhis sheep in the starlit night, in the counting-house in\\nXew England, always and forever did this thing press\\nupon him for action. The cry of the poor he heard\\never appealing to him. About 1837 he assembled his\\nhousehold and laid before them this burden of his heart.^^\\nThe time for action had come. In theory and practice", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "94\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nhe had always been an abolitionist. But this was not\\nenough. Warfare was henceforth to be waged. His first\\nsoldiers were to be members of his own house; if he was\\nstrong at home he could not be weak anywhere. His\\ncourse met the perfect approval of his family. Three\\nof his sons (those old enough) consecrated themselves to\\nthis work by prayer. In this service the father was seen\\nby his children to hneel for the first time, his uniform\\nattitude in prayer having previously been that of stand-\\ning with reverence before the throne. In a work so\\nmighty it was meet that it be commenced in humility\\nand in the strength of Him who turns to flight the armies\\nof aliens.\\nDefamers of John Brown have attempted to show that\\nhe was a Garrisonian nothing could be further from the\\ntruth, but it would have been nothing to his discredit had\\nhe been so. Garrison was not ten years old when John\\nBrown swore eternal war with slavery. John Brown fol-\\nlowed no man it was his intention and purpose to follow\\nGod. He took counsel of no man in marking his line of\\nconduct. His father had become an enemy to slavery\\nwhen a mere child in the war of the Revolution, while\\nhis father was giving his life for liberty. The Brown\\nfamily were abolitionists of the Brown school exclusively.\\nIf associated with others they were so only because others\\nfollowed the Browns led. From the period of the en-\\nlistment of his family in his cause, preparation was made\\nagainst the time when they should be called to the field.\\nFrederick Douglass found the family living in severe plain-\\nness at Springfield, although Brown s business was then\\nprospering. Money saved to furnish a parlor was freely", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF FIONEERS\\n95\\ngiven to purchase clotliing for fugitive slaves at North\\nElba.^\u00c2\u00ae In Europe the ancient battlefields were examined,\\nand the guerilla warfare of the world was studied to\\nobtain a knowledge of strategy that would aid in this con-\\nflict that he had sworn.\\nHere, then, is a man who believes in himself before\\nother men; who finds strength in his arm only in propor-\\ntion as he feels that he finds favor with God who is moved\\nto tears at the unhappincss of his fellow-men in bonds;\\nwho, like Luther, could not if he would, turn from the\\nappointed work; who consecrated his home a shrine to\\nliberty who made this shrine an altar, and like the great\\npatriarch, offered his sons thereon who asked nothing of\\nany man he was not willing to freely give, no sacrifice he\\ndid not himself joyfully make; and who sealed with his\\nblood the heroic faith in which he walked, who received\\nthe crown of the martyr, and whose soul led the Nation as\\nit marched to the higher plane of right, and liberty, and\\nfreedom for all.\\nNote 1. Peter Brown the Pilgrim had his home in Buxbury, not\\nfar from the hill where Miles Standish built his house, and where\\nhis monument is now seen. John Broicn and His Men, Richard\\nJ. Einton, p. 10.\\nNote 2. The direct ancestor of John Brown s mother, Ruth\\nMills, of Simsbury, was a Protestant Hollander, Peter Van Huy-\\nsenmuysen, who left the sturdy land when the Spanish Duke of\\nAlva was harrying it. Settling in Connecticut, he built a mill and\\nearned bread for his family. Hence the name Mills, under which the\\nfamily passed into New England annals. John Broicn and Bis\\nMen, Richard J. Einton, p. 11,", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "96\\nJOHN BROWN\\nNote 3. I wish to tell how long I have been one, and how\\nI became so. I have no hatred to negroes. When a child four or\\nfive years old, one of our nearest neighbors had a slave that was\\nbrought from Guinea. In the year 1776 my father was called into\\nthe army at New York, and left his work undone. In August, our\\ngood neighbor Captain John Fast, of West Simsbury, let my\\nmother have the labor of his slave to plow a few days. I used to\\ngo into the field with this slave, called Sam, and he used to carry\\nme on his back, and I fell in love with him. He worked but a\\nfew days, and went home sick with the pleurisy, and died very\\nsuddenly. When told that he would die, he said he should go to\\nGuinea, and wanted victuals put up for the journey. As I recol-\\nlect, this was the first funeral I ever attended in the days of my\\nyouth. There were but three or four slaves in West Simsbury.\\nIn the year 1790, when I lived with the Rev. Jeremiah Hallock,\\nthe Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D. D., came from Newport, and I heard\\nhim talking with Mr. Hallock about slavery in Rhode Island, and\\nhe denounced it as a great sin. I think in the same summer Mr.\\nHallock had sent to him a sermon or pamphlet-book, written by\\nthe Rev. Jonathan Edwards, then at New Haven. I read it, and\\nit denounced slavery as a great sin. From this time I was anti-\\nslavery, as much as I be now. From Owen Brotvn s Account of\\nhis Life, published in Life and Letters of John Broivn, F. B.\\nSanborn, p. 10.\\nNote 4. This and the foregoing quotations concerning Owen\\nBrown are from the narrative or sketch of his life written by\\nhimself, and published in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B.\\nSanborn, p. 4 and following.\\nNote 5. 1 cannot tell you anything of the first four years of\\nJohn s life worth mentioning, save that at that early age he was\\ntempted by three large brass pins belonging to a girl who lived\\nin the family, and stole them. In this he was detected by his\\nmother, and after having a full day to think of the wrong, received\\nfrom her a thorough whipping. John Brown s account of hi^ life,\\ntcritten to the son of George L. Stearns, Esq.; quoted from Life\\nand Letters of John Broivn, F. B. Sanhorn, p. 12.\\nNote 6. It can be found in Life and Letters of John Brown,\\nF. B. Sanborn; John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton; and\\nthe Life of Captain John Brown, James Redpath.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE BKOWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEEES\\n97\\nNote 7. Many of the Brow-n family now live in California,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0where they went many years ago.\\nNote 8. He did not go to Harvard. He was not fed on the\\npap that is there furnished. As he phrased it, I know no more\\ngrammar than one of your calves. But he went to the University\\nof the West, where he studied the science of Liberty; and, having\\ntaken his degrees, he finally commenced the public practice of\\nhumanity in Kansas. Such were his humanities he would have\\nleft a Greek accent slanting the wrong way, and righted up a\\nfalling man. Henry D. Thoreau. Quoted from Life of Captain\\nJohn Broun, James Redpath, p. 27.\\nNote 9. The children of his first marriage were born, married,\\nand died as follows:\\nJohn Brown, jr., born July 25, 1821, at Hudson, Ohio; mar-\\nried Wealthy C. Hotchkiss, July, 1847.\\nJason Brown, Jan. 19, 1823, at Hudson, Ohio; married Ellen\\nSnerbondy, July, 1847.\\nOwen Brown, Nov. 4, 1824, at Hudson (never married).\\nFrederick Brown (1), Jan. 9, 1827, at Richmond, Pa.; died\\nMarch 31, 1831.\\nRuth Brown, Feb. 18, 1829, at Richmond, Pa.; married Henry\\nThompson, Sept. 26, 1850.\\nFrederick Brown (2), Dec. 31, 1830, at Richmond, Pa.; mur-\\ndered at O awatomie by Rev. Martin White, Aug. 30, 185G.\\nAn infant son, Aug. 7, 1832; was buried with his mother three\\ndays after his birth, at Richmond, Pa. Life and Letters of\\nJohn Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 35.\\nNote 10. Children of John Brown and his wife Mary:\\nSarah Brown, born May 11, 1834, at Richmond, Pa.; died Sept.\\n23, 1843.\\nWatson Brown, born Oct. 7, 1835, at Franklin, Ohio; married\\nIsabella M. Thompson, Sept. 1856; killed at Harper s Ferry, Oct.\\n19, 1859.\\nSalmon Brown, born Oct. 2, 1836, at Hudson, Ohio; married\\nAbbie C. Hinckley, Oct. 15, 1857.\\nCharles Brown, born Nov. 3, 1837, at Hudson, Ohio; died Sept.\\n11, 1843.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00947", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "98 JOHN BEOWN\\nOliver Brown, born March 9, 1839, at Franklin, Ohio; married\\nMartha E. Brewster, April 7, 1858; killed at Harper s Ferry,\\nOct. 17, 1859.\\nPeter Brown, born Dec. 7, 1840, at Hudson, Ohio; died Sept. 22,\\n1843.\\nAustin Brown, born Sept. 14, 1842, at Richfield, Ohio; died\\nSept. 27, 1843.\\nAnne Brown, born Dec. 23, 1843, at Richfield, Ohio.\\nAmelia Brown, born June 22, 1845, at Aliron, Ohio; died Oct.\\n30, 1846.\\nSarah Brown, born Sept. 11, 1846, at Akron, Ohio.\\nEllen Brown, born May 20, 1848, at Springfield, Mass.; died\\nApril 30, 1849.\\nInfant son, born April 26, 1852, at Akron, Ohio; died May 17,\\n1852.\\nEllen Brown, born Sept. 25, 1854, at Akron, Ohio. Life and\\nLetters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 43.\\nNote 11. He was noted among the wool-dealers for the delicacy\\nof his touch in sorting the different qualities and his skill in\\ntesting them when submitted to him. Give him three samples of\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\\\vool, one grown in Ohio, another in Vermcnt, and a third iu\\nSaxony, and he would distinguish them from each other in the\\ndark, by his sense of touch. Some Englishmen, during his sojourn\\nabroad, put this power to the test in an amusing manner. One\\nevening, in company with several English wool-dealers, each of\\nwhom had brought samples in his pocket. Brown was giving his\\nopinion as to the best use to which certain grades and qualities\\nshould be put. One of the party very gravely drew a sample from\\nhis pocket, handed it to the Yankee farmer, and asked him what he\\nwould do with such wool as that. Brown took it, and had only to\\nroll it between his fingers to know that it had not the minute hooks\\nby which the fibers of wool are attached to each other. Gentlemen,\\nsaid he, if you have any machinery in England that will work up\\ndog s hair, I advise you to put this into it. The jocose Briton had\\nsheared a poodle and brought the fleece with him; but the laugh\\nwent against him when Brown handed back his precious sample.\\nLife and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 10.\\nNote 12. My first apprenticeship to the tanning business con-\\nsisted of a three-years course at grinding bark with a blind horse.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "THE BKOWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS\\n99\\nThis, after months and years, became slightly monotonous. While\\nthe other children were out at play in the sunshine, where the birds\\nwere singing, I used to be tempted to let the old horse have a\\nrather long rest, especially when father was absent from home;\\nand I would then join the others at their play. This subjected\\nme to frequent admonitions and to some corrections for eye-service,\\nas father termed it. I did not fully appreciate the importance of\\na good supply of ground bark, and on general principles I think\\nmy occupation was not well calculated to promote a habit of faith-\\nful industry. The old blind horse, unless ordered to stop, would,\\nlike Tennyson s Brook, go on forever, and thus keep up the ap-\\npearance of business; but the creaking of the hungry mill would\\nbetray my neglect, and then father, hearing this from below, would\\ncome up and stealthily pounce upon me while at a window looking\\nupon outside attractions. He finally grew tired of these frequent\\nslight admonitions for my laziness and other shortcomings, and\\nconcluded to adopt with me a sort of book-account, something like\\nthis:\\nJohn, Dr.,\\nFor disobeying mother 8 lashes.\\nFor unfaithfulness at work... 3 lashes.\\nFor telling a lie 8 lashes.\\nThis account he showed me from time to time. On a certain\\nSunday morning he invited me to accompany him from the house\\nto the tannery, saying that he had concluded it was time for a\\nsettlement. We went into the upper or finishing room, and after\\na long and tearful talk over my faults, he again showed me my\\naccount, which exhibited a fearful footing-up of debits. I had no\\ncredits or off-sets, and was of course bankrupt. I then paid about\\none-third of the debt, reckoned in strokes from a nicely prepared\\nblue-beech switch, laid on masterly. Then, to my utter astonish-\\nment, father stripped off his shirt, and, seating himself on a block,\\ngave me the whip and bade me lay it on to his bare back. I dared\\nnot refuse to obey, but at first I did not strike hard. Harder! ha\\nsaid J harder, harder! until he received the balance of the account.\\nSmall drops of blood showed on his back where the tip end of the\\ntingling beech cut through. Thus ended the account and settle-\\nment, which was also my first practical illustration of the doctrine\\nof the Atonement. I was then too obtuse to perceive how justice\\ncould be satisfied by inflicting penalty upon the back of the inno-\\ncent instead of the guilty; but at that time I had not read the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "100 JOHN BROWN\\nponderous volumes of Jonathan Edwards s sermons which father\\nowned. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanhorn, -pp.\\n92-93.\\nNote 13. The quotations from Ruth Brown are given from her\\nstatements in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn.\\nNote 14. His favorite passages were these, as near as I can\\nremember\\nRemember them that are in bonds as bound with them.\\nWhoso stoppeth his ear at the cry of tlie poor, he also shall\\ncry himself, but shall not be heard.\\nHe that hath a bountiful eye shall be blessed; for he giveth\\nhis bread to the poor.\\nA good name is rather to be chosen than great riches, and\\nloving favor rather than silver and gold.\\nWhoso mocketh the poor, reproacheth his Maker; and he that\\nis glad at calamities, shall not be unpunished.\\nHe that hath pity upon the poor lendeth to the Lord, and\\nthat which he hath given will He pay to him again.\\nGive to him that asketh of thee, and from him that would\\nborrow of thee turn not thou away.\\nA righteous man regardeth the life of his beast; but the ten-\\nder mercies of the wicked are cruel.\\nWithhold not good from them to whom it is due, when it\\nis in the power of thy hand to do it.\\nExcept the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that\\nbuild it; except the Lord keepeth the city, the watchman walketh\\nin vain.\\nI hate vain thoughts, but thy law do I love.\\nThe last chapter of Ecclesiastes was a favorite one, and on\\nFast-days and Thanksgivings he used very often to read the fifty-\\neighth chapter of Isaiah.\\nWhen he would come home at night, tired out with labor, he\\nwould, before going to bed, ask some of the family to read chapters\\n(as was his usual course night and morning) and would almost\\nalways say, Read one of David s Psalms. Life and Letters of\\nJohn Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 39.\\nNote 15. I wish you to have some definite plan. Many seem\\nto have none, and others never stick to any that they do form.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE BROWNS A FAMILY OF PIONEERS\\n101\\nThis was not the case with John. He followed up ^\\\\^th tenacity\\nwhatever he set about so long as it answered his general purpose,\\nand hence ho rarely failed in some good degree to effect the things\\nhe undertook. This was so much the case that he hahitually ex-\\npected to succeed in his undertakings. With this feeling should be\\ncoupled the consciousness that our plans are right in themselves.\\nLife and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 16.\\nNote 1G. Sanborn fixes this date. As early as 1834 he wrote a\\nletter to his brother Frederick upon the subject of slavery, which\\nthe reader is requested to read. It is published in Life and Letters\\nof John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 40, 41.\\nNote 17. Life and Letters of John Broun, F. B. Sanborn, p. 66.\\nNote 18.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Li/e and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 100.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "CIIAPTEE IV.\\nJOHN BROWN AND THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.\\nAwake the burning scorn!\\nThe vengeance long and deep,\\nThat, till a better morn.\\nShall neither tire nor sleep!\\nSwear once again the vow,\\nfreeman! dare to do!\\nGod s will is ever now!\\nMay His thy will renew!\\nWhile the whole country acquiesced in that feature\\nof the Compromise of 1850 relating to fugitive slaves,\\nknown as the Fugitive Slave Law, it was never satisfac-\\ntory to the ISTorth. There were those harsh and overbear-\\ning elements in it that made it seem as though the entire\\nKorth was harnessed to be driven in the disreputable in-\\nterest of the haughty, triumphant and intolerant South.\\nBut the country was at the time prosperous, and trade was\\nexpanding. Business men everywhere hailed with delight\\nany measure which promised a settlement of the differ-\\nences which had arisen between the two sections of the\\ncountry. This Compromise contained many provisions of\\nmore consequence than the Fugitive Slave Law. One of\\nthese was the principle which Senator Douglas embodied\\nin his Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and which became famous\\nas squatter sovereignty. These jDrovisions were lost to\\n(102)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW\\n103\\nview for the first years after the Compromise of 1850, be-\\ncause of the attention engrossed by the law for rctnniing\\nfugitive slaves to their masters.\\nThe Fugitive Slave Law grew in clis avor in the Xorth\\nas the effects of its enforcement were observed. Afore\\nslaves were seized and returned during the first year of\\nits existence than had been carried back during the pre-\\nvious half century. Riots sometimes followed these seiz-\\nures, caused by the brutality of the slave-hunters. The\\nrewards and the opportunity to defraud the Government\\nin the execution of the law enlisted the lowest and most\\ndesperate characters in the work of slave-hunting.^ Kid-\\nnappers also developed under its provisions. Many ne-\\ngroes of the Xorth, having either purchased their freedom\\nor descended from free parents, had accumulated property\\nand reared families. These were taken, often in the most\\nbrutal manner, and carried again to the South.^ Some-\\ntimes their first intimation of the presence of kidnappers\\nwere blows which prostrated and disabled them.^ Courts\\nafforded them no protection. Indeed, it seemed that the\\ncourts were all in the interest of the man-stealers. The\\nvictims were hurried South and sold again into bondage.\\nOr perhaps they had been born of free parents in the\\nXorth, and now found themselves as cruelly and remorse-\\nlessly sold into slavery as had been their ancestors cen-\\nturies before.\\nDissatisfaction with the law and its execution increased\\nin the Xorth. Humane men cried out against being made\\nby enactment slave-hunters for the drivers and masters of\\nthe South. The fugitives were sometimes rescued, and\\nthe moral forces in the Xorth became more and more", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "104\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nantagonistic to the law. The underground railway was\\nmade more secure and rendered more effective. The best\\npeople sought opportunities to assist slaves to Canada\\nmany free negroes removed there from fear of the kid-\\nnappers.\\nAt that time John Brown had not fully settled his af-\\nfairs in Springfield, Massachusetts, although his family\\nwere living in the Adirondacks. He was always outspoken\\nagainst the Fugitive Slave Law. He favored resistance\\nto it. Being alwaj-s practical in his opposition to slavery\\nin all its forms, he advised organized resistance to this\\ntyrannical law which was so humiliating to every self-\\nrespecting man in the North. He believed that the white\\npeople could lend such aid and encouragement to the help-\\nless and outraged negroes that they would resist the kid-\\nnappers who would sell them again into bondage. In this\\nbelief and for this purpose he organized the United\\nStates League of Gileadites, the principles and purposes\\nof which will fully appear in the following writings\\nWORDS OF ADVICE.\\nBranch of the United States League of Gileadites. Adopted January\\n15, 1851, as ivritten and recommended by John Brown.\\nUNION IS STRENGTH.\\nNothing so charms the American people as personal\\nbravery. Witness the case of Cinques, of everlasting mem-\\nory, on board the Amistad. The trial for life of one\\nbold and to some extent successful man, for defending his\\nrights in good earnest, would arouse more sympathy\\nthroughout the nation than the accumulated wrongs and\\nsufferings of more than three millions of our submissive\\ncolored population. We need not mention the Greeks\\nstruggling against the oppressive Turks, the Poles against", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW\\n105\\nRussia, nor the Hungarians against Austria and Russia\\ncombined, to prove this. No jury can he found in the\\nNorthern States that would convict a man for defending\\nhis rights to the last extremity. This is loell understood\\nhy Southern Congressmen, who insisted that the right of\\nti-ial hy jury should not he granted to the fugitive. Col-\\nored people have ten times the number of fast friends\\namong the whites than they suppose, and would have ten\\ntimes the number they now have were they but half as\\nmuch in earnest to secure their dearest rights as they\\nare to ape the follies and extravagances of their white\\nneighbors, and to indulge in idle show, in ease, and in\\nluxury. Just think of the money expended by individuals\\nin your behalf in the past twenty years! Think of the\\nnumber who have been mobbed and imprisoned on your\\naccount! Have any of you seen the Branded Hand?\\nDo you remember the names of Lovejoy and Torrey\\nShould one of your number be arrested, you must col-\\nlect together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber\\nyour adversaries who are taking an active part against\\nyou. Let no able-bodied man appear on the ground un-\\nequipped, or with his weapons exposed to view: let that\\nbe understood beforehand. Your plans must be known\\nonly to yourself, and with the understanding that all\\ntraitors must die, wherever caught and proven guilty.\\nWhosoever is fearful or afraid, let him return and part\\nearly from Mount Gilead. (Judges, vii. 3 Deut. xx. 8.)\\nGive all cowards an opportunity to show it on condition\\nof holding their peace. Do not delay one moment after\\nyou are ready you will lose all your resolution if you do.\\nLet the first blow he the signal for all to engage; and when\\nengaged do not your work hy halves, hut make clean work\\nwith your enemies, and he sure you meddle not with any\\nothers. By going about your business quietly, you will get\\nthe job disposed of before the number that an uproar would\\nbring together can collect and you will have the advan-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "106\\nJOHINT BEOWN\\ntage of those who come out against von, for they will be\\nwholly nnprepared with either equipments or matured\\nplans; all with them will be confusion and terror. Your\\nenemies will be slow to attack you after you have done up\\nthe work nicely; and if they should, they will have to\\nencounter your white friends as well as you for you may\\nsafely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by\\nthat means get an honorable parley.\\nBe firm, determined, and cool but let it be understood\\nthat you are not to be driven to desperation without mak-\\ning it an awful dear job to others as well as to you.\\nGive them to know distinctly that those who live in\\nwooden houses should not throw fire, and that you are\\njust as able to suffer as your white neighbors. After effect-\\ning a rescue, if you are assailed, go into the houses of your\\nmost prominent and influeritial tvhite friends with your\\nwives; and that will effectually fasten upon them the sus-\\npicion of being connected unth you, and will compel them\\nto nmke a common cause with you, whether they would\\notherwise live up to their profession or not. This would\\nleave them no choice in the matter. Some would doubt-\\nless prove themselves true to their own choice others\\nwould flinch. That would be taking them at their own\\nwords. You may make a tumult in the court-room where\\na trial is going on, by burning gunpowder freely in paper\\npackages, if you cannot think of any better way to create\\na momentary alarm, and might possibly give one or more\\nof your enemies a hoist. But in such case the prisoner\\nwill need to take the hint at once, and bestir himself and\\nso should his friends improve the opportunity for a gen-\\neral rush.\\nA lasso might possibly be applied to a slave-catcher for\\nonce with good effect. Hold on to your weapons, and\\nnever be persuaded to leave them, part with them, or have\\nthem far away from you. Stand by one another and hy\\nyour friends, while a drop of hlood remains; and he", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW\\n107\\nhanged, if you must, hut tell no tales out of school. Make\\nno confession.\\nUnion is strength. Without some well-digested ar-\\nrangements nothing to any good purpose is likely to be\\ndone, let the demand be never so great. Witness the ease\\nof Hamlet and Long in New York, when there was no\\nwell-defined plan of operations or suitable preparations\\nbeforehand.\\nThe desired end may be effectually secured by the means\\nproposed, namely, the enjoyment of our inalienable rights.\\nAGREEMENT.\\nAs citizens of the United States of America, trusting\\nin a just and merciful God, whose spirit and all-powerful\\naid we humbly implore, we luill ever he true to the flag\\nof our heloved country, always acting under it. We, whose\\nnames are hereunto affixed, do constitute ourselves a\\nbranch of the United States League of Gileadites. That\\nwe will provide ourselves at once with suitable implements,\\nand will aid those who do not possess the means, if any\\nsuch are disposed to join us. We invite every colored\\nperson whose heart is engaged in the performance of our\\nbusiness, whether male or female, old or young. The duty\\nof the aged, infirm, and young members of the League\\nshall be to give instant notice to all members in case of\\nan attack upon any of our people. We agree to have no\\nofficers except a treasurer and secretary pro tern., until\\nafter some trial of courage and talent of able-bodied mem-\\nbers shall enable us to elect officers from those who shall\\nhave rendered the most important services. Is othing but\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0wisdom and undaunted courage, efficiency, and general\\ngood conduct shall in any way influence us in electing\\nour officers.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "108\\nJOHN BROWN\\nRESOLUTIONS.\\nResolutions of the Springfield Branch of the United States League\\nof Gileadites. Prepared by John Brown, and adopted loth Janu-\\nary, 1851.\\n1. Resolved, That ^ve, whose names are affixed, do con-\\nstitute ourselves a Branch of the United States League,\\nunder the above name.\\n2. Resolved, That all business of this branch be con-\\nducted with the utmost quiet and good order that we in-\\ndividually provide ourselves with suitable implements\\nwithout delay; and that we will sufficiently aid those who\\ndo not possess the means, if any such are disposed to\\njoin us.\\n3. Resolved, That a committee of one or more discreet,\\ninfluential men be appointed to collect the names of all\\ncolored persons whose heart is engaged for the perform-\\nance of our business, whether male or female, whether\\nold or young.\\n4. Resolved, That the appropriate duty of all aged, in-\\nfirm, female, or youthful members of this Branch is to\\ngive instant notice to all other members of any attack upon\\nthe rights of our people, first informing all able-bodied men\\nof this League or Branch, and next, all well-known friends\\nof the colored people; and that this information he con-\\nfined to such alone, that there may be as little excitement\\nas possible, and no noise in so doing.\\n5. Resolved, That a committee of one or more discreet\\npersons be appointed to ascertain the condition of colored\\npersons in regard to implements, and to instruct others in\\nregard to their conduct in any emergency.\\n6. Resolved, That no other officer than a treasurer, with\\na president and secretary pro tern., be appointed by this\\nBranch, until after some trial of the courage and talents\\nof able-bodied members shall enable a majority of the\\nmembers to elect their officers from those who shall have\\nrendered the most important services.\\n7. Resolved, That, trusting in a just and merciful God^", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW\\nlOd\\nwhose spirit and all-powerful aid we humbly implore, we\\nwill most chGerfully and heartily support and obey such\\nofficers, when chosen as before and that nothing but\\nwisdom, undaunted eourage, efficiency, and general good\\nconduct shall in any degree influence our individual votes\\nin case of such election.\\n8. Besolved, That a meeting of all the members of this\\nBranch shall be immediately called for the purpose of\\nelecting officers (to be chosen by ballot) after the first trial\\nshall have been made of the qualifications of individual\\nmembers for such command, as before mentioned.\\n9. Resolved, That as citizens of the United States of\\nAmerica we will ever be found true to the flag of our\\nbeloved country, always acting under it.\\nThis Branch consisted of forty-four members, all of\\nwhom signed the Agreement and Resolutions.\\nTHE NEGRO SHOWN HIS ERRORS.\\nSome time before the organization of the United Stated\\nLeague of Gileadites, Brown had undertaken to point\\nout to negroes in the !N orth their faults in their procedure\\nagainst slavery. He believed in the use of tracts, and\\nthose short, sharp compositions which carried conviction\\nand were unanswerable. To show the negroes their mis-\\ntakes, that they might correct them, and be the better\\nenabled to struggle effectively for their freedom, he wrote\\nand published Sambo s Mistakes, one of the quaintest\\nand aptest of all his papers:\\nsambo s mistakes.\\nMessrs. Editors, Notwithstanding I may have com-\\nmitted a few mistakes in the course of a long life, like\\nothers of my colored brethren, yet you will perceive at a\\nglance that I have always been remarkable for a season-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "110\\nJOHN BEOWISr\\nable discovery of mj errors and quick perception of the\\ntrue course. I propose to give you a few illustrations in\\nthis and the following chapters.\\nFor instance, when I was a boy I learned to read; but\\ninstead of giving my attention to sacred and profane his-\\ntory, by which I might have become acquainted with the\\ntrue character of God and of man learned the true course\\nfor individuals, societies, and nations to pursue; stored\\nmy mind with an endless variety of rational and prac-\\ntical ideas j)rofited by the experience of millions of others\\nof all ages; fitted myself for the most important stations\\nin life, and fortified my mind with the best and wisest\\nresolutions, and noblest sentiments and motives, I have\\nspent my whole life devouring silly novels and other mis-\\nerable trash, such as most newspapers of the day and other\\npopular writings are filled with; thereby unfitting myself\\nfor the relations of life, and acquiring a taste for nonsense\\nand low wit, so that I have no relish for sober truth, useful\\nknowledge, or practical wisdom. By this means I have\\npassed through life witliout profit to myself or others, a\\nmere blank on which nothing worth perusing is written.\\nBut I can see in a twink where I missed it.\\nAnother error into whrch I fell in early life was the\\nnotion that chewing and smoking tobacco would make a\\nman of me, but little inferior to some of the whites. The\\nmoney I spent in this way would, with the interest of it,\\nhave enabled me to have relieved a great many sufferers,\\nsupplied me with a M^ell-selected, interesting library, and\\npaid for a good farm for the supjDort and comfort of my\\nold age; whereas I have now neither books, clothing, the\\nsatisfaction of having benefitted others, nor where to lay\\nmy hoary head. But I can see in a moment where I\\nmissed it.\\nAnother of the few errors of my life is, that I have\\njoined the Free Masons, Odd Fellows, Sons of Temper-\\nance, and a score of other secret societies, instead of seek-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW\\n111\\ning the company of intelligent, wise, and good men, from\\nwhom I might have learned much that would be interest-\\ning, instructive, and useful; and have in that way squan-\\ndered a great amount of most precious time, and money\\nenough, sometimes in a single year, which if I had then\\nput the same out on interest and kept it so, would have\\nkept me always abovehoard, given me character and in-\\nfluence among men, or have enabled me to pursue some\\nrespectable calling, so that I might employ others to their\\nbenefit and improvement but, as it is, I have always\\nbeen poor, in debt, and now obliged to travel about in\\nsearch of employment as a hostler, shoe-black, and fiddler.\\nBut I retain all my quicloiess of perception; I can see\\nreadily where I missed it.\\nII-\\nAnother error of my riper years has been, that when\\nany meeting of colored people has been called to order to\\nconsider of any important matter of general interest, I\\nhave been so eager to display my spouting talents, and so\\ntenacious of some trifling theory or other that I have\\nadopted, that I have generally lost all sight of the business\\nin hand, consumed the time disputing about things of no\\nmoment, and thereby defeated entirely many important\\nmeasures calculated to promote the general welfare; but\\nI am happy to say I can see in a minute where I missed it.\\nAnother small error of my life (for I never commit-\\nted great blunders) has been that I never would (for\\nthe sake of the union in the furtherance of the most vital\\ninterest of our race) yield any minor point of difference.\\nIn this way I have always had to act with but a few, or\\nmore frequently alone, and could accomplish nothing\\nworth living for; but I have one comfort, I can see in a\\nminute where I missed it.\\nAnother little fault which I have committed is, that\\nif anvthing another man has failed of coming up to my\\nstandard, notwithstanding that he might possess many of", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "112 JOHN BEOWN\\nthe most valuable traits, and be most admirably adapted\\nto fill some one important post, I would reject him en-\\ntirely, injure his influence, oppose his measures, and even\\nglory in his defeats, while his intentions were good, and\\nhis plans well laid. But I have the great satisfaction of\\nbeing able to say, without fear of contradiction, that I\\ncan see very quick where I missed it.\\nIII.\\nAnother small mistake which I have made is, that I\\ncould never bring myself to practice any present self-\\ndenial, although my theories have been excellent. For\\ninstance, I have bought expensive gay clothing, nice\\ncanes, watches, safety-chains, finger-rings, breastpins,\\nand many other things of a like nature, thinking I might\\nby that means distinguish myself from the vulgar, as some\\nof the better class of whites do. I have always been of\\nthe foremost in getting up expensive parties, and running\\nafter fashionable amusements have indulged my appe-\\ntite freely whenever I had the means (and even with bor-\\nrowed means) have patronized the dealers in nuts, candy,\\netc., freely, and have sometimes bought good suppers, and\\nwas always a regular customer at livery stables. By these,\\nand many other means, I have been unable to benefit my\\nsuffering brethren, and am now but poorly able to keep my\\nown soul and body together but do not think me thought-\\nless or dull of apprehension, for I can see at once where\\nI missed it.\\nAnother trifling error of my life has been, that I have\\nalways expected to secure the favor of the whites by tamely\\nsubmitting to every species of indignity, contempt, and\\nwrong, instead of nobly resisting their brutal aggressions\\nfrom principle, and taking my place as a man, and assum-\\ning the responsibilities of a man, a citizen, a husband, a\\nfather, a brother, a neighbor, a friend, as God requires\\nof every one (if his neighbor will allow him to do it)\\nbut I find that I get, for all my submission, about the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW\\n113\\nsame reward that the Southern slaveocrats render to the\\ndougli-faccd statesmen of the North, for being bribed and\\nbrowbeat and fooled and cheated, as the Whigs and Dem-\\nocrats love to be, and think themselves highly honored if\\nthey may be allowed to lick up the spittle of a Southerner.\\nI say I get the same reward. But I am uncommon quick-\\nsighted I can see in a minute where I missed it.\\nAnother little blunder which I made is, that while I\\nhave always been a most zealous Abolitionist, I have been\\nconstantly at war with my friends about certain religious\\ntenets. I was first a Presbyterian, but could never think\\nof acting with my Quaker friends, for they were the rank-\\nest heretics and the Baptists would be in the water, and\\nthe Methodists denied the doctrine of the Election, etc.\\nOf later years, since becoming enlightened by Garrison,\\nAbby Kelly, and other really benevolent persons, I have\\nbeen spending all my force on my friends who love the\\nSabbath, and have felt that all was at stake on that point\\njust as it has proved to be of late in France, in the aboli-\\ntion of slavery in their colonics. Now I cannot doubt,\\nMessrs. Editors, notwithstanding I have been unsuccess-\\nful, that you will allow me full credit for my peculiar\\nquick-sightedness. I can see in one second where I missed\\nit.\\nNote 1. In one instance, a negro, near Edwardsville, Ills., who\\nhad been employed in the work of capturing several alleged\\nfugitives, finally met a white man on the highwaj presented a pis-\\ntol, and arrested him as a runaway slave, for whom a reward of\\n$200 had been offered. The white man happened, however, to be\\nacquainted iu Edwardsville, and was thus enabled to establish his\\nright to himself. The American Conflict, Horace Greeley, Vol.\\nI, p. 218.\\nNote 2. Of course, a law afTording such facilities and tempta-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00948", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "114 JOHN BEOWN\\ntions to kidnapping was not allowed to pass unimproved by tlie\\nnumerous villains who regarded negroes as the natural and lawful\\nprey of whites under all circumstances. The Kentucky Yeoman,\\na Democratic Pro-Slavery organ, once remarked that the work of\\narresting fugitives had become a regular business along the border\\nline between the Slave and Free States, and that some of those en-\\ngaged in it were not at all particular as to the previous slavery or\\nfreedom of those arrested. How could it be expected that they should\\nbe? In many instances, free colored girls were hired for household\\nservice at some point distant from that where they had previously\\nresided, and were known; and, being thus unsuspectingly spirited\\naway from an who could identify them, were hurried oflf into slav-\\nery. Sometimes, though not often, negroes were tempted by heavy\\nbribes to betray their brethren into the hands of the slave-hunter?.\\nIn one instance, a clerk in a drj -goods store in western New York,\\nwho was of full age, a member of a church, and had hitherto borne\\na respectable character, hired two colored boys to work for him\\nin a hotel in Ohio, and on his way thither sold them as fugitive\\nSlaves to three Kentuckians, who appear to have believed his repre-\\nsentations. The American Conflict Horace Greeley, Vol. p.\\n219.\\nNote 3. The needless brutality with which these seizures were\\notten made, tended to intensify the popular repugnance which they\\noccasioned. In repeated instances, the first notice the alleged fugi-\\ntive had of his peril was given him by a blow on the head, sometimes\\nwith a heavy club or stick of wood; and, being thus knocked down,\\nhe was carried, bleeding and insensible, before the facile commis-\\nsioner, who made short work of identifying him, and earning his\\nten dollars, by remanding him into slavery. In Columbia, Pa.,\\nMarch, 1852, a negro named William Smith was seized as a fugitive\\nby a Baltimore police officer, while working in a lumber-yard, and,\\nattempting to escape, the officer drew a pistol and shot him dead.\\nIn Wilkesbarre, Pa., a deputy marshal and three or four Virgin-\\nians suddenly came upon a nearly white mulatto waiter at a hotel,\\nand, falling upon him from behind with a club, partially shackled\\nhim. He fought them off with the handcuff which they had secured\\nto his right wrist, and covered with blood, rushed from the house\\nand plunged into the Susquehanna, exclaiming: I will be drowned", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW 115\\nrather than taken alive! lie was pursued to the river-bank, and\\nthence fired upon repeatedly, at a very short distance, as he stood\\nin the water, up to his neck, until a ball entered his head, in-\\nstantly covering his face with blood. The bystanders, who had by\\nthis time collected, were disgusted and indignant, and the hunters,\\nfearing their interposition, retired for consultation. He there-\\nupon came out of the water, apparently dying, and lay down on the\\nshore. One of his pursuers remarked that dead niggers were not\\nworth Uiking South. His clothes having been torn off in the scuflle,\\nsome one brought a pair of pantaloons, and put them on him, and\\nhe was helped to his feet by a negro named Rex; on seeing which,\\nthe hunters returned and presented their revolvers, driving him again\\ninto the river, where he remained more than an hour, with only his\\nhead above the water. His claimants dared not come within his\\npowerful grasp. As he afterward said, he would have died con-\\ntented, could he have carried two or three of them down with him.\\nAnd the hunters were deterred or shamed by the spectators from\\nfurther firing. Preparations being made to arrest them as rioters,\\nthey absconded; whereupon their victim waded some distance up the\\nstream, and was soon after found by some women, lying flat on his\\nface in a cornfield, insensible. He was then duly cared for, and his\\nwounds dressed, which was the last that was seen of him. The\\nAmerican Conflicl, Horace Greeley, Vol. I, p. 216.\\nNote 4. In one leading case, the court ruled, in eflfcct, that the\\npetitioner being young, and in bad health, and probably unadvised\\nof the constitutional provision of that State making all its inhabit-\\nants free, is permitted to take Archy back to Mississippi. An old\\nlawyer dryly remarked, while all around were stigmatizing this\\ndecision as atrocious, that he thought it a very fair compromise,\\nsince it gave the law to the North and the negro to the Soutli.\\nOn Sunday January 27, 185G, two slaves, with their wives and\\nfour children, escaped from Boone county, Ky., drove si.xteen miles\\nto Covington, and crossed to Cincinnati on the ice. They were\\nmissed before nightfall, and the master of five of them followed\\nrapidly on horseback. After a few hours inquiry, he traced them\\nto the house of a negro named Kite, and, procuring the necessary\\nwarrants, with a mars.hal and assistants, proceeded thither on\\nMonday. He summoned them to surrender. They refused. Where-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "116 JOHN BEOWN\\nupon the officers broke in the door, and were assailed with clubs and\\npistols by the desperate fugitives. Only one of the marshal s depu-\\nties was struck, and he not seriously injured; the negroes being\\ndisarmed before they could reload.\\nOn a first survey of the premises they had captured, a horrible\\nsight met the officers eyes. In one corner of the room, a child nearly\\nwhite lay bleeding to death, her throat cut from ear to ear. A\\nscream from an adjoining room drew their attention thither, when\\na glance revealed a negro woman holding a knife dripping with gore\\nover the heads of two children, who were crouched upon the floor,\\nuttering cries of pain and terror. Wresting the knife from her\\nhand, they discovered that the children were cut across the head\\nand shoulders, but, though bleeding freely, not dangerously wound-\\ned. The woman proclaimed herself the mother of the dead child,\\nas also of these, whom she desired to kill rather than see them re-\\nturned to slavery. All were secured and taken to the marshal s\\noffice, where they sat quiet and dejected, answering all questions in\\nmonosyllables, or not answering at all. An excellent character was\\ngiven the adults by their owners. The mother of the dead child,\\nMargaret Garner, a dark mulatto, twenty-three years of age, seemed\\nsimply stupefied and dumb from excess of agony; but, on being com-\\nplimented on the looks of her little boy beside her, quickly replied,\\nYou should have seen my little girl that that that died. That\\nwas the bird! That girl was almost white, and of rare beauty.\\nThe mother alleged cruel treatment on the part of her master, and\\nsaid she had resolved to kill all her children and then herself, in\\norder to escape the horrors of slavery. A coroner s jury having\\nrendered a verdict, in case of the dead child, that it was killed by\\nits mother, Margaret Garner, with a knife, great efforts were made\\nby the State authorities to hold her for trial on a charge of murder.\\nAll the adult slaves declared that they would go dancing to the\\ngallows rather than be sent back to slavery. But Judges McLean\\nand Leavitt, of the Federal Court, decided that they were in the\\ncustody of the U. S. Marshal, and could not be taken out of it by\\nthe habeas corpus of a State court, whether under a civil or crim-\\ninal process; so they were all returned to slavery. The owner of\\nMargaret pledged himself to hold her subject to a requisition from\\nthe Governor of Ohio to answer the charge of crime; but he failed\\nto keep his promise, and sent her, with the rest of the fugitives,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE I T CifTIVr: SI.AVK LAW 117\\ndown tlu riviT for ^ale, where all trace of her was lost. The cost to\\nthe Federal Treasury of tliia single rendition was about $22,000,\\nwhereof at least $20,000 was shamefully sqiumdercd or embezzled,\\nas $2,000 would have amply sulTieed. 7 /ic Amirican Con/lid,\\nHorace (Ircvhy, Vol. I, p. 2 ID.\\nNote 5. On the 2d of June, 1854 the repudiation of the Mis-\\nsouri compact having recently been consummated in the passage\\nand Presidential approval of the Kansas-Nebraska bill Anthony\\nBurns having been adjudged a fugitive at Boston, President Pierce\\nordered the U. S. cutter Morris to take him from that city to life-\\nlong bondage in Virginia. The following spirited stanzas thereupoa\\nappeared (June 1 3th) in The New York Tribune:\\nHAIL TO THE STARS AJTB STRIPES.\\nHail to the Stars and Stripes!\\nThe boastful Hag all hail!\\nThe tyrant trembles now.\\nAnd at the sight grows pale;\\nThe Old WOrld groans in pain,\\nAnd turns her eye to see.\\nBeyond the Western Main,\\nThe embleiu of the Free.\\nHail to the Stars and Stripes!\\nHope beams in every ray!\\nAnd, shining through the bars\\nOf gloom, points out the way:\\nThe Old World sees the light\\nThat shall her cell illume;\\nAnd shrinking back to night,\\nOppression reads her doom.\\nHail to the Stars and Stripes!\\nThey float on every sea\\nThe crystal waves speed on\\nThe emblem of the Free!\\nBeneath the azure sky\\nOf soft Italia s clime.\\nOr where Auroras die\\nIn solitude sublime.\\nAll hail the flaunting Lie!\\nThe Stars prow pale and dira\\nThe Stripes are bloody scars,\\nA lie the Haunting hymn!", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "118 JOHN BEOWN\\nIt shields the pirate s deck,\\nIt binds a man in chains;\\nIt yokes the captive s neck,\\nAnd wipes the bloody stains.\\nTear down the flaunting Lie!\\nHalf-mast the starry flag!\\nInsult no sunny sky\\nWith Hate s polluted rag!\\nDestroy it, ye who can!\\nDeep sink it in the waves!\\nIt bears a fellow-man\\nTo groan with fellow-slaves.\\nAwake the burning scorn!\\nThe vengeance long and deep,\\nThat, till a better morn.\\nShall neither tire nor sleep!\\nSwear once again the vow,\\nO, freeman! dare to do!\\nGod s will is ever now!\\nMay His thy will renew!\\nEnfurl the boasted Lie!\\nTill Freedom lives again,\\nTo reign once more in truth\\nAmong untrammeled men!\\nKoll up the starry sheen\\nConceal its bloody stains;\\nFor in its folds are seen\\nThe stamp of rusting chains.\\nBe bold, ye heroes all\\nSpurn, spurn the flaunting Lie,\\nTill Peace and Truth, and Love\\nShall fill the bending sky;\\nThen, floating in the air.\\nO er hill, and dale, and sea,\\nT will stand forever fair,\\nThe emblem of the Free!\\nThe American Conflict, Horace Greeley, Vol. I, p. 220.\\nNote 6. From Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn,\\npp. 124, 125, 126, 127.\\nNote 7. From Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn,\\npp. 128, 129, 130, 131.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER V.\\nFROM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE.\\nSlavery, like the great Python\\nApollo slew; bred in the slime\\nOf earth; whose birth was tlie first crime\\nAgainst mankind, and that sublime\\nIniquity of hell to dethrone\\nThe rights of man, now crawling winds\\nHerein in slimy, snaky fold:\\nOr like the dragon great of old,\\nOn Thebes rich plain in story told,\\nGreat Cadmus slew, and wond rous finds\\nThat from his teeth sown in the earth,\\nA race of men comes forth from clods.\\nFor civil strife; and whom the gods\\nTurned man to man, barring all odds,\\nAgainst his equal man by birth.\\nPython and dragon both, with fierce\\nAnd bloody mouth, crawling it came;\\nEyes that shot forth a burning flame\\nGlared round for prey; and naught could tame\\nThe gloated beast of hell, nor pierce\\nIts flinty scales, till it had fed\\nAnd fattened on the blood and flesh\\nOf Freedom s sons.\\nJoel Moody s The Song of Kansas.\\nTiie bogus Legislature defined the issue for the Pro-\\nSlavery people and party of Kansas. This issue was\\n(119)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "120 JOHN BKOWN\\nSLAVERY alone.^ In Kansas nothing else was to be\\nknown; anything which came in conflict with this issue\\nwas to be subordinated, no matter what its importance.\\nThe Free-State party was organized to meet and combat\\nthe issue made by the bogus LegisL^ture. Up to this time\\nthere had been no concert of action by the opponents of\\nslavery in Kansas. The Pro-Slavery party had acted in\\nunison and for a single purpose from the beginning, and\\nthis gave it a great advantage in the opening conflict.\\nSomething of the spirit in which this action was mani-\\nfested may be seen from the following expressions:\\nWe learn from a gentleman lately from the Territory\\nof Kansas that a great many Missourians have already\\nset their meg in that country, and are making arrange-\\nments to ^darken the atmosphere with their negroes. This\\nis right. Let every man that ov/ns a negro go there and\\nsettle, and our Northern brethren will be compelled to\\nhunt further north for a location. Liberty {Mo.) Dem-\\nocratic Platform, June 8, 185Jf.\\nThe same paper says, under date of June 27, 1854:\\nWe are in favor of making Kansas a Slave State if it\\nshould require half the citizens of Missouri, musket in\\nhand, to emigrate there, and even sacrifice their lives in\\naccomplishing so desirable an end.\\nAnd again it says Shall we allow such cut-throats\\nand murderers as the people of Massachusetts are to settle\\nin the Territory adjoining our own State? iNo! If pop-\\nular opinion will not keep them back, we should see v/hat\\nvirtue there is in the force of arms.\\nThis was the expression all along the border. The ad-\\nvantage of the Pro-Slavery party was the result of it.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "FROM BIO SPKINGS TO POTTAWATOMIK 1-1\\nThe actions of the party up to ainl iiK-Iiuling the bogus\\nLegislature phiinly indicated that even the Squatter\\nSovereignty feature of the Kansas-Xebraska bill would\\nnot be tolerated, nor given any fair trial in Kansas. The\\npenalty for enticing a slave away from his master was\\ndeath. This Legislature believed that a law to make even\\nthe discussion of slavery in ordinary conversation a felony\\nwould be in their interest, and its enactment was seriously\\nconsidered.^\\nTo meet the sentiment for slavery in Missouri, and the\\nissue forced upon Kansas by Missourians in the bogus\\nLegislature, became the work of the Free-State men of the\\nTerritory. To prepare for lliis work, the Big Springs\\nconvention was called. This convention had its origin in\\na number of preliminary conventions held in Lawrence\\nand elsewhere.* It was well attended, and representatives\\nfrom all parts of the Territory were present. A platform\\nof principles was drawn up and adopted; it demanded\\nthat Kansas be a free State. Here, then, were the issues\\nSlavery alone, for the Pro-Slavery party liberty and\\nnothing else, for the Free-State party. Tliese were the\\nissues up to the Civil War nothing else, in Kansas. All\\nthe invasions by Missourians, their election outrages and\\nbcgus Legislature and laws, all the campaigns for the\\nenforcement of the bogus Territorial laws, all the murders\\nand robberies by the ruffians, the Lecompton Constitution,\\nand the aid of the Administration at Washington, were\\nincidents in the battle waged by the slave-power for the\\nsupremacy of its issue. The Topeka movement, Lane s\\nNorthern Armies, Black Jack, Fort Titus, Fort Saunders,\\nFranklin, Hickory Point, and the Leavenworth Consti-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "122 JOHN BKOWN\\ntution, were incidents in tlie struggle of the Free-State\\nparty to make its issue victorious. It will be well 1x) bear\\nthis always in mind; it is the key to Kansas Territorial\\nhistory, and the fact that it is so has been overlooked by\\nmany writers on the subject.\\nIf the Pro-Slavery party could enforce the bogus laws,\\ntheir victory would be complete without aid of any other\\nof the subordinate incidents. They were so framed that\\nthey could be obeyed only by adherents of slavery and if\\nobeyed by the people of the Territory, advocacy of free\\nprinciples and a free State would disappear from Kansas.\\nIf the Free-State men remained in Kansas they were\\ncompelled to resist these tyrannical enactments. Their\\nenforcement was the first step decided upon for the success\\nof their issue by the Pro-Slavery men. Being in posses-\\nsion of the judiciary of the Territory and having all the\\noffices and the cooperation of the Government, it seemed\\nthat the law^s could not be successfully resisted by the\\nFree-State party. But at the solicitation and instance of\\nex-Governor Keeder the Big Springs convention resolved\\nto resist these infamous laws to a bloody issue, a very\\nunfortunate declaration for a party at so great a disadvan-\\ntage as the Free-State party then was.^ Eeeder was angered\\nby the treatment he had received from the bogus Legisla-\\nture and the President, and acted from a spirit of revenge\\nand retaliation, and in so doing brought indescribable\\nwoe to Free-State settlers. That the provocation under\\nwhich the anti-slavery people lay was sufficient to justify\\nthe adoption of this resolution by their representatives,\\nthere is no doubt. But the more conservative leaders of\\nthe party would have devised some less dangerous way", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "FUO.M 1U Sl RIXGS TO I OTTA WATOM IK 123\\nof evasion. The adoption of this resolution was the cause\\nof war for extermination, total and complete, by the\\nMissourians a little later. The resolution did the Free-\\nState cause much hanii in C^ongress and in the East. In\\nKansas and ^Ii ~ouri it was regarded as a challenge to\\nbattle by the rutHans, and their supporters in the United\\nStates Senate took the same view. Nothing more unfor-\\ntunate than this action of the convention could have be-\\nfallen the Free-State party in Kansas, as was afterwards\\ndemonstrated by great cost of blood and treasure and un-\\ntold hardship and suffering.\\nThe Big Springs convention was held precisely one\\nmonth before John Brown arrived in Kansas. We have\\nseen that two of his sons were delegates to that gathering\\nof patriots. On October 13, 1855, he wrote his family\\nthat he had reached the place where the boys are located\\none week ago, late at night. He found the condition of\\nhis sons deplorable indeed. No crops of hay or any-\\nthing raised had been taken care of; with corn wasting\\nby cattle and horses, without fences; and, I may add,\\nwithout any meat; and Jason s folks without sugar, or\\nany kind of breadstuffs but corn ground with great labor\\nin a hand-mill about two miles off. Some have\\nhad the ague, but lightly; but Jason and Oliver have had\\na hard time of it, and are yet feeble. We have\\nmade but little progress; but we have made a little. We\\nhave got a shanty three logs high, chinked, and mudded,\\nand roofed over with our tent, and a chimney so far ad-\\nvanced that we can keep a fire in it for Jason.\\nWe have got their little crop of beans secured, which,\\ntogether with johnnycake, mush and milk, pumpkins and", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "124 JOHN BROWN\\nsquashes, constitute our fare. Potatoes they have none of\\nany account milk, beans, pumpkins, and squashes a very\\nmoderate supply, just for the present use. Their poor\\nsuccess was largely due to the fact that little can be done\\nupon a prairie farm the first year. The thick, hard sod\\nis held firmly together by the heavy roots of the grass,\\nand is so firm and tenacious that its cultivation is profitless\\nand almost impossible. But by the second year the roots\\nhave decayed, and the sod has fallen asunder; the field\\nis a bed of mellow loam, ready to yield immense crops.\\nThe experience of the Browns was that of all settlers on\\nprairie farms, and was not a reason for discouragement.\\nThree weeks after the arrival of John Brown in Kansas,\\nDow was murdered near the Hickory Point postoffice, in\\nDouglas county. This was the first of a series of events\\nwhich rapidly followed one another, and were seized upon\\nto serve as a pretext for the invasion of Kansas by the\\nMissourians to enforce the laws, mark the purpose.\\nThus early did the bloody issue resolution of the Big\\nSprings convention begin to bear fruit. This invasion\\ncame to be known as the Wakarusa War or Shannon s\\nWar.^ In this war Brown and his sons took part. When\\nthe rumors of the invasion spread over the Territor}^,\\nJohn Brown left Osawatomie and went to the locality\\nwhere dwelt his sons, some eight or ten miles distant.\\nHe intended to go on to Lawrence to learn the true situa-\\ntion, but afterwards sent his son John. The younger\\nBrown had scarcely left the house when the courier from\\nLawrence arrived to summon them to the defense of that\\ntown at once.^ Xo time was lost in obeying this order;\\nthe father and four sons set out in the afternoon, and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "FROM BIO SPRINGS TO TOTTAWATOMIE\\n126\\nafter a marcli wliieli continued all night and most of the\\nfollowing forenoon, arrived in the threatened town Friday,\\nDecember 7, 1855. They found the negotiations be-\\ntween Governor Shannon, and the citizens of Lawrence\\nrepresented by Doctor Robinson and Colonel Lane,\\nunder way. A company of militia was organized inini*\\nuiately after their arrival, of which they were made\\nnicmbers; the command of it was given to John Brown,\\nwho was at once commissioned Captain by Doctor Rob-\\ninson. It was composed of other new arrivals and some\\nmen who had been for a few days in Lawrence. The neigh-\\nbors of Thomas W. Barber and those having acted with\\nhim in his labor in Lawrence were mustered into Brown s\\ncompany.\\nThe war ended without any battle between the invaders\\nand the people of Kansas. John Brown was not well\\npleased with what he first believed to be the terms of\\nthe peace, but that he threatened to go out and fight the\\nMissourians against all orders is scarcely probable.** He\\nleft Lawrence believing that by the terms of the treaty\\nconcluding the war the attempt to enforce the laws was\\nabandoned by Governor Shannon, and his account of the\\nmatter shows that he was satisfied with what he was given\\nto understand were the conditions secured by the Free-\\nState men. lie may have been misinformed or purposely\\ndeceived. He says\\nAfter frequently calling on the leaders of the Free-\\nState men to come and have an interview with him, by\\nGovernor Shannon, and after as often getting for an\\nanswer that if he had any business to transact with any-\\none in Lawrence, to come and attend to it, he signified", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "126 JOHN BEOWN\\nhis wisli to come into the town, and an escort was sent\\nto the invaders camp to conduct him in. When there,\\nthe leading Free-State men, finding out his weakness,\\nfrailty, and consciousness of the awkward circumstances\\ninto which he had really got himself, took advantage of his\\ncowardice and folly, and by means of that and the free\\nuse of whisky and some trickery succeeded in getting a\\nwritten arrangement wdth him much to their own liking.\\nHe stipulated with them to order the Pro-Slavery men of\\nKansas home, and to proclaim to the Missouri invaders\\nthat they must quit the Territory without delay, and also\\ngive up General Pomeroy (a prisoner in their camp),\\nwhich was all done; he also recognizing the volunteers\\nas the militia of Kansas, and empowering their officers\\nto call them out whenever in their discretion the safety\\nof Lawrence or other portions of the Territory might re-\\nquire it to be done. He (Governor Shannon) gave up\\nall pretension of further attempt to enforce the enact-\\nments of the bogus Legislature, and retired, subject to the\\nderision and scoffs of the Free-State men (into whose\\nhands he had committed the welfare and protection of\\nKansas), and to the pity of some and the curses of others\\nof the invading force.\\nSo ended this last Kansas invasion, the Missourians\\nreturning with flying colors, after incurring heavy ex-\\npenses, suffering great exposure, hardships, and priva-\\ntions, not having fought any battles, burned or destroyed\\nany infant towns or Abolition presses leaving the Free-\\nState men organized and armed, and in full possession\\nof the Territory; not having fulfilled any of all their\\ndreadful threatenings, except to murder one unarmed man,\\nand to commit some robberies and waste of property upon\\ndefenseless families, unfortunately within their power.\\nWe learn by their papers that they boast of a great victory\\nover the Abolitionists.\\nIt will be seen from a careful reading of the treaty that", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "FKOM BIG SPHINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 127\\nBrown s understanding of it was incorrect. From whom\\nbe obtained bis knowledge of it docs not appear, for it\\nwas not published immediately. That he desired to fight,\\nthere is little doubt; that be would have advocated battle\\nbefore the concession of any vital thing contended for, he\\nevidently made plain. It may have been thought best to\\nconceal for a few days the real terms, and claim more than\\nwas actually obtained from Governor Shannon; there\\nwere many Free-State men who would have insisted upon\\nbattle before yielding any semblance of submission to the\\nbogus laws especially was this the case after the murder\\nof Barber, when they were restrained with difficulty.^*\\nA study of all the acounts of the Wakarusa war makes\\nit very certain that desire to arrest Branson and put him\\nimder bonds was only a pretense seized upon by the Pro-\\nSlavery party to enable them to begin a war to force the\\nFree-State people to obey the bogus laws.\\nJohn Brown and his sons returned to the Pottawatomie;\\nthere he was engaged during the winter in work upon the\\ncabins of his sons, and in the erection of a house for his\\nbrother-in-law, Orson Day. He wrote, February 1, 1856,\\nthat Lawrence is again threatened with an attack.\\nShould that take place, we may be soon called upon to\\nbuckle on our armor, which by the help of God wc will\\ndo. He and Salmon made a trip to Missouri to buy\\ncorn, from whence they returned February 20th. There\\nthey heard that Frank Pierce means to crush the men of\\nKansas, but I think he may find his hands full before\\nit is all over. This rumor was not far wrong, as the\\nwhole slave-power was then making preparation to enter\\nKansas and begin a vigorous campaign as soon as spring", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "128\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nopened. Biiford was organizing in Alabama and South\\nCarolina. Mississippi was preparing to do her part in the\\nwork. Jefferson Davis was committing the Administra-\\ntion to aid in this very purpose. It becomes necessary\\nfor us to review these preparations for the invasion of\\nKansas in the spring of 1856. It has been charged by\\nthose who would disparage John Brown, that all the out-\\nrages committed upon the Free-State party and people\\nof Kansas after the killing of the Doyles and others by\\nJohn Brown and his company on the Pottawatomie were\\nthe result of that act. Such writers charge that all the\\ntrouble in Lawrence, all the troubles in southeastern Kan-\\nsas, all the troubles at Leavenworth, Buford s march from\\nthe South with his army for the subjugation of the Terri-\\ntory, the imprisonment of Doctor Robinson and others\\nfor treason, the war of extermination, and finally the\\nCivil War, resulted from the bloody work at Dutch Henry s\\nCrossing.^^ If such were the truth it would be the highest\\ntribute to John Brown s judgment, for it would exalt that\\nevent to the dignity of being the direct cause of the aboli-\\ntion of slavery in America. While that killing was one\\nof the great factors in making Kansas free, it cannot be\\nclaimed the abolition of slavery grew directly out of it,\\nas one of the detractors from John Brown s fame would\\nhave us believe. The campaign of the advocates of slav-\\nery in Kansas in the spring and summer of 1856 was the\\nresult of elaborate preparation and long premeditation.\\nOf this period and the attitude of the South toward\\nKansas after the Wakarusa war, we desire to cite as au-\\nthority the History of Lawrence, by the Rev. Richard\\nCordley. We have no authority in Kansas better than\\nthat work", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "FROM DIG SPIlI^ OS TO POTTAWATOMIE 129\\nThough the settlers were not molested during this\\nsevere weather, they knew the quiet was only temporary.\\nThe opening of the spring would bring a renewal of hos-\\ntilities. The hordes that had left Franklin so sullenly\\ndid not propose to drop the controversy. They saw they\\nhad made a mistake, and the Free-State men had profited\\nby it. Xext time they would plan more wisely. They\\nwould not be caught in court again without a case. All\\nover Missouri and the South, preparations were going\\non to push the controversy to a successful issue for slavery.\\nThe shrewdest men in the Inud were planning together\\nfor the summer campaign. The general idea was to make\\nit so uncomfortable for the Free-State men that they\\nwould flee the country, and so that others would not come.\\nThe line of attack was not hard to determine. The\\nFree-State men occupied a position that was diilicult to\\nmaintain. They knew that the Shawnee Legislature had\\nbeen elected by Missouri votes. They pronounced its en-\\nactments an imposition and a fraud. They determined to\\nignore them, and as far as possible to nullify them or\\ndestroy their effect. The laws were of the most extreme\\npro-slavery type. They not only protected slave property,\\nbut punished all acts and expressions against slavery with\\ngreat severity. They could not even discuss the subject\\nwithout becoming liable to criminal prosecution. Their\\nonly course was to ignore these laws and practically nullify\\nthem. Then nobody would dare to bring any slaves into\\nKansas. If there were no slaves in Kansas, slavery would\\nnot really exist, even though the laws did recognize it. In\\ntwo years there would be another election, and by that\\ntime the Free-State men felt they would be strong enough\\nto take possession of all the machinery of government and\\nshape the laws to suit themselves. If they could only keep\\nthings as they were till the next election, immigration\\nfrom the Xorth would do the rest.\\nThe Pro-Slaverj people, on the other hand, strove to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00949", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "130\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nforce an immediate issue. They laid their plans to compel\\nthe Free-State men to recognize the bogus laws, or else\\nresist the officials charged with their enforcement. The\\nproblem of the Free-State men was to ignore the bogus\\nlaws and jet avoid a collision. They might suffer violence,\\nbut as far as possible they were to avoid doing violence.\\nAbove all, they were to avoid any collision with the author-\\nity of the United States.\\nAnother element entered into the problem, which must\\nbe mentioned that the whole situation may be understood.\\nThat element grew out of what has been referred to as\\nthe Topeka movement The Free-State policy had its\\nnegative side in the rejection of the bogus laws. It had\\nits positive side in the adoption of the Topeka Constitu-\\ntion. During the autumn of 1855 the Free-State people\\nheld a constitutional convention at Topeka, which framed\\na State constitution. They then sent it to Congress and\\nasked to be received into the Union as a State. The House\\nof Representatives passed the bill admitting Kansas as a\\nState, but the Senate rejected it. Thus the movement\\nfailed in Congress, but it was kept alive in Kansas as a\\nrallying-point of defense. An election was held in Jan-\\nuary for State officers, and Dr. Robinson was elected Gov-\\nernor. The Legislature then chosen met in March and\\norganized, and Governor Robinson sent in his message.\\n!No attempt was made, however, to put the State Govern-\\nment into operation. But the thought was to do this if\\nthe situation became intolerable. The occasion never\\ncame, and the Topeka government and constitution never\\nwent into effect.\\nAs spring opened, the policy of the Pro-Slavery men\\nbegan to manifest itself. It was a deeply laid, shrewd\\nscheme. It went on the assumption that the attitude of\\nthe Free-State men toward the bogus laws was rebellion,\\nand that the actors in the Toi3eka Free-State movement\\nwere guilty of treason. They proposed to have the Free-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "FROM BIO SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 131\\nState leaders indicted for high crimes, and either liave\\nthem arrested or compelled to flee from the Territory.\\nThis will give a general clue to the new line of attack,\\nand will show the animius and purpose of the violent pro-\\nceedings which followed.\\nThe Constitutional Convention of the Free-State peo-\\nple met at Topcka October 23, IS The constitution\\nformed there was adopted on the 15th of December .by a\\nvote of the people, which stood In favor of the Constitu-\\ntion, 1,731; against the Constitution, 46.^* This action\\nof the Free-State men was taken as an additional act of\\nhostility to the Territorial laws, and the Territorial au-\\nthorities resented it accordingly. Although the Waka-\\nrusa treaty was supposed to be in force, neither side de-\\nceived itself with the belief that it had ended the conflict.\\nOn the 14th of November the convention at Leavenworth\\nwhich formed the Law and Order party denounced the\\nTopeka Constitutional Convention as treasonable, and\\naft ?r the constitution was adopted the members of the\\nparty were so profuse in threats that the Free-State men\\nof Lawrence believed it necessary to form a secret league\\nfor the defense of the interests of the city and the party.\\nThis was perfected in December, perhaps about the time\\nof the holding of the convention to nominate State officers\\nunder the Topcka Constitution. It was the Society of\\nDanites sometimes called the Regulators, and some-\\ntimes the Defenders. Lane, Robinson, Legate, and\\nother Free-State leaders were at the head of this society.\\nOn the 12th of January a Free-State convention in Law-\\nrence declared in favor of the establishment of the Free-\\nState government at once; and on the 15th of the same", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "132\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nmonth State officers under the Topeka Constitution were\\nelected.^ While it is now known that it was never the\\nserious intention to inaugurate a hostile government\\nby the Free-State people, the Territorial authorities be-\\nlieved that an aggressive and conflicting government was\\nto be immediately established. The leaders of the Free-\\nState party designed this Topeka movement to hold the\\nanti-slavery forces together on the issue between the ideas\\ncontending for the supremacy, but most of the party be-\\nlieved with the Territorial authorities, that the Free-State\\ngovernment was to attempt to gain control of the affairs\\nof the Territory. This was to be accomplished through\\nthe admission of the Territory as a State. On January\\n24th President Pierce sent a special message to Congress\\nin which he indorsed the course of the bogus Legislature,\\nand denounced the adoption of the Topeka Constitution\\nand the election of officers thereunder as an act of revolu-\\ntion and rebellion.^^ February 5, 1856, Governor Chase\\nof Ohio recommended to the Legislature of that State\\nthat measures be taken to aid freedom in Kansas and fair\\nplay for its advocates.^ Henry Ward Beecher made his\\nfamous address in which he denominated a Sharps rifle\\none of the moral agencies of the times.^*^ On the 6th of\\nFebruary the result of the Free-State election was pro-\\nclaimed. This was followed by the proclamation of Presi-\\ndent Pierce commanding all persons engaged in unlaw-\\nful combinations against the constituted authority of the\\nTerritory of Kansas, or of the LTnited States, to disperse,\\nand retire peaceably to their respective abodes. Very\\nsoon there came the promulgation of an order by Jefferson\\nDavis, Secretary of War, authorizing Governor Shannon", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "FRON[ RIO SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n133\\nto use the United States troops to suppress insurrectionary\\ncombinations, and invasive aggression. This latter\\nterm was to enable the Governor to turn back Free-State\\nsettlers, but was never construed to apply to the !Mis-\\nsourians in favor of forcing slavery on the Territory, nor\\nto Buford s men, who were coming with the avowed pur-\\npose of making war. On the 16th of February Secretary\\nMarcy directed Governor Shannon to call on the officers\\nof Fort Leavenworth and Fort Riley for troops for the\\nsuppression of insurrectionary combinations, or armed\\nresistance to the execution of the laws.\\nThese acts of the Administration were to counteract\\nthe movements of the Free-State men in resolving to\\nresist the bogus laws and setting up the Free-State Gov-\\nernment.^* These were considered treason, and the United\\nStates courts for the Territory were not long in making\\nthis conclusion the law, in the promulgation of the con-\\nstructive-treason theory. The South took alarm. Bu-\\nford, of Alabama, proposed to give $20,000 toward the\\ncost of leading an army into Kansas from the Southern\\nStates. The Legislature of his State appropriated $25,-\\n000 for the same purpose. Other Southern States pre-\\npared to send men to contest for Southern rights. Vir-\\nginia would send Colonel Wilkes; South Carolina com-\\nmissioned Colonel Treadwell; Kentucky sent Captain\\nHampton Florida dispatched Colonel Titus.^ We\\nwant money and armed men was the perpetual cry,\\nand it was heard all over the South. The response was\\nall that it was hoped it would be. The forces of the\\nSouth were gathering to descend upon the plains of Kan-\\nsas early in the spring of 1S5G. The Eastern and", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "134 JOHN BROWN\\nNorthern States were continually warned that the war had\\nhardly yet commenced, and that the next act in the drama\\nwould assume more terrible aspects than anything yet\\nseen in the Territory. General Atchison had named the\\nday of the meeting of the Free-State Legislature as the\\ndate of the attack of the Southern forces under the lead-\\nership of Missouri, as that act was held to come under the\\nterms of the proclamations of the Administration as ex-\\npressed in orders to Governor Shannon.^^ But the Free-\\nState men were not to be frightened from their course by\\nrumors and threats. The Legislature convened, and the\\ncourse of the Free-State Government was clearly set forth\\nin the message of Governor Kobinson, and to this remark-\\nably able paper was due the short respite enjoyed by the\\npeople of the Territory. Kansas had engrossed the at-\\ntention of Congress, and a committee consisting of Con-\\ngressman John Sherman of Ohio, M. A. Howard of Michi-\\ngan and M. Oliver of Missouri was appointed to come\\nto the Territory and investigate the outrages perpetrated\\nby the ruffians in the early elections. April 18th this\\ncommittee commenced its work by a session at Lecompton^\\nand soon aroused the wrath of the Pro-Slavery party,\\nboth in Kansas and Missouri. The feeling against the\\nmembers, against ex-Governor Reeder and against the\\nFree-State people increased until the Republican mem-\\nbers were driven from the Territory, and Mr. Reeder was\\nforced to leave in disguise to escape assassination, as we\\nhave seen.\\nBuford s men began to arrive early in the sprlng.^^\\nThey were quartered at different places in the Territory,\\nsupposed to be points from which they could most effect-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "FKOM BIO SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 135\\nuallj assist the Missouri invaders when they arrived.\\nThey did not pretend to select claims and enter on the\\nwork of building homes; they established themselves in\\nmilitary camps, where they were drilled, and were sub-\\nsisted upon what could be seized from the Free-State\\nsettlers. They were severe and often cruel and brutal in\\ntheir treatment of helpless and defenseless people who\\nopposed slavery. A large camp was established near Osa-\\nwatomie, and their course there was one of outrage from\\nthe first. They established intimate relations with the\\nmost rabid Pro-Slavery settlers, and urged them to the\\ncommission of horrible atrocities. The life of no Free-\\nState settler was safe in the vicinity of their camp. They\\nhad an avowed object, and that was loudly proclaimed:\\nit was to make a slave State of Kansas, and to accomplish\\nthis every means was to be utilized, fair or foul.\\nThe hope of Kansas to turn this gathering horde from\\nher doors was in the arrival of settlers from the Xorthern\\nStates as soon as the Missouri river was open to naviga-\\ntion in the spring of 1856. They were expected to come\\narmed with Sharps rifles and ready to defend themselves\\nfrom outrage and robbery. But the forces of the South\\ntook steps to prevent either men or arms from reaching\\nKansas over the Missouri river route. The river was\\nblockaded and vessels were searched. Arms were seized,\\nand settlers turned back. Here was an unexpected blow\\nto the Free-State people, and their condition became criti-\\ncal in the extreme. The resources of the South were\\norganizing for invasion. The United States troops were at\\nthe disposition of those demanding their extermination.\\nIsTo means of defense could reach them by the usual route,", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "136\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nand a new way into the Territory could not be established\\nby the way of Iowa and Nebraska for some months. It\\nseemed that the Free-State settlers were at last at the mercy\\nof their mortal enemies, and their condition desperate\\nalmost hopeless. To add to their dangers, their leaders\\nwere arrested or forced to leave the Territory; and the\\noffense charged against them was treason.\\nHaving effectually isolated the Free-State men from\\ntheir friends in the North and East and shut out the pros-\\npect of assistance from those sections, and having deprived\\nthem of their leaders, a cause was sought that would in\\nsome degree serve as an excuse for the invasion of the\\nTerritory. In this emergency Sheriff Jones was depended\\nupon, and, as events demonstrated, the expectations en-\\ntertained of him were fully realized. Mr. Jones took it\\nupon himself to declare the Wakarusa treaty at an end^\\nand came to Lawrence on the 19th of April, 1856, to ar-\\nrest Samuel IST. Wood for his complicity in the rescue of\\nBranson. He eff ected his purpose, but his prisoner was\\nenabled to escape by a diversion created by the citizens\\nwho witnessed the arrest. On the following Sunday Jones\\nreturned with some aids from Lecompton, and these not\\nbeing considered sufficient for his object, he summoned\\nseveral citizens who were on their way to church, to assist\\nhim. These were not to be so easily diverted from their\\nthen zeal for the cause of religion, very suddenly developed\\nand intensified by the duty and service demanded by the\\nsheriff. They gave no heed to his commands, and he, be-\\ncoming exasperated, arrested another of the Branson res-\\ncuers, but one for whom he had no warrant. His efforts\\nproving fruitless, he applied to Governor Shannon for", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "FROM BIG SPEINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n137\\ntroops with which to effect the arrest of persons for whom\\nhe had writs. These were furnished, and Jones again\\nappeared in Lawrence, on the 23d of Aprih With the\\nassistance of the detachment of soldiers he succeeded in\\narresting those persons who had refused to obey his sum-\\nmons to aid him on the previous Sunday. These were put\\ninto a tent and guarded. On the following night Charles\\nLenhart, acting upon his own responsibility, shot Sheriff\\nJones, inflicting a painful wound, but one not considered\\ndangerous. It was not known who did this deed, and the\\npeople of Lawrence immediately assembled and disavowed\\nthe act and condemned it; they also offered a reward of\\n$500 for the arrest and conviction of the criminal. This\\nwas an unfortunate affair for the Free-State people gen-\\nerally and for the city of Lawrence particularly. It was\\ndifficult of explanation, and was immediately seized upon\\nas the cause for the invasion of the Territory by the forces\\norganized for months previous for that very purpose. The\\nleaders spread reports of the death of Jones at the hands\\nof a Free-State mob or assassin, and the reports grew as\\nthey were passed from ruffian to ruffian along the border.\\nMany Pro-Slavery Missourians were already in the Ter-\\nritory awaiting developments, having been placed there\\nby their leaders, who no doubt had some understanding\\nwith Jones that he was to find them an excuse to attack\\nthe settlers. In fact, there is little doubt that Jones was\\nhaving recourse to his old writs to exasperate the Free-\\nState men to some act that would bring on hostilities.\\nWhile Jones was disabled, his deputy, one Sam Salters,\\nan ignorant ruffian from South Carolina, was scouring\\nthe country with United States soldiers at his heels and", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "138 JOHN BROWN\\narresting people on all kinds of cliarges.^^ Tlie United\\nStates Marshal issued a proclamation May 11th calling\\non the law-abiding citizens of the Territory to assemble\\nat Lecompton in sufficient numbers for the execution\\nof the laws. This was the authority imder which the\\nMissourians came from their hiding in the Delaware Re-\\nserve north of Lawrence, and again poured over the border\\nfrom the western counties of that State. It is quite prob-\\nable that Lawrence would have been so strongly manned\\nand so well fortified and defended, had the leaders of the\\nFree-State people there determined to battle for their\\ntown, that the ruifians would have been beaten off. They\\nwould have found some excuse for retiring, as they had in\\nthe Wakarusa war. But the policy of non-resistance was\\nadopted, and couriers were sent out to turn back the pa-\\ntriotic men hastening to battle for the cause of right.\\nOn the morning of the 21st of May, 1856, there were\\nseveral hundred Missourians and ruffians from other\\nSouthern States in the vicinity of Lawrence. The Mis-\\nsourians were commanded by Senator Atchison, the Ala-\\nbama forces were under Buford, and those from Florida\\nunder Titus.^*^ Atchison had led his army in through the\\nDelaware Eeserve, on the north side of the Kansas river;\\nBuford had his camp at Franklin, and Titus was in the\\nvicinity of Lecompton. On the morning of the 21st these\\nforces, together with the troops from the United States\\narmy, gathered on the hill south of Lawrence. The peo-\\nple had desired to defend themselves, but had been pre-\\nvented by their committee of safety; then this committee\\nhad been discharged and a new one appointed. But the\\nnew was no better than the old. Every Kansan should", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "FROM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n139\\nread tlie letter sent to Donaldson by tliis craven committee\\nic may be seen in Phillips s Conquest of Kansas, page\\n293. They offered to obey the Territorial laws passed\\nby the bogus Legislature if the assembled forces would\\nrefrain from attacking the town. This act of the com-\\nmittee brought it into contempt with both the invaders\\nand the citizens of Lawrence it was designated the Safe-\\nty Valve, and was ever after the object of contempt and\\nridicule. The people did not generally wish a conflict with\\nthe United States troops, but some would have fought even\\nthem almost all were in favor of resisting Jones and the\\nTerritorial militia, as the Missourians and other invad-\\ners were called. Both the invaders and the troops were\\nin close consultation with Governor Shannon, in whose\\noffice they met to discuss and arrange their plans of cam-\\npaig-n. They had the approval of the Governor in all that\\nwas done. The forces of the United States pretended to\\nbe looking for persons upon whom to serve warrants;\\nJones and the invaders who were acting as his posse held\\norders from Chief Justice Lecompte to destroy the two\\nnewspapers of the town and the Free-State hotel, as they\\nhad been indicted under his constructive-treason doc-\\ntrine and theory.\\nThe Deputy Marshal first entered the town and made a\\nfew arrests. That he needed no troops to effect this was\\nshown on the previous night, when he had been in Law-\\nrence and made some arrests without any assistance and\\nwithout molestation. When he had enacted his farce he\\nwithdrew, and Sheriff Jones entered with his horde of cut-\\nthroats. These worthies ran up various flags, and then\\nproceeded with the work for which some of them had", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "140 JOHN BROWN\\nmarched a thousand miles. The presses, tvpe, paper-stock\\nand fixtures of the printing-offices were destroyed. The\\nFree-State hotel was first bombarded, and afterwards\\nburned. Other buildings were burned, including the dwell-\\ning of Doctor Robinson, and the town was looted. As\\nthe shades of night fell the vandals departed by the red\\nglare of the burning city, and weighted down with the\\nbooty obtained in its pillage.^^ Some of the Missourians\\nreturned home, but by far the greater number remained to\\nassist the men of Buford, Titus and Treadwell in harrying\\nthe Free-State settlers and following up the work of the\\ncampaign planned the preceding winter, and so auspi-\\nciously begun at Lawrence.\\nThe border papers were filled with exultation, and the\\nruffians were urged to continue the work. One paper said\\nthat nothing more would be done to the settlers if the ruffi-\\nans were not further molested; but this was for effect in\\nthe East, where their allies, Davis and other members of\\nthe Administration, might need something to quiet the\\napprehensions of those not fully informed as to the situa-\\ntion in Kansas, and the designs of the slavery propa-\\ngandists.\\nFollowing the sacking of Lawrence all semblance of\\norder disappeared from the camps of the invaders, except\\nthat maintained among thieves. Xo secret was made of\\nthe fact that the conquest of the Territory had been de-\\ncided upon. They were fortified in authority by the proc-\\nlamations of the President and Jefferson Davis the Gov-\\nernor had received from the Administration orders to assist\\nin the work, and seemed anxious to do the bidding not\\nonly of Davis, but of the bloodiest ruffian on the plains", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "FKOM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n141\\nof Kansas. Tor the Free-State settlers there was now no\\nprotection. Murder, anarchy, rapine a reign of terror\\nsurged around them. It seemed that the boast of the\\nchivah-y of the South, that the opponents to slavery in\\nKansas should be exterminated, was on the point of fulfill-\\nment. But for the heroism and unconquerable will of one\\nman, this object of the South might have come to a con-\\nsummation.\\nNote 1. On the last day of the session of the bogus Legisla-\\nture, the Speaker, Mr. Stringfellow (Mr. Anderson in the chair),\\noffered a preamble and one resolution which was adopted, and was\\nalso adopted by the Council. The resolution is as follows:\\nBe it resolved hy the House of Representatives, the Council con-\\ncurring therein, That it is the duty of the Pro-Slavery party, the\\nUnion-loving men of Kansas Territory, to know but one issue, slav-\\nery, and that any party making or attempting to make any other\\nis and should be held as an ally of abolitionism and disunion.\\nHouse Journal, 1855, p. 380.\\nNote 2. History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 83.\\nThe three quotations will be found on the same page of that work.\\nNote 3. See The Kansas Memorial, p. 19, where the report of\\nthe committee is quoted by Judge Usher in his address. See also\\nthe same work, p. 105, address of Colonel D. R. Anthony.\\nNote 4. The best account of the movement leading up to the\\nBig Springs convention, and of the convention itself, will be found\\nin the History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, pp. 106, 107,\\n108, 109, 110. All resolutions are there given in full, as is also\\nthe platform. (Twentieth Century Classics, No. 2, September, 1899,\\npage 53; article, James Henry Lane.\\nNote 5. The first resolution of the platform declared: That,\\nsetting aside all minor issues of partisan politics, it is incumbent", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "14:2 JOHN BEOWN\\nupon us to proffer an organization calculated to recover our dear-\\nest rights, and into which Democrats and Whigs, native and nat-\\nuralized citizens may freely come without sacrifice of their respective\\npolitical creeds, but without forcing [theiu] as a test upon others.\\nAnd that when we shall have achieved our political freedom, vindi-\\ncated our rights of self-government, and come as an independent\\nState upon the arena of the Union, where those issues may become\\nvital where they are now dormant, it will be time enough to divide\\nour organization by those tests, the importance of which we fully\\nrecognize in their appropriate sphere.\\nThe third resolution declared: That our true interests, socially,\\nmorally and pecuniarily, require that Kansas should be a free State;\\nthat free labor will best promote the happiness, the rapid population,\\nthe prosperity and the wealth of our people; that slave labor is a\\ncurse to the master and the community, if not the slave. That our\\ncountry is unsuited to it, and that we will devote our energies as a\\nparty to exclude the institution and to secure for Kansas the consti-\\ntution of a free State. History of the State of Katisas, A. T.\\nAndreas, pp. 108, 109.\\nNoTK 6. The convention appointed a Committee on the late\\nLegislature. Its report was adopted. One of the resolutions of the\\nreport is as follows:\\nResolved, That we will endure and submit to these laws no\\nlonger than the best interests of the Territory require, as the least\\nof two evils, and will resist them to a bloody issue as soon as we\\nascertain that peaceable remedies shall fail, and forcible resistance\\nshall furnish any reasonable prospect of success and that, in the\\nmeantime, we recommend to our friends throughout the Territory,\\nthe organization and discipline of volunteer companies and the pro-\\ncurement and preparation of arms. History of the State of Kati-\\nsas, A. T. Andreas, p. 109.\\nWhile the resolution declared no intention of immediate resist-\\nance to the bogus laws, it did recommend the purchase of arms, the\\nformation and discipline of volunteer companies, and when taken with\\nthe avowed purpose of the individual Free-State leaders to resist the\\nlaws, the resolution indicated a clear intention of resistance. Other\\nresolutions of the report declared that the laws had no binding force\\nupon the citizens of the Territory, and that they were at liberty\\nto resist and defy them should they choose to do so; that we owe\\nno allegiance or obedience to the tyrannical enactments of this", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "FEOM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE 143\\nspurious legislature; that their laws have no validity or binding\\nforce upon the people of Kansas.\\nNote 7.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Letter of John Brown to his family, November 2, 1855,\\nin Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 203.\\nNote 8. The best account of the war is that written by a news-\\npaper correspondent, The War in Kansas, by G. Douglas Brewerton,\\npp. 137 to 351. The book contains a statement made by Governor\\nShannon; also statements of other parties. Mr. Brewerton visited\\nand interviewed all the principal actors in the war, and printed\\nwhat they had to say of it. It is one of the valuable and reliable\\nbooks early written on Kansas.\\nNote 9. Letter of John Brown to his family, December 16, 1865,\\nin Life and Letters of John Brotvn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 217.\\nNote 10. It was near sunset, I should think about the 3d of\\nDecember, when, in the distance, towards the south, a strange-\\nlooking object was seen approaching Lawrence. With many others\\nI watched it. As it neared it proved to be the skeleton of a horse,\\ncovered with a poorly stuffed skin, wearily dragging a rather large\\none-horse lumber wagon. I think there were seven men standing\\nin the box, which was made of wide, undressed, and weather-stained\\nboards. Each man supported himself by a pole, of probably six to\\neight feet in length, surmounted with a bayonet. The poles were\\nupright, and held in place at the sides of the box by leather loops\\nnailed to the sides. Each man had a voltaic repeater strapped to\\nhis person, as also a short navy sword; at the same time supporting\\na musket at the position of order. A formidable arsenal, well\\nmanned all but the horse.\\nAs the party dismounted I grasped the hands of John and Fred-\\nerick Brown, who introduced me to their father and brothers.\\nLeaving the horse unhitched at the door, I took the whole family\\nto the rooms of the Committee of Public Safety, and introduced\\nthem. On my suggestion a company of veterans was soon organ-\\nized, and the command given to Old John Brown. Here, at\\nmy suggestion, John Brown was first clothed with the title of Cap-\\ntain, conferred on him in the Wakarusa war by Governor Robinson,", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "144: JOHN BKOAA^N\\nand approved by the Committee of Public Safety. Reminiscences\\nof Old John Broun, O. W. Broun, M. D., pp. 7, 8.\\nNote 11. Redpath, in his Life of Captain John Broivn, p. 88, gives\\nan account of Brown s going with a number of other men to fight\\nthe ruffians. I find nothing to confirm this statement. As it was in\\nviolation of all orders under which Brown then served, I think it\\nimprobable that such an occurrence as is there described ever\\noccurred.\\nNote 12. In his account of the Wakarusa war John Brown makes\\nno reference to any outspoken protest made by him to the treaty\\nof peace, but it is probable that he made some such protest. It is\\npossible, too, that he was then given to understand that more had\\nbeen gained in the treaty by the Free-State men than was warranted\\nby that instrument; it is evident that he returned home with an\\nincorrect impression of the actual terms. G. W. Brown says:\\nOn the 10th the people were marshalled in front of the Free-\\nState Hotel, from the steps of which Gov. Shannon made a short\\nspeech, in which he stated that matters had been unfortunately pre-\\ncipitated by their not understanding each other, and that he was\\nglad to have a pacific termination of the affair. I think Gov. Rob-\\ninson made a few remarks in the same direction. It was at this\\nstage of procedure, when old John Brown mounted a piece of\\ntimber lying near the corner of the hotel, and began to harangue\\nthe crowd. He said the people of Missouri had come to Kansas to\\ndestroy Lawrence; that they had beleaguered the town for two\\nweeks, threatening its destruction; that they came for blood; that\\nhe believed, Without the shedding of blood there is no remission\\nand asked for volunteers to go under his command, and attack the\\nPro-Slavery camp stationed near Franklin, some four miles from\\nLawrence.\\nListening to his speech to this point, I made my way to the\\nroom of the Committee of Public Safety, where others came imme-\\ndiately, leaving the Captain trying to excite insubordination. Col.\\nG. W. Smith was instructed by the committee to place him under\\narrest, and detain him in custody until the excitement should cease.\\nCol. Smith made his way directly to the Captain, took him by the\\narm, and requested to speak with him. Leading the Captain away,\\nthe storm that he was inciting was soon at an end. Reminiscences\\nof Old John Broicn, G. IF. Brown, M. D., p. 8.\\nThere is much of improbability in this account. G. W. Brown\\nwas always a bitter enemy of John Brown. His book is one of the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "FKOM BIG Si RliVGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n145\\nmost unfair, and malicious in spirit, ever written. It is only an\\neffort to defame the character of John Brown. G. W. Brown was\\ntlie editor and proprietor of the Herald of Freedom, published at\\nLawrence. He was always accused of being in Kansas for the sole\\npurpose of making money. He would issue one weekly edition of\\nhis paper for home reading; this was very mild, and often supposed\\nto be as much in favor of the ruffians as of the Free-State settlers.\\nThen he would rewrite the editorial page of the paper, and make\\nhis editorials conform to the most patriotic spirit of the free North.\\nThis edition he would mail to New England, where he was seeking\\npatronage under guise of aiding the Free-State cause. Among the\\nnumber who have told me this I will only mention E. P. Harris, Esq.,\\nlong a compositor on the paper, and now one of the foremost\\nprinters and proof-readers in America; also Mr. Frank A. Eoot, of\\nTopeka, who was a compositor for Brown. Mr. Root was with the\\nOverland Stage Line in the interest of the Government for many\\nyears, and is one of the most respected citizens of the State. At\\nthe Old Settlers INIeeting at Bismarck Grove, September 15th and\\n16th, 1879, Brown tried to get a number of his former compositors\\nto join him in a reunion, but his efforts were unsuccessful.\\nSenator Ingalls says of the statement that John Brown, jr., became\\ninsane because of the killing of the Doyles, Wilkinson and Sherman\\nThese statements are made upon the testimony of G. W. Brown,\\nin the Herald of Freedom, in 1859. The witness may be competent,\\nbut he is not disinterested. He sustains the same relation to the\\nanti-slavery men of 56 that Judas Iscariot did to the disciples, and is\\nas well qualified to write their history as Judas Iscariot would be to\\nrevise the New Testament.\\nFor his course in Kansas he was unmercifully criticized by many\\nFree-State people, among them John Brown. He was called Gusty\\nWindy Brown by others, who held him in contempt. The Emigrant\\nAid Company loaned him $2,000 after his paper was destroyed; and\\nit will be noticed that he takes the same position in regard to\\nJohn Brown that is held by Eli Thayer, from whom he secured the\\nmoney.\\nIn this relation we make the following quotation from an article\\nwritten by William H. Carruth, of the Kansas University, in Kansas\\nHistorical Collections, Volume VI, page 90, and following: Of the\\nFree-State papers at Lawrence, one openly and constantly antago-\\nnized the movements and policy of the Aid Company, while the Herald\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009410", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "146\\nJOHN BKOW2f\\nof Freedom, which Avas equipped by monej borrowed from the com-\\npany, considered it policy for a time to deny all connection with the\\nNew England propagandists. The proprietor of the Herald\\nof Freedom repaid the loan of $2,000 in Territorial scrip,* which\\nwas never redeemed. It was quite a favor for Mr. Thayer to\\naccept worthless Territorial scrip in payment of this loan. The\\nrelation established by this transaction continued through the life\\nof Mr. Thayer. And Mr. Thayer was one of the very first assailants\\nof John Brown. He used every means at his command to induce\\nothers to attack him.\\nThat John Brown protested against the terms of the treaty, there\\nis no doubt; and perhaps tlien it was that he was deceived as to\\nwhat had been conceded by each side. That there was any attempt\\nto arrest him, in the state in which the men were after Barber was\\nmurdered, there is no probability; it was with much dilliculty\\nthat the men were restrained. They would not have suifered the\\narrest of anyone for wishing to fight. The commanders, knowing\\nthis, would not have attempted it.\\nMr. E. A. Coleman writes me: When Lawrence was besieged, we\\nsent runners to all parts of the Territory, calling on every settler.\\nWe met at Lawrence. Robinson was commander-in-chief; I was on\\nhis staff, appointed of course by the commander. We had gathered\\nto the number of about two hundred and fifty, all told. The ruffians\\nwere gathered at Franklin, four miles east, with four or five hun-\\ndred men. We were not well armed, all of us, at the same time\\nbeing somewhat afraid of getting into trouble with the General Gov-\\nernment. Robinson sent to Shannon, at Lecompton, to come down\\nand see if something could not be done to prevent bloodshed. He\\ncame; we all knew his weakness. We had plenty of brandy, parleyed\\nwith him until he was drunk, and then he agreed to get the ruffians\\nto go home, which he did by telling them ire had agreed to obey all\\nthe laws, which was a lie. As soon as Brown heard what had been\\ndone, he came with his sons into our council room, the maddest man I\\never saw. He told Robinson that what he had done was all a farce;\\nthat in less than six months the Missourians would find out the\\ndeception, and things would be worse than they were that day (and\\nso it was) that he came up to help them fight, but if that was the\\nThis was scrip issued by the Executive Committee under the Topeka movement,\\nalways absolutely worthless.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "FEOM BIG SPRINGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n147\\nway Robinson meant to do, not to send for him again. Mr. Foster,\\nof Osawatomie, meeting Brown on his return from Lawrence, asked\\nhim about Robinson and Lane. They are both men without prin-\\nciple, said Brown; but when worst comes to worst, Lane will\\nfight, there is no fight in Robinson. Life and Letters of John\\nBroicn, F. B. Sanboni, p. 220.\\nCaptain Brown got up to address the people, but a desire was\\nmanifested to prevent his speaking. Amidst some little disturbance,\\nhe demanded to know what the terms were. If he understood\\nGovernor Shannon s speech, something had been conceded, and he\\nconveyed the idea that the Territorial laws were to be observed.\\nThose laws they denounced and spit upon, and would never obey no\\nHere the speaker was interrupted by the almost universal cry, No!\\nNo! Down with the bogus laws! lead us down to fight first!\\nSeeing a young revolution on the tapis, the influential men assured\\nthe people that there had been no concession. They had yielded\\nnothing. They had surrendered nothing to the usurping Legislature.\\nWith these assurances the people were satisfied, and withdrew. At\\nthat time it was determined to keep the treaty secret, but before\\nmany days it was sufficiently public. The Conquest of Kansas,\\nWilliam A. Phillips, p. 222.\\nThis is perhaps exactly what did occur. It has in it the ring of\\ntruth and bears the air of probability.\\nNote 13. In Reminiscences of Old John Brown, G. W. Brown,\\np. 27, he is attempting to show that all the evils that came upon\\nthe Union from 1856 to 1865 were the result of the killing of the\\nruffians at Dutch Henry s Crossing, According to G. W. Brown,\\nslavery was only an incident, and if John Brown had never been\\nborn there would have been no trouble about the matter!\\nNote U.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 90.\\nNote 15.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 For a full account of the formation of the Law and\\nOrder party, see History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, pp.\\n114, 115, The resolutions are there set out.\\nNote 16.~Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 91, Also, John", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "148 JOHN BEOWN\\nBrown and his Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 697. See also, John Brown\\nMSS. in the library of the State Historical Society, Topeka.\\nNote 17. See corresponding dates in Annals of Kansas, D. W.\\nWilder.\\nNote 18. Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 108. History of the\\nState of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, p. 122.\\nNote 19. Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 109.\\nNote 20. Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 109.\\nNote 21. February 11, 1856. The proclamation is given in full\\nat page 124, History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas.\\nNote 22. February 15, 1856. Amials of Kansas, D. W. Wilder,\\np. 109.\\nNote 23. Atinals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 110.\\nNote 24. Every act of the Free-State party was turned into\\ntreason by their [the nxffians lago-like coloring, and Dr. Robinson,\\nthe newly elected Free-State Governor, figured as the embodiment\\nof a conspiracy against law and order, which had its ramifications\\nall over the New England States. Tuttle s History of Kansas,\\np. 288.\\nNote 25. Tuttle s History of Kansas, p. 290.\\nNote 26. Tuttle s History of Kansas, p. 291. Senator Atchison s\\naddress to the South is there quoted from at length. He said the\\nyear could not pass without fierce civil war, and that there was to\\nbe no more pacification. It was no longer scenting the battle from\\nafar ofi the troops were already in the field, the perfume of powder\\nfilled the air, Southern chivalry was in the saddle.\\nNote 27. Rumors often exaggerated and painfully indefinite\\nwere continually being half revealed about deep-laid plots to sur-\\nprise the little settlement, and leave it a smoking ruin, are com-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "FROM BIO SPKI^rOS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n149\\nbining a carnival and a massacre within its walls. Well-known Pro-\\nSlavery leaders came to Lawrence in hot haste, held whispered con-\\nsultations with their adherents, and were off, for all that could be\\nknown, to carry out some nefarious scheme already concocted for the\\ndestruction of the Free-State party. The press in the border counties\\ncontinually breathed fire and sword, and there was no means of\\nascertaining at what instant the customary braggadocio might cover\\nthe sinister movement long anticipated. Messengers had long since\\nassured the ever-wary authorities of Lawrence tiiat stores were\\nbeing collected on the border, and none could doubt their eventual\\ndestination. Civilized nations do not commence hostilities until\\nthere has been first a declaration of war, but there could be no surety\\nwhen the fatal blow would come from an enemy that declared war\\nevery second. The assault must come; on that point there was no\\ndifference of opinion, but when, where and how, were the momentous\\nanxieties of the troubled citizens. A camisado was tlie event most\\ndreaded, and men hated the thought of being surprised in their beds\\nby an enemy so relentless as the foes across the border. T utile s\\nHistory of Kansas p. 295.\\nNote 28. In the spring of 1856 Missouri received a fresh supply\\nof active allies. Col. Buford, a Southern adventurer from Alabama,\\nbrought up the Missouri river, in April, a regiment of young men,\\nfrom Alabama, and Carolina and Georgia. These adventurers were\\narmed, and came in military companies. They came for the avowed\\npurpose of making Kansas a slave State, by violence, if necessary,\\nand returning after this had been acomplished. Many of them were\\npoor young men, but well connected; dependent members of the\\ndecaying Southern aristocracy, a numerous class, who can be dis-\\npensed with by the South unless in case of servile war. But the\\nlarger portion of these carpet-bag adventurers were reckless charac-\\nters, from the vilest purlieus of society; men who had been robbers\\nand gambling loafers, and whose lawless character well suited them\\nfor the task they were to perform. As an illustration, these gentry\\nrobbed Buford himself of a considerable sum of money while coming\\nup the river and they got into disgrace, even among the Missourians\\nthey were called to aid, by their depredations.\\nShortly after their arrival in Kansas City, ^Mo., they were drawn\\nup in military array, in a sort of review. Here speeches were de-\\nlivered about their mission to conquer Kansas for slavery; and", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "150 JOIIISr BEOWN\\nBuford, in order to give his expedition a specious appearance at the\\nEast, made a prayer to them, which was an odd mixture of hypoc-\\nrisy and blasphemy. These men were called to sign a pledge and give\\nan oath that they would not leave Kansas until it was made a slave\\nState; that they would be ready to fight for Southern rights when\\ncalled upon, and that they should never vote anything but the Pro-\\nSlavery ticket, and should be subject to the direction of their leaders,\\netc. There was also a business contract between them, the terms\\nof which, as promulgated in Kansas City, gave great dissatisfaction,\\nthe young adventurers declaring them diflferent and less favorable\\nthan the promises by which they had been lured from their homes.\\nTAe Conquest of Kansas, William A. Phillips, p. 265.\\nNote 29. As Sheriff Jones was unable to attend to his duties,\\nhis deputy, Sam Salters, undertook the arduous duties devolving,\\nin the progress of law and order, on the sheriff of Douglas county.\\nWith a party of dragoons at his heels, he rode backward and forward\\nover the county, making, or trying to make, or pretending he wished\\nto make, arrests. One lady ordered him not to come into her house,\\nand thrcAV some scalding water on him when he tried to do so.\\nSome of the men whom he declared that he wished to arrest, had to\\nleave their homes, and sleep in thickets and in prairies, to avoid his\\nlegal persecutions. Armed bands of the Southerners now began to\\ncome into the Territory, and not only Salters but all the Territorial\\nofficials were soon in full communion with them. As citizens were\\noften molested and stopped by these persons, the following is a pass\\ngiven by this redoubtable Sam Salters to a law-and-order man, who\\nfound it necessary to travel:\\nLet this man pass i no him two be a Law and abidin Sittisen.\\nSigned Samuel Salters,\\ndepy sherf.\\nThe Conquest of Kansas, William A. Phillips, p. 267.\\nNote 30. A band of Buford s men captured a Mr. Miller, from\\nSouth Carolina, but then a Free-State man:\\nMr. Miller was originally from South Carolina; and, as he had\\nventured to be a Free-State man in Kansas, they made up what they\\nwere pleased to consider a court from among their own number, and,\\nplacing Mr. Miller before it, tried him for treason to South Carolina.\\nAfter a hard effort, some of the Carolinians who knew him, and felt\\nfriendly, contrived to prevent his being hung, although he was found", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "FEOM BIG SPRIXGS TO POTTAWATOMIE\\n161\\nguilty. He got off after losing his horse and money. T^e Conquest\\nof Kansas, William A. Phillips, p. 283.\\nThis was ISIr. Josiah Miller, editor of the Kansas Free-State, in\\nLawrence. His paper was destroyed when Lawrence was sacked,\\nMay 21st, 1856, and never revived.\\nNote 31. The best account of the troubles leading up to the sack-\\ning of Lawrence will be found in The Conquest of Kansas, by William\\nA. Phillips, pp. 205 to 309, inclusive. It is among the best authori-\\nties we have on this period. Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life,\\nby Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, is one of the best authorities ever pre-\\npared of the events of this time. ISIrs. Robinson is the widow of the\\nlate Governor Charles Robinson, of Lawrence; was a resident of that\\ncity at the time, and saw what she records: there can be no higher\\nauthority. History of the State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, and\\nTuttle s History of Kansas, are good authorities. History of Kansas,\\nJohn H. Gihon, has valuable documents. The library of the Kansas\\nHistorical Society, Topeka, has a great accumulation of papers and\\ndocuments pertaining to this period.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEE VI.\\nWAR ON THE POTTAWATO:^! IE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 PRELIMINARY.\\nThen Slavery s champions these words\\nProclaim: Come, direful War, and whet\\nThy sword; and let no freeman set\\nHis foot on Kansas soil, forget\\nThat he is man, ye ruffian hordes!\\nLet bogus votes and bogus laws\\nStand as the will of God! Drive out\\nThe villain cursed who talks about\\nThe Higher Law! Let him not spout\\nHis treason here! The righteous cause\\nOf slavery is recognized\\nBy the first law of man and God;\\nKansas we own, and on her sod\\nShall stand no man, unless he nod\\nTo our great Truth, and be baptized\\nAnd taken into fellowship\\nWith all the dear, beloved ones\\nWho are not classed with Freedom s sons.\\nGive to Northern men solid tons\\nOf iron hail! and then let slip\\nThe dogs of War! Let no church ope\\nThe door to him who cannot pray\\nFor Slavery s cause! Let no man stay\\nOn Kansas soil, who easts a ray\\nOf heavenly light on sinking hope.\\n(152)\\ni", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE TOTTAWATOMIE\\n163\\nBrave Kansas! Now thy bitter hour\\nComes like a gale of piercing woe,\\nAnd where fair Freedom stands, the foe\\nUnsheaths his sword. Her friends bend low\\nThe neck beneath usurping power.\\nJoel Moody s The Song of Kansas.\\nWe come now to consider the most important work of\\nJohn Brown in Kansas. It is the principal point of attack\\nbj those who seek to detract from the fame of the hero and\\nmartyr. It has been said by those more interested in\\nexalting names of his contemporaries than in preserving\\nthe trnth of history, that John Brown, without provocation,\\ndeliberately, and with malice aforethought, went to the\\npeaceful vales of the Pottawatomie and there took five\\npeaceable, harmless, Christian men from their peaceful\\nhomes and their families, and, carrying them away, hewed\\nthem to pieces with broad claymores and remorselessly\\nand fiendishly mutilated their bodies after death. If this\\nwere true, it would indeed be a just cause for condemna-\\ntion. There could be nothing offered in justification and\\nif I believed that history did in any manner substantiate\\nthis charge, I would drop my pen here, or continue its\\nuse to execrate the diabolical crime.\\nBut justice demands that any historical character be\\njudged by the times in which he lived. He cannot justly\\nbe tried by conditions existing in any other age, nor by\\nthose existing in any other part of the country in which\\nhe lived than the scene of his acts. A few men have done\\nJohn Brown the injustice to try him by the conditions\\nexisting to-da3\\\\ Others have tried him by the conditions\\nexisting in his own time in New England, where no dangei*", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "154 JOHN BROWN\\never threatened anyone and where the sect of non-resistants\\nhas ever been of great influence. Various causes can be\\njustly assigned for this injustice to John Brown s memory\\nand his character. They lie deep in human nature, and\\nare political jealousies and the desire of incompetent per-\\nsons to exalt their own names at the expense of the fame\\nof any and all persons engaged in the same cause.^\\nIn a former chapter we have set out some of the condi-\\ntions found in Kansas in the year 1856, when the war on\\nthe Pottawatomie raged. It will be necessary to be more\\nspecific, that the reader may have a clear comprehension of\\nall the conditions under which John Brown acted. We\\nhave seen Free-State men murdered for pastime and as the\\nresult of wagers.^ We have seen them hacked in the face\\nwith hatchets and flung dying into their cabins in a man-\\nner so inhuman that their wives were made maniacs. We\\nhave seen a town sacked because it would not sanction\\nslavery. We have seen the ruffians of Kansas upheld and\\nassisted by the President of the United States. We have\\nseen the infamous doctrine of constructive treason orig-\\ninated for the purpose of forcing Free-State men to for-\\nswear themselves and siibscribe to the most diabolical code\\never devised by tyranny and oppression and under this\\ndoctrine we have seen patriotic men indicted; torn from\\ntheir families and immured in vermin-infested jDrisons to\\nbe tried for their lives.^ We have seen Free-State women\\nand children harried and outraged by remorseless ruffians.\\nWe have seen all these things, but still the record is not\\ncomplete. New England people can never comprehend\\nthe fact that such things were suffered here by the brave\\nmen and women who stood continuously in the jiresence", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "WAK ON THE TOTTAWATOMIE 155\\nof death tliat liberty might survive. The patriot pioneers\\nhave always said to me We could never make the people\\nin the East comprehend our situation they believed the\\nmost conservative accounts of the revelry in blood indulged\\nby the ruffians overdrawn. Let us look a little deeper\\ninto the affairs of Kansas in the year of 1856.\\nBuford established one of his camps south of the Potta-\\nwatomie, and near the settlement in which John Brown\\nand his sons lived.* In this settlement there were many\\nFree-State men, but not a majority of them. This settle-\\nment was in the western part of what is now Miami county\\nand the eastern part of Franklin county. The streams\\nare clear and deep, and timber along their courses was\\nplentiful; and as claims were selected in the early settle-\\nment of the Territory for their timber, this part of Kansas\\nwas early seized by the Missourians. The present town of\\nPaola was a stronghold of slavery. For virulence and in-\\ntolerance the Pro-Slavery settlers of this region were the\\nequals of those in any part of the Territory. Here were\\nthe Miami, Wea, Peoria and other fragmentary Indian\\ntribes with just enough of civilization to make suitable\\nallies for the cruel and ignorant ruffians who came to\\nmake a slave State of Kansas or assist Davis, Hunter and\\nothers to make it a part of the Southern Confederacy.^\\nIf such a thing were possible, the Pro-Slavery settlers in\\nthis part of the Territory were more ignorant and sodden\\nthan in any other portion. The present counties of Linn,\\nBourbon, Anderson, Franklin and Miami were seized by\\na class of poor whites owning few slaves, but more\\nfanatical and unreasonable in support of slavery than the\\nslave-masters themselves. They brought their bloodhounds", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "156\\nJOHN- BROWN\\nwith them from Tennessee and Mississippi, and came to\\ndo the bidding- of the slave-owners as blindly and unques-\\ntioningly as they had in the conntry from whence they\\ncame, where they were regarded as so degraded that they\\nwere not subject to the laws. What a blessing to those\\nfair coimties that freedom prevailed and made it possible\\nfor patriotic and civilized people to bnild them into in-\\ntegral parts of a glorions free State Bnt it must be re-\\nmembered that in 1856 these Pro-Slavery poor whites\\nwere largely in possession of them and the Free-State\\nsettlers were yet weak in numbers.\\nOn the 16th of April John Brown, John Brown, jr.,\\nO. V. Dayton, Richard Mendenhall, Charles A. Foster,\\nDavid Baldwin,^ and others of the settlement, met and\\nresolved to not pay the taxes levied under the authority\\nof the bogus laws. For this act they were soon afterwards\\nindicted by the United States courts as conspirators, under\\nthe constructive-treason theory of Judge Lecompte, Chief\\nJustice of the Territory.^ James F. Legate has preserved\\na picture of the Grand Jury of that court; he says:\\nWliat a sweet-scented jury it was There were seven-\\nteen members, and at least fifteen bottles of whisky in the\\nroom all the time. These jurymen were of the class de-\\nscribed as committing such acts as the sacking of Free-\\nState towns the burning of Free-State houses the rav-\\nishing and hranding of Free-State women, and turning\\nthem and their helpless children naked upon the prairies\\nthe murders of Free-State men and shocking mutilations\\nof their dead bodies. These acts were common then in\\nthe Territory, and were some of those believed in New\\nEngland as improbable and impossible of execution by", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 167\\nman and they were impossible in New England but not\\nin Kansas. The mobbing, tarring and feathering of Rev.\\nPardee Butler at Atchison and the turning him adrift\\nupon the ]\\\\rissouri river occurred on the 30th of April.\\nEarly in May some of Buford s men camped on Washing-\\nton and Coal creeks, along the Santa Ee Trail, and were\\nnot only committing depredations upon the property of the\\nsettlers, but were intercepting, robbing and imprisoning\\ntravelers on the public thoroughfares, and threatening to\\nattack the towns. On the 19th of May they murdered\\na young Eree-State man named Jones, at a store near\\nBlanton s Bridge. On the following day another Eree-\\nState man, a young gentleman recently from New York,\\nwas shot in a cowardly and wanton manner in the public\\nhighway about one and one-half miles from Lawrence.\\nThe retreat from the sacking of Lawrence was marked by\\nthe pillaging of houses, stealing horses, and violating the\\npersons of defenseless women. There are hundreds\\nof well-authenticated accounts of the cruelties practiced\\nby this horde of ruffians, some of them too shocking and\\ndisgusting to relate, or to be accredited, if told. The tears\\nand shrieks of terrified women, folded in their foul em-\\nbrace, failed to touch a chord of mercy in their brutal\\nhearts, and the mutilated bodies of murdered men, hang-\\ning upon trees, or left to rot upon the prairies or in the\\ndeep ravines, or furnish food for vultures and wild beasts,\\ntold frightful stories of brutal ferocity from which the\\nwildest savages might have shrunk with horror.\\nThese ruffians were joined in their robberies and mur-\\nders by the Pro-Slavery settlers, and even by the Terri-\\ntorial officials. Governor Geary describes them as bands", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "158 JOHN BKOWN\\nof armed ruffians and brigands wliose sole aim and end\\nis assassination and robbery. These men, he continues^\\nhave robbed and driven from their homes unoffending\\ncitizens; have fired uj^on and killed others in their own\\ndwellings; and stolen horses and property under the pre-\\ntense of employing them in the public service. They have\\nseized 2:)ersons who had committed no offense, and after\\nstripping them of all their valuables, placed them on steam-\\ners, and sent them out of the Territory. Some of these\\nbands, who have thus violated their rights and privileges,\\nand shamefully and shockingly misused and abused the\\noldest inhabitants of the Territory, who had settled here\\nwith their wives and children, are strangers from distant\\nStates, who have no interest in, nor care for the welfare of\\nKansas, and contemplate remaining here only so long as\\noj)portunities for mischief and phmder exist.\\nIn isolated or country places, no man s life is safe.\\nThe roads are filled with armed robbers, and murders for\\nmere plunder are of daily occurrence. Almost every farm-\\nhouse is deserted, and no traveler has the temerity to ven-\\nture uj^on the highway without an escort.\\nThe chief centers of these ruffians were Leavenworth\\nand Lecompton towns sunk by them to the lowest degree\\nof depravity. Dr. Gihon says: Lecompton is situated\\non the south side of the Kansas river, about fifty miles\\nfrom its junction with the Missouri, and forty miles in a\\nsouthwesterly direction from Leavenworth City, upon as\\ninconvenient and inappropriate a site for a town as any\\nin the Territory; it being on a bend of the river, difficult\\nof access, and several miles beyond any of the principal\\nthoroughfares. It was chosen simjDly for speculative pur-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "AVAR 02; THE fOTTAWATOMIE 159\\nposes. An Indian floating claim of a section of land was\\npurchased by a company of prominent Pro-Slavery men,\\nwho found it easy to induce the Legislative Asseml)ly to\\nmlopt it for the location of the capital, by disitributiiig\\namong the members, supreme judges, the governor, secre-\\ntary of the Territory, and others in authority, a goodly\\nnumber of town lots, upon the rapid sale of which each\\nexpected to realize a handsome income. It contained, at\\nthe time of Governor Geary s arrival, some twenty or more\\nhouses, the majority of which were employed as groggeries\\nof the lowest description. In fact, its general moral condi-\\ntion was debased to a lamentable degree. It was the resi-\\ndence of the celebrated Sheriff Jones (who is one of the\\nleading members of the town association), and the resort\\nof horse-thieves and ruffians of the most desperate char-\\nacter. Its drinking saloons were infested by these charac-\\nters, where drunkenness, gambling, fighting, and all sorts\\nof crimes were indulged in with entire impunity. It was\\nand is emphatically a border-ruffian town, in which no\\nman could utter opinions adverse to negro slavery with-\\nout placing his life in jeopardy.\\nThese brigands and inurdcrers can be well described by\\nrepeating the boast of one Robert S. Kelly, one of their\\nleading men in the Territory, who declared that he could\\nnever die happy until he had killed an abolitionist. If,\\nsaid he, I can t kill a man, I ll kill a woman; and if I\\ncan t kill a woman, I ll kill a child. On the 21st of\\nJune, an Indian agent, named Gay, was traveling in the\\nvicinity of Westport, and was stopped by a party of Bu-\\nford s men, who asked him if he was in favor of makiu\\nKansas a free State. lie promptly answered in the affirm-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "160 JOHI\\\\^ BROWN\\native, and was instantly shot dead. Such was the only\\ncrime for which this soul was hurried into the eternal\\nworld.\\nThe foregoing will serve to give some idea of the general\\ncondition of the Territory in the spring and early summer\\nof 1856. This condition was the result of the campaign\\ncommenced immediately after the Wakarusa war; we\\nhave seen the preparations made for this campaign all\\nover the South and in the cabinet of the President. The\\nactive operations against the Free-State men began with\\nthe arrival of the bands under Buford. We will now see\\nwhat were the conditions existing on the Pottawatomie.\\nHenry Sherman had been in the Territory for some\\nyears. He was at first a laborer for John T. Jones, or\\nOttawa Jones, as he was called. Jones was an educated\\nOttawa Indian and a minister; he is universally spoken\\nof as a good man. Sherman finally went into business\\nfor himself. He squatted on a claim where the military\\nroad crossed the Pottawatomie, and his place soon came to\\nbe known as Dutch Henry s Crossing. It was agreed by all\\nthat his character was bad; his principal occupation was\\ngetting his brand upon the cattle of Indians and others.\\nHe was a giant in stature, drunken and quarrelsome, and\\nfinally lost his life for the outrageous course he adopted\\ntowards the wife of a Free-State settler. He was in favor\\nof slavery only because he saw in its adherents kindred\\nspirits to his own, and the opportunity to carry on his\\nquestionable business if slavery should succeed. As a\\nmatter of principle he cared no more for slavery than any\\nother institution he supported it because it gave him the\\nopportunity to gratify the basest of inclinations and pro-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 1( 1\\npensities. His brother, William Sherman, was much such\\na man, but without the ability of Henry he was younger,\\njust as drunken, a little more reckless because of the\\nconfidence he had in the ability of his brother to defend\\nand protect him and his known willingness to do so.^*^\\nAllen Wilkinson found a congenial companion in Henry\\nSherman, and in the first rush for claims he seized one\\nadjoining that of Dutch Henry, and a little below the\\nCrossing. In the first election for members of the Legis-\\nlature he was chosen to the bogus Legislature by fraudu-\\nlent votes from Missouri and while yet a resident of that\\nState. In this execrable body he was one of the most\\nservile, obsequious, abject and sycophantic tools of the\\nslave-power in the whole assembly.^ He was made a great\\nfanfaron, boaster, and jack-pudding by the service he had\\nrendered slavery there, and seeing that he who became the\\nvilest was given political preferment he aspired to the\\nleadership of his precious constituency. Such men are\\nalways the tools of others without knowing it; Dutch\\nHenry was the man upon whom the slave leaders relied.\\nWilkinson supposed it Avas himself, and to retain the high\\nposition he supposed he had won he was ever foremost in\\nthe outrages perpetrated upon Free-State settlers. The\\nDoyle family were from Tennessee they were of that\\nclass considered too low in the social and moral scales to\\nbe amenable to law.^^ Though detested and despised, and\\nby slavery reduced to a level below the negro, they believed\\nin the vile system and were ready to commit any outrage\\nsuggested by its advocates. They had lived in the South\\nby patrolling plantations and spying on the actions of\\nslaves; they brought their bloodhounds to Kansas with\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009411", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "162 JOHN BROWN\\nthem, and were located in this settlement to hunt do^vTV\\nand turn back fugitive and runaway slaves. They were\\nthe abject tools of Henry Sherman, and had a miserable\\nand squalid cabin on a branch of Mosquito creek, directly\\nnorth of that of Wilkinson, and less than a mile away^\\nalthough on the opposite side of the river.^^ Here with\\ntheir bloodhounds they spied on the actions of the Free-\\nState settlers and reported to Wilkinson and Sherman^\\nand after the arrival of Buford s men were in constant\\ncommunication with them. They lost their bloodhounds\\nin trying to capture a Free-State man who had been\\nthrough their reports notified to leave the Territory. He\\nfled before Buford s Georgians and the Doyles, and when\\nthe hounds came up with him he took refuge in the river\\nthe dogs followed him there, but were not so dangerous in\\nthe water. He caught them one by one and stabbed and\\ndrowned them all, and escaped to Leavenworth, where he\\nhad friends who protected him and he was there when he\\nheard of the death of the Doyles.^^ Man does not descend\\nany lower in the scale of humanity than the point reached\\nby the Doyle family. There are things told of them too\\nvile to write, and long years of inquiry lead me to believe\\nthem true.\\nThe nearest camp of Buford s men was that of a com-\\npany of Georgians, about four miles away. Dutch\\nHenry kept liquor, and his place was the congregating\\npoint for the Pro-Slavery men and the Georgians. It was\\nthe headquarters of this band, the center from which in-\\ntelligence of the best localities for stealing cattle and\\nhorses and other supplies was supplied. The Shermans,\\nWilkinson and the Doyles spent much time in the camp", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 163\\nof their friends, and kept them informed of the arrival\\nof Free-State families, who came in greater numbers in\\n1855 and the spring of 1856 than did those of the Pro-\\nSlavery party. In the spring of 1855 Henry Sherman\\nhad warned two Germans that they might expect the fate\\nof a Vermont man who had been hanged a short time be-\\nfore, but rescued before death.^^\\nThe Browns, and the Shermans and their proteges soon\\ncame into conflict. Frederick Brown interfered in behalf\\nof a woman against whom one of the Shermans had\\ndesigns.-^ The Browns did not drink whisky nor st^al\\ncattle and this was enough to turn the rufiians against\\nthem. While there had been no public outbreak in the\\nsettlement against the Free-State men, the reinforcement\\nof the Pro-Slavery men by the arrival of the Georgians\\nwas an event of a nature to create anxiety in the minds of\\nthe Browns. Wishing to ascertain what might come from\\nthis location of Buford s men in their midst, John Brown\\ntook his surveying instruments and ran a line through\\ntheir camp he knew that only Pro-Slavery surveyors were\\nemployed, and that the ignorant Georgians would believe\\nhim one of the Government surveyors without asking ques-\\ntions. He found that the death or expulsion of himself\\nand sons and other Free-State people had been decided\\nupon, and evidently through the information supplied by\\nthe Shermans, Wilkinson, and the Doyles.^^ One of\\nBrown s neighbors said in 1885 The Browns were\\nhunted as we hunt wolves to-day; and because they under-\\ntook to protect themselves they are called cold-blooded mur-\\nderers, merely because they had the dare, and were con-\\ntented to live and die as God intended them to. Brown", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "164 JOHN BEOWlSr\\nwas a Bible-man, he believed it all; and tliougli I am\\nnot, I give him credit for being honest, and the most con-\\nsistent so-called Christian I have ever met. Brown and\\nhis sons had claims, and worked them, as I did mine,\\nwhen these devils were not prowling about, killing a man\\nnow and then, stealing our stock and running them off to\\nMissouri. 24\\nWhen Sheriff Jones stirred the caldron of border-\\nruffianism to find a pretext for the attack so elaborately\\nprepared for by the South, the Free-State men of Kansas\\ndetermined to again assist the people of Lawrence to beat\\nback the invaders. John Brown, jr., was Captain of the\\nPottawatomie Kifles, and these were held in readiness\\nto march on very short notice. The Browns were sum-\\nmoned to the defense of Lawrence on the 22d of May,\\nand every man (eight in all) except Orson, turned out;\\nhe staying with the women and children to take care of the\\ncattle. They went in two companies, John Brown, jr.,\\ngoing with his company, which was joined by two other\\ncompanies on the road; he was elected to command the\\ncombined force, but probably this was a temporary con-\\nsolidation, intended to remain effective during the cam-\\npaign then being entered upon. In the second company\\nof the Brown family were John Brown, his sons Owen,\\nFrederick, Salmon, Oliver, and Henry Thompson, his son-\\nin-law. He speaks of these as the other six, saying,\\nthe other six were a little company by ourselves. On\\nthe way to Lawrence they learned that it had been de-\\nstroyed on the 21st, the day before they had received or-\\nders to march to its defense. The forces halted, and it\\nwas decided not to proceed to Lawrence, but to await", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 165\\nfurther orders before either advancing or returning home.\\nThe camp was pitclied on Ottawa creek, on the claim of\\nCaptain Shore. John Brown favored continuing the\\nmarch to Lawrence this might have been done had not a\\ncourier arrived to say that the town was short of food,\\nand that the people had submitted to the sacking of the\\ntown without any attempt at resistance. The halt was\\nmade on the evening of the day upon which the march\\nbegan May 2 2d.\\nOn the following day, in the forenoon, a messenger ar-\\nrived in the camp with intelligence which caused John\\nBrown to return to the Pottawatomie with his company.\\nWhen the Free-State men on the Pottawatomie heard\\nthat Lawrence was threatened, and before they had re-\\nceived any formal notice that their services might be\\nneeded, they had made preparations to render what as-\\nsistance they could to their neighbors and fellow-sufferers.\\nAll the lead that could be procured was cast into bullets,\\nand the guns were put in as good condition as possible.\\nThe only store at which lead could be obtained in the\\nsettlement was at the little establishment near Dutch\\nHenry s Crossing, kept by an old gentleman from Michi-\\ngan, a Free-State man named Morse. He seems to have\\nbeen a widower wath a family of little children. He was\\na harmless and inoffensive old gentleman, very timid,\\nand too old to take part in the protective arrangements\\nmade by the settlers. He had engaged in the vocation of\\ntradesman for the purpose of procuring a living for his\\nmotherless children, the oldest of whom was about twelve.\\nHe supposed his age and his expressed intention to devote\\nhimself to his business exclusively would afford him pro-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "166 joriisr brown\\ntection. He dealt in such things as the condition of the\\nsettlers rendered most profitable groceries, and lead and\\ngunpowder. Frederick Brown had bought some thirty\\npounds of lead of him, and this had been used in getting\\nready to go to Lawrence, should it become necessary. He\\nwas questioned about the use to which the lead was to be\\nput, as he carried it by the home of the Shermans, where\\nthe Doyles and others were congregated; he made no\\nsecret of the purpose of its purchase.^^\\nA company from Missouri was expected to come into\\nthe Free-State settlement on the Pottawatomie and attack\\nthe settlers there; this was a part of the general plan\\nto move against the Free-State settlers and enforce obedi-\\nence to the bogus laws and subdue the spirit of resistance\\nmanifest. When the Free-State companies went to the aid\\nof Lawrence the Pottawatomie settlement was left without\\nany means of self-protection. Such a time would natur-\\nally be seized upon in which to strike the contemplated\\nblow, by the Missourians and their ruffian allies, the Sher-\\nmans, Doyles, the Georgians and the other companies of\\nBuford then in the doomed settlement or hanging on its\\noutskirts. And the invaders were to do much more than\\nmake an attack upon the Pottawatomie; they were to do\\nfor this part of the Territory what Sheriff Jones and Don-\\naldson were to accomplish at and about Lawrence. The\\nblow was to be a little later, and to be cooperated in by the\\ninvadei-s from about Lawrence, if found necessary many\\nof these invading bands did march to the vicinity of the\\nPottawatomie settlements after Lawrence was sacked.\\nThe active work of the campaign was commenced as soon\\nas the Pottawatomie Ptifles marched out to aid Law-\\nrence. The Pro-Slavery men, under the lead of William", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "^VAU ox THE POTTAWATOMIE 107\\nSherman, ITcnry Sherman being in Missouri at tlie time,\\nand probably to bring in invaders, took a rope and re-\\npaired to the store of Mr. ^forse to hang him.^^ They\\ntold him to leave by eleven o clock, after being persuaded\\nto spare his life. At eleven o clock they returned, much\\nunder the influence of whisky, and attempted to kill the\\nold gentleman with an axe. He was saved by the pleadings\\nand tears of his children, but was warned to be gone by\\nsundown, and that there would be no further trifling with\\nhim; if found he would be killed at once. Xotices were\\nprepare l ami delivered to Free-State settlers warning them\\nto leave in three days, and threatening them with death if\\nfound there after that time. These notices were written\\nwith red ink and had a skull-and-crossbones rudely drawn\\nupon them.-* They went to the families of the Browns\\nand threatened to burn their cabins over their heads, and\\nwhen prevailed upon to spare their lives ordered them to\\nleave, and after the women had found a yoke of cattle and\\nhitched them to the cart, they were allowed to put into this\\nrude conveyance their children and a few valuables and\\ngo to the home of the Kev, S. L. Adair, The ruflians went\\nto tlie houses of two German settlers who favored the Free-\\nState cause, warned them to leave, and burned their houses.\\nOne of these, that of Theodore Weiner, contained a con-\\nsiderable stock of goods. Wt iner fled to the company of\\nmen who had gone to the assistance of Lawrence.\\nThis is a brief statement of the actual conditions wliich\\nconfronted the Free-State settlers on the Pottawatomie\\nimmediately after the departure of the militia to fight for\\nLawrence. We have not enumerated all the outrages com-\\nmitted, as it is not necessary to go into greater detail.\\nOther actions of the rufTians were as rabid and reprehensi-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "168\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nble as those set down here. Some wives fled to overtake\\ntheir husbands in the companies marching to the relief\\nof Lawrence. The country was terrorized bj the Pro-\\nSlavery men under orders from the Shermans. The no-\\ntices given the Free-State families made it plain that they\\nwere to be murdered if they were found there on the night\\nof the day mentioned in them. The ruffians were moving\\nupon them from Missouri and from their camps in the\\nvicinity Cooke arrived from Bates county, Missouri, on\\nTuesday, the 27th, with a considerable force. Their de-\\nfenders were away to battle for liberty in another part of\\nthe Territory. The only thing to be done was to send word\\nfor them to return. The settlers put a young man on a\\nhorse, and directed him to overtake the forces marching\\naway and urge that some help be sent back to protect their\\nown homes. All this is clear and undisputed.\\nThis, then, was the condition on the Pottawatomie on\\nthe night of May 22d. Helpless women and children had\\nbeen turned out of their own houses under threats of death,\\nand their houses burned to ashes they had sought what\\nrefuge they could find. They and those of whom they\\nasked shelter and protection bore red notices that their\\nlives were forfeited if they were found there three days\\nlater. The sacred calling of the ministry of the gospel\\nafforded no protection. The people could almost see the\\ncamps of the ruffians by the light of their burning cabins.\\nIf help could not be had they must depart from their\\nhomes and carry with them what they could. But where\\ncould they go? Missouri was on the east and the desert\\nof raw prairies on the west. To them it seemed that they\\nwere in the power of the ruffians, and that there was little\\nhope of escape.^^", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n1G9\\nNote 1. Read chapter VIII of Kansas: The Prelude to the War\\nfor the Union, Leverett W. Spring. Observe how he insists that all\\nthe troubles of Kansas in 1856, after this event, were the results of\\nit. Perhaps he knew no better; but that he was mistaken he admits\\nby the position he takes in his article in Lippincott s Magazine,\\nJanuary, 1883. Mr. Spring s book is not considered authority in\\nKansas, although it seems to fare better away from home; Rhodes\\nand Burgess seems to believe it the principal work in existence that\\ntreats of Kansas affairs: they may mention other works inciden-\\ntally, but with them Spring, only, seems authority and worthy of\\ncredit.\\nThe reader is requested to take notice of the malicious spirit and\\nghoulish satisfaction with which he introduces quotations from\\nAndrew Johnson and others who were never within five hundred\\nmiles of the scene of the occurrence. He makes the stories told b)\\nTerritorial officials, the families of the bereaved persons, and the\\nconclusions of Mr. Oliver, the Democratic member of the Congres-\\nsional Investigation Committee, tell his story. He introduces testi-\\nmony before the Strickler Commission, and endeavors to make it\\nappear that John Brown assisted to loot a store. The language says\\nnothing of the kind. It says the robbery was committed by part of\\nJohn Brown s company, or a part of the company that was com-\\nmanded by John Brown. And as to this testimony, it may be well\\nto remark here, that so unreliable has it been considered by all the\\nLegislatures since it was taken, that no effective action has ever been\\nhad upon it. Every person who ever investigated these claims in\\nany impartial spirit believes them to be at least ten times as much\\nas they should be, and none of them doubt that many of them are\\nwholly fraudulent. One of Mr. Spring s Kansas friends reduced one\\nitem of his claim from $10,000 to $500. There were hundreds of\\ncommunications of truthful and prominent persons who fought for\\nfreedom in Kansas on file in the library of the Historical Society\\nconcerning these killings on the Pottawatomie. But Mr. Spring\\nignored them all, and chose to give the version made up for political\\neffect by the enemies of Kansas, the very men who had planned\\nto exterminate the Free-State people of Kansas and were at the very\\nmoment the blovr was struck by Brown planning to massacre the\\nfamilies of those who had gone in defense of Lawrence; who had\\ndriven wives and children from home and burned their houses on the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "170 JOHN BKOWN\\nvery day the company set out. Mr. Spring knew these things, and\\nstill he mentioned them not. These are the facts; students can form\\ntheir own conclusions.\\nSpring was professor of English Literature in the University of\\nKansas. In the University Governor Robinson had great influence\\nto the day of his death. The people of Kansas generally believed\\nthat Spring wrote to please Governor Robinson; that belief prevails\\nto this day. The book espoused the cause of Robinson in his quarrels\\nwith John Brown, General Lane, and other eminent Kansans. It\\nattempted to make plain that the Free-State men were much at fault\\nin the struggle for freedom; it exalted and praised the ruffians who\\ninvaded our borders. The storm of indignation which arose in every\\npart of the State blew Spring back to Massachusetts.\\nOne of the most scathing criticisms of his work, and the one which\\nled the attack and set the press upon it in every town, was wi-itten\\nby Honorable Daniel W. Wilder, author of The Annals of Kansas,\\none of the greatest historical works in America. Mr. Wilder .is a\\ngraduate of Harvard College, was long Auditor of the State of Kan-\\nsas, and has edited our greatest newspapers with ci edit and ability.\\nWhen Spring s book appeared, Wilder was editor of the Topeka Daily\\nCommonwealth. He wrote the following criticism, which appeared\\nin that paper, Saturday, October 10th, 1885. It is accepted in Kansas\\nas the most correct and just estimate of the work ever written, and\\nis now the verdict of Kansas upon the book:\\nthe preacher s book.\\nThere is a preacher in Lawrence named L. W. Spring, who is a\\nprofessor in the State University. Kansas does not know him and\\nhe does not know Kansas, but he has written a book to tell us who\\nwe are and who are our neighbors. He has met Charles Robinson\\nand Robinson s wife. They have talked to the preacher, after giving\\nhim a dinner at the railroad farm, and Spring has squatted in a\\ncorner and copied their words like a craven menial. His book is\\ncalled Kansas the Avord history does not appear on the title-page,\\nand yet it is probably supposed to be a history by the poor fool who\\nwrote the manuscript. He says he is professor in English literature\\nin the LTniversity of Kansas, but has not gone into the language\\nfar enough to write good English. He attempts on every page and in\\nevery sentence to glorif} liimself and his learning a silly sophomore,\\nwho does not know tliat simplicity is strength. The book will not\\nattract the stranger who attempts to read it; the vanity of the\\nauthor and his unnatural style will soon repel and disgust any sensi-\\nble man. It can take no place in literature, because the preacher", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n171\\ncan t write. He only knows men a3 lie has learned about them in\\nthe prayer-meetings or in sermons; and nobody is ever candid with\\na bandbox preacher. Spring knows nothing about men in action, in\\nafTairs, as business men, soldiers, or legislators. While other men\\nare in the midst of the struggle for life, this preacher has been\\neating frosted cake at some afternoon tea party in the presence of a\\nhalf-dozen women, who secretly laugh at him, and give him more\\ncake and green tea.\\nThe only histories that have any value are those written by men\\nwho know men; who have met and fought with them. The sewing-\\nsociety man is never seriously talked to or even answered by any\\nman of sense. Gibbon, Grote, Macaulay, and our own Grant and\\nBlaine write well because they have something to say. You cannot\\npaint your portraits until you have seen faces. But this dapper\\nlittle fool was just the man for Robinson to catch up and dictate to.\\nHow Charley must have laughed after every interview! The ass\\nwill write down everything that I give him!\\nAnd here it is all printed. How Charles Robinson made Kansas:\\nRobinson s wisdom; Robinson s courage; Robinson s diplomacy!\\nKansas does not appear to have had any people none worth men-\\ntioning. The name of Kansas should be blotted from the map and\\nRobinson take its place. In the index Robinson is the longest title.\\nAnd yet Robinson has had little to do with the early or late history\\nof Kansas. He is a man of hates, grudges, revenges. Such men\\ncannot become leaders; they do not inspire confidence. Robinson\\nhas never been a leader in Kansas, and this book will only serve the\\npurpose of reviving all the ugly facts in his crooked history.\\nThis book is the work of a defamer. The most glorious struggle\\nfor freedom made on American soil since the day of 76 was fought\\nand won here, on these prairies; won not only for Kansas, but for\\nthe United States, for black as well as white, for all mankind. The\\nlovers of liberty all over the world looked to us, helped us; it was a\\nfight for the rights of man.\\nAnd yet this sniveling idiot, wlio lives in a closet, goes through\\nthree hundred pages of history and never once snitls a breath of\\nfreedom. Lies about Jim Lane and John Brown and almost every\\nman who did brave work here. He speaks fairly, we believe, of Col.\\nSam Walker, a man worthy of all praise, but probably he does so\\nbecause Sam still lives, and in Lawrence, and would slap the fool s\\nchops if he lied about him.\\nAccording to Spring, the Kansas Jawhawkers and Red Legs were\\nworse men than Quantrill s band. He sympathizes with our enemies\\nall through his book. He copies with approval the apologies of the\\nPro-Slavery officials and tells with relish some story about a Repub-\\nlican or Free-State horse-thief. He assassinates Major Plumb for\\nnot accomplishing an impossibility; of course IMumb has not been\\nconsulted, and has been given no chance to tell what the facts were.\\nBut Judge Lecompte is permitted, in ISS.j, to construe and explain", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "172\\nJOHN BROWN\\nhis decisions of 1S56. Governor Denver s cock-and-bull story about\\nthe Leavenworth Constitution bill is treated as veritable history.\\nIn speaking of the brave, honorable and truthful Col. Montgomery,\\nhe is classed with the border horse-thieves. Jennison s name does not\\nappear in the book. Colonel Hoyt is mentioned incidentally with the\\nother thieves. Matters of no importance whatever are treated at\\nlength, while historical events of enduring interest are not even\\nalluded to. If this book, from the pen of a college professor, were\\nintroduced into our schools, the children would get the notion that\\nJim Lane and John Brown were worse men than the gangs of\\nQuantrill and the James Boys.\\nThe book is an insult to Kansas a slap in the face by a stranger.\\nThe writer is not a fit person to teach our children. Ingalls who of\\ncourse is not mentioned in the book replied to Robinson s other\\npreacher in the North American Review. We shall hear from him\\nand Plumb, and all the early Kansans, in regard to this detestable\\njob of a hired interloper, and some Kansas man will write a Kansas\\nhistory, while the stray copies of this book will be burned in bonfires,\\nas were burned the Bogus Laws years ago.\\nNote 2. Reference was made in a former note to the action of\\none Fuget, in Leavenworth. We give here another account:\\nIndividual instances of barbarity continued to occur almost daily.\\nIn one instance, a man belonging to General Atchison s camp made\\na bet of six dollars against a pair of boots, that he would go out\\nand return with an Abolitionisfs scalp within two hours. He went\\nforth on horseback. Before he had gone two miles from Leaven-\\nworth on the road to Lawrence, he met Mr. Hopps, driving a buggy.\\nMr. Hopps was a gentleman of high respectability, who had come\\nwith his wife, a few days previously, to join her brother, the Rev.\\nMr. Nute, of Boston, who had for some time been laboring as a min-\\nister in Lawrence. The ruffian asked Mr. Hopps where he came from.\\nHe replied, he was last from Lawrence. Enough! The ruffian drew\\nhis revolver, and shot him through the head. As the body fell from\\nthe chaise, he dismounted, took his knife, scalped his victim, and then\\nreturned to Leavenworth, where, having won his boots, he paraded\\nthe streets w ith the bleeding scalp of the murdered man stuck upon\\na pole. Eight days later, when the widow, who had been left at\\nLawrence sick, was brought down by the Rev. Mr. Nute, in the hope\\nof recovering the body of the murdered husband, the whole party,\\nconsisting of about twenty persons in five wagons, was seized, robbed\\nof all they had, and placed in confinement. One was shot the next\\nday for attempting to escape. The widow and one or two others\\nwere allowed to depart by steamer, but penniless. A German, in-\\ncautiously condemning the outrage, was shot; and another saved his\\nlife only by precipitate flight. Kansas, by Thomas H. Gladstone,\\nLondon, 1857, p. 279.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE I OTTAWATOMIE\\n173\\nSee. also. Historical Note No. 44, The Song of Kansas, Joel Moody.\\nBorder- KufTian Troubles in Kansas, Letters by Judge L. D. Bailey,\\npublished by Charles R. Green, Lyndon, Kansas, has important ma-\\nterial; for this incident, sec p. 22.\\nNote 3. The Chief Justice, one Lecompte, charged his jury as\\nfollows:\\nThis Territory was organized by an act of Congress, and so far\\nits authority is from the United States. It has a Legislature elected\\nin pursuance of that organic act. This Legislature, being an instru-\\nment of Congress by which it governs the Territory, has passed laws.\\nThese laws, therefore, are of United States authority and making;\\nand all that resist these laws resist the power and authority of the\\nr^iited States, and are therefore guilty of high treason. Now, gen-\\ntlemen, if you find that any persons have resisted these laws, then\\nyou must, under your oaths, find bills against them for high treason.\\nif you find that no sueh resistanec has been made, but that combina-\\ntions have been formed for the purpose of resisting them, and indi-\\nviduals of influence and notoriety have been aiding and abetting in\\nsuch combinations, then must you still find bills for constructive\\ntreason. Life and Letters of John Broun, F. B. Sanborn, p. 231.\\nXoTE 4. In the private collection of William Elsey Connelley, of\\nTopeka. is the only letter written by Buford known to be in existence\\nin Kansas. It is as follows:\\nSt. Louis, Apl. 56.\\nDear Sir\\nI desire to settle a portion of my company on the Wyandott re-\\nserve provided that tribe will freely consent to my doing so, but not\\notherwise. I would select for that purpose only orderly good citi-\\nzens among them blacksmiths, carpenters brick stone masons\\nphysicians school teachers agricultural laborers c c and any of\\nthem who become obnoxious to the Indiums I would have removed\\nwith such settlers under such an arrangement I think both parties\\nwould be benefitted and especially would it aid your views in build-\\ning up your city of Wyandotte which by the way seems the place\\nendowed by nature for the great town of the territory\\nI hope to see you soon confer more fully with you in relation\\nto this matter. Very respectfully yr obt Sevt\\nJ. BUFORD\\nCol Wm Walker\\nof Wyandotte city\\nat Kansas city.\\nNote 5. The following letter from James M. Mason, of Virginia,\\nto the then Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, explains itself:", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "174\\nJOHN BROWN\\nSelma, Near Winchester. Va., Sept. 30. 1856.\\nMy Dear Sir: I have a letter from Wise, of the 27th. full of\\nspirit. He says that the governments of North Carolina, South Caro-\\nlina and Louisiana have already agreed to rendezvous at Raleigh,\\nand others will, this in your most private ear. He says, further,\\nthat he had officially requested you to exchange with Virginia, on\\nfair terms of difference, percussion for flint muskets. I don t know\\nthe usage or power of the Department in such cases, but if it can\\nbe done, even by liberal construction, I hope you will accede. Was\\nthere not an appropriation at the last session for converting flint into\\npercussion arms? If so, would it not furnish good reason for extend-\\ning such facilities to the States? Virginia probably has more arms\\nthan the other Southern States, and would divide, in case of need.\\nIn a letter yesterday to a committee in South Carolina, I gave it as\\nmy judgment, in the event of Fremont s election, the South should\\nnot pause, but proceed at once to immediate, absolute and eternal\\nseparation. So I am a candidate for the first halter.\\nWise says his accounts from Philadelphia are cheering for Old\\nBuck in Pennsylvania. I hope they be not delusive.\\nVale et Salute,\\n(Signed) J. M. Mason.\\nColonel Davis. History of American Conspiracies, Orville\\nJ. Victor, p. 520.\\nlliis is one of the men already an avowed traitor for almost four\\nyears who was so anxious concerning and so instrumental in\\nhaving John Brown hanged for treason. All these traitorous years\\nhe had been representing Virginia in the United States Senate, and\\nunder oath to support the Constitution of the United States. About\\nthis time Stringfeilow s paper in Atchison said: For we confidently\\nhope that the last national Congress may meet in Washington on the\\nfirst Monday in December next; and we prophecy with firm convic-\\ntion that the time will verify our words. The same editor gives an\\naccount of the celebration of the return of the ruflaans from the\\ncampaign against Free-State men, a little later:\\nAt the head of the table hung the blood-red flag, with the lone\\nstar, and the motto of Southern Rights on the one side, and South\\nCarolina on the other. The same flag that first floated on the rifle-\\npits of the abolitionist at Lawrence, and on the hotel of the same\\nplace, in triumph, now hung over the heads of the noble soldiers\\nwho bore it so bravely through that exciting war.\\nThe following are among the toasts drank:\\nDisunion: by secession or otherwise a beacon of hope to an\\noppressed people, and the surest remedy for Southern wrongs. (En-\\nthusiastic cheers.)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "WAK OX Tlli!; I OTJAWAroMlK\\n175\\nThe city of Atchison: may f^ho, hoforo the close of the year 57,\\nbe the caijita! of a Southeiii republie. lieers.\\nThe distribution of public himls: one hiindreil and sixty acres\\nto every Pro-Slavery settler, and to every Abolitionist six feet by\\ntwo.\\nFor a fuller account of this feast, see The Conquest of Kansas,\\nWilliam A. Phillips, p. 411.\\nIt must be remembered that these sentiments were uttered openly\\nby the Ijaw and Order party, who were than murdering Free-State\\nmen for resisting the bogus laws. Were villainy and treason ever\\ncarried to greater extent and length? The sentiment, disunion the\\nsurest remedy for Southern wrongs, had been acted upon for more\\nthan thirty years. The South had ascertained that the North would\\nsubmit to great injustice before consenting to any act that would\\nendanger the life of the nation. The loyalty of the North had been\\ncounted upon to counteract the discontent of the people at the con-\\ntinued advance and aggression of the slave-power.\\nNote 6. Mr. David Baldwin selected land near John Pingry in\\nthe fall of 1834, and in April of the next year he and William Bald-\\nwin settled there. Tkey thought it a very wild place, for they would\\nsometimes stand in their cabin door and shoot the deer that were\\nbrowsing on the trees which had been cut down to keep them from\\nfalling on the house. David lialdwin opened a blacksmith and gun-\\nsmith shop that year (1835), which were the first shops of the\\nkind in the county. The Indians were frequent travelers there then.\\nDavid Baldwin was a true pioneer an active and very useful ir.Aj\\\\.\\nAs a Christian, he was a Methodist local preacher; as a mech\u00c2\u00abinic,\\nhe was a blacksmith and cabinet-maker; and as a pioneer, a farmer,\\ngood bee-tree and deer hunter. He afterwards emigrated to Kansas,\\nwhere he served under the famous John Brown. JJistory of Jay\\nCounty, Indiana, M. W. Montgomery, pp. D l, Do.\\nNote 7. Life and Letters of John Broun, V. I?. Sanborn, p. 228.\\nNote 8. History of Kansas, John 11. Uihon, p. 75.\\nNote 9. History of Kansas, John H. Gihon. p. 78.\\nNote 10. History of Kansas, John II. Gihon, p. 85.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "176 JOHN BE OWN\\nNoTK 11. History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 91.\\nNote 12. History of Kajisas, John H. Gihon, p. 121. This de-\\nscription was written in September following the war on the Potta-\\nwatomie, but Governor Geary had only just arrived. It is a good\\ndescription of the conditions that had prevailed all the time after\\nthe arrival of Buford s men, the previous April.\\nNote 13. History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 122.\\nNote 14. History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 131.\\nNote 15. History of Kansas, John H. Gihon, p. 91.\\nNote 16. For a description and character of the Shermans, see\\nLife and Letters of John Broirn, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 230, 253, 255,\\n265, 323, 331. No viler or more brutal characters ever lived in any\\ncountry.\\nNote 17. In the first invasion of Kansas, one Hon. Allen Wil-\\nkinson, who would not move to Kansas, was elected a member of the\\nLegislature by some gentlemen who came into Kansas to assist in\\nvoting. After he was elected he was earnest in getting a bill through\\nthe Legislature which would result in hanging John Brown, before\\nhe knew him. Long before John Brown got to Kansas, Wilkinson\\nhad assisted in the passage of a law more rigid towards abolitionists\\nthan any statesman before him had ever succeeded in engrafting upon\\nthe slave code. Mr. Wilkinson, the statesman, settled on the Potta-\\nwatomie. John Brown, the tanner and wool merchant, settled in\\nhis neighborhood. Mr. Wilkinson got tired of the delays of his own\\nlaw, and notified Mr. Brown that he did not want him in that com-\\nmunity. John Brown had brought some cows there, and did not like\\nto go away and leave his cows and other property, and having some\\napprehension of evil, and preferring not to be transformed into a\\nreprisal (to change the elite of the University to the vernacular\\nof the border ruffian) got the drop on Wilkinson and his gentle\\nfriends, and made reprisals of them. Hon. John Speer, in a paper\\nin the John Brown Documents in the library of the State Historical\\nSociety.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE\\n177\\nNote 18. Young E. Allison, in Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, No. 9,\\nFebruary, 1887. Mr. Allison there describes the poor white trash\\nof the slave-infested districts of the South, and endeavors to make\\nit apply to the free men of Appalachian America who fought for\\nliberty and the preservation of the Union, and who, by doing so,\\nearned the undying hatred of the old slave-owners and their de-\\nscendants. The recent attempt to disfranchise the Kentucky Republi-\\ncans through the Goebel election law is only a manifestation of this\\nhatred.\\nNote 19. Communicated to me by Montgomery Shore, one of the\\nassociates of John Brown, and a member of the company of Free-\\nState men commanded by Captain S. T. Shore, his brother. Mr. Shore\\nis a resident of Wyandotte county, where I have known him for\\nalmost twenty years, and where he was my personal and political\\nfriend. He is a man noted for integrity and worth of character,\\nand is honored by his neighbors and held in high esteem by all who\\nknow him. He gave me much valuable information of the early\\ndays in Kansas. He was in the battle of Black Jack, and knew all\\nthe settlers on the Pottawatomie at the time of the war there. He\\nworked for Ottawa Jones for some two years, but not steadily;\\nhe was held in high esteem by Mr. Jones.\\nNote 20. This circumstance was related to me by Mr. Edwin R.\\nPartridge, of Topeka. He escaped from the dogs in the manner I\\nhave described. Mr. Partridge is one of the first settlers in the State.\\nIn 1844, when the great flood swept down the Missouri and the Kaw,\\nhe was camped on the site of the cemetery, east of Topeka. He was a\\nmember of an expedition to carry supplies and reinforcements to\\nCalifornia to Fremont. Mr. Partridge was an associate of John\\nBrown, and lived in the Pottawatomie settlement. George and\\nWilliam Partridge were his cousins.\\nNote 21. Life and Leticrs of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 254.\\nNote 22. Charles A. Foster, in Life and Letters of John Brown,\\nF. B. Sanborn, p. 256, note. He says:\\nIn the spring of 18.56 William Sherman had taken a fancy to the\\ndaughter of one of his Free-State neighbors, and had been refused\\nby her. The next time he met her he u^ed the most vile and insulting\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009412", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "178 JOHN BROWN\\nlanguage toward her, in the midst of which Frederick Brown appeared\\nand was besought for protection, which was readily granted. Sher-\\nman then drew his knife, and, speaking to the young woman, said:\\nThe day is soon coming when all the damned Abolitionists will be\\ndriven out or hanged; we are not going to make any half-way work\\nabout it; and as for jou, Miss, you shall either marry me or I ll\\ndrive this knife to the hilt until I find your life. Frederick Brown\\nquietly warned Sherman that if he attempted any violence he would\\nbe taken care of; when, with an oath and threat, Sherman left them.\\nNote 23. It is quite possible that there were two of these sur-\\nveying expeditions, or that John Brown obtained information from\\nboth the camp of Georgians and also fi om the Pro-Slavery settlers,\\nby personating a Government surveyor. Read all the accounts of\\nthis matter in the works of Sanborn and Hinton. One of the accounts\\nby Sanborn is as follows:\\nBrown, without consulting any one, determined to visit their camp\\nand ascertain their plans. He therefore took his tripod, chain, and\\nother surveying implements, and witli one of his younger sons started\\nfor the camp. Just before reaching the place he stuck his tripod,\\nsighted a line through the center of the camp, and then with his son\\nbegan chaining the distance. The Southern men supposed him to be\\na Government surveyor (in those times, of course, Pro-Slavery), and\\nwere very free in telling him their plans. They were going over to\\nPottawatomie crl^k to drive off all the Free-State men; and there\\nwas a settlement of Browns on North iliddle creek, who had some\\nof the finest stock, these also they would clean out, as well as the\\nDutch settlement between tl;e two rivers. Thy were asked who had\\ngiven them inforUiation about the Browns, etc., and who was directing\\nthem about the country; and without any hesitation the Shermans,\\nDoyles, Wilkinson, George Wilson, and others were named. In the\\nmidst of the talk these m.en walked into the camp, as ]\\\\Ir. Foster\\nsays, and were received with manifestations of pleasure. A few days\\nafter, the camp was moved over to Pottawatomie creek, and the men\\nbegan stealing horses, arms, etc. This had been going on for some\\nweeks when the attack upon Lawrence was made in May.\\nThe Dutch settlement named in the above was the neighboihood\\nwhere Benjamin, Bondi, and Weiner had settled, and where the valua-\\nble warehouse of Weiner was afterwards burned. The Doyles and\\nWilkinson were not far off, and the Shermans at Dutch Henry s\\nCrossing were between the Dutch settlement and Buford s camp.\\nLife and Letters of JoJin Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 230.\\nMr. E. A. Coleman made the following statement:\\nBrown replied: Mr. Coleman, I will tell j^ou all about it,\\nand you can judge whether I did wrong or not. I had heard that", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "WAR OX THE rOTTAWATOMlE 179\\nthese men were coming to the cabin that my son and I were staying\\nin (I think he said the next Wednesday niglit) to set fire to it and\\nshoot us as we ran out. Now, that was not proof er.ough for me;\\nbut I thought I would satisfy myself, and if they had ccnmiittcd\\nmurder in their hearts I would be justified in killing them. I was\\nan old surveyor, so I disguised myself, took two men to carry the\\nchain, and a fiagman. The lines not being run, I knew that as soon\\nas they saw me they would come out to find out where their lines\\nwould come. And taking a book from his pocket he said: Here is\\nAvhat every man said that was killed. I ran my lines close to each\\nman s house. The first man tliat came out said: Is that my line,\\nsir? I replied: I cannot tell; I am running test lines. I then\\nsaid to him: You have a fine country here: great pity there are so\\nmany Abolitionists in it. Yes. but by Ciod wc will soon clean theiu\\nall out, he said. I kept looking through my instrument, making\\nmotions to the flagman to move either way, and at the same time I\\nwrote every word they said; then I said: 1 hear that there are\\nsome bad men about here by the name of Brown. Y es, there are,\\nbut next Wednesday night we will kill them. So I ran the lines by\\neach one of their houses, and I took down every word, and here it\\nis word for word for each one. The Kansas Memorial, pp. 196-7.\\nNote 24. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 2G0,\\nnote.\\nOn the same page, in a note, is given the account rendered by John\\nBrown, jr., of the first surveying expedition. He says:\\nFather took his surveyor s compass, and with him four of my\\nbrothers Owen, Frederick, Salmon, and Oliver as chain-carriers,\\nax-man, and marker, and found a section line on which, on follow-\\ning, led through the camp of these men. The Georgians indulged in\\nthe utmost freedom of expression. One of them, who appeared to be\\nthe leader of the company, said: We ve come here to staJ^ We\\nwon t make no war on them as minds their own business; but all\\nthe Aboliticnists, such as them damned Browns over there, we re\\ngoing to whip, drive out, or kill, anj way to get shut of them, by\\n(T(id. The eider Doyle was already there among them, having come\\nfrom the Pottawatomie, a distance of nine miles, to show them the\\nbest fords of the river and creek.\\nNote 25. Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 236.\\nNote 26. The full account of the outrages inflicted upon Mr. !Morse\\ncan be found in the statement made by George Grant; this state-\\nment is published in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn,\\npp. 255, 256.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "180 JOHN BEOWN\\nNote 27.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 This information of the whereabouts of Dutch Henry\\nat this time was given me by Rev. J. G. Pratt, at the Old Settlers\\nFirst Annual Picnic (Wyandotte county), held at Chelsea Park, in\\nKansas City, Kansas, June 17th, 1896. Mr. Pratt came to Kansas\\nas a missionary to the Shawnees, in 1837, and has lived here almost\\ncontinuously since. The year after he came first, the Missionary\\nBoard sent out a young lady from North Yarmouth, Maine, to assist\\nin the Mission school. This young lady afterwards married John T.\\nJones, or Ottawa Jones, the educated Indian and Christian gentle-\\nman for whom Henry Sherman afterwards worked when he first came\\nto Kansas. Mr. Jones and Mr. Pratt were ever intimate, warm and\\nconfidential friends. Mr. Jones often gave Mr. Pratt the account of\\nthis affair, and he always justified John Brown.\\nNote 28. Judge W. A. Johnson, of Garnett, Kansas, one of the\\nJustices of the State Court of Visitation, author of the History of\\nAnderson County, and one of the first settlers in Kansas, both in\\npoint of time and of legal attainments and also of high and honorable\\nstanding, has one of these notices, and has described it to me; but it\\nwas mislaid and he could not find it in time to send it to me that a\\ncopy of it might be printed here.\\nNote 29. When the parting of the two companies took place,\\nwhich I have previously related, John Brown and his party started\\nfor home. The first place they struck was the cabin of his son-in-\\nlaw, which he found empty; next John Brown, jr. s, which he also\\nfound empty. A neighbor informed him that the houses had been\\nvisited by the party from Pottawatomie, who had threatened to\\nburn them over their heads. The women, being alarmed, found a\\nyoke of cattle, yoked them to a cart, put their valuables into it with\\nthe children, and drove down to Mr. Adair s house, where we found\\nthem upon our return. The party, leaving Middle creek, proceeded\\non their way to Pottawatomie. Coming in sight of where Weiner s\\nhouse should be, they found it burned, with a small stock of goods\\nwhich it contained. A little farther on they found the house of\\nAugust Bondi also burned, and he soon after appearing told them\\nit was the party who that night were killed, together with Dutch\\nHenry and Judge Wilson, who had done the work. John Brotvn\\nand His Men, BicJiard J. Einton, p. 603.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "WAIJ TIIK rO-pTAAVATOMIE\\n181\\nThis is the statement of Major IT. II. Williams, who was the mes-\\nsenger sent by the Grants and other Free State settlers to bring\\nhelp from the companies on the way to Lawrence. He afterwards\\nmarried one of tlie daughters of ^Fr. d rant. He says that it was the\\nreport that Judge Wilson was marked for death by Brown s com-\\npany, but being a member of a world-wide secret fraternity, was\\nwarned in time to flee and escape.\\nNote 30. I have heard the notorious Henry Sherman Dutch\\nHenry as he was called), declare under oath, that he would rather\\nkill that old man who wore spectacles, that lived on the hill (meaning\\nthe Rev. David Baldwin, now living in Garnett, Anderson county),\\nthan to kill a rattlesnake, and believed he would be doing the coun-\\ntry service. James Hanaay, in a MS. in the John Browri Docu-\\nments in the library of the State Ilislorical Society.\\nNote 31. As tending to still further show the conditions existing\\nin the settlement on the Pottawatomie, a more lengthy quot-ation\\nwill be made here from the MS. of Judge Hanway, referred to in the\\npreceding note. He says:\\nIn reading history, we must, to understand it aright, not judge\\nof acts and circumstances by the standard of our day, but by the\\ntimes in which they transpired or in the language of ilr. Froude, the\\nhistorian, The equity of history requires that men be tried by the\\nstandard of their time. This is tlic true measure of justice.\\nA few days after the destruction of the Free-State Hotel at\\nLawrence, and the destruction of the two printing-presses, in the\\nmonth of ilay, 56, the Border Tn/ics, published in Westport, Missouri,\\nafter giving a short statement of the pillage and destruction of Law-\\nrence, comments thus: it says, This is right, tiuisanccs should be\\nsui)prcs[s]cd, and then [urges] the Pro-Slavery party of the Terri-\\ntory to drive [out] and exterminate every black-hearted abolitionist,\\nand drive them- from the Territory.\\nThis paper was circulated in the Territory, and obtaining a copy\\nof it. I copied its remarks into my scrap-book. There it is; ponder\\nit well, for it came from tlie party who called themselves the law\\nand order party. Here then is evidence that orders from head-\\nquarters were to exterminate and drive out all the black-hearted\\nabolitionists. The result of such advice was, that Doyle and his\\nsons called on a man who kept a small store, near the crossing of\\nthe creek, of the name of Morse, and told him to pack up his goo ls,\\nmove off his claim, and make his exit from the Territory within five\\ndays, or they would kill him. His offense consisted in selling some\\nlead to the party who had left in defense of Lawrence. (This cir-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "182 JOHN BROWN\\ncumstance was taken to old John Brown while in camp on Ottawa\\ncreek.) Morse objected to obey the orders of these ruffians, and re-\\nmained. A few days after the tragedy he was arrested by the United\\nStates Marshal, but as there was no evidence against him he was\\nset at liberty.\\nThe Shermans repeatedly made threats to shoot and exterminate\\nFree-State men, and when the news of the fall of Lawrence was re-\\nceived one of the Shermans it is said raised a red flag, which was\\nthe sign that the war was commenced, and they would do their part.\\nThis fact I received from a trustworthy person, who was also ordered\\nto leave the Territory. Other Free-State families had been notified\\nto leave by the Shermans, in five days.\\nWilkinson, the postmaster, and member of the bogus Legislature\\nfrom this district, frequently made threats of burning and killing, etc.\\nHe was a violent party man, and his wife remarked to Dr. R. Gillpat-\\nrick, Avho was the first person who called at the house of Wilkinson\\nafter he had been killed,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 said that she had frequently urged him to\\nbe more quiet and moderate in his language, but she added, h ^e would\\nnot regard her advice. These deluded men had doubtless concluded\\nthat as Lawrence had been sacked and burned, that the Free-State\\nparty was annihilated; that the war of extermination was to be\\nfollowed up, as the Border Times, of Westport, had promulgated the\\norders to be carried out. There was, however, nothing new in this\\nprogram, it was only carrying out the policy of the Pro-Slavery\\nleaders of the previous year.\\nGeneral Whitfield, in a speech on accepting the nomination for\\nCongress before the convention, thus speaks: If you place upon me\\nthe responsibility of the formation of a platform, you may rest cer-\\ntain that the enemy will be met on the square, with only two issues,\\nslavery or no slavery. We can recognize but two parties in the\\nTerritory the Pro-Slavery and the Anti-Slavery parties. If the citi-\\nzens of Kansas want to live in this community in peace and feel at\\nhome, they must become Pro-Slavery men; but if they Avant to live\\nwith gangs of thieves and robbers, they must go with the abolition\\nparty. There can be no third party no more than two issues\\nslavery or no slavery, in Kansas Territory.\\nDr. Stringfeilow remarked, the laws must be executed, and said\\nthat by executing the laws passed by the Legislature, every free-\\nsoiler tvho had any respect ivoiild be driven from the Territory, for\\nno man tvith the spirit of a gentleman loould stay in a country lohere\\nthe expression of his opinion teas forbidden by legal enactments.\\nHe of course referred to the 12th section of the bogus slave code,\\nwhich provides that the promulgation of abolition or free-soil opinions\\nis to be punished by two years imprisonment with hard labor in the\\npenitentiary.\\nDr. Stringfeilow, after one of his marauding expeditions through\\nKansas, writes an article in the Squat fer Sovereign: Home again.\\nAfter a campaign of over two weeks in the Territory, we have been\\nsubject to the arduous duties of a soldier s life, we have returned to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "WAli ON TlIK I OTl AWAro.MlK\\n1S3\\nour hnnio to rosumc our long-nof, lpcto(l husinoss. Wo are still of the\\nopinion tliut the two parties eannot exist in the Territory. We hope\\nour friends in this portion of Kansas who have been subjeets of\\njiiany insults and injuries from these Northern harpies will uo lonfjrr\\nsuffer them to 7-cmain in their 7tiidst. Treat them as you would the\\nmidnifilit assassin, for they are no less, and whenever they are seen\\nwith arms in their hands, let the crack of your rifle be the only saluta-\\ntion tliey receive from you. Kansas, deprived of the aid\\nhitherto received from the Southern allies, would prove an easy prey\\nto the rapacious thieves of the North. We can tell the impertinent\\nscoundrel of the Tribune, that they may exhaust an ocean of ink,\\ntlieir emigration aid societies spend their millions and billions, their\\nrepresentatives in Congress spout their heretical theories till dooms-\\nday, and his excellency Franklin Pierce appoint abolitionists after\\nfree-soilers as our governors: yet we will continue to tar and feather,\\ndroicu, iyneh and hang every ichile-livered abolitionist, uho dares\\nto pollute our soil.\\nIs it surprising that the ignorant and deluded followers of the\\nslave power, like the Doylcs, \\\\Vilkinson. and Shermans, should at-\\ntempt to carry out tlic advice which their leaders announced was\\nnecessary to establish slavery in the Territory? There cannot be a\\nreasonable doubt that IJrown and his party took the border rufTians\\nat their word, and considered it his duty to strike first; a mere ques-\\ntion of time,\\nThe Border Times (of Westport. Mo.) did issue an extra on the\\nmorning of the 23d, the day John Biown was notified of the inten-\\ntion cf driving out or executing the Free-State settlers on the Potta-\\nwatomie. This war extra contained a false statement that a Mr,\\nCox, with his wife, had been shot at, as well as other persons near\\nFrankiin, and goes on to say: Fish s Abolition hotel may meet with\\nan accident. All nuisances should be abolished. Paschal Fish was\\nan educated Shawnee Indian; never had been an abolitionist; was a\\nhumane, good man, a preacher of the Methodist Church, and there-\\nfore a dangerous character, because he would not aid in nmrdering\\nand driving out Free-State people.\\nRecollect, on the 21st Lawrence had been sacked and robbed,\\ntwo printing-presses destroyed, and the hotel and other property\\nburned. This war extra goes on to say: There should be no mistake\\nin this matter; our Mi.^souri friends must understand that this is but\\nthe beginnig of the end. ^Ve want you still, and if our citizens are\\nto be shot at simply because they are true to Southern principles\\n[in burning hotels and printing-offices, and murdering abolitionists]\\nin the streets of Lawrence, in open day, and that, too, within four-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "184\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nand-twenty hours of receiving such a hitter lesson as the Pro-Slavery\\nmen taught them on the 21st instant, we have but one resource left,\\nand that is to level Lawrence, and, if necessary, every other abolition\\nsettlement in Kansas, with the ground. We pity the women and\\nchildren on whom this unhappy state of affairs falls, but the respon-\\nsibility must rests with the fanatics who preached Sharps rifles and\\narmed resistance to the laws.\\nCome, then; we call upon every true-hearted Pro-Slavery man\\nand Son of the South, to come up and help us.\\nBear in mind, reader, this was a Pro-Slavery paper in Missouri,\\ncalling on Mississippians and Sons of the South, but one day before\\nJohn Brown executed the Pro-Slavery men, to overrun all Kansas,\\nburn all her towns and murder her people, and in much sympathy\\nsaying that the women and children must share their fate. The\\nprobabilities are, and the facts tend all that way, that this extra\\nhad not only reached their leaders, Wilkinson, and William Sherman,\\nbut that John Brown had also seen it, and that in pursuance\\nof it the notice was sent to John T. Grant, that they must leave or\\ndie. Brown, getting that notice, made prompt work. Instead of\\nJohn T. Grant, Townsley, Judge Hanway and John Brown hanging\\non trees, the executioners who had given the notice were themselves\\nexecuted.\\nAt this very time the women and children at Lawrence were\\nsubsisting on cracked corn and cracked wheat, ground but not bolted,\\nin the little mills for cracking corn for cattle, and in many instances\\nbroken with a hammer on the poll of an axe. If these brutal men\\nof Missouri could threaten anything worse than this, what could it\\nbe? Hon. John Speer, in The Home Journal, Lawrence, December\\n18, 1879.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "pTiAPTKrv vir.\\nWAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE-C OrP DE MAITRE.\\nThe raven croaks!\\nThe black cloud is low over the thane s castle;\\nThe eagle screams he rides on its bo?oin.\\nScream not, gray rider of the sable cloud,\\nThy banquet is prepared!\\nThe maidens of Valhalla look forth.\\nThe race of Hengist will send them guests.\\nShake your black tresses, maidens of Valhalla,\\nAnd strike your loud timbrels for joy\\nMany a haughty step bends to your halls,\\nMany a helmed head.\\nDark sits the evening upon tlie thane s castle,\\nThe black clouds gather round;\\nShrink not then from your doom, sons of the sword\\nLet your blades drink blood like wine;\\nFeast ye in the banquet of slaughter,\\nBy the light of the blazing halls!\\nStrong be your swords while your blood is warm.\\nAnd spare neither for pity nor fear,\\nFor vengeance hath but an hour.\\nSir ^yalier Scott.\\nGovernor Robinson thus defines Eli Tliajer s theory of\\nfreedom in Kansas:\\nEli Thayer, as he has often said, looked upon the\\nstruggle in Kansas as the entering-wedge in the contlict\\nfor tlie overthrow of slavery in the nation. Freedom once\\nplanted in Kansas would spread east and south in accord-\\nance with the popular sovereignty of the Kansas-Nebraska\\nbill, till not a slave should be found in any State. This\\n(185)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "186\\nJOHN BROWN", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "WAR UN THE POTTAWATO.NflE 187\\nwas the view of the agents of the Aid Company and many\\nothers wlio came to Kansas from the Xorth and East.\\nThis theory, as stated hy ^\\\\v. Thayer s most devoted\\nfriend and closest confidant., was Make Kansas a\\nfree State without any regard to the slave question as it\\naifeets the country at large, without any regard to the\\n1 igJii or icrong of slavery, then the beauties of freedom\\nand its advantages, as exemplified in Kansas under the\\nsquatter features of the Douglas bill, will so impress and\\nappeal to the slave States that they will voluntarily abolish\\nthe slave system ancl give freedom to the slaves. As free-\\ndom was to spread east and south, it is supposed that\\nMissouri was counted upon as the first convert to this\\nepidemic theory of freedom, and, no doubt, Arkansas\\nwas to become the second. This theory was to spread\\nuntil not a slave was left in any State.\\nIt may be well affirmed that if a whimsical, imprac-\\nticable, and foolish vagary was ever promulgated on earth\\nit was this. This squatter feature had always remained to\\nthe Southern States. Mr. Thayer would have us believe\\nthat no State was empowered to free the slaves it contained\\nuntil the Douglas bill became a law. But the truth is, any\\nState could have liberated its slaves at any time, if it had\\ndesired to do so. Slavery rested upon the sentiment of\\nthe people of the South quite as much as it rested upon\\nlegal enactments; in fact, there could have been no enact-\\nments without the existence first of the sentiment. And\\nthe whole South had seen the rapid progress of the Xorth\\nunder freedom, and the decadence of the South under slav-\\nery; but public sentiment there had increased for slavery\\nuntil its aggressions bad upset the solemn compact of the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "188\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nnation and created the conditions existing at the very time\\nof the promulgation of Thayer s ridiculous epidemic\\ntheory. He seemed to forget that Missouri, the first State\\ninto which his theory was to spread, bordered on two\\nfree States, Illinois and Iowa: Illinois had been a free\\nState and Missouri a slave State for more than thirty\\nyears. The Free-State men who encountered these same\\nMi sourians on the plains of Kansas could discover no\\nsentiment in them in favor of Mr. Thayer s theory. Their\\nfavorite theory was the extermination of Free-State men\\nthe nationalization of slavery But Governor Eobinson\\nvery j)roperly and correctly saj S that there existed an ele-\\nment in Kansas who held to this preposterous theory.^\\nIt was very fortunate for the settlers on the Pottawato-\\nmie, and in fact for all the Free-State men of Kansas,\\nthat there were no men in the camp on Middle Ottawa\\ncreek on the 23d of May who were believers in so trans-\\nparent an absurdity. These men had guns in their hands.\\nThey were practical, common-sense men. They had not\\ngotten beyond the impression that when their country was\\ninvaded by whisky-sodden ruffians, armed, loudly proclaim-\\ning their intention to exterminate Free-State people, in\\nthis extremity these men had somehow gotten the idea that\\nthey were in duty bound to defend their families and homes\\nas best they could. They may have been mistaken, and in\\nfact we are often told by the non-resistants that they were\\nwrong; but they had their wives and children on an ex-\\nposed and dangerous frontier, and they were threatened\\nwith death by as relentless and brutal foes as ever carried\\ndesolation and rapine into a border-land. These Free-State\\nmen in camp on the Middle Ottawa creek were mistaken to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 189\\nthat degree that they imagined they were justified in trying\\nto defend their liomes and make some effort to turn back the\\nliordos of invasion Actnal occurrences and experiences\\nmade impressions upon them, strange as it may seem! If\\na man burned a house, they were foolish enough to believe\\nhe meant mischief! If he came with a blood-red notice\\nto warn a family to move away by a certain day on pain of\\ndeath, they mistrusted that he might mean harm And\\nwhen he went to cabins where were wives and children of\\nmen on the road to defend Lawrence and threatened mur-\\nder, driving mothers and children to seek safety in flight\\nafter terrorizing them with the avowed intention of burn-\\ning the cabins over their heads, and even outrage, these\\nmen felt that there was danger which called upon them to\\ntake some steps to defend their families! But they were\\nonly plain men, intent upon having some share of their\\nrights if thej had to fight for them and having, also, some\\nidea, mistaken or otherwise, that duty demanded that they\\ndefend their families with their lives, and if in doing so\\nthey killed some ruffian they might be justified in the eyes\\nof all right-thinking men\\nThe message carried by Mr. Williams to the camp on\\nMiddle Ottawa creek was not sent to any particular person\\nor commander it was a statement of conditions and\\nan appeal for help.^ John Brown heard the message de-\\nlivered. He immediately declared I will attend to those\\nfellows. He called for volunteers to return with him to\\nthe Pottawatomie. His son, John Brown, jr., objected to\\nthe separation of the men at that time, but as many as were\\nrequired to make an investigation were readily secured.\\nIt has often been asked Avhy the whole company did not", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "190 JOJIN BEOWN\\nreturn, if there was danger to the Pottawatomie settle-\\nments. There was but a portion of the company from that\\nparticular settlement. And Judge Hanwaj says that it\\nhad been determined to proceed, and rescue Doctor Rob-\\ninson, as it was expected that he would be brought by\\na certain route to Lecompton. It was learned later that\\nhe was taken over a different road. Then, it was not\\nknown just what would be necessary in the settlement when\\nJohn Brown left the camp. And the camp was but a few\\nliours ride from the Pottawatomie, and from it reinforce-\\nments could be speedily obtained. Again, as they were\\nnot to go on to Lawrence, they would perhaps all return to\\ntheir homes in a day or two, and arrive in time to prevent\\nthe expulsion of the Free-State settlers on the following\\nWednesday.^ Whatever the reason, it is nowhere set\\ndown that they remained away because they supposed no\\ndanger threatened.\\nThe party which left the camp on Middle Ottawa creek\\nto return to the Pottawatomie consisted of John Brown\\nand his sons Frederick, Owen, Watson and Oliver, and his\\nson-in-law Henry Thompson, Theodore Weiner, and James\\nTownsley, eight. It was soon known in the camp that\\nBrown had raised a company to return to the Pottawatomie\\nin response to the appeal for protection, and to take such\\naction as might be required by the conditions found exist-\\ning there when the company arrived. Some were requested\\nto go, and told what would be done should necessity require\\nit, who declined to go. Indeed no secret was made of the\\nintentions of the company, nor of the purpose for which\\nit was to return in advance of the company of enlisted\\nRifles. The men who remained in camp helped to grind", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "WAK ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 191\\nthe swords of those who returned. When the little party\\nmoved out to go in the defense of home and family, three\\ncheers were given by the men who remained, and the com-\\nmander of the company says all knew that a blow of retalia-\\ntion was to be struck.*^ The departure was open, public,\\namid the cheers of companions in arms, in nowise secret^\\nwith no intention that it should be so. All the party except\\nTheodore Weiner rode in the wagon of James Townsle\\\\\\nWeiner rode his own gray pony. It seems that he was not\\na member of the Pottawatomie Rifles, but that he had fled\\nto the camp the previous day, after having received his\\nnotice to quit the Territory. It is claimed by some that\\nhis store had been burned by the Doyles and others, and\\nthat he had been obliged to fly for his life, but the prepon-\\nderance of the evidence says that Captain Pate burned\\nhis store a few days later. The Doyles only delivered the\\nnotice, and accomj^anied it with dire throats of what would\\nfollow its disregard.\\nThe only evidence we have of the party s having been\\nseen on the road is contained in a letter written by Colonel\\nJames Blood, twenty-three years after the occurrence.^ lie\\nwas a very timid man, and was slipping into Lawrence bj\\na ruiindaliont way to escape the rnflians. He says he met\\nthe party a few miles north of Dutch Henry s Crossing.\\nThe letter contains many curious and strange statements,\\ncontradictory of what is now known to be true, and insist-\\ning upon what is known to be false. A mile north of Dutch\\nHenry s Crossing the party went into camp in the woods\\nbetween deep ravines. What happened in this camp for\\nthe next twenty-four hours is set out in Townsley s state-\\nment. If he had not nuide several statements, no two", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "192 JOHN BEOWN\\nalike all different our knowledge of the actions of the\\nparty at this point might be easily gained, and be very\\nsatisfactory after we had obtained it. In his later state-\\nments Townsley maintains that the party remained inactive\\nhere all the night and following day, trying to induce him\\nto point out all the Pro-Slavery men in the settlements on\\nthe Pottawatomie, so that they might sweep the creek,\\nand destroy them indiscriminately. He remained obdu-\\nrate, and the expedition could do nothing until the follow-\\ning night, when he agreed to point out only a stipulated\\nnumber of the ruffians; and then the work was done,\\nthe Pro-Slavery men killed. This is preposterous, when\\nit is remembered that John Brown knew the location of\\nthe Pro-Slavery settlers quite as well as Townsley.^ And\\nit is disproved by what actually occurred. Brown had no\\nintention of sweeping the creek. He only sought the\\nguilty and two Pro-Slavery men who were captured were\\nreturned to their homes unharmed, because they satisfied\\nBrown that they had no part in the outrages inflicted, and\\nno intention to join in those contemplated. If Brown\\nhad desired or intended to kill indiscriminately, he would\\nnever have spared these men who were found so near the\\nhouse of Henry Sherman and where he found William\\nSherman. In one of his statements Townsley says he did\\nnot point out other persons to be killed, because it was too\\nnear daylight when those who w^ere killed had been dis-\\nposed of. Other men of the party have left statements\\nof what occurred in the camp and in the settlement on the\\n24th of May. They are entitled to as much credit as\\nTownsley, especially since his stories do not always agree.\\nThe many contradictory statements make it difficult to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "WAR OX THE POTTAWATOMIE 1\\\\) t\\nreach a satisfactory determination. The most that can be\\nsaid is, that what did actuallv take place in the camp of\\nBrown and his party on the niglit of the 23d and the fol-\\nlowing day must for the present remain a matter of con-\\njecture, with the absolute certainty that it was not spent\\nas Townsley says in his last statements that it was occupied.\\nAll that Townsley was invited to join the party for was\\nto carry them in his wagon nothing else. Every member\\nof the party knew the settlement as well as Townsley knew\\nit. Let us endeavor to account for the day May 24th\\nfrom what reliable evidence we have.\\nIt is maintained by almost all the early writers on Kan-\\nsas history those who were here at the time and should\\nhave known that these men had a trial. The known\\ncircumstances tend to confirm their statements. That\\nsome inquiry or investigation was conducted by Brown\\nduring the day of the 24th of May, is quite possible, even\\nprobable. Brown told Governor George A. Crawford,\\nthat the death of those Pro-Slavery men had been deter-\\nmined upon at a meeting of the Free-State settlers the\\nV before; that he was present at the meeting, and, I\\npresided, and that the executioners were then and\\npointed. Governor Crawford was a man of re-\\njly dear comprehension and vivid recollection, and\\nJ is no doubt that John Brown told him precisely what\\nJ has recorded.^ Gihon, the private secretary of Gov-\\nernor Geary, says These five men were seized and dis-\\narmed, a sort of trial was had, and in conformity with the\\nsentence passed, were shot in cold blood. This was doubt-\\nless an act of retaliation for the work done but a few days\\nbefore at Lawrence. Ilolloway, in his history, says:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009413", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "1^?94: JOHN BEOWN\\nPro-Slavery men in the region of Osawatomie had for\\nsome time been very impudent, bold and threatening. The\\nspirit of extermination which incited the destroyers of\\nLawrence and which had been breathing its threats along\\nthe border all spring, at once seized the Pro-Slavery men\\nof that section. When the men about Osawat-\\nomie were absent at Lawrence, their Pro-Slavery neighbors\\nvisited their defenseless families, insulted and notified\\nthem to leave the country, and threatened, in case they did\\nnot observe this order, to kill them all. On the\\nreturn of Captain John Brown, junior, and his company,\\nand learning of the deep-laid plots of assassination, a coun-\\ncil was held near Osawatomie, at which the question of\\ntaking the field and engaging in actual hostilities was dis-\\ncussed, of which Caj^tain John Brown, senior, warmly\\nadvocated the affirmative. The majority of the company,\\non its being put to a vote, deciding against him, he stepped\\nout from the ranks, and with sword upraised, called upon\\nall who were willing to begin the war in earnest to fol-\\nlow him. About eight responded, and with them he left\\nthe camp of his son, to begin his memorable career. Pro-\\nceeding up the Marais des Cygnes a short distance, he\\nhalted his men, and there, in the still and deep-tangled\\nwoods, held a council. Exactly what w^as said is not\\nknown. But Brown soon infused in his followers his own\\nspirit of determination and hostility to slavery. At this\\ncouncil it was determined whenever any demonstration\\ntowards executing the plot to massacre Free-State men\\nshould be made, that certain parties should be killed on\\nthe spot.\\nRedpath says:\\nA meeting of the intended victims was held; and it\\nwas determined that on the first indication of the mas-\\nsacre, the Doyles, a father and two sons, Wilkinson,\\nand Sherman should be seized, tried by lynch law, and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE rOTTAWATOMIE 105\\nsummarily killed. On tlic ni ;iit of the 24th of May^\\nthe Doylcs, Wilkinson, and Sherman wore seized, tried,\\nand slain. This act was precij)itated by a brutal assault\\ncommitted during the forenoon on a Free-State man at the\\nstore of Sherman, in which the Doyles were the principal\\nand most ruffianly participators. These wretches, on the\\nsame day, called at the house of the Browns; and, both\\nin words and by acts, offered the grossest indignities to a\\ndaughter and daughter-in-law of the old man. As they\\nwent away, they said, Tell your men that if they don t\\nleave right off, we ll come back to-morrow and kill them.\\nThey added, in language too vile for publication, that the\\nwomen would then suffer the worst brutalities.\\nTuttle s History of Kansas thus portrays this feature\\nof the event:\\nIn addition to this instance of wanton cruelty, the\\nMissouri settlers about Osawatomie availed themselves of\\nthe absence of the free-soil fighting men, to visit and in-\\nsult their wives and families, giving them orders to quit\\nthe Territory on pain of death. There may have been no\\ndeliberate intention back of all these threats, but there is\\nabundant reason to be found in the tactics of the party\\nelsewhere for the assumption that every Free-State settler\\nwould have been compelled to vacate his lot, if he could\\nnot defend it with his own right arm. The belief\\nwas common that the whole settlement, and the Browns\\nmore particularly, would be destroyed by an act of sim-\\nultaneous assassination, and there were very few that\\nwished to sit calmly down and wait for the consummation,\\nA council of war was held, and Old John advocated war\\non the instant. The majority inclined to bide the course\\nof events, waiting for reinforcements and watching the\\nenemy closely, but a small minority of nine, including the\\nleader, declared for the arbitrament of the sword. It is\\nnot easy for us to determine which policy was the best.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "196\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nThe younger BroM^ns were not among those who followed\\nthe more impetuous leader, but the men who had chosen the\\nmore eventful career were soon heard from. The little\\narray of observation determined, upon mature consulta-\\ntion, that certain men who were the leading spirits of the\\nPro-Slavery section, and had made themselves peculiarly\\nconspicuous by their evil deeds during the Lawrence in-\\nvasion, should be held responsible for the actions of their\\nparty, and if any indication appeared that the scheme of\\nmurder was to be prosecuted, they should be destroyed\\ninstanter, as a precautionary measure.\\nThe other early writers almost all declare that the men\\nhad a trial. There are mistakes in the works of the writers,\\nand some of their errors are contained in the quotations\\ngiven they appear when the statements are compared with\\nwhat we now know to be the truth. The writers were not\\nin possession of all the facts. But there is unanimity on\\nthe point that the men had a sort of trial. All the circum-\\nstances that have come to light in later years confirm this\\nview. It is not contended that this was any regular trial\\nby a competent legal tribunal. It was only a sort of in-\\nquiry into the danger the families were in the evidence\\nwas believed to be sufficient to warrant the killing of those\\nafterward slain, and they were killed accordingly.\\nBroAvn told Mr. E. A. Coleman I had heard these\\nmen were coming to the cabin that my son and I were stay-\\ning in (I think he said the next Wednesday night) to set\\nfire to it and shoot us as we ran out. ISTow that was not\\nproof enough for me. He then described to Coleman\\nand his wife how he disguised himself, took his surveying\\nimplements and ran lines by the houses of each of these\\nmen, recording in a book what each man said of the con-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "WAR OX TIIK POTTAWATOMIE 197\\ntemplatod course towards the Free-State settlers. He\\nfoinul that the death of tlie Browns next Wednesday\\nnii^lit had been fully determined upon. And no doubt\\nhe found true all that he had heard at the camp on Middle\\nOttawa creek. Anyone reading Mr. Coleman s state-\\nment of the surveying expedition and the statements of\\nothers concerning the running of the lines through the\\ncamp of Buford s men, must conclude that there were two\\nsurveying parties engaged in by John Brown. In that to\\nthe camp he depended for his safety upon the fact that\\nhe was a surveyor. In the one Mr. Coleman describes he\\ndisguised himself, probably because he was to meet and\\ntalk to men who knew him well. That John Brown, and\\nperhaps the others of his party, were engaged upon that\\nday in finding out for themselves the exact conditions\\nthen and there existing, it is most reasonable to believe.\\nThe mere message to the camp by the settlers was not\\nproof enough for him he must be convinced by his own\\ninvestigations that they had committed murder in their\\nhearts. Having informed himself thoroughly of the in-\\ntention of the Shermans and their tools, he reported to a\\nmeeting of the settlers assembled for the purpose of deter-\\nmining what should be done. At this meeting the situa-\\ntion was reviewed, the execution of the guilty parties\\ndetermined upon, and the executioners appointed. This\\nis what the statements of Governor Crawford and Mr.\\nColeman establish. These statements are founded upon\\nwhat Brown himself said, and in each instance he avowed\\nthe killing and his own participation in it, and assumed his\\nfull share of the guilt, if guilt there was and as Governor\\nRobinson savs he did not base his reason? for this act on", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "198 JOHN BROWN\\nself-defense, lie could have no object in making any mis-\\nstatement of these preliminary and minor affairs. All\\nthe circumstances point to a day spent in investigation into\\naffairs; John Brown said it was; he said the sentence\\nof death was passed in the meeting of settlers. It is true\\nthat he was an interested party, testifying in his own\\nbehalf. But his testimony should be as good as that of\\nTownsley, who told at least three different stories of the\\nexpedition, and was also an interested party, speaking in\\nhis own interest. And this view is still further confirmed\\nby what Brown told Colonel Samuel Walker, of Lawrence.\\nThey went to the Nebraska line to escort into Kansas\\nLane s Army of the ^N orth. We give Mr. Walker s state-\\nment at length as recorded in Sanborn s Life of Brown:\\nThen Walker said he would take him back under escort,\\nwith Brown s help; and they started so, with twenty or\\nthirty men, and Brown among them. When they camped\\nfor the night. Brown, according to his custom, went\\naway to sleep by himself; and Walker describes him as\\nsitting bolt upright on his saddle, with his back against a\\ntree, his horse lariated to the saddle-peak, and Brown\\nasleep with his rifle across his knees. At early dawn\\nWalker went up to waken Brown, and as he touched him on\\nthe shoulder Brown sprang up quick as a cat, leveled,\\ncocked, and discharged his piece, which Walker threw up\\nwith his hand in time to escape death but the bullet grazed\\nhis shoulder. That shows how quick he was but he was\\nfrightened afterward, when he saw it was I he had fired\\nat. Then, said Walker, as we rode along together, Brown\\nwas in a sort of study and I said to him, Captain Brown,\\nI would n t have your thoughts for anything in the world.\\nBrown said, I suppose you are thinking about the Potta-\\nwatomie affair. Said I, Yes. Then he stopped and\\nlooked at me and said, Captain Walker, I saw that whole", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "WAR ON TIIK POTTAWAroMlK\\n199\\nthing, but I (lid not strike a blow. ial-c the re.^ponsihiUlif\\nof it; but there were men icho advised doing it, and after-\\nward failed to justify it, nicaning, as Walker supposed,\\nLane and Ivobinson. Walker now believes Brown, and can-\\nnot think that Townsley s statement about Brown s shoot-\\ning Doyle through the head is correct; for Brown would\\nnever tell me what was not true, and would not deny to me\\nanything he had really done.\\nBrown may have meant that Lane and Robinson advised\\nand failed to justify the Pottawatomie killings, but we\\nbelieve he meant to say here that some of the settlers in\\nthe vicinity advised the action and afterwards failed to\\njustify it. But we recur to our former conclusion, that\\nwhat did actually take place in the Pottawatomie settle-\\nment on the 24th day of ]\\\\[ay is not clear is not estab-\\nlished beyond doubt, and is a matter of conjecture. That\\nthe day was not spent in idle and fruitless argument with\\nTownsley to overcome his scruples as to the nianher of\\nmen to be killed, we may well believe.^ John Brown, as\\nGovernor Robinson has well said, did not rely entirely\\nupon self-defense for his justification. But that he might\\nwell have rested his cause upon this ground, we now know.\\nHe also knew it. But in meting out justice to these\\nguilty parties he looked beyond the matter of self-defense.\\nIt was a blow for Kansas, then prostrate and bleeding.\\nAnd above all, it was a thrust at slavery, and time proved\\nthat it was one of a very serious nature to that institution.\\nAs to the number slain and the manner in which the\\nmen were killed, we are not left in doubt. Those who\\nwere released by the party, as well as tlie widows of Doyle\\nand Wilkinson, made affidavits in which their recollections\\nare preserved; and the statements of Townsley confirm", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "200\\nJOHN BROWN\\nmuch tliey said, and tliej are evidently in the main true.^*\\nThe Doyles were the first to meet death. Mrs. Doyle\\ntestified that Brown s party arrived at her house about\\neleven o clock on Saturday night, the 24th day of May.\\nThe name of her husband was James P. Doyle; those of\\nher slain sons were William and Drury. William was\\nabout twenty-two years of age, and Drury was about\\ntwenty, she said. The Doyles were of that class of poor\\nwhites that never know the precise and exact ages of their\\nchildren. They determine the dates by some event that\\noccurred about the time of their births, such as being more\\nbrutally intoxicated than usual, or shooting a neighbor\\nor his ox or his dog, or the high water, or the overflow,\\nor being chased from a community for petty thieving. So,\\nthe sons were about twenty-two and twenty respectively,\\nas Mrs. Doyle said.^^\\nJohn Brown and his sons Owen, Watson and Oliver, and\\nhis son-in-law, went to the house and brought out Doyle and\\nhis two sons. They were taken a short distance down the\\nroad towards the Crossing and there killed with swords.\\nThe son, William, attempted to escape by running away^\\nbut was soon overtaken and cut down.^^ Townsley says that\\nJohn Brown shot the old man Doyle in the forehead\\nwith his pistol; this has always been denied by the other\\nmembers of the company. John Brown said to CajDtain\\nWalker, I saw the whole thing, but I did not strike a\\nblow. He commanded the company, and the ruffians were\\nall executed by his direction there was absolutely no rea-\\nson why he should deny killing anyone if he had struck\\na blow. Mrs. Doyle says she heard two shots here, and\\nalso a wild whoop. There is much contradiction in the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 201\\nevidence concerning the number of shots fired by the party\\nduring the killing. Townsloy says one was fired here by\\nBrown. This does not agree with what Mrs. Doyle said.\\nTdwnsley keeps in the background any work he may have\\ndone, and says he was always one of those left on guard.\\nBy his own statement, he was not where he could see who\\ndid the killing. Others of the party say they heard a shot\\nbelow them while they were at Harris s house, and that\\nthey did not know what the shot meant. Those in the\\nhouse say they heard a cap burst; they evidently heard no\\nshot, and believe that the cap was exploded as a signal for\\nthe others to leave the house where they had been left as\\nguards and return to their leader.^\\nIt was past midnight when the party arrived at the\\nhouse of Allen Wilkinson, His wife was sick with\\nmeasles. He seems to have been suspicious, and to have\\nmanifested a strong disposition to not come out when sum-\\nmoned. The party forced him to open the door. His wife\\nentreated for him, but he was marched away and swiftly\\nand silently slain with swords. His body was dragged\\nfrom the road and left.^^ Brown and his party of swift\\nand terrible vengeance went noiselessly in search of the\\nShermans.\\nIn his statement Townsley says that the party went from\\nthe house of Wilkinson to that of the Shermans. Here,\\naccording to him, two persons were brought out and ques-\\ntioned afterwards they were taken back to the house and\\nnot molested further. He says that when they were re-\\nturned, William Sherman Dutch Bill was brought out,\\ntaken to the rivei and slain with swords.^* A Mr. James\\nHarris made an affidavit for Mr. Oliver, of the Congres-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "202 JOHN BKOWN\\nsional Committee of Investigation, in whicli lie says that\\nWilliam Sherman was taken from his house. He was\\nliving near the house of Dutch Henry. William Sher-\\nman and two others were staying overnight with him.^**\\nHe says William Sherman was taken out, after the others\\nhad been taken out and brought back by Brown and his\\nmen, and did not return and that at about ten o clock the\\nfollowing morning he found Sherman lying in the creek,\\ndead, his skull having been split with some weapon. There\\nare many other discrepancies in the statement of Townsley^\\nand they become apparent when it is examined with the\\naffidavits of the Doyles, Mrs. Wilkinson and Mr. Harris.\\nThere are still more to be found, and many of them\\nirreconcilable, when examined with the statements of the\\nother members of the body of men who did the killing on\\nthe Pottawatomie. The Pro-Slavery affidavits agree in\\nsaying that the party represented themselves as a portion\\nof the Northern Army, and searched for and carried\\naway arms and ammunition, as well as saddles. One of the\\nparty took a pony and other horses belonging to Henry\\nSherman,\\nThe fact that Townsley believed William Sherman was\\ntaken from the house of Dutch Henry, when in fact he\\nwas not, goes far to disprove his statement that he was to\\npoint out the Pro-Slavery settlers so that the creek\\nmight be swept. It might be said that he was to do this\\npointing out in the vicinity of his own home, but he\\ngives us the impression that John Brown originally de-\\npended upon him to do the guiding that was to sweep\\nthe creek. Townsley doubtless tells much truth, but it is\\nplain, that from some motive, he did not tell all the truth.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 203\\nIn his first statement, or one of the first, he says the party\\nwere going from honse to house in his wagon when the\\nkilling was done, or at least leaves us to infer that. They\\nthen wanted Mr. T. to drive them to another place, but it\\nwas now late at night, and he declined to take them any\\nfarther. This is the only statement in the first of\\nTownsley s confessions about any refusal to obey orders,\\nand completely disposes of the statement in his last con-\\nfession that this refusal was made on the first night when\\nhe would not consent to kill all the Pro-Slavery settlers,\\nbut did afterwards consent to kill some of them. The\\nfacetious Mr. Spring remarks that his theological educa-\\ntion had evidently been neglected.\\nIn one of his statements, the one upon which most re-\\nliance is placed, Townsley says that from the house of\\nHenry Sherman the party returned to the camp, where he\\nhad left his team. They remained here in camp until the\\nafternoon of the following day, when they set out to return\\nto the camp of the military company on Middle Ottawa\\ncreek, arriving there about midnight. All the evidence\\nis agreed that no prisoner was carried to their camp by\\nthe party who did the killing. Harris says that the two\\nmen taken first from his house were brought back and re-\\nmained with him, leaving the next morning. In 1880 one\\nJames Christian wrote a sensational letter in which he\\nmade a bid for notoriety. It will perhaps result in all the\\ndistinction he hoped to gain, but of a dishonorable, dis-\\nreputable, and infamous variety. He says one of these\\nyoung men was taken from the house of Mr. Harris that\\nhe was detained until the next morning in the camp of\\nBrown, and that when John Brown raised his hands to", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "204\\nJOHN BROWN\\nask a blessing upon their breakfast they were stained with\\nthe dried blood of his victims. This statement is improba-\\nble in itself. It is disproved by all the evidence on both\\nsides. It bears all the marks of being manufactured out\\nof whole cloth. It is made by a man who says another\\nman gave him the information from which he writes, a\\nshort time before he was killed by the Browns, twenty-four\\nyears before the letter was written. The statement made in\\nthis letter is wholly disproved by the affidavit of Harris\\nand by all of Townsley s statements.^^\\nThere has been much controversy as to whether John\\nBrown himself killed any one of these men on the Potta-\\nwatomie or not. Townsley says he shot the old man\\nDoyle with his pistol. The affidavits of the Doyles say\\nthat the elder Doyle had the mark of a pistol-ball on his\\nforehead. John Brown told many persons that he killed\\nno man at Pottawatomie, but never denied his full measure\\nof responsibility for the killing of them all. It is a mat-\\nter of little importance, for he commanded the party which\\ndid the killing, and if the killing was a crime he was\\nguilty of the blood of each and every one of the slain.\\nThe charge has been persistently made that John Brown\\nand his men w^antonly and fiendishly mutilated the dead\\nbodies of the persons killed. This charge has been made\\nby the bitter personal enemies of Brown. It will be re-\\nmembered that the men were killed with short heavy\\nswords at night. The victims evidently tried to ward off\\nthe blows with their hands and arms, and as they were\\nwholly unprotected the swords severed fingers, hands, and\\npossibly arms. ISTo blow was struck after death came to\\nthe misguided men.^^ This is expressly stated by Towns-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "WAR ON TIIK POTTAWATOMIE\\n205\\nley. In some of tlie works prepared for the purpose of\\ndefaming the memory of John Brown the hist statement\\nof Townsley is published at length, but that portion of it\\nwhich says the bodies were not intentionally mutilated and\\nwere not struck after death, is omitted, as is also that por-\\ntion saying that the killing was a benefit to the Free-State\\ncause. After this omission is made concerning the mutila-\\ntion, the works in question go on and insist that the bodies\\nwere mutilated after death.\\nWhen John Brown turned from tlie settlement toward\\nhis camp on Sunday morning, five men lay prone and stark\\non the Pottawatomie. They had whetted a sword for\\nthe Free-State settlers. John Brown turned this red blade\\nagainst those who had taken it in hand. It was a new\\ndeparture in the warfare in Kansas a startling revela-\\ntion at which the Pro-Slavery forces stood aghast. Cham-\\npions of freedom could no longer be murdered with im-\\npunity by ruffian hordes. Henceforth men were to defend\\ntheir families and their homes; here was notice of it;\\nlet him who dared to do so violate or disregard it, he did\\nit at his peril. It was notice to the Pro-Slavery men who\\nhad roamed bloody-handed through the Free-State settle-\\nments that he who takes up the sword must die by the\\nsword. These five dead men lay there, a warning to the\\nadvocates of the issue made in the bogus Legislature, that\\na new factor had entered the oontest in opposition to their\\nbarbarous dogma. This new factor was on the side of\\nthose who stood for the other issue in Kansas Territory.\\nIt was an assertion that the Free-State men were entitled\\nto life, liberty, freedom of conscience, the protection of the\\nConstitution, and equality before the law FREEDOM.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "206\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nCould these dead men have spoken on that Sun-\\nday morning in May on the Pottawatomie, they would\\nhave plainly said to their misguided brethren and\\nfellow-ruffians You invoked the sword the people\\nof Kansas submitted long and patiently while we mer-\\ncilessly wielded it. The bones of her people whiten\\non the prairies we have given their flesh as a prey\\nto the fowls of the air, to the wolf and her whelps. The\\nv. ild winds chant their requiem. Widows and orphans\\nwail in cabin homes. Outraged maidens implore death\\nand entreat the grave to hide their shame. Their Chris-\\ntian forbearance and their fortitude have been our marvel;\\nwe believed them weak and courageless. In the dawn of\\nthis Sabbath, with fixed and glassy eyes that see not we\\nlook up to the pure stars, and with tongues that are forever\\nstilled and speak not we proclaim to you that we have\\nstood for a lie. We have devoted our energies to the es-\\ntablishment of a crime against humanity. We forfeited\\nour lives in the interest of a barbarous cause one that is\\nreactionary and against all law, human and divine, and\\nopposed to human nature itself. The winter storm, the\\ngentle rain of spring, the summer sunshine, and the glo-\\nrious colorings of autumn will pass over us, and battles\\nrage around us, but we shall heed them not. But to us it\\nis now given to say to you that liberty and freedom must\\nreign in all this land, after having been baptized in blood\\nand consecrated anew on the plains of Kansas.\\nNote 1. It is not meant to disparage Mr. Thayer s labor for\\nKansas. He rendered us good service in our days of trouble and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE I OTTAW ATOM 1 R\\n207\\nperil and tlioso days wore days of peril for freedom in all America.\\nMr. Thayer did his duty, and did it well and to our satisfaction; we\\nare grateful for it; as a people we have never failed to acknowledge\\nour debt of gratitude, and we never shall. He possessed a genius for\\nthe work be performed, and perhaps did his work better than another\\ncould; he was the right man in the right place. He possessed or-\\nganizing power, and had the confidence of the people of Xew England\\nwho so freely and nobly jx)ured out their wealth in aid of Kansas\\nand free institutions. What is to be condemned in I\\\\Ir. Thayer s\\nl ook is the assumption in it that he did all the work that made\\nKansas free his taking credit for everything successfully done here.\\nWhat he did was, as we said, only his duty; he did that in a spirit\\nof self-sacrifice that makes him immortal here and elsewhere. That\\nshould be the sum of his claims, but it is not. After a careful reading\\nof Mr. Thayer s book one must come to the conclusion that after the\\nwar was over he was enabled to see what had been successful in\\nKansas and what had been unsuccessful; and then, with effrontery\\nunparalleled, claimed all the successful efforts as his own, or as the\\noutgrowth of his scheme^ and left all the failures to the rest of\\nmankind. This is more in the spirit and pompous tone of the book\\nthan in specific claim, though there is much of that. Now, Kansas\\nwould have been made free had there been no Eli Thayer and no\\nEmigrant Aid Company. It might have been in longer time, and in\\nmore suffering; although the organization of the Emigrant Aid\\nCompany enraged the South more than any other one thing, and many\\nof the crimes committed against Kansas were inspired by hatred\\nof it. Slavery would have been thrown off without the martyrdom\\nof John Brown, and if John Brown had never been born. But Kansas\\nwas made free by the assistance of Eli Thayer, as well as by that of\\nJohn Brown; and slavery was abolished by the assistance of John\\nBrown as well as by that of Eli Thayer, though Thayer contributed\\nmuch less towards the result than did Brown. The fate of universal\\nfreedom has never been in the keeping of any one man. Progress\\nand advancement are inherent in mankind, and while many reaction-\\nary movements impede and hamper them, the work never stops for a\\nmoment. Carlyle has well said that nothing else than justice can\\nsurvive in this world.\\nNeither is it intended here to detract from any State in the work\\nof making Kansas free. Senator Ingalls says that Kansas is the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "208\\nJOHN BKOWlSr\\nchild of Massachusetts, and so she is a little; she is much more\\nthe child of the Ohio Valley. This is so patent to all who make\\neven a cursory investigation of the subject, that no argument is\\nnecessary to establish it. In the convention which formed the present\\nState Constitution, in 1859, there were two members from Massa-\\nchusetts, and only eleven from all New England. There were five\\nmembers from Kentucky, six from Indiana, six from Pennsylvania,\\nand fourteen from Ohio. Concerning the population of that period,\\nI quote from D. W. Wilder s The Story of Kansas, in the Kansas\\nHistorical Collections, Volume 6, page 336, and following:\\nBy the United States census taken in June, 1860, Kansas had a\\npopulation of 107,206. Of these persons 94,515 were born in the\\nUnited States; 12,691 were born in foreign countries. The census\\nreports give the States in which the 94,515 natives were born.\\nDuring the last forty years Ohio has led in great generals Grant,\\nSheridan, Sherman; in presidents, and in many other ways, but she\\ntook her first great championship in coming to Kansas Territory.\\nBy that census Ohio stands No. 1, with 11,617 natives in Kansas\\nin 1860. Missouri follows with 11,356. Then come the babies born\\nin Kansas itself, 10,997. Gen. James H. Lane helped to put next\\nIndiana, with 9,945. Lincoln next sends from Illinois, 9,367. His\\nnative State is No. 6: Kentucky, 6,556. Then comes Franklin s\\nPennsylvania, 6,463. Horace Greeley s Trihune makes New York\\n6,331. No. 9 is our neighbor, Iowa, 4,008. Kansas is sometimes\\ncalled, from the States of Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, the State of the\\nthree I s. Most folks are satisfied with two.\\nI have named 76,640 out of the 94,515, leaving 17,875 for the\\nother States, and someone is beginning to say, I thought this was a\\nNew England State, and Where is the Emigrant Aid Company?\\nFrom the days of the agitation against slavery and its extension,\\nin which New England took a prominent part it was the home of\\nGarrison, Phillips, Sumner, Parker, Emerson, Lowell, and Whittier\\ndown to this day. New England has often been called the mother\\nof Kansas. Exceedingly few persons ever examine a census report.\\nThe last State above cited is Iowa, with 4,008 natives in Kansas\\nwhen the Territory was six years old. The six New England States\\nthen had 4,208 natives in Kansas. State No. 10 is Virginia, with\\n3,487 natives here. Virginia then included West Virginia. Most\\nof these immigrants were probably in favor of making Kansas a\\nfree State.\\nThere was then no railroad across Missouri. But nearly all of\\nthe States that contributed largely to Kansas in the early and\\nlater years were connected with us by river navigation. These\\nStates were Pennsylvania, Ohio, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee,\\nIndiana, Illinois, Arkansas, Missouri, and Iowa. These States and\\ntheir rivers made Kansas. These States with their poor men who", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE S09\\nwanted homes in a free State, with free schools, made Kansas free.\\nI will add a few names to that census list. No. 11 is Tennessee,\\n2,569; No. 12, Wisconsin, 1,351; No. 13, Massachusetts, 1,282;\\nNo. 14, North Carolina, 1,234; No. 15, Michigan, 1,137; No. 16,\\nVermont, 902; No. 17, Maine, 728; No. 18, Connecticut, 650; No. 19,\\nMaryland, 620; No. 20, New Jersey, 499.\\nThe story is told. You see that the new State, farther south\\nthan any other free State, was settled by the North. Missouri, her\\nnearest neighbor, was settled by the South. Kansas broke all prec-\\nedents; its people could not have been free without standing up\\nto shoot and to be shot at. Slavery was a wild beast, and had to be\\nkilled. John Brown understood this fact more completely than any\\nother Kansan.\\nKansas claims, and justly claims, to have drawn by her struggle\\nfor freedom, great men and minds from all the free States and\\nfrom some of the slave States. These were quickened and ground\\nto sharpness here, and the result is the most metropolitan and ag-\\ngressive State in America. And the honor of having contributed to\\nmake her free is great too great for any one man to have more\\nthan his just share; justice demands that he have that, and that\\nhe have no more.\\nNote 2. Mr. H. H. Williams claims to have carried this mes-\\nsage. See John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 691.\\nTownsley says that he always understood that one of the sons of\\nMr. Grant carried this message. Mr. Sanborn says that it was Grant,\\nbut in a note mentions that others are said to have carried it.\\nNote 3. See Spring s Kansas, p. 143.\\nNote 4. The following day we camped at Palmyra. We had\\nheard of the arrest of Governor Robinson, and our object was to\\nrescue him if they brought him by the Santa F6 road to Lecomp-\\nton. Statement of James Eanway, in Life and Letters of John\\nBrown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 258.\\nNote 5. It was known that the situation was desperate on the\\nPottawatomie, and that desperate measures would have to be\\nadopted to save the settlers there. No one doubted that death\\nwould be meted out to some, but to how many, when, and how, was\\nnot known. That John Brown would do this killing with this\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009414", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "210 JOHN BROAYISr\\ncompany was also known, for he informed several people that that\\nwas his purpose, and invited them to go with him. But just what\\ncourse would be pursued was not known until after the arrival of\\nthe party in the troubled district.\\nNote 6. We aided him in his outfit, and I assisted in the\\nsharpening of his cutlasses. James Townsley, who resided near\\nPottawatomie creek, volunteered to return with his team, and of-\\nfered to point out the abodes of such as he thought should be dis-\\nposed of. No man of our entire number could fail to understand\\nthat a retaliatory blow would fall; yet when father and his little\\nband departed, they were saluted by all our men with a rousing\\ncheer. John Brown, jr., in Life and Letters of John Brown\\nF. B. Sanborn, p. 26Jt.\\nNote 7. Colonel Blood says:\\nIn the spring of 1856, I went east on business, leaving my\\nfamily in Lawrence. I was in New Hampshire, when I learned that\\nthe border ruffians were gathering, under ruffianly Federal officers,\\nto destroy Lawrence. I immediately started for home, arriving at\\nKansas City, I think on the 21st of May, 1856. I could find no way\\nof ^etting to Lawrence, direct, but hired a close hack to take me,\\nwith two or three friends (one of them was J. F. Bliss, now residing\\nat Oskaloosa), to Osawatomie. We instructed the driver to say to\\nanyone who might halt us, that he was taking some men to Pleasant\\nHill, Missouri. We drove south through Westport, and the parties\\nhalting us appeared to be satisfied with the reply of the driver.\\nWe stayed that night at a farm-house in Missouri, a short distance\\nsouth of Westport. The next day, the 22d, we took dinner with\\nBaptiste Peoria, where Paola now stands, and arrived at Osawato-\\nmie in the afternoon. It was nearly sundown that after-\\nnoon when, between Pottawatomie creek and Middle creek, and but\\na few mile s from the Doyle settlement, I saw a party of men com-\\ning from the west and going towards Pottawatomie creek. As we\\napproached each other I could see the gleam of the sun s rays re-\\nflected from the moving gun-barrels of the party in the wagon.\\nWhen within perhaps 100 yards they stopped, and a man rose up\\nin the wagon and cried Halt! I immediately recognized old John\\nBrown and stated who I was, calling him by name. I was then al-\\nlowed to approach the party. There were in the wagon John Brown,\\nand, to the best of my recollection, four of his sons, his son-m-law,\\nand a man driving the team whom I did not know, making seven\\nin the wagon. There was also a man on horseback; I think his\\nname was Wymer, or Winer.\\nThe party appeared to be fully armed with rifles, revolvers,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "WAR O S THE rOTTAWATOMIE\\n211\\nknives or swords. I think some of thom at leiist had a peculiar\\ninstrument, something like a Scotch claymore, or a short, very\\nheavy broadsword. John lirown had presented me with one of the\\nsame kind, while at Lawrence, during the VVakarusa war, in the\\nfall of 1855.\\nI talked with the old man for some time. I believe he was the\\nonly one of the party who spoke. He stated that they had left\\nCaptain John Brown, jr., with the Pottawatomie company, in camp\\nnear Palmyra. He informed me that Lawrence had been sacked\\nand burned, and that a number of leading Free-State men had been\\ntaken prisoners. He seemed very indignant tliat there had been no\\nresistance; that Lawrence was not defended; and denounced the\\nmembers of the committee and leading Free-State men as cowards,\\nor worse. His manner was wild and frenzied, and the whole party\\nwatched with excited eagerness every word and motion of the old\\nman. Finally, as I left them, he requested me not to mention the\\nfact that I had met them, as they were on a secret expedition, and\\ndid not want anyone to know that they were in that neighbor-\\nhood.\\nI sincerely believed that it was the work of insane men. Their\\nhalting at that distance a solitary traveler, who was apparently\\nunarmed, and upon the open prairie where they could see for miles\\naround, seemed to me evidence of insanity. Certainly that number\\nof so icell-armed men could not fear an assault and capture, or that\\nthey were in any immediate danger. I noticed that while we were\\nin conversation the boys watched every look and gesture of the old\\nman keeping their guns in their hands ready for instant action.\\nStrange statements! No one else has left any statement of John\\nBrown s becoming frenzied. Colonel Washington told Governor\\nWise that Brown was the coolest man he ever saw under fire. He\\nmay have had good cause to denounce the committee, for it is\\nrecorded that the men who had gathered at Lawrence to defend\\nthe town left in disgust when the committee announced that no\\nresistance was to be made. (See twentieth chapter of The Conquest\\nof Kansas, by Phillips.) If there is any reliance at all to be placed\\nin this letter, it convicts Townsley of lying. Blood says that Brown\\nannounced to him that they were on a secret expedition. Towns-\\nley says he did not know the nature of the expedition, whether it\\nwas secret or not, until Brown made it known to him in camp that\\nnight. The letter contains what was known at the time of writing\\nto be a very erroneous statement. It says that Brown s son, John\\nBrown, jr., became insane, when, on the afternoon of the 2. (th,\\nnews was received of the massacre, and that he was taken home\\nthe next day a maniac. It says, We heard of the massacre of the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "212 JOHN BROWISr\\nDoyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, on the Pottawatomie, on the night\\nof the 23(1 The killing was in fact done on the night of the 24th,\\nafter John Brown, jr., was made insane from hearing of it! Upon\\nsuch contradictory and unreliable, not to say flimsy and untrust-\\nworthy, productions is the defamation of John Brown based. Colo-\\nnel Blood may have met this party as he says, but his letter bears\\nmany evidences of having been written to incorporate and set out\\nthe theories of the people engaged at that time in a bitter attack\\nupon Brown.\\nColonel Blood s statement concerning the action of the men in\\nkeeping their guns ready for instant action would indicate that he\\nhad frightened the party No other Kansan ever saw Brown scared.\\nTo Colonel Blood belongs the honor of being the only man who ever\\nfrightened John Brown! And Colonel Blood had slipped down\\nthrough Missouri pretending to be on his way to Pleasant Hill, and\\nwas now making his way into Lawrence by the back door for fear\\nof meeting Missourians, and John Brown had seven armed men\\nwith him. Truly, the brave Colonel must have presented the very\\npersonification of courage and daring on his fleet steed as he\\nskimmed over the prairies north of the Pottawatomie!\\nNote 8. John Brown, jr., says in a preceding note that Towns-\\nley volunteered to return and point out the homes of such as he\\nthought should be disposed of. But John Brown was familiar with\\nthe people of the settlement, and knew where they lived. One of his\\ncharacteristics was the power to go anywhere at any time of night\\nand not lose his way. It has always seemed to me improbable that\\nJohn Brown took anyone to show him where his neighbors lived;\\nhe certainly knew this for himself. He had spent the winter there,\\nand had built a cabin for his relative, Orson Day. In a new country\\npeople do not stand much on formalities; th\u00c2\u00aby come to know each\\nother quickly and without formal introductions. It was certainly\\nuseless to carry a man along to perform this service; all our knowl-\\nedge of Brown leads us to believe that he was quick to locate names\\nand places. Mr. Coleman, in his address at Bismarck, says so. Not-\\nwithstanding the statement of Townsley to the contrary, it is plain\\nthat he was sought because he had a wagon and team, and that he\\nwent along because he believed he ought to go, for his family was\\nthere, and in fact he gives this latter as his reason in one of his", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 213\\nstatements or because he was informed that there was to be fight-\\ning, and he desired to liave a hand in it.\\nNote 9. This letter is published in Reminiscences of Old John\\nBroun, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. G7.\\nNote 10. Kansas Memorial, p. litG.\\nNote 11. James Townsley says in his last statement: About\\nnoon the next day, the 23d. old John Brown came to me and said he\\nhad just received information that trouble was expected on the\\nPottawatomie, and wanted to know if I would take my team and\\ntake him and his boys back so they could keep watch of what was\\ngoing on. I told him I would do so. After my team was\\nfed and the party had taken supper, John Brown told me for the\\nfirst time what he proposed to do. He said he wanted me to pilot\\nthe company up to the forks of the creek, some five or six miles\\nabove, into the neighborhood where I lived, and show him where\\nall the Pro-Slavery men resided; that he proposed to sweep the\\ncreek as he came down of all the Pro-Slavery men living on it.\\nI positively refused to do it. He insisted upon it, but when he\\nfound that I would not go he decided to postpone the expedition\\nuntil the following night. I then wanted to take my team and go\\nhome, but he would not let me do so, and said I should remain with\\nthem. We remained in camp that night and all the next day.\\nKansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life, Sara T. D. Robinson, edi-\\ntion of 1S99, p. J/OS, Appendix.\\nNote 12. Governor Robinson s letter to the Topeka Common-\\nwealth, and quoted by James Ilanway in a letter to the Kansas\\nDaily Tribune. I have not been able to find either of these letters.\\nI found a part of each in the Uanicay Scrap Books, in the library\\nof the State Historical Society.\\nNote 13. It was the expressed intention of Brown to execute\\nDutch Henry also, but he was not found at home. He also hoped\\nto find George Wilson, Probate Judge of Anderson county, there,\\nand intended, if he did, to kill him too. Wilson had been notifying\\nFree-State men to leave the Territory. I had received such a notice", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "214 JOHN BROWN\\nfrom him myself. Reminiscences of Old John Brown, G. W.\\nBrown, M. D., p. 75.\\nThis is a part of the statement of James Townsley, which is given\\nthere in full. This quotation, and also that portion stating that\\nthe bodies were not mutilated after death, as well as other state-\\nments favorable to Brown, are omitted from the confession of\\nTownsley in some recent Lawrence, Kansas, publications.\\nNote 14. We then crossed the Pottawatomie and came to the\\nhouse of Henry Sherman, generally known as Dutch Henry. Here\\nJohn Brown and the party, excepting Frederick Brown, Winer, and\\nmyself, who were left on the outside a short distance from the door,\\nwent into the house and brought out one or two persons, talked\\nwith them some time, and took them in again. They afterwards\\nbrought out William Sherman, Dutch Henry s brother, marched\\nhim down into the Pottawatomie creek, where he was slain with\\nswords by Brown s two youngest sons, and left lying in the creek.\\nTovmsley s Statement, in Reminiscences of Old John Brown,\\nG. W. Brown, M. D., p. 73.\\nNote 15. The ages are given here for the reason that Governor\\nRobinson in his The Katisas Conflict, p. 276, uses the expression,\\nfive men and boys.\\nNote 16. We were all in bed, when we heard some persons come\\ninto the yard and rap at the door and call for Mr. Doyle, my hus-\\nband. This was about 11 o clock on Saturday night of the 24th of\\nMay last. My husband got up and went to the door. Those outside\\ninquired for Mr. Wilkson, and where he lived. My husband told\\nthem that he would tell them. Mr. Doyle, my husband, opened the\\ndoor, and several came into the house, and said they were from the\\narmy. My husband was a Pro-Slavery man. They told my hus-\\nband that he and the boys must surrender, they were their prison-\\ners. These men were armed with pistols and large knives. Tliey\\nfirst took my husband out of the house, then they took two of my\\nsons the two oldest ones, William and Drury out, and then took\\nmy husband and these two boys, William and Drury, away. My son\\nJohn was spared, because I asked them in tears to spare him. In a\\nshort time afterwards I heard the report of pistols. I heard two\\nreports, after which I heard moaning, as if a person was dying;", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE I OTTAWATOMIK\\n215\\nthen I heard a wild whoop. From Affidavit of Mahala Doyle, in\\nReport of the Special Committee appointed to Investigate the\\nTroubles in Kan, ias, p. JJUS.\\nThe old man Doyle and his sons were ordered to come out. This\\norder they did not immediately obey, the old man being heard in-\\nstead to call for his gun. At this moment Henry Thompson threw\\ninto the house some rolls or balls of hay in which during the day\\nwet gunpowder had been mixed, setting fire to them as he threw them\\nin. This stratcgem had the desired effect. Toivnsley s first State-\\nment, in History of the State of Kaiisas, A. T. Andreas, p. 604,\\nunder Franklin County.\\nNote 17. In his last two statements To\\\\\\\\ nsley says that the\\nkilling was done with the swords, to avoid alarming the neighbors\\nby discharging firearms. Then, why kill the first man with a pistol?\\nNote 18. On the 2oth of May last, somewhere between the hours\\nof midnight and daybreak, cannot say exactly at what hour, after all\\nhad retired to bed, we were disturbed by the barking of the dog. I\\nwas sick with the measles, and woke up Mr. Wilkinson, and asked if\\nhe heard the noise, and what it meant? He said it was only some\\none passing about, and soon after was again asleep. It was not long\\nbefore the dog raged and barked furiously, awakening me once more;\\npretty soon I heard footsteps as of men approaching; saw one pass\\nby the window, and some one knocked at the door. I asked, Who\\nis that? No one answered. I awoke my husband, who asked,\\nWho is that? Some one replied, I want you to tell me the way to\\nDutch Henry s. He commenced to tell them, and they said to him,\\nCome out and show us. He wanted to go, but I would not let him;\\nhe then told them it was difficult to find his clothes, and could tell\\nthem as well without going out of doors. The men out of doors,\\nafter that, stepped back, and I thought I could hear them whisper-\\ning; but they immediately returned, and, as they approached, one of\\nthem asked my husband, Are you a Northern armist? He said,\\nI am. I understood the answer to mean that my husband was\\nopposed to the Northern or Free-Soil party. I cannot say that I\\nunderstood the question. My husband was a Pro-Slavory man. and\\nwas a member of the Territorial Legislature held at Shawnee Mis-\\nsion.\\nWhen my husband said, I am. one of them said, You are our", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "216\\nJOHN BROWlSr\\nprisoner. Do you surrender? He said, Gentlemen, I do. They\\nsaid, Open the door. Mr. Wilkinson told them to wait till he made\\na light; and they replied, If you don t, we will open it for you.\\nHe opened the door against my wishes, and four men came in, and\\nmy husband was told to put on his clothes, and they asked him if\\nthere were not more men about; they searched for arms, and took\\na gun and powder-flask, all the weapons that was about the house.\\nFroyn the Affidavit of Louisa Jane Wilkinson, in Rejiort of the\\nSpecial Committee appointed to Investigate the Troubles in Kansas,\\npp. 1191, 1198.\\nThis affidavit further recites that Mrs. Wilkinson was sick, and\\nrequested that her husband be allowed to remain with her, and\\nfinding that her wish was not to be granted, she told him to get\\nready and go with them; she saw him no more alive.\\nThe company then proceeded down Mosquito creek, to the house\\nof Allen Wilkinson. Here the old man Brown, three of his sons,\\nand son-in-law, as at the Doyle residence, went to the door and\\nordered Wilkinson to come out, leaving Frederick Brown, Winer and\\nmyself standing in the road east of the house. Wilkinson was taken\\nand marched some distance south of his house and slain in the road,\\nwith a short sword, by one of the younger Browns. After he was\\nkilled his body was dragged out to one side and left. Last State-\\nment of Townsley, in Reminiscences of Old John Broivn, G. W.\\nBrown, M. D., p. 73.\\nNote 19. See Note No. 14, of this chapter.\\nNote 20. On last Sunday morning, about two o clock, (the 25th\\nof May last,) whilst my wife and child and myself were in bed in\\nthe house where we lived, we were aroused by a company of men\\nwho said they belonged to the Northern army, and who were each\\narmed with a saber and two revolvers, two of whom I recognized,\\nnamely, a Mr. Brown, whose given name I do not remember, com-\\nmonly known by the appellation of old man Brown, and his son,\\nOwen Brown. They came in the house and approached the bedside\\nwhere we were lying, and ordered us, together with three other men\\nwho were in the same house with me, to surrender; that the North-\\nern army was upon us, and it would be no use for us to resist. The\\nnames of those other three men who were then in my house with me", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "WAR OX THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n217\\nare, William Sliornian, Julin S. Wiiiteman; tlio other man T did not\\nknow. Thoy were stopping with me that nif, ht.. They had houf^ht\\na cow from Henry Sherman, and intended to go home the next morn-\\ning. When they came up to the bed, some had drawn sabers in their\\nhands, and some revolvers. They then took into their possession\\ntwo rifles and a bowie-knife, which I had there in the room there\\nwas but one room in my house and afterwards ransacked the whole\\nestablishment in search of ammunition. They then took one of these\\nthree men, who were st;^ying in mj house, out. (This was the man\\nwhose name I did not know.) He came back. They then took me\\nout. and asked me if there were any more men about the place. I\\ntold them there were not. They searched the place, but found none\\nothers but we four. They asked me where Henry Sherman was.\\nHenry Sherman was a brother to William Sherman. I told them\\nthat he was out on the plains in .search of some cattle which he had\\nlost. It will be observed that Harris says, I told them that he\\nwas out on the plains, etc. Not even in this affidavit does he say\\nthat Henry Sherman was actually on the plains in search of cattle.\\nDutch Henry may have been on the plains, but it w as not to look for\\ncattle; he was preparing for a search for Free-State men when the\\nruffians should return from sacking Lawrence, and their allies from\\nMissouri should arrive.] They then asked if I had ever taken any\\nhand in aiding Pro-Slavery men in coming to the Territory of Kan-\\nsas, or had ever taken any hand in the last troubles at Lawrence,\\nand asked me whether I had ever done the Free-State party any\\nharm or ever intended to do that party any harm; they asked what\\nmade me live at such a place. I then answered that I could get\\nhigher wages there than anywhere else. They asked me if there\\nwere any bridles or saddles about the premises. I told them there\\nwas one saddle, which they took, and they also took possession of\\nHenry Sherman s horse, which I had at my place, and made me\\nsaddle him. They then said if I would answer no to all the questions\\nwhich they had asked me, they would let me loose. Old Mr. Brown\\nand his son then went into the house with me. The other three men,\\nMr. William Sherman, Mr. Whiteman, and the stranger were in the\\nhouse all this time. After old man Brown and his son went into the\\nhouse with me, old man Brown asked Mr. Sherman to go out with\\nhim. and Mr. Sherman then went out with old Mr. Brown, and\\nanother man came into the house in Brown s place. I heard notb-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "218 JOHN BEOWN\\ning more for about fifteen minutes. Two of the Northern army, as\\nthey styled themselves, stayed in with us until we heard a cap\\nburst, and then these two men left. That morning about ten o clock\\nI found William Sherman dead in the creek near my house. I was\\nlooking for Mr. Sherman. As he had not come back, I thought he\\nhad been murdered. I took Mr. William Sherman out of the creek\\nand examined him. Mr. Whiteman was with me. Sherman s skull\\nwas split open in two places, and some of his brains was washed out\\nby the water. A large hole was cut in his breast, and his left hand\\nwas cut off except a little piece of skin on one side. We buried him.\\n(Signed) James Harris.\\nFor this affidavit, see Report of the Special Committee appointed\\nto Investigate the Troubles in Kansas, pp. 1195-96-97.\\nThis aflidavit disposes of the allegations of one Christian, that\\nprisoners were taken. None were taken. It also refutes the state-\\nment of Mr. Townsley, that it was the purpose to kill Pro-Slavery\\nmen indiscriminately. No such purpose was ever entertained. Here\\nwere four Pro-Slavery men; only the one, having been convicted of\\noutrages and intention of future outrages, was harmed. This fact\\ntends to a confirmation of what Brown told Governor Crawford\\nand Mr. Coleman, viz., that only such men as had been tried and\\nfound guilty were killed.\\nNote 21. This statement was made by Hon. Johnson Clark, of\\nMiami county, Kansas, and published in the United States Bio-\\ngraphical Dictionary. It was published, also, in the Lawrence Home\\nJournal, Nov. 20, 1879. It may be found in Reminiscences of Old\\nJohn Brown, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 59.\\nNote 22. This letter is published in Kansas: Its Interior and\\nExterior Life, Sara T. D. Robinson, p. 413, edition of 1899, Appendix.\\nNote 23. I desire to say here, that it is not true that there was\\nany intentional mutilation of the bodies after they were killed.\\nThey were slain as quickly as possible and left, and whatever gashes\\nthey received were inflicted in the process of cutting them down\\nwith swords. I understand that the killing was done with these\\nswords so as to avoid alarming the neighborhood by the discharge\\nof firearms. Townsley s Statement, in Reminiscences of Old John\\nBrown, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 73.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER VIII.\\nWAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\u00e2\u0080\u0094 DETERMINATION.\\nThe web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and ill together:\\nour virtues would be proud, if our faults whipped them not; and our\\ncrimes would despair, if they were not cherished by our virtues.\\nShakespeare s All s Well that Ends Well.\\nFrom the very day after the men were killed on the\\nPottawatomie there was never any doubt in the vicinity\\nas to who had killed them. The members of the party never\\nmade a secret of the matter, nor of their participation in\\nthe killing. John Brown always declared that they were\\nkilled by his order, but said he had not killed any of them\\nhimself. It remains for us to inquire into the effects of\\nthis act upon (1) the settlers of the Pottawatomie; (2)\\nupon the Free-State cause in Kansas; (3) upon the cause\\nof general abolition.\\nThe party left the vicinity of Dutch Henry s Crossing\\non the afternoon of Sunday, and arrived at the camp of\\nthe company under the command of John Brown, jr., near\\nthe house of Ottawa Jones, about midnight. The com-\\npany had come to this point on the return to their homes.\\nJohn Brown, jr., had been to Lawrence in the meantime,\\ntaking with him a number of his company. Upon his ro-\\nturn he had seized two slaves belonging to a Missourian\\nliving near Palmyra. These slaves he carried to the camp\\nof his men, to be disposed of as they might decide. The\\nVn9)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "220\\nJOHN BROWN\\ncompany were in favor of returning them to their master,\\nwho had fled to Missouri. The slaves were given to a\\ncourier, who was ordered to overtake the master and deliver\\nthem to him this he did, and was rewarded for so doing,\\nthe master giving him a sidesaddle. This incident caused\\nsome opposition to John Brown, jr., and the opposition\\nincreasing, he resigned his command on Monday morning,\\nMay 26th. The company voted for a new commander;\\nthe candidates were H. H. Williams and James Townsley,\\nWilliams being elected. The company then broke camp\\nand returned to their homes.^\\nG. W. Brown says that John Brown, jr., remained in-\\nsane much of the following summer on account of the\\naction of his father on the Pottawatomie.^ There are\\nmany of his letters in existence, some of them written at\\nthat time, and they do not reveal insanity. He was, soon\\nafter his return home, arrested upon an indictment charg-\\ning conspiracy to resist the bogus laws, and upon this\\ncharge was imprisoned at Lecompton. He was made in-\\nsane by being driven before a body of armed Pro-Slavery\\nmen a whole day in June while bound with chains.\\nOn the 27th of May, Tuesday following the Saturday\\nupon which the men were killed, a meeting of the settlers\\non the Pottawatomie condemned the killing. Their first\\nresolution declared, That we will from this time lay aside\\nall sectional and political feelings and act together as men\\nof reason and common-sense, determined to oppose all men\\nwho are so ultra in their views as to denounce men of\\nopposite opinions. In their second resolution they ex-\\npressed their intention to stay at home during these ex-\\nciting times and protect, and, if possible, restore the peace", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 221\\nand harmony of the neighborhood. The last resolution\\nsaid, That we pledge ourselves, individually and collect-\\nively, to prevent a recurrence of a similar tragedy, and to\\nferret out and hand over to the criminal authorities the\\nperpetrators for punishment.\\nThis meeting seems to have been more in the nature of\\na precautionary measure than of a determined effort to\\napprehend John Brown and his men.* In fact, neither\\nparty regarded it as affording any guaranty of protection.\\nFor a short time there were armed incursions into the\\nneighborhood from Missouri and other parts of the Terri-\\ntory, The headquarters of these were at Paola, and they\\nranged the country in search of those against whom the\\ncourts had found indictments for resistance to the bogus\\nlaws a continuation of the campaign so recently con-\\ncluded against Lawrence.^ There is little doubt that the\\nkilling of Wilkinson and others directed the attention of\\nthe Pro-Slavery men to the Pottawatomie settlements, and\\nthat they overran them for a short time. But this did\\nnot continue long; the law and order settlers left in\\ngreat numbers, and returned to Missouri and other slave\\nStates. In order to make the Pottawatomie killings the\\ncause for all the woes which afterwards fell upon Kansas^\\nsome writers of Kansas Territorial history assert that the\\nsacking of Lawrence was a great victory for the Free-State\\nparty, and the end of the Territorial troubles; and that\\nthese troubles would not have again revived if the Potta-\\nwatomie affair had not occurred.^ I have searched dili-\\ngently for some confirmation of this strange conclusion^\\nbut can find none. I find no evidence that Buford was\\nwithdrawn from the Territory, and none that it was con-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "222 JOHN BEOWN\\ntemplated tliat he should withdraw. ISTone of his camps\\nwere abandoned, but all of them w^ere strengthened. Some\\nof the Missouri ans returned home, but remained only long\\nenough to replenish their supply of whisky and dispose of\\nthe plunder carried from their defeat at Lawrence! I\\nhave failed to find any order for the release of Governor\\nRobinson and other Free-State treason prisoners On the\\ncontrary, I find that the work of increasing their number\\nwent persistently on. Officers scoured the Territory, not\\nto apprehend the men who had killed the ruffians on the\\nPottawatomie, but to capture men for whom they had\\nwarrants for resistance to the bogus laws.*^ The campaign\\nfor which such elaborate prejjarations had been made in\\nthe previous winter, and which had threatened to break\\nover the border since March, continued, and continued all\\nsummer, and would have continued all summer if the men\\non the Pottawatomie had never been killed. There is some\\nevidence that the Pro-Slavery forces used the incident in\\nMissouri to inflame the people and get them to rally to the\\nwork determined upon, but this seems not to have been\\nvery successful. War extras of newspapers were thrown\\ninto steamboats, but the people of Missouri needed nothing\\nof this kind to whet them for the campaign; they had\\nmade preparation for it for months, and they intended to\\nprosecute it until the bogus laws were triumphant or the\\nlast Free-State man was driven from the Territory or\\nexterminated. And they were too well acquainted with\\nthe characters killed to shed any false and sentimental\\ntears over their fate. They regarded the matter in its true\\nlight, and as an incident of the war, and would have re-\\nspected the Free-State men more and have departed to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 223\\ntheir homes much sooner if this resistance had manifested\\nitself earlier and over lar\u00c2\u00a3 er areas. They were waging\\nwar, and expected that others would wage war against\\nthem.\\nLet us examine the record to some extent for the results\\nof the Pottawatomie killings. We will first introduce Mr.\\nTownsley, who continued to live in that locality for more\\nthan thirty years. Mr. Clark, in writing down Townsley s\\nfirst statement or confession, says: On May 24, 1855,\\nWilliam Sherman called at the house of John T. Grant,\\na Free-State man from ISTew York, and there, in anger and\\nin liquor, told the Grant family that they (the Pro-Slaverv\\nmen) intended to drive out the Free-State men from\\nPottawatomie creek and other parts of Kansas. This\\nalarmed Grant, and he sent his son George to the camp of\\nJohn Brown, who was at that time on Ottawa creek, some\\ntwenty-five miles northwest. Upon arriving in camp^\\nyoung Grant told John Brown the condition of things in\\nhis neighborhood, and the trouble anticipated if help was\\nnot had immediately. And here it is proper to state that\\nnews had come from Kansas City that Buford had or-\\nganized and armed a large force of Georgia immigrants,\\nand was about to march upon Kansas. The news had also\\narrived that Lawrence was in ashes, and that our Free-\\nState Governor, Robinson, was a prisoner in the hands of\\nPro-Slavery border ruffians, at Leavenworth. In hrief,\\nit was a time of terror so appalling that it was felt thai\\nthe destiny of Kansas was trembling in the balance, and\\nits fate about to be decided/ This is the testimony of\\nMr, Clark, put as a preface to the statement of Townsley.\\nIn Townsley s second extensive statement he says I", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "224\\nJOHN BROWN\\ndid not then approve of the killine; of those men.\\nIn after-years mj opinion changed as to the wisdom of\\nthe massacre. I became, ayid am, satisfied that it resulted\\nin good to the Free-State cause, and ivas especially hene-\\nficicd to the Free-State settlers on Pottawatomie creek.\\nThe Pro-Slavery men tvere dreadfully terrified, and large\\nnumbers of them soon left the Territory. It was after-\\nwards said that one Free-State man could scare a company\\nof them. In his last statement he uses exactly the same\\nlanguage.^\\nColonel Samuel F. Tappan says\\nIn the summer of 1856 I was at Leavenworth as\\nclerk of the Congi-essional Committee investigating Free-\\nState affairs, A reign of terror prevailed. Free-State\\nmen, women and children were forcibly driven from their\\nhomes, put upon steamers, and sent down the river. Free-\\nState men were arrested by a mob of Buford men, and\\nimprisoned in the basement of a warehouse. Miles Moore,\\nM, J. Parrott, Charles Robinson, Judge Wakefield, and\\nothers, were also held as prisoners in the city. This con-\\ntinued until one afternoon the Herald (General Eastin,\\neditor) published an extra about six inches long giving\\nan account of the horrible murder by John Brown, of\\nWilkinson and six [four] others, on Pottawatomie creek,\\nsoutheastern Kansas. This put a stop to further demands\\nupon Free-State men, and they were all soon after released.\\nThe Buford men remained quiet, no longer appearing\\nin the street under arms. In a few days I took passage\\nin [a] mail-coach for Lawrence, with S. C. Smith. Mr.\\nWeibling, who had been a prisoner, drove the team. Judge\\nWakefield, having been released, was also on the coach,\\nand we drove to Lawrence without further trouble.\\nWe give the statement of John B. Manes I came to\\nKansas in 1854. I worked for the Shermans in the sum-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 225\\nmer of 1855. Have often heard them say that the d d\\nYankees on the Pottawatomie ought to have and would\\nhave their d d throats cut.\\nWhile Weiner was absent at the defense of Lawrence,\\nMr. Benjamin, who was Weiner s partner in a store on\\nMosquito Branch, was warned to leave in five days, or have\\nhis store, himself and his family burned. The old man\\nDoyle and William Sherman were the men who warned\\nhim to leave. The Grant family was warned to leave in\\nthe same limit of time, and on pain of murder and destruc-\\ntion of property if they refused to heed the warning. At\\nthe time of the warning William Sherman flourished a\\nbowie-knife, and threatened to cut the d d Yankee heart\\nout of Mary Grant, the daughter of the Grant referred to\\nin Townsley s testimony. Other Free-State people were\\nwarned to leave on penalty of death if they remained, and\\nthe time was about up, these men being killed before the\\nexpiration of the five days.\\nI was but a boy of 13 or 14 at this time, but know what\\nthere occurred as well as anyone could know who didn t\\nsee all that was done and hear all that was said, as indeed\\nno one person could. Being a boy, I was often sent on\\nerrands when it was thought older people could not go\\nwithout being murdered by border ruffians and at this\\ntime of dread, when even my nearest kindred dared not\\nmove abroad without danger of being assaulted or killed,\\nI would not be likely to forget what was generally believed\\nto be the danger surrounding those who were in favor of\\na free State.\\nI know that my father was knocked down for having\\na New York Trihitne in his pocket. I know that my\\nfather s house and brother-in-law s store were burned to\\nashes. I know there was a reign of terror, of which those\\nmen who were killed were the authors and I am sur-\\nprised that anyone should believe that the killing of those\\nmen was without excuse. Were the Free-State men to\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009415", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "226 JOHN BEOWN\\nabandon Kansas? Were they to fold their arms in mar-\\ntyrdom at tlie end of five days Or were they to slay their\\nwould-be murderers before the fifth day arrived Which\\nof these? 11\\nIt has often been said that these settlers who stood in\\nthe shadow of death on the Pottawatomie should have ap-\\npealed to courts. This was the cry of the impracticables\\nand non-resistants in John Brown s day, and was later\\nheard in New England, chiefly through the efforts of Eli\\nThayer, and in the Administrative circles of the Govern-\\nment, and wherever the enemies of Kansas as a free State\\ndid then congregate. This was so manifestly absurd and\\nridiculous that Emerson gave it his attention In this\\ncountry for the last few years the Government has been\\nthe chief obstruction to the common weal. Who doubts\\nthat Kansas would have been very well settled if the\\nUnited States had let it alone The Government armed\\nand led the ruffians against the poor farmers.\\nIn the free States we give a sniveling support to slavery.\\nThe judges give cowardly interpretations to the law, in\\ndirect opposition to the known foundation of all law, that\\nevery immoral statute is void. And here, of Kansas, tlic\\nPresident says, Let the complainants go to the courts\\nthough he knows that when the poor plundered farmer\\ncomes to the court, he finds the ringleader who has rolhed\\nhim dismounting from his own horse, and unhuchling his\\nhnife to sit as his judge.\\nCharles Robinson was the Free-State Governor of Kan-\\nsas at the time these men were killed by John Brown on\\nthe Pottawatomie. Having the interests of the Eree-State\\nmen of Kansas in his charge, and it being his business to\\nknow the conditions everywhere prevailing, he bestowed", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "WAB OJSr THE POTTAWATOMIE 227\\nupon John Brown the highest praise and most flattering\\npanegyrics. In 1878 he said: I never had much doubt\\nthat Captain Brown was the author of the blow at Potta-\\nwatomie, for the reason that he was the only man who\\ncomprehe7ided the situation and saw the ahsolute necessity\\nof some such hlow, and had tlie nerve to strike it.\\nSanborn quotes Colonel Samuel Walker\\nColonel Walker, of Lawrence, in quoting to me\\nBrown s saying in August, 1882, the Pottawatomie exe-\\ncution was a just act, and did good, added I must\\nsay he told the truth. It did a great deal of good by terri-\\nfying the Missourians. I heard Governor Robinson say\\nthis himself in his speech at Osawatomie in 1877 he said\\nhe rejoiced in it then, though it put his own life in dan-\\nger, for he [Robinson] was a prisoner at Lecompton\\n[Leavenworth] when Brown killed the men at Pottawato-\\nmie.\\nWe again quote from Sanborn\\nAt a public meeting held in Lawrence, Dec. 19, 1859,\\n(according to the newspaper reports at the time,) the citi-\\nzens passed resolutions concerning the Pottawatomie execu-\\ntions, declaring that according to the ordinary rules of\\nwar said transaction was not unjustifiable, but that it was\\nperformed from the sad necessity which existed at that\\ntime to defend the lives and liberties of the settlers in that\\nregion. This resolution was supported by Charles Rob-\\ninson, who said that he had always believed that John\\nBrown was connected with that movement. Indeed, he\\nbelieved Brown had told him so, or to that effect; and\\nwhen he first heard of the massacre, he thought it was\\nabout right. A war of extermination was in prospect, and\\nit was as well for Free-State men to kill Pro-Slavery men,\\nas for Pro-Slaverv men to kill Free-State men.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "228 JOHN BROWN\\nIn 1877 the people of the Pottawatomie settlements,\\nbeing proud of the part their ancestors took in the battle\\nwhich made Kansas free, and desiring to commemorate\\ntheir heroic deeds, joined with the survivors of those bat-\\ntles in the erection of a monument to those who fell in\\nthe great cause. This monument was built at Osawatomie,\\nwhere it now stands, and was dedicated August 30, 1877.^^\\nIt was fitting that the old Free-State Governor, the Hon.\\nCharles Robinson, under whose direction the struggle was\\ncarried on, should preside over the ceremonies of dedica-\\ntion, and he did. He delivered two addresses upon the\\noccasion, one at the monument and one to an audience of\\ncitizens who came to pay him honor at the residence where\\nhe was a guest, in Paola, the county seat of the county\\nin which the monument was erected. He said\\nThis is an occasion of no ordinary merit, being for\\nno less an object than to honor and keep fresh the memory\\nof those who freely offered their lives for their fellow-men.\\nWe are told that scarcely for a righteous man will one\\ndie, yet peradventure for a good man some would dare to\\ndie but the men whose death we commemorate this day,\\ncheerfully offered themselves a sacrifice for strangers and\\na despised race. They were men of convictions, though\\ndeath stared them in the face. They were cordial haters\\nof oppression, and would fight injustice wherever found;\\nif framed into law, then they would fight the law if up-\\nheld and enforced by government, then government must\\nbe resisted. They were of Revolutionary stock, and held\\nthat when a long train of abuses had put the people under\\nabsolute despotism, it was right and duty to throw off such\\ngovernment and provide guards for future security. The\\nsoul of John Brown was the inspiration of the Union\\narmies in the emancipation war, and will be the inspiration\\nof all men in the present and distant future who may re-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n229\\nvolt against tyranny and oppression because he dared to\\nbe a traitor to the government that he might be loyal to\\nhumanity. To the superficial observer, John Brown was\\na failure. So Avas Jesus of I^azareth. Both suffered\\nignominious death as traitors to the government, yet one\\nis now hailed as the savior of the world from sin, and\\nthe other of a race from bondage.\\nAugust Bondi was a resident of the Dutch settlement\\non the Pottawatomie at the time. This settlement had in-\\ncurred the enmity of the Shermans, Wilkinson, and the\\nDoyles, because it was composed of men who desired that\\nKansas should be a free State. In this settlement was\\nthe store of Weiner and Benjamin, which the ruffians\\nburned. Mr. Bondi says At 9 o clock that evening\\n(2 2d) a messenger from Pottawatomie creek arrived and\\nreported that the Pro-Slavery men there (Wilkinson,\\nDoyle and sons, William and Dutch Henry Sherman)\\nhad gone from house to house of Free-State men and\\nthreatened that shortly the Missourians would be there\\nand make a clean sweep of them, and at many places\\nwhere the men were absent grossly insulted their wives\\nand daughters.\\nGeneral Jo. O. Shelby, of Missouri, was a great ad-\\nmirer of John Brown, and often referred to his brave acts\\nin the border wars in Kansas and to his heroic death in\\nVirginia. He delighted to tell how Captain Pate cap-\\ntured John Brown at Black Jack, and this he could tell\\nin an inimitable manner that would set the table in a\\nroar, General Shelby was one of the bravest and most\\nchivalrous of soldiers, and could appreciate bravery in\\nanother, even though an enemy. He said of John Brown", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "230 JOHN BEOWN\\nI knew him well. I freighted with him in Kansas,\\nand I fought him in Kansas. I knew him thoronghly,\\nand I tell you a braver or more gallant man never\\nbreathed. It is all a mistake to say John Brown was a\\ncoward.\\nDo you think he murdered people as charged\\nWhy, of course he did, but it was simply a measure\\nof retaliation. He didn t have any the best of us. We\\nkilled and Jolm Brown killed there was no difference on\\nthat score.\\nHon. James F. Legate was one of the first settlers in\\nKansas. He had settled in Douglas county before Law-\\nrence was founded. Xo man in Kansas ever knew the\\nconditions existing here in the Territorial days better\\nthan Mr. Legate knows them. He wrote the following\\nin December, 1879:\\nOut of the history being written by George W. Brown,\\na trial is made to make of John Brown a murderer rather\\nthan a martyr.\\nHatred must have its full share in the promptings\\nof such a history. We believe old John Brown planned\\nthe killing of Wilkinson, Sherman and the Doyles, and\\nperhaps was one of the actors in the drama. But if that\\nbe true, he was not a murderer, for it was the sacrificing\\nof human life for the advancement of a great cause.\\nWilkinson was especially a bad man, and the leader\\nof the Doyles and others in raids against the Free-State\\nmen. The Georgia company had built a fort just below\\nor south of there, and murder and robbery and arson was\\ntheir daily avocation. Willcinson, Sherman and the\\nDoyles were parties to all their crimes. These men were\\nscouts and spies of the Georgians. The Georgians were\\nplanning to murder the whole Free-State settlement in the\\nneighborhood of Osawatomie, and would have executed\\ntheir plans but for this interposition. Brown knew it,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n231\\nand the Free-State men throughout the Territory knew it.\\nBut it was hard to explain to the Eastern, moral people\\nwhy it was necessary to take such steps, and it never was\\nexplained, denounced or justified.\\nBut the result of that deed was peace in the Territory.\\nBefore this time, the Pro-Slavery settlers were active par-\\nticipants in the Pro-Slavery raids in the Territory they\\njustified the deeds of the Pro-Slavery rufiians, but after\\nthat, even the Pro- Slavery men were active in their oppo-\\nsition to the atrocities of the border rufiians, and did their\\nfull share in stopping them. It made those Southerners^\\nwho were committing all manner of depredations, feel\\nthat their lives were not secure and that they must measure\\ntheir conduct by the exigencies of the times, and they were\\nless offensive. It emboldened the Free-State men to assert\\ntheir rights, and in asserting their rights they won a\\nvictory for freedom.\\nJohn Brown planned the taking of the lives of these\\nmen in the interest of peace and freedom, and if he exe-\\ncuted the plan himself he was a hero, not a murderer\\nIn relation to the part played by the Blue Lodges of\\nMissouri in the preparation of the campaign to be waged\\nagainst Kansas in the spring of 1856, we quote S. N.\\nWood, one of the first settlers in Douglas county. He was\\na member of an anti-slavery organization there early in\\nJune. He was a prominent actor in the stirring times of\\nTerritorial days, and the object of much hatred by Missou-\\nrians. He says\\nThe Blue Lodges of Missouri and Kansas were secret\\norganizations, whose members swore, on peril of their lives,\\nto make a slave State of Kansas. In the fall of 1855 they\\nbecame very active and strong; and one of the members,\\nwhose conscience revolted against murder even in the in-\\nterest of slaver}^, revealed the fact that a new policy had", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "232\\nJOHX BEOWIT\\nbeen agreed upon: Free-State men were to be killed pri-\\nvately struck down, one to-day in one place, one to-\\nmorrow in another, until no Free-State man would feel\\nsafe. This put every man on his guard.\\nJudge James Hanway was a resident in the settlement\\non the Pottawatomie. He was a member of the company\\ncalled the Pottawatomie Rifles, of which John Brown,\\njr., was captain. He was a man of good mind, and did\\nmuch for the intellectual development of Kansas. He was\\na just man and a good citizen. He was a member of the\\nconvention which formed the present State Constitution.\\nHis ability and integrity were everywhere recognized, and\\nhis attainments were great. He was one of the men in-\\nvited to go with the party under John Brown to the Potta-\\nwatomie. He refused, and tried to induce the company to\\nwait until all could return together.^^ He knew that the\\ncompany left the camp with the avowed purpose of killing\\nsome of the ruffians on the Pottawatomie, should conditions\\nthere be found as represented. He often declared that\\nJames Harris told him that when John Brown and his men\\ncame into his house in search of the ruffians, his wife sup-\\nposed they were the men from Missouri come to expel or\\nmurder the Free-State settlers. It is also said that she\\narose and commenced to prepare something for them to eat^\\nunder the impression that they were the expected Missouri\\nruffians. Judge Hanway always said that the account\\nthat Harris gave of the affair to his neighbors was very\\ndifferent from that contained in his affidavit. Judge\\nHanway says, further:\\nI was informed by one of the party of eight who left\\nour camp on Ottawa creek. May 22, 1856, to visit the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "WAE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 233\\nPottawatomie, what their object and purposes were. 1\\nprotested, and begged them to desist. Of course mj plea\\navailed nothing. After the dreadful affair had taken\\nplace, and after a full investigation of the whole matter,\\nI, like many others, modified my opinion. Good men and\\nkind-hearted women in 1856 differed in regard to this\\naffair, in which John Brown and his party were the lead-\\ning actors. John Brown justified it, and thought it a\\nnecessity others differed from him then, as they do now.\\nI have had an excellent opportunity to investigate the\\nmatter, and, like others of the early settlers, was finally\\nforced to the conclusion that the Pottawatomie massacre,\\nas it is called, prevented the ruffian hordes from carrying\\nout their programme of expelling the Free-State men from\\nthis portion of the Territory of Kansas. It was this view\\nof the case which reconciled the minds of the settlers on\\nthe Pottawatomie. They would whisper to one another\\nIt was fortunate for us for God only knows what our\\nfate and condition would have been, if old John Brown\\nhad not driven terror and consternation into the ranks\\nof the Pro-Slavery party.\\nIn a communication to Judge Adams, Secretary of the\\nState Historical Society, February 1, 1878, Judge Han-\\nway says\\nSo far as public opinion in the neighborhood where\\nthe affair took place is concerned, I believe I may state\\nthat the first news of the event produced such a shock that\\npublic opinion was considerable divided but after the\\nwhole circumstances became better known, there was a\\nreaction of public opinion and the Free-State settlers\\nwho had claims on the creek considered that Capt. Brown\\nand his party of eight had performed a justifiable act^\\nwhich saved their homes and dwellings from threatened\\nraids of the Pro-Slavery party.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "234 JOHN BROWiq\\nWe have seen that Mrs. Harris was aware that ruffians\\nfrom Missonri were expected to arrive to aid the Pro-\\nSlavery settlers in their work of expelling the Free-State\\nfamilies on the Pottawatomie. There is no donbt that\\nMrs. Wilkinson had been apprised also that snch was the\\nplan being matured for the ejection of the Free-State\\nneighbors around her. Sanborn says:\\nMrs. Wilkinson, an unfortunate woman who had tried\\nin vain to keep her husband from engaging in the outrages\\nagainst their Free-State neighbors, was visited early in the\\nmorning after the executions, by Dr. Gillpatrick and ]\\\\Ir.\\nGrant, two Free-State men, who went to her house (which\\nwas the postoffice) to get their mail. They found the poor\\nwoman weeping, and saying that a party of men had been\\nto the house during the night and taken her husband out;\\nshe had heard that morning that Mr. Doyle had been\\nkilled within the night, and she was afraid that her hus-\\nband had been killed also. Among other reasons she gave\\nfor fearing this, he had said to her the night before that\\nthere was going to be an attack made upon the Free-State\\nmen, and that by the next Saturday night there would not\\nbe a Free-State settler left on the creek. These, she said,\\nwere his last words to her the night before as they were\\ngoing to sleep.\\nProfessor Spring was particularly unjust to Brown in\\nhis history of Kansas. But later, he made a modification\\nof his views, and says\\nThe Dutch Henry s Crossing of 1882 is a paradise of\\nrural peace and happiness. Here quiet and security seem\\nto have reached their utmost limit. The PottaM atomie\\nhalf limpid, with slighter mixtures of discoloring mud than\\nany Kansas stream that I have seen winds languidly\\nbetween beautifullv shaded banks towards the Marais des", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 235\\nCjgnes. The vast fields of corn and wlieaJ with their\\npicturesque borders of orange hedge, lie mapped upon the\\nrolling prairie in every direction,\\nAs quietly as spots of sky\\nAmong the evening clouds.\\nThe Dutch Henry s Crossing of 1856 stands in an-\\ntithesis to all this Arcadian repose. Then there was no\\nlaw but force, no rule but violence, in the Territory of\\nKansas. A veritable reign of terror was inaugurated.\\nMarauders were prowling about, in whose eyes nothing-\\nwas sacred that stood in the way of their passions. The\\nopposing factions into whose hands the question of slavery\\nor no slavery for Kansas had fallen, hunted each other like\\nwolves. Pistol-shots and sword-slits were the prevailing\\nstyle of argument.\\nWe shall see later that he finally gained a correct esti-\\nmate of the results of the descent of John Brown upon the\\nrufiiaus of the Pottawatomie.\\nThe outrages on the Grant family have been spoken of,\\nbut a more specific statement will be given\\nMy father, John T. Grant, came from Oneida county^\\nT^T. Y., and settled on Pottawatomie creek, in 1854. We\\nwere near neighbors of the Shermans, of the Doyles, and of\\nWilkinson, who were afterwards killed. There was a com-\\npany of Georgia Border Kuffians encamped on the ]\\\\[arais\\ndes Cygnes, about four miles away from us, who had been\\ncommitting outrages upon the Free-State people and these\\nPro-Slavery men were in constant communication with\\nthem. They had a courier who went back^vard and for-\\nward carrying messages. When we heard on the Pottawa-\\ntomie that the Border Ruffians were threatening Lawrence,\\nand the Pree-State wanted help, we immediately began to\\nprepare to go their assistance. Frederick Brown, son of\\nJohn Brown, went to a store at Dutch Henry s Crossing^\\nkept by a Mr. Morse, from Michigan, known as old Squire", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "236\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nMorse, a quiet, inoffensive old Free-State man, living there\\nwith his two bojs, and bought some bars of lead, saj\\ntwenty or thirty pounds. He brought the lead to my\\nfather s house on Sunday morning, and my brother Henry\\nC. Grant and my sister Mary spent the whole day in\\nrunning Sharps and other rifle bullets for the company.\\nAs Frederick Brown was bringing this lead to our house,\\nhe passed Henry Sherman s house, and several Pro-\\nSlavery men, among them Doyle and his two sons, William\\nSherman, and others, were sitting on a fence, and inquired\\nwhat he was going to do with it. He told them he was go-\\ning to run it into bullets for Free-State guns. They\\nwere aj^parently much incensed at his reply, as they knew\\nthat the Free-State company was then preparing to go to\\nLawrence. The next morning, after the company had\\nstarted to go to Lawrence, a number of Pro-Slavery\\nmen Wilkinson, Doyle, and his two sons, and Will-\\niam Sherman, known as Dutch Bill took a rope\\nand went to old Squire Morse s house, and said they\\nwere going to hang him for selling the lead to the\\nFree-State men. They frightened the old man ter-\\nribly; but told him he must leave the country be-\\nfore eleven o clock, or they would hang him. They then\\nleft and went to the Shermans and went to drinking.\\nAbout eleven o clock a portion of them, half drunk, went\\nback to Mr. Morse s, and were going to kill him with an\\naxe. His little boys one was only nine years old set\\nup a violent crying, and begged for their father s life.\\nThey finally gave him until sundown to leave. He left\\neverything, and came at once to our house. He was nearly\\nfrightened to death. He came to our house carrying a\\nblanket and leading his little boy by the hand. When\\nnight came he was so afraid that he would not stay in the\\nhouse, but went outdoors and slept on the prairie in the\\ngrass. For a few days he lay about in the brush, most of\\nthe time getting his meals at our house. He was then taken\\nviolently ill and died in a very short time. Dr. Gillpat-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n237\\nrick attended him during bis brief illness, and said his\\ndeath was directly caused by the fright and excitement\\nof that terrible day when he was driven from his store.\\nThe only thing they had against Mr. Morse was his selling\\nthe lead, and this he had previously bought of Henry\\nSherman, who had brought it from Kansas City. While\\nthe Free-State company was gone to Lawrence, Henry\\nSherman came to my father s house and said We have\\nordered old Morse out of the country, and he has got to\\ngo, and a good many others of the Free-State families have\\ngot to go. The general feeling among the Free-State\\npeople was one of terror while the company was gone, as\\nwe did not know at what moment the Georgia ruffians\\nmight come in and drive us all out.\\nAs tending to show that Brown was justifiable, I give\\nadditional instances among them some further quotations\\nfrom the writings of Judge Hanway and Governor Robin-\\nson:\\nIt was thought that the effect of the Pottawatomie\\naffair would be disastrous to the settlers who had taken up\\ntheir quarters in this locality. For a few weeks it looked\\nominous. I spent most of my time in the brush. The set-\\ntlement was overrun by the law and order men, who took\\nevery man prisoner whom they came across, jay-hawked\\nhorses and saddles, and even, in several cases, work-cattle;\\nbut after these raids ceased, the Pro-Slavery element be-\\ncame willing to bury the hatchet and live in peace. The\\nmost ultra of those who had been leaders left the Terri-\\ntory, only to return at periods to burn the house of some\\nobnoxious Free-State man. The Pottawatomie affair sent\\na terror into the Pro-Slavery ranks, and those who re-\\nmained on the creek were as desirous of peace as any\\nclass of the community.\\nAs a note to the foregoing, Mr. Sanborn has the follow-\\ning:", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "238 JOHN BEOw:^\\nAs to the wisdom of John Brown s general policy of\\nbrave resistance and stern retaliation, the sagacious Judge\\nHanway says In the early Kansas troubles I considered\\nthe extreme measures which he adopted as not the best\\nunder the circumstances. We were weak, and cut off, as\\nit were, from our friends. Our most bitter enemies re-\\nceived their support from an adjoining State. We were\\nnot in a condition to resist by force the power of the Bor-\\nder Ruffians, backed and supported as they were by the\\nAdministration at Washington. Events afterwards proved\\nthat the most desperate remedies, as in the Pottawatomie\\naffair, were best. In place of being the forerunner of\\nadditional strife and turmoil, the result proved it was a\\npeace measure. Charles Robinson, in an article written\\nfor the Kansas Magazine many years ago, said of the\\nexecutions by Brown: They had the effect of a clap of\\nthunder from a clear sky. The slave men stood aghast.\\nThe officials were frightened at this new move on the part\\ncf the supposed subdued free men. This was a warfare\\nthey were not prepared to wage, as of the hotia fide settlers\\nthere M-ere four free men to one slave man.\\nThe Pottawatomie executions were the work of John\\nBrown. Xo meeting of outraged citizens to condemn mur-\\nderers to death would have been held on the Pottawatomie\\nhad not John Brown left the camp of the Free-State com-\\npany on Middle Ottawa creek and returned to the settle-\\nments at Dutch Henry s Crossing. Whether he killed any\\nwith his own hand is of no consequence so far as respon-\\nsibility is concerned. Each one of the eight, whatever his\\npart in the actual work, stood ui^on precisely the same\\nground. John Brown never denied liis participation in\\nthis foray, and he always avowed his responsibility for\\nit. The utmost of his denial was that he had not killed\\nanyone with his own hand. Captain Brown, did you", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "WAR 01^ THE rOTTAWATOMIE 239\\nkill those five men on the Pottawatomie, or did you not\\nasked Mrs. Coleman. I did not; but I do not pretend\\nto say they were not killed by my order and in doing so\\nI believe I was doing God s service, he replied without\\nhesitation. So he always said. This avowal was in the\\nsummer of 1856, and but a short time after the killing.\\nThis was always known in Kansas to be the position of\\nJohn Brown; that he killed those men with his company\\nthere was never the slightest doubt. The denials attributed\\nto him are the work of Mr. Redpath, principally, and\\nalways did Brown an injustice; they were made without\\nhis knowledge or consent.\\nHad not John Brown killed the ruffians on the Pot-\\ntawatomie, the campaign against the Free-State men for\\nthe enforcement of the bogus laws would have been suc-\\ncessful. The Free-State men held for treason would have\\nbeen killed or sentenced to long terms of imprisonment\\nin Federal prisons. Liberty would have been trampled\\ndown by ruthless barbarians and washed into the earth\\nby the blood of martyrs for her cause. Slavery, with legal\\nmien and hypocritical face, but ending foul, in many a\\nscaly fold, would have encircled Kansas in fatal coils.\\nIf freedom s cause had failed in Kansas, the conflict\\nwould have been delayed and a future generation would\\nhave been compelled to battle with greater difficulties.\\nWho sees no more in this raid on the Pottawatomie than\\nthe mere protection of a few families, (though as a matter\\nof justification, that was for it a sufficient cause,) has read\\nthe history of his country in vain. While it was indeed\\nthat, it was primarily much more than that it was a blow\\nagainst slavery in America. It was the opportunity long", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "240 JOHN BEOWN\\nsought by John Brown. For this purpose he came to Kan-\\nsas. Compromise with crime was, in his eves, a crime. If\\nslavery was a curse, it was the duty of men everywhere\\nto attack it. Many of the leaders of Kansas were in favor\\nof dissimulation. Their opposition must be carried for-\\nward while they rendered a passive submission to the pow-\\ners they were battling against. xVttacks must be covertly\\nmade, so that if need be they could be efFoctively disa-\\nvowed. This double-dealing was scorned by John Brown.\\nHe saw evil standing as a menace to humanity. His duty\\nwas clear to him his resolution was, Let others do as they\\nmay; in God s name I will battle against it as best I can;\\nI should be joined by all men, but if I must fight alone^\\nthen be it so. The old truism, that a man should be true\\nto duty though he stand alone, was exemplified by John\\nBrown on the Pottawatomie. He came from that field\\nconfirmed in his own belief that he was chosen of God to\\nbattle against the foul institution that threatened his\\ncountry and oppressed humanity. His fame spread\\nabroad, and for a season the campaign against freedom\\nin Kansas was diverted from its purpose and turned\\nagainst John Brown and at this he rejoiced.\\nThe following is a quotation from Professor Spring:\\nIt may be that this modern Mr. Valiant for Truth\\nwas a fanatic. I am not disturbed by that word. Every\\ngreat cause has so fascinated some men so taken posses-\\nsion of their souls, subduing, inspiring, harnessing them to\\nits service, so bounding their visions by its horizon that\\nthey have been indifferent to other questions and inter-\\nests. The passion of liberty enslaved John Brown. In his\\njudgment, violence alone could save the day violence was\\nthe charmed weapon for the impending contest; and the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "WAE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n241\\nbloody mstrument which he seized did not break in his\\nhand. I recall a sentence in Oliver Cromwell s dispatch\\nannouncing the storming and massacre of Drogheda, whicli\\nis at once a declaration of Brown s motive and prophecy\\nof his hope when he lifted his hand against the cabins on\\nthe Pottawatomie: Truly, I believe this hitteniess will\\nsave much effusion of blood, through the goodness of God\\nWas the fanatic s expectation realized Did the event\\napprove his sagacity I think there is but one answer to\\nquestions like these. After all, the fanatic was wiser than\\nthe philosopher. The effect of his retaliatory policy, in\\nchecking outrages, in bringing to a pause the depredations\\nof bandits, in staying the proposed execution of Free-State\\nprisoners, was marvelous. The raid upon Dutch Henry s\\nCrossing is not least among the deeds that saved Kansas\\nto liberty. ^o\\nIn the February, 1884, North American Review, Sena-\\ntor John J. Ingalls said:\\nJudge Hanway, before quoted, says\\nI did not know of a settler of 56 but what regarded\\nit as amongst the most fortunate events in the history of\\nKansas. It saved the lives of the Free-State men on the\\nCreek, and those who did the act were looked upon as\\ndeliverers.\\nOne of the most eminent of the Free-State leaders^\\nv;ho is still living, writes\\nHe was the only man who comprehended the situa-\\ntion, and saw the absolute necessity for some such blow,\\nand had the nerve to strike it.\\nAnother prominent actor writes\\nI wish to say right here about the Pottawatomie\\nCreek massacre, which has been the theme of so much\\nmagazine literature, that at the time it occurred it was\\napproved by myself and hundreds of others, including the\\nmost prominent of the leaders amongst the Free-State\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009416", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "24:2 JOHN BEOWN\\nmen. It was one of the stern, merciless necessities of the\\ntimes. The night it was done I was but a few miles away\\non guard, to protect from destruction the homes of Free-\\nState men and their families, who had been notified by\\nthese men and their allies to leave within a limited time\\nor forfeit their lives and property. The women and chil-\\ndren dared not sleep in the houses, and were hid away in\\nthe thickets. Something had to be done, and the avenger\\nappeared, and the doomed men perished, they who had\\ndoomed others.\\nIt was the blood and iron prescription of Bismarcli.\\nThe pro-slavery butchers of Kansas and their Missouri\\nconfederates learned that it was no longer safe to kill.\\nThey discovered, at last, that nothing is so unprofitable\\nas injustice. They started from the guilty dream to find\\nbefore them, silent and tardy, but inexorable and relent-\\nless, with uplifted blade, the awful apparition of vengeance\\nand retribution.\\nI cannot close this chapter in any more suitable manner\\nthan by adding the testimony of the most eminent histo-\\nrian who has ever written of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, author\\nof the Annals of Kansas\\nMay 24-25. James P. Doyle and his two sons, and\\nWilliam Sherman and Allen Wilkinson (a member of the\\nBogus Legislature), all Pro-Slavery, taken from their\\nhomes at night and murdered. They lived on the Potta-\\nwatomie, in Franklin county. Capt. John Brown led the\\nparty that did the deed. No other act spread such conster-\\nnation among the rufiians, or contributed so powerfully to\\nmake Kansas free. Hitherto, murder had been an ex-\\nclusive Southern privilege. The Yankee could argue and\\nmake speeches; he did not dare to kill anybody. Blood\\nsprinkles all the pages of history.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 243\\nNote 1. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp.\\n273, 274.\\nNote 2. As showing the feeling of the Free-State men towards\\nG. W. Brown, I quote from Webb Scrap Book No. 17, library of the\\nState Historical Society, Topeka:\\nG. W. Brown had his press The Herald of Freedom destroyed\\nby a mob from Missouri, who were acting in the capacity of a\\nposse comitatus. He himself was arrested and imprisoned in the\\ncamp before Leeompton, on the charge of high treason or some similar\\nmisdemeanor. Terrified for his life, he became a traitor. Bought by\\nAdministration gold, he continues one.\\nNovember 30, 1879, the Laicrence Journal quoted from the St.\\nJoseph Herald the following: Geo. W. Brown is the same liar and\\nmercenary politician that he was twenty years ago, and the Laivrence\\nJournal is hardly to be excused for publishing his venom. Brown\\nhates the cause and the men that he betrayed. He is not trying to\\nwrite history, but to make a rogues gallery of the Kansas pioneers.\\nGovernor Robinson said of G. W. Brown: He would crawl on\\nhis belly to Jerusalem to save his miserable neck. (See The Webb\\nScrap Book No. 17.)\\nDocument No. 2966, Brown Collection, library State Historical\\nSociety, Topeka, says:\\nThayer has published letters from G. W. Brown! You knoio his\\nreputation as well as I. It was current report at the time that he\\ncourted arrest. He was despised both by Pro-Slavery and Free-State\\nmen a man without character or inliuence, and in order to get\\nnotoriety and in high company with the state prisoners submitted to\\narrest by a negro slave. Bah!\\nThe foregoing paper was written by William H. Ambrose, Esq.,\\nGreeley, Kansas.\\nIn 1857, Mr. James H. Holmes wrote of G. W. Brown:\\nGovernor Walker comes to town frequently, and stops at the\\nHerald of Freedom office, in secret conclave with G. W. Brown.\\nWhen you come here (if you should), you can judge for yourself.\\nLife and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 305.\\nJohn Brown himself wrote of G. W. Brown: I believe all honest,\\nsensible Free-State men in Kansas consider George Washington\\nBrown s Herald of Freedom one of the most mischievous, traitorous", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "244 JOHN BBOWN\\npublications in the whole country. Life and Letters of John\\nBrown, F. B. Sanborn, p. ^7C.\\nNote 3. These resolutions are given in full in The Kansas Con-\\nflict, Charles Robinson, p. 275.\\nNote 4. The Free-State men said in public that they condemned\\nthe act, and privately they commended it and owed their lives to it.\\nTo strangers and the public they said they would search out the\\noffenders; among themselves they whispered that John Brown had\\nsaved their lives by striking down the ruffians on the Pottawatomie.\\nNote 5. A little later Jefferson Davis wrote to General Smith:\\nThe President has directed me to say to you that you are author-\\nized from time to time to make requisitions upon the Governor for\\nsuch militia force as you may require to enable you to suppress the\\ninsurrection against the government of the Territory of Kansas.\\nShould you not be able to derive from the military of Kansas an\\nadequate force for the purpose, you will derive such additional num-\\nber of militia as may be necessary from the States of Illinois and\\nKentucky. The position of the insurgents is that of open\\nrebellion against the laics and cotistitutional authorities, with such\\nmanifestation of purpose to spread devastation over the land as\\nno longer justifies further hesitation or indulgence. Quoted from\\nLife and Letters of John Broun. F. B. Sanborn, p. 28Jt.\\nNote 6. This decisive victory over the Slave-State party was\\nachieved May 21, 1856, and to all appearance was final. The Kan-\\nsas Conflict, Charles Robinson, p. 265.\\nGovernor Robinson does not give so great prominence to the effects\\nof the Pottawatomie affair as is ascribed to it by G. W. Brown.\\nBut he enumerates in his book all the invasions of the following\\nsummer, and then says: All these movements resulted from the\\nmassacre. It took Governor Robinson more than twenty years to\\nfind that out, for at the dedication of the Brown Monument at\\nOsawatomie, twenty-one years later, he said that Brown stood next\\nto Jesus Christ. As he was the Free-State Governor, he should\\nhave known what did and what did not injure the Free-State cause\\nin Kansas; and he should have made some progress in that discovery\\nin twenty-one years! If John Brown s actions in May, 1856, were\\ndetrimental to the cause of freedom in Kansas, Governor Robinson", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 245\\nshould have discovered it in one year, or two years, or three years;\\nat least, long before twenty-one years. No other man has ascribed\\nto John Brown so great praise as did Governor Robinson upon\\nthat occasion. Unfortunately for his conclusion that the sacking\\nof Lawrence was a great Free-State victory and the end of the war\\nthe dawn of peace in Kansas we have the testimony of men who saw\\nthe transactions of that summer. The records they made of these\\nevents were not for the purpose of condemning the course of anyone\\nin Kansas, nor were they designed to establish the reputation of\\nanyone for statesmanship. They are numerous and conclusive. One\\nof the most trustworthy was made by Thomas H. Gladstone, who\\nwas a passenger on the boat that carried Governor Robinson from\\nKansas City to Leavenworth on the night of the 22d of May, 1856.\\nHe says:\\nIn the morning, like my fellow-travelers, I was early astir. My\\nWestern companions, accustomed to frequent potations, seemed\\nalready sobered down by their few hours rest. If less boisterously\\ndemonstrative, however, in relation to Yankee Abolitionists than\\nin the night, the change was only to an animosity of a more calculat-\\ning and determined character. News of fresh strife had been received\\nduring the night. Extras of the different journals, in the form of\\nprinters slips, containing the latest intelligence, were put on board\\nand largely circulated. These invariably contained distorted ac-\\ncounts of the events of the hour, and appeals of the most inflam-\\nmatory character. As they were read aloud to the eager listeners,\\nthey gave occasion to renew determination to fight the nigger-wor-\\nshipping crew to the last drop of blood. One extra I obtained,\\nissued by the Border Times at Westport, in which the outrages at\\nLawrence were announced beneath the heading, The Kansas Ball\\nOpened War in Earnest. In another, a Lecompton paper, the\\nnarrative was headed, Lawrence Taken Glorious Triumph of\\nTHE Law and Order Party over Fanaticism in Kansas. When\\ncold-blooded murder, which has left behind its destitution, widow-\\nhood and orphanage, comes to be regarded by journalists as the mere\\nopening of a ball and a ground for exultation, it is not to be wondered\\nat that the men who perpetrated these deeds were eager to acquire\\nfresh glory in the achievement of further triumphs. Kansas,\\nby Thomas H. Gladstone, p. 42.\\nNote 7. G. W. Brown, in his Reminiscences of Old John Brown,\\npage 12, gives a harrowing account of how Marshal Donaldson came\\ninto the pen where were the treason prisoners and informed them\\nthat all the rangers, tigers, thieves, thugs, and cut-throats in\\nMissouri and Kansas had resolved to break into the prison, which", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "246\\nJOHN BROWN\\nwas an old and crazy brick shed or small house, and hang them in\\nretaliation for the deaths of the Doyles and others. The doughty\\nMarshall assures them that as they are all Odd Fellows, Masons, etc.,\\nhe will save them, and that he had enlisted all the Territorial\\nofficers to help, even the Governor and the Judges! Of course it is\\nto be understood that only the fact that they belonged to these\\nsecret orders saved them; had they been ordinary people they would\\nhave suffered a horrible death. It is not supposed that a governor,\\nor even judges, will fight to save common people from mob violence,\\nand perhaps no such Governor as was Shannon could have been in-\\nduced to do so. And Judge Lecompte, who, by the way, lived at\\nLeavenworth, and must have marched a long way to mount guard,\\ncould not be expected to do so. But we are told that these would\\nhave been unavailing had not Donaldson enlisted all the members\\nof the secret orders he could find to reinforce the Governor and\\nJudges, and with these he hoped to save them. Such stuff as this\\nis written in G. W. Brown s book under pretense of correcting his-\\ntory! Even Professor Spring admits that John Brown s work on the\\nPottawatomie saved the treason prisoners from death, and no one\\ncan accuse Spring of willingly saying anything in favor of Brown.\\nSee his article in Lippincott s Magazine, January, 1883. But the\\nreally pathetic part of this story is to be found on page 23 of G. W.\\nBrown s book. There he pictures the ruffians under guise of the\\nbetter class of citizens, wlien they find they cannot save Governor\\nRobinson from the mcb in Leavenworth, as breaking into tears and\\nweeping like children as one by one they took him by the hand and\\nbade him farewell This is, I suppose, one of the most pathetic\\nand tear-producing incidents in all history! Governor Robinson has\\nleft us no such incident in his writings, but as Brown wrote to\\ncorrect history, we must believe it! He says an eye-witness told\\nliini about it, but very discreetly forgets to set down the name of this\\nperson who witnessed the most remarkable manifestation of grief to\\nbe found in all the annals of Kansas history. With all of Governor\\nRobinson s hatred of John Brown, he did not descend to the ridicu-\\nlous in any descriptions of him or the scenes he caused.\\nWhat occurred in Leavenworth upon this occasion is fully de-\\nscribed by Thomas H. Gladstone, in his Kansas. Mr. Gladstone\\nwas at the time in the city, and saw what he describes. His book\\nis one of the most reliable and valuable contributions to Kansas\\nhistory", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "WAE ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 247\\nAt the same moment came the news from Washington of the\\noutrage committed in the Senate chamber upon the person of Mr.\\nSumner. I well remember the effect this had upon many, who con-\\ncluded that the rule of force and violence had been fairly inaugurated\\neven in the highest places of the land, and was no longer restricted\\nto the lawless inhabitants of the frontier. Bands of armed men\\nunder military command paraded the streets of Leavenworth; others\\nguarded the points of egress from the city. They held lists in their\\nhands, containing the names of Free-State men, whom they made\\nrapid work of seizing and placing in confinement. The Committee\\nof Investigation, although holding appointments from Congress, found\\nitself compelled to interrupt its sittings. Every hour brought intelli-\\ngence of some fresh deed of violence or wrong. ^Kansas, by\\nThomas H. Gladstone, p. 215.\\nWhy is it not possible that this same intelligence caused the\\ndanger to the prisoners at Lecompton and the scene described by\\nG. W. Brown, if any such scene ever occurred?\\nNote 8. Johnson Clark s statement, in Reminiscences of Old John\\nBrovm, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 59, and following.\\nNote 9. The second statement can be found in the History of\\nthe State of Kansas, A. T. Andreas, under head of Franklin\\nCounty. The last statement can be found in the Reminiscences of\\nOld John Brown, G. W. Brown, M. D., p. 72, and following.\\nNote 10. John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 91.\\nColonel Hinton further says, on the same page:\\nSo much is certain. The men who were slain represented the\\nworst elements arrayed in behalf of slavery, and engaged in harrying\\nthe Free-State settlers; the results of the deed were immediately and\\npermanently beneficial, and the most of those who have since defamed\\nand assailed the name and fame of John Brown under pretense of\\nbeing shocked by the Pottawatomie tragedy, were conspicuous in\\nearlier days in eulogizing the man they now assail. It is an act not\\nto be judged by soft lutings of my lady s chamber, or the usual\\nconventionalities of peaceful periods. Those who are shocked always\\nat the shedding of blood will shudder when reading the story. Those\\nwho comprehend that evolution includes cataclysm as well as conti-\\nnuity, will realize the nature of the forces in issue, and decide as their\\nown conception of events and their righteousness may determine.\\nThose who lived through those titanic days, and stood for freedom,\\nwill have no doubt in ranging themselves. For John Brown himself,\\nno one who understands the conditions then existing will oifer\\napology or excuse. The act done proved to be a potential one in the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "24^8 JOHN BRO^VN\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\\nwinning of free institutions for Kansas. And that is what they have\\nte deal with. John Brown always declared that the people of Kansas\\nwould surely Justain and justify the deed done on the 24th of May,\\n18^6. The marble statue erected in his honor at Osawatoinie is in\\nevidence of the faith that was in him. For himself, while never\\nacknowledging participation in the Pottawatomie slaying, he never\\ndenied it either. lie always declared, however, that, as he avowed a\\nbelief in its righteousness, he could not, therefore, avoid a personal\\nresponsibility for the deed. This has been the attitude of every\\nhonorable Free-State man in Kansas. To avoid now would be cow-\\nardice indeed. Time has lifted the shadows, hut it has not dulled\\nthe memory.\\nNote \\\\\\\\.\u00e2\u0080\u0094Gamett Plaindealer. Quoted by the Latcrence Jour-\\nnal, January 22, 1880. Files 920-B, 81, library State Historical\\nSociety, Topeka.\\nNote 12. Quoted from Life and Lettera of John Brown, F B.\\nSanborn, p. 500.\\nNote 13. Life and Letters of John Broun, F B. Sanborn, p. 171.\\nNOTF 14. Life and L tKrs of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 2S0.\\nNote 15. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 281.\\nNote IC. The inscription to John Brown is as follows:\\nThis Inscription is also in Commemoration of the\\nHeroicm of Captain John Brown, who Com-\\nmanded AT THE Battle of Osawatomie,\\nAugust 30, 1856, who Died and Con-\\nquered American Slavery at\\nCHARLiffiTON, Virginia,\\nDecember 2, 1859.\\nNote 17. In justice to Governor Robinson s memory I must say\\nthat he afterwards changed his opinion of the value of the services\\nrendered Kansas and humanity by John Brown. He became the most\\nbitter of all the defamers of Brown s memory. He attacked not only\\nBrown, but all his family, and accused them of being liars for thirty\\nyears. He accused Brown of going to the gallows with a lie on his\\nlips. He attributed all the sufferings borne by the Free-State people", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE\\n249\\nin Kansas in the summer of 1856 to Brown s raid on the Pottawato-\\nmie. He gave as his reason for this change the confession of Towns-\\nley. Now, as Townsley said that the slaying of those men on the\\nPottawatomie was a benefit to the Free-State cause, and to the\\nsettlers around Dutch Henry s Crossing, the position taken by Gov-\\nernor Eobinson in relation to that part of Brown s work must have\\nbeen caused by something else. It is very strange that Governor\\nRobinson did not ascertain for more than twenty years that Brown s\\nwork on the Pottawatomie injured the Free-State cause. Townsley s\\nstatement may have been sufficient cause for him to change his esti-\\nmate of Brown s humanity, of the justice or injustice of the motives\\ngoverning Brown s actions; but it could not possibly furnish any\\npretext for a change of opinion as to whether or not his work on\\nthe Pottawatomie injured or did not injure the Free-State cause\\nin Kansas. If it injvired that cause the injury should have been\\napparent at once, and Governor Robinson, as the head of the Free-\\nState movement, should have denounced it and Brown then and\\nthere. But he said for many years that Brown s work was beneficial\\nto the Free-State cause, and when Brown left Kansas in September,\\n1856, he carried letters commending his work in Kansas, and these\\nletters were from Governor Robinson. If Governor Robinson knew\\nthat Brown s work in Kansas had injured the Free-State cause, and\\nknowing this, gave him letters saying that this work was beneficial,\\nthen he is as much to be condemned as is Brown and if he gave such\\nletters under such conditions, all that he says of Brown can justly\\nbe said of Robinson. Governor Robinson says he is convinced no\\nviolence was done on the Pottawatomie and none was contemplated.\\nIn this conclusion he ignores the statements of all the Free-State\\nmen living there at the time. This quiet and peaceful condition of\\nthe Pottawatomie, which existed only in Robinson s mind, is assigned\\nas a reason for his change.\\nBut the truth of the matter is that John Brown s work in Kansas\\nwas of as much or even more benefit to the Free- State cause than\\nthat of any other single individual who fought for freedom here.\\nJohn Brown did not save Kansas any more than Eli Thayer, or\\nCharles Robinson, or James H. Lane, or any one of the very great\\nnumber of others who saved it. But like the distinguished men\\nnamed, he did his duty here, and did all his duty; he did not agree\\nwith any of the men named in the policy to be pursued; he was in\\nadvance of them, and in advance of the men of his generation. He", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "250 JOHN BROWN\\nwas the pioneer in whose broad and well-marked trail-way the nation\\nmarched to a higher plane of liberty a few years later. Governor\\nEobinson was right when he said the soul of John Brown was the\\ninspiration of the armies of the North fighting to save the Union;\\nand his soul is now the inspiration of all the oppressed of Europe\\nstruggling for some share of their liberty.\\nIf Governor Robinson came to honestly believe that John Brown\\nwas a wicked man and a murderer, and that he was a great detriment\\nto the cause he was trying to forward, then it was his duty to change\\nhis opinion of him and his work. He says this is the case. He\\nassigns his reasons for the change, and gives his causes. They were\\nno doubt suflicient to satisfy and convince Governor Robinson. But\\na later generation will claim for itself the right to examine these\\nsame causes, and determine whether the verdict rendered by Governor\\nRobinson was just or unjust. And a later generation will decide\\nfor itself whether Governor Robinson was right for the first twenty-\\none years after the work of Bro\u00c2\u00ab-n and wrong in his estimate after\\nthat period, or rice versa.\\nIt has been the condition here in Kansas for twenty years, that\\nif any writer said anything in favor of John Brown or General Lane\\nhe was immediately attacked by the friends of Governor Robinson.\\nOr if Governor Robinson s acts were criticized the writer was im-\\nmediately accused of not appreciating the services of the great first\\nGovernor. And the same conditions have existed in regard to other\\njnen Montgomery, and many others. Their friends forget that\\nthese men, one and all, were in the service of the people. They\\nforget that the acts of these men are a proper subject for criticism\\nand comment. There was great rivalry between the politicians for\\nthe highest place. They became bitter personal enemies, and had\\nfollowers and partisans as bitter as themselves. Every weakness of\\neach was mercilessly exposed. The intense feeling then engendered\\nhas existed to this time, but, happily, it is now passing rapidly\\naway. The old quarrels and feuds between leaders interest us no\\nmore except as they enable us to get at the truth of motive and\\naction. We see in all these men champions of freedom who fought\\nand sacrificed and died for our liberties. They are all immortal, and\\nwith their hates, grudges, feuds, political aspirations, party affilia-\\ntions, disappointments or successes in seeking office, we have nothing\\nto do unless these help us in some way to get at a right understand-\\ning of facts vital to the history of Kansas.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "WAR ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 251\\nNote 18. Topel-a Commonwealth^ Saturday, February 16, 1884.\\nNote 19. Topeka Commonwealth, Saturday, February 16, 1884.\\nNote 20. This statement is a clipping from the Leavenioorth\\nWeeklt/ Press, of which Clarke and Legate were publishers at the\\ntime. The clipping is in the files of the newspaper clippings concern-\\ning John Brown, in the library of the State Historical Society,\\nbut only December 11, is there preserved as the date. It was\\nprobably in 1879, and as the files of the paper are preserved in the\\nlibrary of the Society the date can be ascertained.\\nNote 21. Memorial of S. N. Wood, Mrs. Margaret L. Wood,\\np. 41.\\nNote 22. Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 280.\\nNote 23. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 266.\\nNote 24. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 280.\\nNote 25. Documents relating to John Brown, in library of the\\nState Historical Society, Topeka.\\nNote 26. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 266.\\nNote 27. In Lippincott s Magazine, January, 1883.\\nNote 28. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn,\\npp. 255-6.\\nNote 29. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 331.\\nNote 30. In Lippincott s Magazine, January, 1883.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IX.\\nTHE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK.\\nThankless, too, for peace,\\nSecure from actual warfare, we have loved\\nTo swell the warwhoop, passionate for war!\\nAlas! for ages ignorant of all\\nIts ghastlier workings, (famine or blue plague,\\nBattle, or siege, or flight through wintry snows,)\\nWe, this whole people, have been clamorous\\nFor war and bloodshed. Coleridge.\\nJohn Brown and the company who were with him on the\\nPottawatomie returned with the Pottawatomie Eifles\\nafter thej had disbanded in the camp at the house of\\nOttawa Jones. The eight men remained together, and at\\nthe crossing of Middle creek they separated from the main\\nbody of returning soldiers and went to the cabin of John\\nBrown, jr., which was deserted and solitary, the famih\\nhaving been driven away by the Doyles and others. They\\nremained here one night, and with guard set; the follow-\\ning night they went to the cabin of Jason Brown, which\\nwas also deserted and lonely. Here they remained a few\\ndays, and maintained a guard all the time; and were\\njoined by August Bondi and another, believed by Towns-\\nley to have been Benjamin L. Cochran. They were ready\\nto go to the assistance of any Free-State family or com-\\nmunity. They were poorly armed Captain Brown had a\\nsword and a heavy revolver. His sons were armed with\\n(252)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 263\\nrevolvers, the heavy swords that had done such fearful ex-\\necution on the Pottawatomie, and old obsolete rifles of\\nsmall bore.^ Townsley bore an old musket, Weiner a\\ndouble-barreled gun, and Bondi an old-fashioned flint-\\nlock musket.\\nJohn Brown, jr., and Jason Brown went to the residence\\nof their uncle, the Rev. S. L. Adair, where they found their\\nfamilies, on their return from the expedition to aid Law-\\nrence. But as they did not want to subject Mr. Adair to\\ndanger on their account, they determined to go to some\\ncamp of United States troops and surrender themselves.\\nThis conclusion was reached after they were informed\\nthat a posse was seeking them with warrants for con-\\nspiracy against the bogus laws or for treason. There was\\na command of United States troops at the house of Ottawa\\nJones, and Jason set out to reach it and deliver himself\\nup. He was on foot, and in crossing the prairies he met\\na company of Pro-Slavery men under command of Rev.\\nMartin White here he expected to be killed. He marched\\nbackward in the road for some distance, all the time with\\nhis bosom bared and avowing that he was an abolitionist.\\nThe ruffians were slowly advancing upon him, and finally\\ntold him that he would not then be killed. He was carried\\nto Paola, where Judge Cato had been located for some time^\\nintending to hold a term of court. The charge against him\\nwas conspiracy, and he narrowly escaped lynching. He\\nwas imprisoned and well guarded, but as the town was full\\nof Buford s men and Pro-Slavery Missourians, he expected\\nto be killed, and had been driven by their brutality to the\\nverge of despair, and cared little whether he was murdered\\nor not. John Brown, jr., was taken by Captain Pate and\\nI", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "254 JOHN BKOWN\\nthe United States Marshal, at the house of his uncle, on the\\n28th of May, and was also taken to Paola.\\nJohn Brown, hearing that his sons were captured and in\\nPaola, sent his relative, Horace Day, a mere boy, with a\\nnote to the people of Paola, which said simply that he was\\naware that two of his sons were held there as prisoners.\\nThis brief note threw the town into consternation. Mid-\\nnight alarms were frequent thereafter, and the prisoners\\nwere shifted about from place to place in order that they\\nmight not be rescued and in these uneasy and troubled\\nperambulations the prisoners were left sometimes to care\\nfor themselves while the invincible guards betook them-\\nselves to the brush until the danger from Old Brown\\nwas past. There were times, tuo, when the ruffians crowded\\nabout with uplifted knives to slay them.^ John Brown, jr.,\\nhad been spending the nights in the woods, deeply anxious\\nfor the safety of his family. His uncle says he was suffer-\\ning from a temporary insanity while at his house. When\\nit was determined to remove the prisoners to Lecomptou,\\nCaptain Walker bound the arms of John Brown, jr., so\\ntightly that he was in great pain he was made to trot be-\\nfore the horses in the hot sun for nine miles. The bonds\\nwere not removed for twenty-seven hours; all circulation\\nof the blood was stopped and his arms were fearfully swol-\\nlen when the chains were taken off the skin clung to them,\\nand the marks so made remained with him to the grave.\\nHe was a maniac for some days; he was seized with a\\ndangerous illness and his life was despaired of for a time,\\nbut he finally recovered.^\\nThe settlers of Prairie City were threatened by the\\nruffians in that vicinity. They sent O. A. Carpenter to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 256\\nsearch out John Brown and request him to come to their\\nprotection; and such a message was never sent to John\\nBrown in vain. He agreed to go, and at dusk set out for\\nthe troubled district, which he reached on the morning of\\nMay 27th; he went into camp in a deep wood, where he\\ncould be reached with great difficulty by an enemy and with\\nconsiderable trouble by his friends.^ He devoted his time\\nto searching for the marauders, but they were wary and not\\neasily found. A large camp of Buford s men were sta-\\ntioned at the house of one La Hay, on the AVakarusa, and\\nspent their time between their camp and the house of\\nColonel Titus and a Mr. Clark; they were preying upon\\nthe Free-State settlers, and it was evident that they would\\njoin any band of Missourians who might invade the settle-\\nment. The settlers kept a close watch upon these precious\\nrogues, and more than once came into collision with them\\nas they were prowling about for plunder and bent on mur-\\nder in the interest of slavery.\\nH. Clay Pate was a Virginian.^ He seems to have been\\na man of some education he was a graduate of some col-\\nlege, and, like many wiser men, supposed that the world\\nwas breathlessly waiting for his graduation in expectation\\nthat he would at once give it a thorough overhauling, and\\nremedy all its ills, and especially the ills that slavery was\\nfalling into from the scoundrels in the JS^orth who called\\nthemselves abolitionists. In his peregrinations toward the\\nsetting sun he stopped a season in Cincinnati. Here he\\npublished a book of reminiscences, which the world treated\\nwith much indifference he also entered journalism, where\\nhe had some pecuniary success. But as slavery cried out\\nfor champions beyond Missouri he chafed under restraint,", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "256 JOHN BEOWN\\nand finally breaking through hindrances and subordinate\\nalliances he continued his perambulations, and halted on\\nthe border of Kansas Territory. He seized upon West-\\nport, and there devoted himself to journalism and war.\\nHe raised a company of ruffians, almost all Missourians,aud\\nhad himself elected Captain. This company was mustered\\nin as Shannon s Sharp-Shooters. As they were poor\\nmarksmen, it is supposed that the word sharp in their\\nofficial designation was meant to indicate that they were\\nmen of intelligence who could shoot, or that it might in-\\ndicate that they could shoot men of intelligence but on\\nthis point there is much doubt, and we are left altogether\\nto the resources of conjecture.* This company was made\\na part of the Kansas militia, under some authority of the\\nbogus laws. Pate had it at the sacking of Lawrence,\\nwhere he distinguished himself by riding rapidly about\\nupon a horse decked in trappings such as might delight an\\nIndian warrior; there were ribbons attached to mane\\nand tail, and the wind carried them out as gay streamers.\\nHe was jealous of the unsavory reputation of the Kickapoo\\nRangers, and strove to do some service to the cause dear\\nto the ruffian heart which would place him upon the same\\nfooting enjoyed by that band of cut-throats.^ After the\\ntown of Lawrence was sacked he tarried in the Territory,\\nand was in no hurry to return to Missouri. His head-\\nquarters were at Lecompton, but he remained here but a\\nshort time. Phillips says he burned the house and store of\\nWeiner, in the Pottawatomie settlements. If this be true\\nhe must have gone directly from Lawrence to the vicinity\\nof Dutch Henry s Crossing. Sanborn says that he re-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ThU Is General Jo. O. Shelby s characterization ot this band.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "I ll\\nTHE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 257\\nmained at Lecompton until the 25th, when, hearing of the\\nkilling of the Doyles and others, he resolved to capture\\nJohn Brown. The fact that the Lecompton Union an-\\nnounced his departure, but made no reference to his desire\\nto capture Brown, but gave as his mission that explanation\\nfurnished by his lieutenant, one Brockett, We are going\\ndown to the southern part of the Territory expecting to see\\nrattlesnakes and abolitionists, and shall take our guns\\nalong, makes it probable that Pate departed before the\\n25th, and before the raid on the Pottawatomie by John\\nBrown. He pretended to be a deputy United States Mar-\\nshal, and may have been one in fact. He was at Paola\\nwhen the sons of John Brown arrived as prisoners, and in-\\ndeed captured John Brown, jr., at the house of Mr. Adair.\\nHe took to the prairies, declaring that he would capture\\nOld John Brown, and the robberies he committed upon\\nFree-State men in this mission caused the men of the\\nPrairie City region to seek the aid of Brown.\\nPate and his company left the United States troops on\\nMiddle Ottawa creek on Saturday, the 31st day of May,\\nand marched to the Santa Pe road, near Hickory Point,\\nin Douglas county. That night he camped on the prairie\\nnear the ravines wdiich formed a small stream called\\nBlack Jack, from the abundance of scrub-oak of that\\nname which grew about it. He was much discouraged\\nthat he had not found John Brown, and began to fear\\nthat he might not be able to find him at all. But not to\\nentirely fail in their objects, they went, as soon as it was\\ndark, to Palmyra, which town they attacked and plun-\\ndered. They took some Free-State men prisoners, and one\\nof these being a preacher, he was outrageously treated.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009417", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "258 JOHN BROWN\\nA funnel was placed in his moiitli and through it a boun-\\ntiful supply of ruffian whisky was poured down his throat.\\nThe predatory expedition to Palmyra on Saturday night\\nwas not satisfactory, and it was renewed on Sunday morn-\\ning. They brought a wagon, which tliey filled with the\\ngoods of the village storekeeper, after destroying much\\nthat they could not carry away. This only whetted their\\nappetites. In the afternoon they expressed their intention\\nto go to the little town of Prairie City and pillage it.\\nIt is said that Pate tried to dissuade them, but was un-\\nsuccessful six of them rode away to accomplish this ob-\\nject. The people had gathered to hear the Gospel\\npreached, among them some twenty men and in true\\nWestern-frontier fashion, they had carried with them\\ntheir guns, for the minister had been captured the pre-\\nvious night and released. They mistrusted that it might\\ndevolve upon them to do battle against the visible as well\\nas the invisible powers of darkness and allies of the devil,\\nand their guns were always in ready reach. Services were\\nalmost closed when the guard rushed in and cried\\nThe Missourians the Missourians are coming 1\\nThe congregation immediately dispersed and surrounded\\nthe four ruffians who came in first; the two who were fol-\\nlowing at a little distance in the rear, seeing how the\\nmatter was likely to turn out, wheeled their horses and gal-\\nloped away and escaped, though they were fired at.\\nAs soon as Captain Shore was informed of the presence\\nof the enemy he began to collect his men. Captain Brown\\nwas notified that the invaders were in the vicinity in force\\nhe and Captain Shore spent Sunday looking for their\\ncamp, which was concealed in the clumps of bushes grow-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK\\n259\\ning in the ravines. They returned to Prairie City at day-\\nlight on Monday morning, and there met two scouts who\\nhad just returned from the head of Black Jack, and who\\ngave them information which enabled them to find Pate s\\ncamp.^ Captain Shore had collected nineteen of his com-\\npany, and Captain Brown had nine men. The Free-\\nState forces numbered thirty men. Captains Shore and\\nBrown led these forces against the camp of Pate. It was\\nwell chosen for defense, and had a breastwork of wagons\\nin front in the rear it was protected by a deep ravine in\\nwhich grew timber, and beyond this was a quagmire filled\\nwith high grass and swamp-bushes. Captain Brown led\\nhis men up to the head of the ravine, and directed Cap-\\ntain Shore to get into the lower part of the ravine where\\nhis men would have protection, and from which both\\nparties could fire at Pate while they were out of range\\nof the guns of each other. Captain Brown gained his\\nposition, but Captain Shore was not so successful. Being\\nchallenged by Pate, he formed his men on the prairie and\\ndelivered a volley, which was returned at once by the\\nMissourians. The fight continued some ten minutes, when\\nPate retreated from his breastwork of wagons to the ra-\\nvine. He was here protected from the fire of Captain\\nShore, whose position became untenable. His men re-\\ntreated some distance up the hill, where they were out of\\nrange. Captain Shore then went to the line of Brown^\\nwhere he remained through much of the action, and some\\nof his men went with him. Brown s position was a good\\none, and several of the Missourians were wounded. Am-\\nmunition was low in the Free-State ranks, and some men\\nwere sent away to secure more. Punners were sent, among", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "260 JOHN BROWN\\nthem Captain Shore, to Captain J. B. Abbott, to request\\nhim to bring his men and help in the work of defeating\\nPate.\u00c2\u00bb\\nAfter the firing had continued about three hours, Cap-\\ntain Brown directed some of his men to shoot at the horses\\nbelonging to Pate s forces. He went to Shore s men and\\nhad them do the same. The Missourians began to slip\\ndown the ravine until they were out of range, and then\\nmake a dash for their horses they would mount, one by\\none, and gallop away. Frederick Brown mounted his\\nhorse and galloped around the camp, shouting to imagi-\\nnary reinforcements to hurry up. Captain Pate saw no\\nhope of being able to escape, and sent out a flag of truce.\\nCaptain Brown inquired of the bearer if he was the\\nCaptain of the company, and when assured that he was\\nnot, ordered a Mr. Lymer, a Free-State prisoner who had\\nbeen sent with the flag of truce, to return and call the\\ncommander.\\nIt is said that a Mr. James carried the flag of truce;\\nand some claim that it was Lieutenant Brockett. Whoever\\nthe man, he remained with Captain Brown while Mr.\\nLymer returned for Captain Pate, who, now that his\\nflag of truce served no better purpose than to summon him J\\nto face a grim and relentless foe in conference, reluctantly\\nand with misgivings as to the result, came forth. Upon\\nbeing asked whether he had a proposition to make, he hesi-\\ntated, and said he believed he had not. Captain Brown\\ncut into his explanation that he was a Deputy United\\nStates Marshal, and said he wanted to hear no more about\\nthat. I know exactly what you are, sir. I have a propo-\\nsition to make to you that is, your unconditional sur-\\nrender. _.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 261\\nAs Captain Brown held a large revolver in close prox-\\nimity to Pate s head, there was little to be expected from\\nduplicity.^\u00c2\u00ae Brown ordered his men to go to the mouth\\nof the ravine to prevent the escape of the Missourians,\\nwhile he went to their camp with their Captain. Brockett\\nobjected to surrender, and talked defiantly, but Brown\\ndemanded of Pate that he order Brockett and his men to\\nlay down their arms and surrender, and as the large re-\\nvolver was thrust a little nearer, Pate ordered them to\\ncomply. This they did. Twenty-two Pro-Slavery men\\nsurrendered to nine Free-State men. The losses of Cap-\\ntain Pate were as follows twenty-one surrendered\\nwounded and escaped, twenty-seven. Perhaps others es-\\ncaped before the battle closed all the wounded except two\\nescaped. The Free-State men captured a large quantity\\nof arms and ammunition, and recovered much property\\nthe marauders had stolen from the settlers some of the\\nplunder taken from Lawrence when it was sacked was\\nrecovered. The four wagons were fairly well loaded with\\nprovisions.^ In his account of the battle, written for the\\nMissouri Republican, Pate said I was taken prisoner\\nunder a flag of truce. I had no alternative but to submit\\nor to run and be shot. I went to take old Brown and old\\nBrown took me.\\nThe arms of the Missourians were taken from them, and\\nthey were marched to John Brown s camp. Just as the\\nfile of captives were starting under guard. Captain Abbott\\ncame up with reinforcements, some iift_y men. So Cap-\\ntain Pate could not have escaped had he even known that\\nJohn Brown and his men had remaining but one round\\nof ammunition when the demand for the surrender was", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "262 JOHN BROWN\\nmade.^^ Pate and bis command were marched to Brown s\\ncamp on Middle Ottawa creek, where they were kept as\\nprisoners. An agreement was here made between Captains\\nBrown and Shore and Pate and Brockett that prisoners\\nshould be exchanged. John Brown, jr., and Jason Brown,\\nwho were yet in the camp of the United States dragoons\\nuear the house of Ottawa Jones, were to be given up for\\nthe release of Pate and Brockett; and other prisoners\\nwere to be exchanged on equal terms.^*\\nIn the Territorial days of Kansas it was always the duty\\nof the Governor to aid the ruffian forces in every conceiv-\\nable way, and this duty was generally cheerfully per-\\nformed. jSTo sooner had Governor Shannon been informed\\nthat Pate had not only failed to capture John Bro^vn but\\nhad been himself captured, than he issued a proclamation\\nordering all armed bands to disperse and retire to their\\nhomes. Colonel Sumner was directed to go to the vicinity\\nof the late battle and release the Shannon Sharp-\\nShooters from the iron grip of Old John Brown. It was\\nwell known that had Pate been successful in his enter-\\nprise, no proclamation would have been issued. This proc-\\nlamation was not issued until after the Pro-Slavery men\\nhad been attacked at Franklin, on the night of June 4th,\\nalthough it was dated the same day. Colonel Sumner was\\nordered to defend Franklin and the house of a Pro-Slavery\\nman who sheltered a company of Buford s men. But the\\nattack frightened the ruffians and Franklin was not contin-\\nued as one of their bases, and not so used for some time.\\nWhen the news of the capture of Pate reached Missouri,\\nWhitfield left Westport in haste, on the evening of the 2d\\nof June, to succor and relieve that worthy. He had three", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BI-ACK JACK 263\\ncompanies of llissouriaiis under him, eacJi numbering\\nseventy men, all well equipped and armed. He was ac-\\ncompanied by General Reid, wbo was a candidate for\\nCongress in some Missouri district. They went into camp\\non Bull creek, some twelve miles east of Palmyra. Other\\nPro-Slavery parties gathered, and some of them camped\\non the same field made gory by the heroism of Captain\\nPate On the 5th of June Colonel Sumner went to John\\nBrown s camp and released Pate and his men, and restored\\nto them their arms and horses. He prevailed upon Cap-\\ntain Brown and Captain Shore to disband their forces;\\nthis he accomplished by assuring them that the forces\\nunder Whitfield and Reid should return to Missouri at\\nonce. This they agreed to do, and a part of their force did\\nso return; but by far the larger portion of the men had\\nnot had any opportunity to steal from Free-State men, and\\nas plunder was always one of the strong inducements for\\nthe invasion of Kansas, these men could not be so easily\\nturned back. They had murdered only one Free-State\\nman, and this was another reason why they could not be\\ninduced to return some town must be pillaged and more\\nthan one abolitionist killed before they would feel war-\\nranted in returning from an expedition of which so much\\nwas expected. Pate agreed to return to Missouri, but\\nfailed to do so and it is said that he and his men partici-\\npated in the trial of Jacob Craitrel for treason to ]\\\\[is-\\nsouri, of which he was convicted and for which he was\\nshot. In all the orders to the Free-State men to disperse,\\nthe United States troops warned them that they must\\nobey the bogus laws or leave the Territory. Indeed, this\\nwas the cause of the invasions; resistance to the bogus", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "264\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nlaws was the foundation upon which all the outrages com-\\nmitted upon the Free-State men by the Pro-Slavery Mis-\\nsourians in the summer of 1856 were built.\\nOn the 6th of June Whitfield set out on his return to\\nMissouri, but not until he had seen Pate, Reid, Jenigan\\nand Bell start to Osawatomie with one hundred and sev-\\nenty men. The Free-State forces having been disbanded,\\nthere could be no effective resistance at Osawatomie. The\\nruffians were led to the town by a spy who had been sent\\nin the day before, and who pretended to be sick and had\\nreceived good treatment. They pillaged dwellings and\\nbusiness houses alike. Trunks, drawers, boxes, desks and\\nwardrobes were broken and ransacked. Rings were torn\\nfrom the fingers of the women, as well as from their ears\\nclothing and even furniture were loaded on their horses to\\nbe carried away to Missouri. Whisky was seized and swal-\\nlowed while the crusaders for slavery raged and threatened.\\nSome of them tore the clothing from women and children,\\nand an eminent writer of that time says that they ought\\nto have had a petticoat apiece as trophies. I close this\\nchapter with a quotation from this writer\\nHaving got all the plunder they Avanted, they were\\nanxious to be off.\\nHurry, hurry they said to each other. These d d\\nabolitionists are somewhere not far off, and will be down\\non us the first thing we know. They accordingly re-\\ntreated from the ill-fated town as rapidly and unmolested\\nas they had entered it, carrying their booty with them.\\nWhen they got to their camp the company divided.\\nHalf of them started immediately back for Westport, and\\nthe remainder moved off and camped on the lower part\\nof Bull creek, some eight miles from Osawatomie. There\\nthey had an adventure.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK\\n265\\nAs miglit be expected, they kept a sharp lookout for\\nabolitionists. Two days after sacking the city of Osawato-\\nmie, a couple of their own number had been on a scout,\\nand on their return to camp, while near it, fired oif their\\ngims. The guard in that direction gave the alarm, fired\\nhis gun in the direction of the two men, and cried at the\\ntop of his lungs, The abolitionists are coming! the\\nabolitionists are coming Whereupon the whole camp\\ngot into a panic, and, without taking time to pack up\\ntheir effects, started off at the run. There were some horses\\nharnessed to wagons these were hurriedly taken out, and\\noff the whole party went in a helter-skelter race, outrival-\\ning John Gilpin s. Once or twice one of their number\\nwould discharge a pistol or a gun behind him, as a warning\\nto abolitionists to keep off, which had the effect of keeping\\nup the fear of the retreating party.\\nThey never stopped till they got to Battiesville\\n[Paola], an Indian station among the Weas. The Indian\\nstorekeeper, seeing a band of wild-looking fellows gallop-\\ning up, with arms in their hands, and looking very terrible\\nfrom fear and excitement, closed his door, and, in spite of\\nall their entreaties, would not let them in.\\nThe abolitionists are coming we want to come in\\npnd defend the place\\nThe Indian happened to be a Pro-Slavery Indian,\\nbut he was moderately suspicious of the appearance of\\nthese law and order men so he grunted,\\nAbolitionists, heap bad no come\\nYes, they are coming yelled a score of anxious\\nvoices. G d blast ye let us in They ll be here in a\\nminute\\nCome in to-morrow, maybe, was the cautious answer.\\nTime was pressing. There were two or three unoccu-\\npied log houses close at hand so they made a virtue of\\nnecessity and got into them. The chinking was driven\\nout for portholes, and the doors barricaded meanwhile\\ntwo of the best-mounted were dispatched in hot haste to", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "266 JOHN BROWN\\nMissouri, one to Jackson, and the other to Cass county,\\ntelling their friends to come up quick, for the abolitionists\\nwith great force were besieging them in Battiesville, and\\nthat they would endeavor to hold out till they could come.\\nA party of men did start to the rescue, and more would\\nhave gone if these had not returned and reported it a hoax.\\nThis masterly retreat was a standing joke amongst the\\nborder ruffians in that quarter, who taunted their com-\\nrades about their holding out aa:ainst the abolition-\\nists. i\u00c2\u00bb\\nXoTE 1. The swords used were not sabers exactly, but weapons\\nmade like the Roman short-sword, of which six or eight had been\\ngiven to Brown in Akron, Ohio, just before he went to Kansas, by\\nGeneral Bierce of that city, who took them from an old armory\\nthere. They had been the swords of an artillery company, then dis-\\nbanded, which General Bierce had something to do with, and there\\nwere also some guns and old bayonets among these arms. The bayo-\\nnets would not fit any guns the Kansas people had; and so in\\nDecember, 1855, when the Browns went up to defend Lawrence for\\nthe first time, they fastened some of them on sticks, and intended to\\nuse them in defending breastworks. They were thrown loosely into\\nthe bed of the wagon, not set up about it for parade, as some\\nhave said. There were also some curved swords among these Akron\\narms. Life and Letters of John Broun, F. B. Sanborn, p. 264,\\nnote.\\nNote 2. In the library of the State Historical Society, in the John\\nBrown Collection, there is a long statement made by Jason Brown,\\nApril 2, 188-4, to F. G. Adams, at that time Secretary of the Society.\\nThe statement was made in Topeka, and fully covers the captivity of\\nJason Brown and John Brown, jr., and is one of the very valuable\\npapers in relation to this period of Kansas history, althougn there\\nare some inaccuracies and minor errors in it, such as will always be\\nfound in a paper prepared exclusively from memory after the lapse\\nof so great a time aiter the events described.\\nNote 3. That John Brown, jr., was insane for some time, there", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK 267\\nis no question; perhaps he was partially insane before he was cap-\\ntured, but this was from the effects of anxiety for his family, loss\\nof sleep, and exposure. This was a sliylit form of insanity or nerv-\\nous derangement incident to the hardships to which he had been\\nsubjected. It was much aggravated by the brutal treatment he\\nreceived at the hands of his captors. It did not entirely disappear\\nfor some time.\\nNote 4. Brown started at once, Saturday evening, April [May]\\n30, with about a dozen men, among whom was his son Salmon, now a\\nresident of Salem, Ore., from whom this story was obtained, and\\nwho had already lost considerable sleep, so that he was not in good\\ncondition for an all-night march. He rode a skittish, ugly little\\nmule, on which were piled all the blankets. Young Brown was\\nunable to keep awake, so every time the mule gave a sudden start\\nhe rolled oflf.\\nJust south of Toy [Ottawa] Jones s place was a lane, half a mile\\nlong, through which it was necessary to pass. With a view of\\ncapturing Brown and his party, 200 soldiers had camped in this\\nlane. Suddenly Salmon Brown was awakened by his brother Fred,\\nwho was an exceptionally fine horseman, talking to a soldier, who\\nsaid to him, Hold on, there, or you will get shot! For a moment\\nFred continued to talk, then made a sudden dash through the camp-\\nfire, followed by his party in single file. The movement was so sud-\\nden and unexpected that no one was shot. As soon as the camp was\\npassed, Salmon Brown looked back, and saw the road crowded with\\nsuddenly awakened soldiers, who were yet unable to realize what had\\nhappened. Fatigue was such, however, that he soon fell asleep again\\nand fell from his mule. W. G. Steel, in Portland Oregonian.\\nNote 5. Pate, by birth a Virginian, first sought to find fame\\nand fortune in the city of Cincinnati. He published a thin volume\\nof collegiate sketches, and several pointless, bombastically writteji\\nstories, which, we are told, was embellished with the author s por-\\ntrait and autograph. He failed to get readers or even favorable\\nreviewers, although he sought to make genial critics by entering\\ninto sanctums armed with a cowhide and revolver. Not even by\\nhis next effort, *a large engraved portrait of himself, could the\\nhungerer after literary reputation find satisfaction.\\nHe then sought fame as a journalist, and again was preemi-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "268\\nJOHN BROWN\\nnently unsuccessful. As a parasite of the Protestant demagogue,\\nGavazzi, he gained in pocket, but lost in caste; and what he earned\\nin purse he again squandered in publication in a new and equally\\nfruitless effort to win a literary reputation without the intellect\\nto found it on, or the moral character to dignify and support it.\\nHe had a signboard on his door, inscribed, H. Clay Pate, Author\\nbut as Heaven had not written this inscription on his forehead, the\\nsign in due time disappeared, and the author with it.\\nHe hurried to the borders to seek notoriety as a champion of\\nthe South. He determined at first to be distinguished with his pen\\nbut, surpassed on every hand as a journalist and writer, he next\\nsought the ever-flying phantom of fame with sword in hand, and on\\nthe tented field. Life of Captain John Brown, James Redpath,\\np. 121.\\nCaptain Pate, however, pretended to be an officer under Marshal\\nDonaldson. Quite likely they belonged to the militia, as they had\\nthe United States arms belonging to the Territory; but most of them,\\nlike their gallant captain, lived in Missouri. Captain Pate is a\\nVirginian by birth. He is a good-looking fellow, and a man of\\nintelligence. He has been engaged as an editor in Cincinnati, and\\nhas acted as the Kansas correspondent of the Missouri Republican;\\nfor which he provided Pro-Slavery versions of the occurrences in\\nKansas, he residing in western Missouri. He is a violent Pro-Slavery\\nman, and has been engaged in the lawless ini-oads on the Territory\\never since he has lived in the Missouri border. He was at the sacking\\nof Lawrence, and distinguished himself chiefly by riding about on\\na fine horse, he being decorated with ribbons. It would be impossible\\nto speak highly of the moral character of a man who has participated\\nso actively in the outrages on an intelligent and moral people. He\\nhas the bearing of a gentleman, but is either the tool of a corrupt\\nsystem, or is a very corrupt man. The Conquest of Kansas, Will-\\niam A. Phillips, p. 331.\\nThere is some question as to whether it was Captain Pate or his\\nhorse that was decorated with ribbons. Phillips says it was Pate;\\nsome of the pioneers who saw him at the time say it was the horse;\\nothers say both horse and man. The ribbons were plundered from\\nthe Lawrence people, and the incident is of no importance, except to\\nshow the foppery and vanity of Captain Pate.\\nNote 6. There were some Wyandot Indians in the company of", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK\\n269\\nCaptain Pate. They lived in what is now Wyandotte county. Irvin\\nP. Long was with Pate at the battle of Black Jack. When the battle\\nbecame desperate, Pate sent him to Missouri to summon Whitfield.\\nLong was a brave man, and had served through the Mexican War;\\nhe was in the regiment conunanded by the late Colonel W. P. Overton,\\nof Kansas City, Kansas.\\nMacLean, the chief clerk in the office of the Surveyor-General, was\\nalso in this companj He borrowed a rifle from Matthew Mudeater,\\na Wyandot, and during the battle shot at John Brown three times\\nv?ith it. He declared that he took deliberate aim, but could not\\nkill him. He knew the gun was a good one, for he had used it before.\\nHe was a good shot, and his failure made him believe that Brown\\nwas specially protected by God, and miraculously saved from death.\\nThis rifle was brought from Ohio by Jared Dawson, a Wyandot.\\nWhen I was in the Indian Territory some years ago, I learned these\\nfacts from the Wyandot Indians. The gun still remained in the\\nfamily of Mr. Mudeater, and his youngest son, Alfred Mudeater, Esq.,\\ngave it to me to present to the Wyandotte County Historical Society.\\nAs the Society had no suitable place to preserve the valuable relic,\\nI left it in the care of Mrs. Lillian Walker Hale, the gifted writer,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0who is a Wyandot; she is to retain it until the Society has proper\\nfacilities for preserving it, when she is to turn it over to the secretary\\nor president of the Society.\\nMacLean was one of the men who stole away, mounted his horse,\\nand fled. His failure to kill John Brown discouraged him; he often\\nspoke of this incident in the years that followed. It is not known\\nwhether he was then in the service of the Surveyor-General or not.\\nNote 7. The other men were merely taken prisoners of war. One\\nof them, however, had come very near getting his quietus. A son of\\nDr. Graham, a boy of about eleven years, seized his father s double-\\nbarreled gun at the first alarm, and hurried out to the fence, the\\nMissourians, who were thus all taken aback, being immediately out-\\nside of it. The daring boy, with his Irish blood up, went within\\nthree rods of them, and, poking his gun over the fence, took delib-\\nerate aim at one of the men, and would have fired the next moment,\\nfor Bub was not enlightened in the mysterious articles of war,\\nwhen a Free-State man put aside his gun, and said,\\nBub, what are you doing?\\nGoing to shoot that fellow.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "270\\nJOHN BROWN\\nYou mustn t.\\nBub shook his head and began to put up his gun again, muttering,\\nHe s on pap s horse.\\nBub remembered that his pap was then a prisoner in the enemy s\\ncamp, if not killed, and he felt that important interests were devolv-\\ning on him, and must not be neglected. The names of three of the\\nmen taken were Forman, Luck, and Hamilton. The Conquest of\\nKansas, William A. Phillips, p. 366.\\nNote 8. About 2 o clock in the morning they reached a point,\\nprobably half a mile from Palmyra, and camped. Sometime during\\nthe night several of Pate s men raided the village, and left it terror-\\nstricken. When Brown arrived in the morning he found the people\\nshouting and praying to discount a camp-meeting. This disgusted\\nhis son Salmon, who remembered that he and his party had made\\na forced march in the flight to defend these people, only to find\\nthem a lot of cowards, who should stop praying and prepare for a\\nfight. About 10 o clock six men were seen to come out of a ravine\\nand start for the village. Instantly the shouting ceased, and bang!\\nbang! rang out from the houses, and young Brown concluded that\\nthe people had quit shouting and had gone to shooting at an oppor-\\ntune time. Two men laid close to their horses necks, put spurs and\\ngot away, but Brown s sons, Salmon and Oliver, brought in the\\nother four, one of whom, an unusually large man, was said to be\\nvery cruel. When he learned that Brown was on his way to inter-\\ncept Pate, he ridiculed the idea, and said 1,000 men could not dislodge\\nhim. Well, replied Brown, we will have the fun of trying.\\nPate was camped about five miles from Palmyra, and Brown\\nknew the two men who escaped would warn him of an intended\\nattack. He knew, too, how thoroughly they were armed, drilled and\\nintrenched, but hoped to make a night attack. With that idea in\\nview, he left Palmyra late Sunday afternoon with thirty men, and\\nreached the neighborhood of Black Jack springs after dark. Not\\nbeing acquainted with the vicinity, he was unable to locate Pate, so\\ncamped on the side of a ridge about half a mile from the springs.\\nJust at daylight one of Pate s sentinels fired on him from the top\\nof the ridge, and ran for camp, just beyond. IT G. Steel, in\\nPortland Oregonian.\\nNote 9.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Brown sent Captain Shore with fifteen men to a\\npiece of sloping ground, in full view of Pate, and about 150 yards", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK\\n271\\ndistant, while he ran vrith the remaining force to a point, partly\\nsheltered by high grass and a ridge, within seventy-five yards of\\nPate s position in a ravine. Fred Brown was left in charge of the\\nhorses and camp. Pate s men ran in all directions to get their horses\\nin safe quarters, and a deadly fire was poured in on them. A few\\nwell-directed shots brought them to their senses, and sent them to\\nthe ravine. Brown had them under a cross-fire, and used his advan-\\ntage. Salmon Brown says of it: Alongside of me laid a man by\\nthe name of Carpenter, who would imitate the sound of bullets as\\nthey passed over his head, then shout to Pate s men to do better\\nshooting. They took his advice, for every moment they came a\\nlittle closer. By-and-by Carpenter s right shoulder was exposed,\\nwhen loading his gun, and a bullet struck it. We would load our\\nguns lying down, rise above the grass to fire, then fall to the ground\\nagain. Now and then a man would rush from the ravine to his horse,\\nand make a break for Missouri. Our own men continued to find\\nmore attractive spots elsewhere, until, at noon, there were but seven\\nof us left. Before noon Fred became restless, mounted a horse, and\\nrode back and forth on the ridge, flourishing his saber, until Pate s\\nmen, who were unable to hit him, imagined that he held reserves.\\nFather finally gave orders to open fire on Pate s horses, which we\\ndid, killing all of them in just about a minute. This seemed to\\nbring Pate to his senses, and to thoroughly discourage his men, who\\nrealized that their means of retreat to Missouri were cut off. Imme-\\ndiately afterwards we saw a man coming out of a ravine frantically\\nwaving a white flag on a ramrod. He proved to be an Englishman\\nand a friend of ours whom Pate had captured. Father refused to\\nreceive his message, but told him to go back and send the captain\\nhimself. Pate came at once, and commenced to explain that he was\\nthere to enforce Territorial laws. Father cut him short with the\\nexpression, If that is all you have to say, I want an unconditional\\nsurrender, and I ll have it. Turning to us he said, Boys, you go\\nround to the mouth of the ravine and I will go back with Captain\\nPate. We took a circuitous route, and ran to the ravine as rapidly\\nas possible, arriving about as soon as father and Pate. We found\\nLieutenant Brockett, a Virginian, weighing about 180 pounds, in\\ncharge. He was a regular tiger. He had his men in the form of a\\ncrescent, with only their heads and shoulders in view, and guns\\ndrawn on us. Our seven guns were leveled on them at once, with\\nthe muzzles of the two sides about six or eight feet apart.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "272\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nFather said to Brockett, Tell your men to lay down their arms.\\nFather looked savage enough, and so did Brockett, who replied, If\\nour captain says so I ll do it, but not by your d n orders; and I\\ndon t believe he is d d coward enough to do it. With that he\\nordered his men to take aim at us. Just at this point my brother\\nOliver, a tall, stout lad of 17, shouted, Boys, there s a rifle I m going\\nto have, referring to the magnificent one held by Brockett. I\\ntouched him with my elbow and said, in an undertone, You had\\nbetter wait until you get it. The instant Brockett gave the order\\nto take aim on us, Pate said to his men, Well, boys, lay down your\\nguns a minute until we talk it over. Brockett swore like a pirate\\nwhen the order was given, but his men laid down their arms, keep-\\ning their hands on them, however. Brockett held on to his gun. and,\\nas Oliver took hold of it, showed signs of resistance, until I placed\\nmy six-shooter at his head and said slowly and quietly, Let go;\\nlet go, which he did A ery reluctantly. He resisted in the same\\nmanner when his sword was taken. This sword is the one exhibited\\nat the World s Fair by H. N. Bust, of Pasadena, Cal. It was the\\nwork of only an instant until their guns were stacked and we had\\nabsolute possession. They seemed to have no idea of our audacity.\\nThe moment our possession seemed complete we were startled to see\\na long line of horsemen coming towards us at full gallop and horses\\ncovered with foam. It looked pretty scaly for a time, but, as we\\nprepared for a second attack, we were delighted to discover that\\nthey were friends. Early in the morning Captain Abbott heard the\\nfiring, knew that a fight was under way, and started out to secure\\nhelp. About noon he returned with 100 men, but the fight was\\nover. In casting up our accounts we found we had three\\nmen shot, nineteen deserted, one detailed to guard camp, and seven\\nat the surrender, as follows: Captain John Brown, Owen Brown,\\nOliver Brown, Salmon Brown, Charles Keiser, a Mr. Bondi, and a\\nMr. Hill. Pate had seventeen shot, thirteen deserted, and thirty-\\ntwo captured. During the fight I noticed a puflF of smoke issue from\\na tent, now and then, and I fired into it several times without effect.\\nAfterwards I learned that a ministerial friend of ours had been cap-\\ntured, securely bound and laid at right angles to us, on the inside\\nof tlie tent. A hole was cut in the tent just above him, while behind\\nhim lay one of Pate s men, shooting at us from this improvised\\nbreastworks. \u00e2\u0080\u0094W. G. Steel, in Portland Oregonian.\\nThis is an interview with Salmon Brown, who lived at that time\\nin Salem, Oregon.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK\\n273\\nNote 10. As they drew near the line, where Pate s Lieutenant\\nBrockett was in command, Brown called upon him also to surrender.\\nHe hesitated, seeing the great apparent superiority of his force\\nover Brown s. Quick as thought. Brown placed his pistol at Pate a\\nhead, and cried in a terrible voice, Give the order! The Virginian\\nyielded, and bade his men lay down their arms, which they sullenly\\ndid. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 300.\\nNote 11. John Brown s account of the battle is as follows:\\nWe were out all night, but could find nothing of them until about\\nsix o clock next morning, when we prepared to attack them at once,\\nleaving Frederick and one of Captain Shore s men to guard the horses.\\nAs I was much older than Captain Shore, the principal direction of\\nthe fight devolved on me. We got to within about a mile of their\\ncamp before being discovered by their scouts, and then moved at a\\nbrisk pace, Captain Shore and men forming our left and my com-\\npany the right. When within about sixty rods of the enemy, Captain\\nShore s men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation, and con-\\ntinued to fire, both his men and the enemy being armed with Sharps\\nrifles. My company had no long-shooters. We (my company) did\\nnot fire a gun until we gained the rear of a bank, about fifteen or\\ntwenty rods to the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and\\nsoon compelled them to hide in a ravine. Captain Shore, after getting\\none man wounded, and exhausting his ammunition, came with part of\\nhis men to the right of my position, much discouraged. The balance\\nof his men, including the one wounded, had left the ground. Five\\nof Captain Shore s men came boldly down and joined my company,\\nand all but one man (wounded) helped to maintain the fight until\\nit was over. I was obliged to give my consent that he should go\\nafter more help, when all his men left but eight, four of whom I\\npersuaded to remain in a secure position, and there busied one of\\nthem in shooting the horses and mules of the enemy, which served\\nfor a show of fight. After the firing had continued for some two\\nor three hours. Captain Pate with twenty-three men, two badly\\nwounded, laid down their arms to nine men, myself included, four\\nof Captain Shore s men and four of my own. One of my men (Henry\\nThompson) was badly wounded, and after continuing his firing for\\nan hour longer was obliged to quit the ground. Three others of\\nmy company (but none of my family) had gone off. Salmon was\\ndreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009418", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "274\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nI ought to have said that Captain Shore and his men stood their\\nground nobly in their unfortunate but mistaken position during\\nthe early part of the fight. I ought to say further, that a Captain\\nAbbott, being some miles distant with a company, came onward\\npromptly to sustain us, but could not reach us till the fight was\\nover. Letter of John Brown to his family, in Life and Letters\\nof John Broivn, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 238, 239.\\nNote 12. Governor Robinson, in an attempt to belittle Brown and\\nhis services at Black Jack, misstates facts. He says:\\nPate s company was encountered at Black Jack on the 2d of June\\nby about thirty Free-State men, and, after exchanging shots several\\nhours from the ravines and tall grass, Pate, seeing Captain Abbott\\nwith his company approaching to reinforce the Free-State men,\\nsurrendered. No serious harm was done. The Kansas Conflict,\\nCharles Robinson, p. 29 4-\\nHe does not even mention that Captains Brown and Shore were\\npresent! He attributes the surrender of Pate to the approach of\\nCaptain Abbott! All the evidence says that Captain Abbott arrived\\nafter the battle was over and the surrender of Pate and his men\\nhad taken place. Townsley, whom Governor Eobinson loved to quote\\n(in part), says:\\nIn the afternoon, after we camped in the woods near Captain\\nShore s, we moved up to Prairie City. We picketed our horses and\\nlaid down not over one hundred yards from the store. About the\\nmiadle of the afternoon six of Pate s men came riding into town,\\nfour of whom we captured and held as prisoners. During the\\nafternoon Captain Shore raised a company of about thirty men, and\\nin the evening we started in pursuit of Pate. The next morning\\nbefore daylight we obtained information that he was camped at\\nBlack Jack point, and we moved forward with about twenty-four\\nmen to attack him. When within a mile of Pate s forces we all\\ndismounted, left seven men in charge of the horses, and, with seven-\\nteen men, made the attack. In about fifteen minutes we drove them\\ninto the ravine. The fight continued about three hours, when Pate\\nsurrendered. About the time we got the captured arms loaded into\\nthe wagons ready to move. Major Abbott s company came up.\\nNo one but Governor Robinson has ever attributed the surrender\\nof Pate to the approach of Captain Abbott. All the old authorities\\nagree on this point. What a pity that Governor Robinson should\\nmar a valuable historical work to gratify his grudges and hates\\ntoward the men who labored with him to make Kansas free!\\nTownsley mentions nothing of any help in the capture of the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "THE BATTLE OF BLACK JACK\\n275\\nfour of Pate s party on Sunday, but says they were captured by\\nBrown s men. I followed Colonel Phillips, in his The Conquest of\\nKansas. There is a conflict in the evidence, and as the incident was\\nunimportant when considered as to who captured them, I did not\\nmake an exhaustive search for authorities. Mr. Steel, before quoted,\\nwould seem to agree with Townsley.\\nNote 13. This agreement was signed in duplicate. It is in the\\nhandwriting of Lieutenant Brockett. Both the original and duplicate\\ncopies are in the library of the State Historical Society. A copy\\nof it may be found in The Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B.\\nSanborn, p. 240, note. There is some reference to it in a note on\\npage 300 of Mr. Sanborn s work.\\nJohn Brown made a report of this battle to the authorities at\\nLawrence, and the original of this report, in Brown s handwriting, is\\nin the Library of the State Historical Society. There is much there\\nalso, in addition. The old and reliable first works on Kansas affairs,\\nthe authorities upon whom all historians must to a great degree\\ndepend, have much concerning the battle of Black Jack. There is\\nmuch also in Mr. Sanborn s book that we have no space to even\\nmention.\\nNote 14. In their investigations they entered the house where\\nthe press was, but happening to fall in with a case of excellent\\nbrandy and some wine, they proceeded to help themselves pretty\\nfreely to these anti-abolition articles. After drinking freely, they\\nconcluded that no abolition press could be in a place where there\\nwas so good brandy. In fact, that is one way the border ruffians\\nhave of judging whether a man is sound on the goose. A person\\nwho does not drink is voted an abolitionist at once, without further\\ntestimony; and the presence of liquor, especially good liquor and\\nan abundance of it, is considered as a sure symptom, infallibly tend-\\ning to law and order. The Conquest of Kansas, William A.\\nPhillips, p. 374.\\nNote 15. The Conquest of Kansas, William A. Phillips, pp. 375,\\n376. See also the same work, page 3tj8, for the authority for the\\nstatement that United States troops demanded submission to the\\nbogus laws.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER X.\\nWOODSON S WAR OF EXTERMINATION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1856.\\nBethink thee, Gordon,\\nOur death-feud was not like the household fire,\\nWhich the poor peasant hides among its embers,\\nTo smoulder on, and wait a time for waking.\\nOurs was the conflagration of the forest.\\nWhich, in its fury, spares nor sprout nor stem.\\nHoar oak, nor sapling not to be extinguished.\\nTill Heaven, in mercy, sends down all her waters;\\nBut, once subdued, its flame is quench d forever;\\nAnd spring shall hide the track of devastation,\\nWith foliage and with flowers.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Sir Walter Scott.\\nSome of the emigrant aid societies were founded upon\\nthe old colonization principle, that money should be made\\nin the settlement of a new country. This was not the only\\nobject of those corporations, but was one of the paramount\\nconsiderations. ilSTot a few New England people refused\\nto come to Kansas under their auspices when the plans\\nto obtain town lots and other property were made known\\nthey chose rather to endure greater sacrifices, and carry\\nto Kansas the true spirit of liberty, which required no hope\\nof pecuniary reward, but was moved by right conscience.\\nThese people came to fight for the liberties they enjoyed\\nat home; with them property interests were subordinated.\\nIf Kansas could not be a free State, property in her bounds\\nwould be to them of little value, for they could not re-\\n(276)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of extermination 277\\nmain to foster and to care for it. These people believed in\\ndefending their lives with weapons; they supposed that\\nall law sanctioned defense of wives and babes when the\\nblood-stained fangs of wolfish barbarians gnashed at the\\ndoors of their dwellings. They were not moved to compro-\\nmises and subterfuges in the interest of property. They\\nexpected no dividends except those paid by an approving\\nconscience; they believed that when Kansas was once\\nfree, with slavery blotted from the books of all America,\\nindustrial and intellectual development such as the world\\nhad not before witnessed would follow. They did not\\nwant Kansas a free State with the South, or even what\\nis now Colorado and all the West and ]!^orthwest, slave\\nStates. They believed that Kansas was the field on which\\nthe question of slavery should be settled settled finally\\nand forever. And they were right.*\\nThe battle of Black Jack, while insignificant in itself,\\nwas important in this respect, it was the first field in\\nthe Kansas struggle where the free men cast aside the tram-\\nmels of property interests and marched out to make war\\nupon any and all who came to fight for the establishment\\nor maintenance of the institution of slavery. Men have\\nonly been great as they placed all upon the altar and staked\\nMr. Thayer 8 plan was an epitome of Yankee characteristics thrift, and devo-\\ntion to principle. Ho did not propose to win Kansas with hirelings, but to show the\\nnatural aggressiveness of the Yankue an outlet for his energy at once honorable and\\nprofitable. And thus, also, the company he proposed was not to be a charitable labor\\nentirely, as religious missionary societies mostly are but he asked. Why is it worse\\nfor a company to make money by extending Christianity, or suppressing slavery, than\\nby making cotton cloth The company which he planned was intended to be an in-\\nvestment company, giving and taking advantages with those whom it induced to go to\\nKansas, and incidentally nippling slaveru. While the Aid Company must bo\\ncredited for something of the high tone of the New England emigrants. It is a common\\nerror to suppose that these emigrants came to Kansas expecting to win martyrs\\ncrowns. I have questioned many of them as to their motives, and the uniform answer\\nhas been We went to Kansas to bettor our condition, incidentally ejrpecting to make\\nit a. free State. We knew we took some risks but If we had foreseen the struggles and\\nhardships we actually underwent, we never should have gone. William H. CarruthU\\nThe New Enaland Emigrant Aid Company as an Investment Society, in The Kansas\\nHistorioai Collection, Vol. VI, p. 90.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "278 JOHN BROWN\\ntheir very lives in the hazard. If anything at all is re-\\nserved, it is as fatal to noble purpose as was the hiding of a\\nportion to Ananias and Sapphira. Peoples have been\\ngreat only as they had a strong faith in God and were\\nactuated by a deep and single motive to live and act up\\nto the highest conceptions of His law. All history teaches\\nthis in fact, it teaches only this. In this God s-world,\\nwith its wild-whirling eddies and mad foam-oceans, where\\nmen and nations perish as if without law, and judgment\\nfor an unjust thing is sternly delayed, dost thou think\\nthere is therefore no justice? It is what the fool hath\\nsaid in his heart. It is what the wise, in all times, were\\nwise because they denied, and knew forever not to be.\\nI tell thee again, there is nothing else but justice. One\\nstrong thing I find here below: the just thing, the true\\nthing. My friend, if thou hadst all the artillery of Wool-\\nwich trundling at thy back in support of an unjust thing;\\nand infinite bonfires visibly waiting ahead of thee, to\\nblaze centuries long for thy victory on behalf of it, I\\nwould advise thee to call halt, and fling down thy baton,\\nand say, In God s name, IsTo Thy success Poor\\ndevil, what will thy success amount to If the thing\\nis unjust, thou hast not succeeded no, not though\\nbonfires blazed from North to South, and bells rang,\\nand editors wrote leading articles, and the just thing\\nlay trampled out of sight, to all mortal eyes an\\nabolished and annihilated thing. Success In a few\\nyears thou wilt be dead and dark, all cold, eyeless,\\ndeaf; no blaze of bonfires, ding-dong of bells or leading\\narticles visible or audible to thee again at all forever:\\nWhat kind of success is that! It is true, all goes by", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of exteeminatiok 279\\napproximation in tliis world with any not insupportable\\napproximation we must be patient. There is a noble Con-\\nservatism as well as an ignoble. Would to Heaven, for\\nthe sake of Conservatism itself, the noble alone were left,\\nand the ignoble, by some kind severe hand, were ruthlessly\\nlopped away, forbidden evermore to show itself For it\\nis the right and noble alone that will have victory in this\\nstruggle the rest is wholly an obstruction, a postponement\\nand fearful imperilment of the victory. Towards an\\neternal centre of right and nobleness, and of that only, is\\nall this confusion tending. We already know whither\\nit is all tending; what will have the victory, and what\\nwill have none The Heaviest will reach the center. The\\nHeaviest, sinking through complex fluctuating media and\\nvortices, has its deflections, its obstructions, nay, at times\\nits resiliences, its reboundings; M hereupon some block-\\nhead shall be heard jubilating, See, your Heaviest as-\\ncends ^but at all moments it is moving centreward,\\nfast as is convenient for it; sinking, sinking; and, by\\nlaws older than the World, old as the Maker s first Plan of\\nthe World, it has to arrive there. The dust of controversy,\\nwhat is it but the falsehood flying off from all manner of\\nconflicting true forces, and making such a loud dust-whirl-\\nwind, that so the truths alone may remain, and embrace\\nbrother-like in some true resulting force It is ever so.\\nSavage fighting Heptarchies: their fighting is an ascer-\\ntainment, who has the right to rule over whom; that out\\nof such waste-bickering Saxondom a peaceful cooperating\\nEngland may arise. Seek through this Universe if with\\nother than owl s eyes, thou wilt find nothing nourished\\nthere, nothing kept in life, but what has right to nourish-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "280\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nment and life. The rest, look at it with other than owl s\\neyes, is not living; is all dying, all as good as dead!\\nJustice was ordained from the foundations of the world;\\nand will last with the world and longer.\\nWith these old Puritanical doctrines was John Brown\\ndeeply imbued, not from Creed-books and Faith-confes-\\nsions, but from an absorbing contemplation of righteous-\\nness and the principles of liberty. Great men are the\\nresult of evolution. First principles of justice and human-\\nity lay hold upon them; they demand that some great\\nreform be consummated be accomplished; for in the\\nprogress of the world, evil institutions grow to such pro-\\nportions as to seriously menace the good. These men\\nare allowed to see but one great underlying principle;\\nand the strange thing in this world is, that this great\\nright-principle has had to be consecrated anew and dyed\\nin the blood of those who proclaimed it before it was visi-\\nble to mankind. John Brown was aware of that; it\\nnerved his arm and strengthened his heart when making\\nwhat seemed so hopeless and uneven a battle in the scrub-\\nbush in the ravines of Black Jack. The United States\\ntroops might wrest from him the fruits of his victory, and,\\nwhile retaining under the bogus laws the prisoners they\\nhad, release, arm and set on the path to pillage and arson\\nthose so lately taken from it by him, but there remained\\nthe example of resistance to cut-throats; and this example\\nwas not lost on the free men of Kansas. It marked a\\nnew era in the struggle for freedom. Kansas men saw\\nthat those who fought for their rights and the lives of\\nwives and children were held in more respect and were\\naccorded more protection than those who preached non-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of extermination 281\\nresistance in the interest of property preservation. These\\nmen had the example of Pomeroy and others, who surren-\\ndered Lawrence without even a show of resistance, hoping\\nto save the city in a fawning sycophancy and a hypocritical\\npretension that they would in future not fail to render\\nallegiance to the bogus laws. These Free-State men, who\\nhad now resolved to fight for their lives and for their wives\\nand children, remembered that all the humility of leaders\\ndid not save the good people of Lawrence from outrage\\nand their fair city from pillage. Free-State men have told\\nme with what scorn and contempt Pomeroy and others\\nwere regarded in New England when the people heard\\nthat instead of using a cannon donated by them for the\\ndefense of Lawrence, they had handed it over to the en-\\nemy to be used in battering down Free-State institutions\\nThey have also described to me how the same people\\npointed with pride to the first defense of Lawrence, when\\nRobinson, Lane and Brown stationed their men like a wall\\nto turn back the ruffians; and how they deplored the ab-\\nsence of these heroes when the hordes again compassed it,\\nbent on its destruction. This first resistance openly made\\nin Kansas to the minions of the slave-power and the cur-\\nrent issue that the bogus laws must be obeyed, strengthened\\nJohn Brown and encouraged him to still fight and hope.\\nIt also aroused the Missourians, for it revealed a new phase\\nin the conflict. Whitfield, summoned by Long, the courier\\nsent by Pate, hastened to the field. He was turned out\\nof the Territory by the mild remonstrances of the United\\nStates military, but sent his men to destroy and plunder\\nOsawatomie before he departed.\\nLane had been sent East by the leaders of the Free-State", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "282\\nJOHN BROWN\\nmen. He was in Washington for some time in the interest\\nof the Topeka Constitution. That instrument was pre-\\nsented to the United States Senate by Mr. Cass, on the\\n24th of March. Lane traveled extensively over the East-\\nern States, speaking to the people and describing the true\\nconditions in Kansas. In this work he arrived in Chicago\\non the 31st of May, 1856; his speech here was one of the\\ngreatest ever delivered in behalf of Kansas, and was fol-\\nlowed by a remarkable demonstration in favor of the pa-\\ntriots who were struggling for freedom. In all his ad-\\ndresses Lane urged people to go to Kansas, and largely to\\nhis efforts was due the remarkable inmiigration that poured\\ninto the Territory in the summer and fall of that year.\\nMany of these were known as Lane s Army of the\\nNorth, and in the succeeding years did valiant service\\nin the cause of liberty.\\nGovernor Robinson had been ordered East also, but\\nbeing delayed by affairs demanding his attention in the\\ninterest of the Free-State people, he could not leave the\\nTerritory before the closing of the Missouri river to the\\npeople opposed to slavery. He was arrested by ruffians\\nand returned to Kansas, and her people lost his valuable\\nservices for some four months while he was closely guarded\\nand held prisoner under a charge of high treason.\\nJohn Brown remained in the vicinity of Osawatomie.\\nHe was at Topeka when the Free-State Legislature was\\ndispersed, and no doubt he believed that the United States\\ntroops should be resisted when they interfered with mat-\\nters which did not concern their true functions. And it\\nis probable that he would have made such resistance at\\nTopeka if he had but been in command of a sufficient", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of extermination 283\\nforce. He returned to the Pottawatomie and raised a com-\\npanj of Free-State men for the defense of the settlers and\\nfor striking a blow at slavery if occasion favored. The\\nArticles of Enlistment and By-Laws of this company\\nare preserved, and reveal to us the spirit in which all\\nof John Brown s warfare against slavery was made:\\nKansas Territory, A. D. 1856.\\n1. The Covenant.\\nWe whose names are found on these and the next\\nfollowing pages do hereby enlist ourselves to serve in the\\nFree-State cause under John Brown as Commander;\\nduring the full period of time affixed to our names re-\\nspectively, and we severally pledge our word and sacred\\nhonor to said Commander; and to each other, that during\\nthe time for which we have enlisted we will faithfully\\nand punctually perform our duty (in such capacity or\\nplace as may be assigned to us by a majority of all the\\nvotes of those associated with us: or of the companies to\\nwhich we may belong as the case may be) as a regular\\nvolunteer force for the maintenance of the rights liber-\\nties of the Free-State citizens of Kansas and we further\\nagree that as individuals we will conform to the hy Laws\\nof this Organization that we will insist on their regular\\npunctual enforcement as a first last duty: and in\\nshort that we will observe maintain a strict thorough\\nMilitary discipline at all times until our term of service\\nexpires.\\nTo this Covenant are subscribed the names of thirty-\\nfive men, with the dates of their enlistment; these dates\\nextend from August 22 to September 16. Among these\\nmen were many that were leading citizens of the State\\nfor a quarter of a century after its admission. Many of\\nthe by-laws are quaint and odd, but they show that moral-\\nity was considered a part of thorough Military disci-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "284 JOHN BKOWN\\npline. And the company was a democracy; its internal\\naffairs were regulated and determined by vote, and offend-\\ners were to have trial by a jury of Twelve. Article\\nXIV provided that, All uncivil, un gentlemanly, profane,\\nvulgar talk or conversation shall be discountenanced.\\nIt is followed by another declaring that, All acts of petty\\ntheft needless waste of property of the members or of\\nCitizens is hereby declared disorderly: together with all\\nuncivil, or unkind treatment of Citizens or of prisoners.\\nHumane treatment of prisoners was made obligatory:\\nNo person after having first surrendered himself a pris-\\noner shall be put to death: or subjected to corporeal pun-\\nishment, without first having had the benefit of an impar-\\ntial trial. The use of liquor was prohibited The ordi-\\nnary use or introduction into camp of any intoxicating\\nliquor, as a beverage: is hereby declared disorderly.\\nThe organization of this company was after his return\\nfrom Nebraska with Lane s Army of the ISTorth. Soon\\nafter the Legislature was dispersed, Brown took his son-\\nin-law, Thompson, who was wounded at Black Jack, to\\nIowa to remain with friends there until he recovered. All\\nKansas waited for the coming of Lane s Army the people\\nsaw their hope of deliverance in the patriotic army moving\\nslowly through Iowa to pass into Kansas to fight for free-\\ndom. Brown was anxious to welcome this host of liberty-\\nloving people. We shall get a view of him as he passed\\nalong.\\nAmong the good men in Kansas in those days was\\nSamuel J. Reader. He lived then near Indianola, in\\nShawnee county, a town which disappeared long since.\\nMr. Reader still resides near the old townsite, and is one of", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of extermination 285\\nthe most respected citizens of the State, a man of great\\nintelligence, and proficient in stenography and drawing.\\nHe kept a journal through all the Territorial period, and\\nthis record is one of the most valuable within mj knowl-\\nedge. I have been accorded the privilege of examining\\nit, and I make a few extracts from it:\\nTuesday Morning, July 29th. I had been sleeping\\nin the stable loft, with a double-barreled shotgun at my\\nside, guarding our team from predatory lovers of horse-\\nflesh. When I returned to the house in the morning, I\\nwas told that Kickapoo Stephens had been there a few\\nminutes before, to notify us that a party of Free-State\\nmen were at the house of Mr. Touts, in Kansopolis about\\ntwo miles east, or northeast, of where we lived. The ob-\\nject of the party was to march north to the Nebraska line,\\nwith the expectation of meeting and escorting into Kansas\\na Free-State emigrant train, and guard it from possible\\nmolestation by the Kickapoo Rangers a most lawless\\nand bloodthirsty band of border ruffians. It was also\\nreported that Jim Lane was coming with the train; and\\nthat he had expressed the wish to have some of the genuine\\nKansas boys with him when he crossed the line, into our\\nTerritory. There was but a single baggage\\nwagon. A very tall young man seemed to have charge\\nof it. Some of the boys were calling him Handsome\\nHunter. But Hunter seemed to take it all in good part,\\nand talked back to them, in a drawling, good-natured\\ntone of voice. Captain Whipple was a name I heard\\nmore frequently than any other. I was not long in finding\\nout who was the owner of that cognomen. He was a\\nlarge, burly man about six feet tall, good-sized head and\\nface, short neck, deep-chested arms and shoulders full\\nand muscular and would certainly pull down the scale\\nat 200 pounds. His countenance was pleasant, but firm.\\nHe had a way of compressing his lips while speaking,", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "286\\nJOHN BROWN\\nthat seemed a little peculiar. He wore no beard. Com-\\nplexion clear and fresh; ejes dark gray, and not large;\\ndark-brown hair large, straight nose, and correspondingly\\nlarge jaw and chin. At first I thought him a trifle too fat;\\nbut when I afterwards saw him walk, I discovered that\\nwhat I had taken for adipose tissue was simply hrawn. He\\nwore a gray cloth cap on his head, while a summer vest\\npartly concealed his cotton shirt. About his waist was\\nbuckled a dress sword; and on his shoulder he carried\\nnot a Sharps rifle but a double-barreled shotgun. This\\nwas Captain Whipple as I first saw him.^\\nThere was a small party of mounted men. One was\\nour guide Dr. Root. He was a large, fleshy man jolly,\\nand affable. Another was Captain Sam Walker, of Law-\\nrence. He seemed to have command of the mounted men.\\nHis face was stolid and determined the very opposite of\\nDr. Root s. Capt. Mitchell rode with his party, although\\nhe commanded none of the infantry companies.\\nCamp on Pony Creek, K. T., Sunday, August 3d,\\n1856. When I stepped up the opposite bank, I came face\\nto face with two men. They had a covered wagon, drawn\\nby a single yoke of oxen. One was a young man, some-\\nwhat above the ordinary height the other, quite old. Both\\nwere walking, and both were dusty, and travel-stained. The\\nteam was stopped, and the old man inquired of me: Do\\nyou belong to a Free-State party, in camp near by I re-\\nplied that I did. Where is your camp V I pointed in its\\ndirection, and told him how he could find it. I was about\\nto continue on my way, when he detained me, by remark-\\ning: Your coming has caused a good deal of excitement\\namong the Pro-Slavery men living on the road. I said\\nnothing, and he continued: They didn t mind talking\\nwith us about it, as we are surveyors. He motioned with\\nhis hand toward the wagon. I looked, and noticed for the\\nfirst time a surveyor s chain hanging partly over the front\\nend-board of the wagon. Just behind was a compass and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "Woodson s wak of extermination 287\\ntripod, standing up, under the wagon cover. It struck me\\nthat he might possibly be Pro-Slavery himself, but for-\\ntunately I gave no outward expression to the thought. He\\nwas talkative almost garrulous. I answered his direct\\nquestions, but ventured to make no remarks myself. I had\\nbeen cautioned, only a day or two before, to be very care-\\nful what I said to men living along our line of march.\\nThe ox team naturally led me to suppose that these men\\nwere settlers in the immediate neighborhood. Where do\\nyou live he asked. Indianola. O yes I know. It is\\na hard place, and has got a very bad reputation. I have\\nheard of it. I ventured no reply. Have you ever been\\nin a fight he next inquired. No. Well, he continued,\\nyou may possibly see some fighting, soon. I was silent,\\nbut all attention. If you ever do get in a battle, always\\nremember to aim low. You will be apt to over-shoot at\\nfirst. I told him I would remember, and perhaps I\\nsmiled a little, for he added Maybe you think me a\\nlittle free in offering advice; but I am somewhat older\\nthan you, and that ought to be taken in account. He said\\nthis gravely and pleasantly. The younger man, behind\\nhim, was looking at me, with a broad grin on his face.\\nI was a little puzzled. The old man continued in pretty\\nmuch the same strain, for some time longer; but I find\\nit impossible to recollect it with any degree of accuracy.\\nThe young man had not a word to say, but seemed vastly\\namused at something. We separated. They forded the\\ncreek, and went in the direction of camp, while I con-\\ntinued my hunt. I shot nothing, and soon returned. I\\nmet one of our boys, and told him I had seen an old man\\ninquiring the way to camp. Yes, and do you know who\\nit was V I told him that I did not. Well, he continued^\\nthat was old John Brown we are to break camp, and\\nmove farther on. My delight and astonishment were\\nabout equal. Even at that early date, John Brown was a\\nverv noted man, and was trusted and esteemed by all who\\nheld anti-slavery views. I felt it an honor and a pleasure", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "288\\nJOHN BROWN\\nto have seen and conversed witii so prominent a leader.\\nOne thing, however, has always puzzled me: why should\\nthe old man have spent any of his time talking to a youth,\\nand a perfect stranger It is possible, my being a resident\\nof Indianola excited his interest, as he might have con-\\nsidered an armed Free-State man from such a noted Pro-\\nSlavery hole an anomaly and a curiosity. But whatever\\nhis motive, I shall always remember this little episode\\nwith pride and pleasure.\\nBetween three and four o clock we formed in march-\\ning column, and started forward at a swinging pace. We\\nwere all well rested, and a little tired of staying in camp.\\nWe had been on the road perhaps an hour or more, when\\nsome one in front shouted, There he is Sure enough,\\nit was Bro^vQ. Just ahead of us we saw the dingy old\\nwagon-cover, and the two men, and the oxen, plodding\\nslowly onward. Our step was increased to quick time\\nand as we passed the old man, on either side of the road,\\nwe rent the air with cheers. If John Brown ever de-\\nlighted in the praises of men, his pleasure must have been\\ngratified, as he walked along, enveloped in our shouting\\ncolumn. But I fear he looked upon such things as vain-\\nglorious, for if he responded by word or act, I failed to\\nsee or hear it. In passing I looked at him closely. He\\nwas rather tall, and lean, with a tanned, weather-beaten\\naspect in generaL He looked like a rough, hard-working\\nold farmer; and I had known several such, who pretty\\nclosely resembled Brown in many respects. He appeared\\nto be unarmed but very likely had shooting-irons inside\\nthe wagon. His face was shaven, and he wore a cotton\\nshirt, partly covered by a vest. His hat was well worn,\\nand his general appearance, dilapidated, dusty, and soiled.\\nHe turned from his ox team and glanced at our party from\\ntime to time as we were passing him. No doubt it was a\\npleasing sight to him to see men in armed opposition to\\nthe Slave-Power. None of us were probably aware that\\nJohn Brown s most ardent wish was for a sectional war", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "WOODSON S WAK OF EXTERMINATION\\nbetween the l^orth and the South that slavery might\\ndie. We supposed his only aim like our own was to\\nmake Kansas a free State. We proposed to lop one limb\\nonly from the deadly Upas tree he would lay the ax\\nat the root.\\nWe made no pause in our march, and rapidly left\\nJohn Brown and his outfit in our rear. At the top of\\nthe next ridge I glanced backward, and looked again at\\nthat homely, humble figure, following in our wake at a\\nsnail s pace. What man among us could then have pre-\\ndicted that in a little more than three years he would\\nshake this American republic from center to circumfer-\\nence\\nNemaha Falls, K T., Monday, August 4th, 1856.\\nI was loitering about camp, when I heard some one cry out,\\nHere comes Brown! I ran to the road with the rest of\\nthe men, and saw a horseman coming from the south. It\\nwas he. Where he got his horse, I never learned. Very\\nlikely he had borrowed the animal from some Free-State\\nsettler in the neighborhood. Several of our men stepped\\nout into the road, and hailed the old man. He stopped\\nimmediately, and seemed very willing to talk. I think\\nour principal spokesman was W^ilmarth. Do you find a\\ngreat deal of surveying to do? he inquired of Brown.\\nYes, now and then I pick up a job, replied the old man,\\nwith a perfectly grave face. W^e scanned him closely.\\nHis appearance was anything but military. He looked\\nround-shouldered and awkward as he sat on his horse and\\nhis resemblance to an old farmer, that one can see almost\\nany day, was more striking than ever. Do you survey\\nfor Government V was the next question. No. I am not\\nexactly in that line. My surveying is strictly for private\\nparties. I watched him closely as he said this. There\\nwas not the vestige of a smile, and the tone of his voice\\nseemed to indicate the words of truth and soberness.\\nHe could hardly have failed seeing our scarcely concealed\\nmerriment; but his own face was long as the moral law.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009419", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "290\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nOur spokesman was equally grave, and plied Brown with\\nmany and various questions, but utterly failed in getting\\nthe old man to admit his object in coming, or even his\\nown identity. Judging from this conversation, my im-\\npression is that when he visited our camp the day before\\nhe had not openly announced himself as Old Osawatomie\\nBrown, but had been recognized by some of our men who\\nhad seen him before. Brown waited patiently until the\\nquestioner was through, and then continued his journey\\nnorth. Of course he knew that we were not ignorant of\\nwho he was; but from policy or force of habit, chose to\\nassume the appearance of a stranger. At the time, I\\nsupposed be was indulging in a bit of dry humor. But\\nafter-events have proved that even at this time his gray\\nhead was teeming with revolutionary schemes, that would\\nhave fairly taken our breath away had he divulged them\\nto us. The pear was not ripe.\\nNemaha, K ebeaska Teeritoey, Thursday, August\\nYth, 1856. It was a nice, warm morning, and we were\\nastir at an early hour. We answered to roll-call, and\\nwere about ready to start, when Col. Dickey came over to\\nus and read a paper of instructions from his superiors.\\nThere it was in black and white, that armed men should\\nnot escort the train when it crossed the line into Kansas.\\nSome heated discussion followed. Dickey urged us to put\\nour arms in the wagons, and as soon as we were across\\nthe line we could take them back again. Other men\\njoined the Colonel, and expostulated with our obdurate\\ncommander. But it availed nothing. Captain ^Tiipple\\nwas standing a few feet in front of our line, and not\\nthree paces from where I stood. A horseman rode up in\\nfront of him. I looked up. It was Old Osawatomie\\nBrown. He addressed himself earnestly to Whipple.\\nDo as they wish. This train is to enter Kansas\\nas a peaceable emigrant train. It will never do to have\\nit escorted by armed men. As soon as we are across the\\nline, there will be no objection to your retaking your", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of exteemination 291\\narms. Let us all stay together. Your services may be\\nneeded.\\nHe said considerably more to the same effect. Capt.\\nWhipple said but little in reply. He was striking the\\nground at his feet with the point of his sword, during\\nmost of the conversation. He looked obstinate, and sul-\\nlen something like a big school-boy when taken to task\\nby his teacher.\\nPerhaps, added Brown, you don t know me you\\ndon t know who I am\\nYes, I do, exclaimed Whipple I know who you\\nare, well enough; but all the same, we are not going to\\npart with our arms. We came armed, and we re going\\nback armed.\\nI was somewhat surprised to learn by this conversation\\nthat Brown and Whipple were strangers to each other.\\nAlmost within reach of my arm, stood and spoke to one\\nanother for the first time these two self-sacrificing martyrs,\\nwhose futures were so tragically blended together, John\\nBrown, and Aaron Dwight Stevens. Both to battle\\nbravely and hopelessly; both to be stricken down with\\nseemingly mortal wounds, and both to perish on the Slave-\\nholder s scaffold. Brown saw that further entreaty would\\nbe useless. He turned, and rode away. It was the last\\ntime I ever saw Old John Brown of Osawatomie.\\nLane and Brown left the Army of the !N orth and came\\nin advance to make arrangements for the beginning of an\\naggressive campaign for the recovery of the ground lost\\nin the campaign against Kansas Free-State men relent-\\nlessly prosecuted by the Law and Order party in the\\nTerritory and Missouri since the early spring. Lane had\\nnot seen Kansas since March. He had made a brilliant\\ncampaign in the Northern and Eastern States in the in-\\nterest of Kansas. He had largely contributed in this way", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "292\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nto the assembling of the army which was marching into\\nKansas to seek for homes, and who were determined that\\nthese homes should bo in a free State. The coming of\\nLane s army carried dismay to the Missourians. On the\\n16th of August their leaders issued a call to arms which\\nshowed their anxiety and apprehension:\\nTo THE Public It has been our duty to keep cor-\\nrectly and fully advised of the movements of the Aboli-\\ntionists. We know that since Lane commenced his march\\nthe Abolitionists in the Territory have been engaged in\\nstealing horses to mount his men, and in organizing and\\npreparing immediately on their arrival to carry out their\\navowed purpose of expelling or exterminating every pro-\\nslavery settler. We have seen them daily become more\\ndaring as Lane s party advanced. We have endeavored to\\njirepare our friends to the end, which was foreseen, and\\nwhich we now have to announce Lane s men have ak-\\nKivED Civil war has begun\\nAfter the sacking of Osawatomie the Georgians near\\nthat town became bold, and their thieving and plundering\\nbecame unbearable. A small force of Free-State men\\nassembled and attacked them. Although in a fortified\\ncamp, and out-numbering their assailants, they were\\nrouted and fled to Fort Saunders, several miles south-\\nwest of Lawrence. Here Buford s Colonel Treadwell was\\nin command, and it was one of the most dangerous and\\ntroublesome posts held by the rufiians. Major D. S. Hoyt,\\nof Lawrence, desired to obtain information which would\\nenable the Free-State men to make a successful attack\\nupon this point. It was a dangerous undertaking, and he\\nwas urged to relinquish his desigTi but he was a brave\\nman, and believed he could safely accomplish it. Some", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "Woodson s wak of extermination 293\\naccounts say he carried a flag of truce. Jolin Armstrong,\\nEsq., of Topeka, whose account of this affair I have fol-\\nlowed, assures me that he stopped at the fort, pretending\\nthat he was going to attend to some business in the little\\ntown of Marion, four miles beyond. He believed that no\\none would recognize him, and went into the fort and asked\\nfor a drink of water. After looking the fort over thor-\\noughly he departed. There was a man there who had\\nworked on the ferry at Lawrence he recognized Hoyt at\\nonce, and when he was gone he gave it as his opinion that\\nhe was a spy and should be shot. Two men were detailed\\nto do this. They followed Hoyt, and came up with him\\nabout a mile and a half on his way to Marion. They shot\\nhim, and after burning his face with some corrosive sub-\\nstance, buried him near the road. According to all rules\\nof war, Hoyt had forfeited his life the moment he entered\\nthe fort in the capacity of a spy, but his death justly en-\\nraged the Free-State men, and they determined to attack\\nthe Buford camp at Franklin.* The assault was made on\\nthe evening of the 12th of August, and was directed by\\nLane; it was successful, and so panic-stricken became the\\nruffians that they abandoned a portion of their whisky\\nin their flight. In the annals of Kansas the abandonment\\nof whisky always denotes extreme and desperate demor-\\nalization in the ruffian ranks. A cannon was secured.\\nLane established a camp three miles from Fort Saun-\\nders. As soon as the Chicago party arrived at Topeka,\\nwhich was on the 13th of August, he ordered them to\\nthis camp, where they arrived at 2 o clock on the morning\\nof the 14th. In the forenoon of this day the body of\\nMajor Hoyt was found, and preparations were made to", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "294\\nJOHN BROWN\\nadvance upon the fort. The Free-State men arrived there\\nat 2 o clock in the afternoon, but the enemy had fled;\\nthey left much plunder and some muskets and ammuni-\\ntion; the Free-State men burned the fort. On the 16th\\nFort Titus, near Lecompton, was attacked by the Free-\\nState men, and the garrison captured. The gun captured\\nat Franklin had been supplied with ammunition by gather-\\ning up the type of the Herald of Freedom scattered about\\nthe streets at the sacking of Lawrence, and casting it into\\nballs. It was used with great effect upon Fort Titus, and\\nits reverberations so terrorized Governor Shannon that\\nhe fled from Lecompton, and was found embarking upon\\na mud-scow to cross the Kaw and escape in the jungles\\nof the north bottoms.\\nOn the following day Governor Shannon came to Law-\\nrence to conclude a peace in the interest of his ruffian\\nfriends. The whole summer s harrying of the Free-State\\nsettlers had not appealed to him, but after a few defeats\\nadministered by these same settlers to his cut-throats he\\ncame to plead their cause, and try to retrieve by treaty\\nwhat they had lost in battle. The treaty was concluded,\\nand prisoners exchanged. But this was not satisfactory\\nto the Missourians who had appealed to the people along\\nthe border to gather for an invasion of the Territory.\\nShannon saw that it would be impossible for him to make\\nany excuse to these when they arrived that would be satis-\\nfactory. The Kansas question had entered the campaign\\nfor the Presidency. It was plainly seen by Pierce and Bu-\\nchanan that if the Territory were not speedily quieted\\nPennsylvania would vote against the Democratic candidate.\\nShannon was ordered to accomplish this, and the storm of", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "Woodson s wak of extermination 295\\ncivil war wliich he saw ahead of him rendered him impo-\\ntent; he resigned his office, and fled from the Territory to\\nescape assassination at the hands of his hopeful constit-\\nuency of Law and Order party people. The executive\\nauthority now fell into the hands of Secretary Woodson.\\nHe was the willing tool of the ruffians; they could not\\nmake any request too brutal for him to refuse. It was\\ndetermined to make clean work of the Free-State settlers\\nin Kansas before the new Governor could arrive and un-\\ndertake the pacification of the Territory. Atchison,\\nStringfellow and other Missourians gathered men for an\\ninvasion which was to be governed in its object by the\\nmotto, Let the watchword be extermination, total and\\ncomplete. About a thousand men were gathered at\\nLittle Santa Fe, in Missouri, and from this point moved\\ninto the Territory in the direction of Osawatomie. They\\nsent a detachment of some three hundred and fifty men\\nagainst this town; it arrived on the morning of August\\n30th.\\nThe battle here was lost by the Free-State men, who\\nwere commanded by John Brown, but the defense of the\\ntown was so heroic that from that day he was known as\\nOsawatomie Brown. The best account of the battle is\\nhis own report\\nEarly in the morning of the 30th of August the\\nenemy s scouts approached to within one mile and a half\\nof the western boundary of the town of Osawatomie. At\\nthis place my son Frederick (who was not attached to my\\nforce) had lodged, with some four other young men from\\nLawrence, and a young man named Garrison, from Middle\\ncreek. The scouts, led by a Pro-Slavery preacher named\\nWhite, shot my son dead in the road, while he as I have", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "296\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nsince ascertained supposed them to be friendly. At the\\nsame time they butchered Mr. Garrison, and badly man-\\ngled one of the young men from Lawrence, who came with\\nmy son, leaving him for dead. This was not far from sun-\\nrise. I had stopped during the night about two and one-\\nhalf miles from them, and nearly one mile from Osawato-\\nmie. I had no organized force, but only some twelve or\\nfifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their prep-\\narations for breakfast and follow me into the town, as soon\\nas this news was brought me.\\nAs I had no means of learning correctly the force of\\nthe enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log house,\\nhoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gath-\\nered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with\\nguns and we started in the direction of the enemy. After\\ngoing a few rods we could see them approaching the town\\nin line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west\\nof the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than\\nto annoy [them], from the timber near the town, into\\nwhich we were all retreated, and which was filled with a\\nthick growth of underbrush but I had no time to recall the\\ntwelve men in the log house, and so we lost their assistance\\nin the fight. At the point above named I met with Captain\\nCline, a very active young man, who had with him some\\ntwelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to\\ngo with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the\\nOsage, or Marais des Cygnes, a little to the northwest\\nfrom the village. Here the men, numbering not more\\nthan thirty in all, were directed to scatter and secrete\\nthemselves as well as they could, and await the approach\\nof the enemy. This was done in full view of them (who\\nmust have seen the whole movement), and had to be done\\nin the utmost haste. I believe Captain Cline and some of\\nhis men were not even dismounted in the fight, but cannot\\nassert positively. When the left wing of the enemy had\\napproached to within common rifle-shot, we commenced", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "WOODSON S WAR OF EXTERMINATION\\n297\\nfiring, and very soon threw the northern branch of the\\nenemy s line into disorder. This continued some fifteen\\nor twenty minutes, which gave us an uncommon oppor-\\ntunity to annoy them. Captain Cline and his men soon\\ngot out of ammunition, and retired across the river.\\nAfter the enemy rallied we kept up our fire, until,\\nby the leaving of one and another, we had but six or\\nseven left. We then retired across the river. We had\\ncne man killed a Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline s com-\\npany in the fight. One of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was\\nshot in crossing the river. Two or three of the party who\\ntook part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or\\ntaken prisoners. Two were wounded namely, Dr. Upde-\\ngraff and a Mr. Colli s. I cannot speak in too high terms\\nof them, and of many others I have not now time to\\nmention.\\nOne of my best men, together with myself, was struck\\nby a partially spent ball from the enemy, in the commence-\\nment of the fight, but we were only bruised. The loss I\\nrefer to is one of my missing men. The loss of the enemy,\\nas we learn by the different statements of our own as\\nwell as their people, was some thirty-one or two killed,\\nand from forty to fifty wounded. After burning the town\\nto ashes and killing a Mr. Williams they had taken, whom\\nneither party claimed, they took a hasty leave, carrying\\ntheir dead and wounded with them. They did not attempt\\nto cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since\\nreturned to look over their work.\\nThe Missourians returned to their encampment. Lane\\nsent a force of about one hundred and fifty men against\\nthis camp. After exchanging a few shots with their assail-\\nants the forces under Atchison and others returned in\\ngreat haste to Missouri. But they did not remain there\\nlong. Woodson issued a proclamation declaring the Ter-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "298\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nritorj in a state of insurrection, and calling out all the\\nTerritorial militia, which was in fact an invitation to the\\nruffians to invade Kansas and complete the extermina-\\ntion of settlers opposed to slavery. Governor Geary was\\nhurrying to the Territory, and found companies on their\\nway in obedience to these calls one company embarked\\non the Governor s boat, at Glasgow, Mo., and carried a\\nbrass cannon. On his way from Leavenworth to Lecomp-\\nton he detected a member of the bogus Legislature in the\\nact of plundering Free-State men, and this hopeful legis-\\nlator advanced upon the Governor s party with the in-\\ntention of robbing it, and was only deterred by the ap-\\npearance of a wagon in the distance.\\nThe invasion of Kansas progressed as favorably as the\\nPro-Slavery leaders could expect. By the 15th of Sep-\\ntember there were twenty-seven hundred men surround-\\ning Lawrence, under the command of Atchison, String-\\nfellow, Reid, and others. The number of volunteers the\\nFree-State men were able to assemble to oppose this army\\nof invasion did not exceed three hundred. Brown was\\noffered the command of these, but declined. He preferred\\nto fight in the ranks. But he was looked upon as the\\nmost capable military man present, and the people relied\\nupon him for their safety should they be attacked. Brown\\nassembled them one afternoon and addressed them as fol-\\nlows:\\nGentlemen: It is said there are twenty-five hundred\\nMissourians down at Franklin, and that they will be here\\nin two hours. You can see for yourselves the smoke they\\nare making by setting fire to the houses in that town. ISTow\\nis probably the last opportunity you will have of seeing", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "Woodson s wak of extermination 299\\na figlit, so you had better do your best. If tliey should\\ncome up and attack us, don t yell and make a great noise,\\nbut remain perfectly silent and still. Wait till they get\\nwithin twenty-five yards of you; get a good object; be\\nsure you see the hind sight of your gun, then fire. A\\ngreat deal of powder and lead and very precious time is\\nwasted by shooting too high. You had better aim at\\ntheir legs than at their heads. In either case be sure\\nof the hind sights of your guns. It is from the neglect\\nof this that I myself have so many times escaped; for if\\nall the bullets that have been aimed at me had hit, I\\nshould have been as full of holes as a riddle.\\nSounder and more patriotic advice was never given\\na little band gathered to battle for their homes. But\\nGovernor Geary succeeded in turning back these barba-\\nrous invaders before they could attack Lawrence. He\\ncalled to his assistance the United States troops and\\nmarched to the camp of the Missourians, where he met\\ntheir leaders. After much grumbling, swearing, threat-\\nening, and disorderly wrangling, they held a meeting to\\ndevise some excuse to present to their sodden followers\\nfor turning back. After resolving that they had come\\nto drive out Lane and his hireling army, they reached\\nthe core of the controversy in the following preamble:\\nWhereas, we have here met and conferred with Gov-\\nernor Geary, who has arrived in the Territory since we\\nwere here called, ancZ ivho has given us satisfactory evidence\\nof his intention and power to execute the laws of the Terri-\\ntory. They returned to Missouri, but their routes were\\nmarked with burning homes, plundered farms, and mur-\\ndered citizens.\\nSo ended the campaign of the Pro-Slavery party of", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "300\\nJOHN BROWN\\nKansas and Missouri in 1856 for the enforcement of the\\nbogus laws. Had not political conditions in the East\\ndemanded its suppression, the Administration would have\\nassisted it to a successful termination. When the hordes\\nrolled back across the border their opportunity to crush\\nKansas was forever gone it was never again in their\\npower to stifle liberty. While many an outrage was yet\\nto be perpetrated upon the Free-State men, freedom was\\nassured when the congregated barbarians turned from\\nthe walls of the noble town of Lawrence, whose people\\nwere so patriotic and liberty-loving that nothing could sub-\\ndue or overcome them.\\nHad not John Brown and his faithful followers lurked\\nin thicket and swamp, like the great guerrilla, Marion, of\\nSouth Carolina, ready to defend a home or settlement\\nhere, and attack a band of murderers there, it is uncertain\\nwhether the result could have been attained in this time.\\nThe people of Kansas honor the memory of the old hero\\nwho without money and without price, at the peril of his\\nlife and the sacrifice of his son, alone of the leaders of\\nthe people, ranged the land and entreated the harried and\\ndiscouraged settlers to continue the fight for freedom till\\nhelp should come, and who exhorted them to charge\\nOnce more unto the breach, dear friends, once more.\\nHis fame was great. Pottawatomie and Osawatomie were\\ntalked of in every ruffian camp, and the terror of the name\\nof Old John Brown increased all along the border. He\\nbelieved himself raised up of God to break the jaws of\\nthe wicked. He cared no more for political policy than\\nfor personal abuse or the laudations of men. He gave no", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "Woodson s war of extermination 301\\naccount to man of his actions. He sought no counsel in\\nthe assemblies of men he cared nothing for their praises\\nor condemnations. He held himself accountable to God\\nalone, and as he understood His will he tried to execute\\nit. He cared nothing for law when it stood in the way of\\nright and humanity. He was a revolutionist as were the\\nfathers of 1776. He was the oracle of the doctrine enun-\\nciated in the Declaration of Independence. He believed\\nit agreed perfectly with the Sermon on the Mount, and\\nhe believed that it were better that his generation perish\\nthan that a syllable of either should fail. Only such men\\nare truly great\\nNote 1. Carlyle s Past and Present.\\nNote 2. The Covenant, list of names and by-laws are given in the\\nLife and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, pp. 287, 288, 289, 290.\\nNote 3. There would be no advantage in my making anything of\\na mystery about this man. His real name was Aaron Dwight Stevens.\\nA few months before this time, he was serving as a bugler in Col.\\nSumner s regiment of U. S. Dragoons. Being greatly provoked, he\\nstruck an officer. A court-martial condemned him to be shot. The\\nsentence was commuted to three years imprisonment. He escaped\\nin the spring of 1856. Came to Topeka as Chas. Whipple, and was\\nelected Captain of a Free-State company there. Was afterwards\\npromoted Colonel of the Second Regiment, and commanded under\\nLane at Hickory Point, Sept. 13, 1856. In 1859 he went to Harper s\\nFerry with old John Brown being third in command. On the\\nnight of October 16 they captured the U. S. armory at that place;\\nand in the fight, the next day, Stevens was shot down on the street\\nwhile bearing a flag of truce. His wounds were supposed to be\\nmortal; but he recovered, and was executed March 2d, 1860.\\nReader s Journal.\\nNote 4. This differs materially from the accepted version of the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "302\\nJOHN BEOWN\\ndeath of Major Hoyt. I was given this account by John Armstrong,\\nEsq., of Topeka. Mr. Armstrong was one of the very first settlers\\nin Douglas county; he was a member of the Lawrence Stubbs,\\n(a Free-State military company,) and was one of the men who\\nsearched for and found the shallow grave of Major Hoyt. He knew\\nHoyt well, and was evidently informed of every movement under-\\ntaken or to be undertaken against the camps of Buford. He says\\nthat this is the true account of the matter. I have greatly con-\\ndensed his account. Mr. Armstrong was one of the founders of the\\ncity of Topeka.\\nThe following is copied from an article on David Starr Hoyt,\\nwritten by William B. Parsons, and published in the Kansas Magazine\\nof July, 1872\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Vol. II, p. 45:\\nAfter a few weeks, Hoyt returned to Lawrence, and entered\\nheart and soul into the stirring events which followed. In June\\nhe went with a white flag into a Border-Ruffian fort in the south\\npart of Douglas county, known as Fort Saunders, and while return-\\ning, still under the protection of the flag, was basely murdered by\\nthe men with whom he had been treating. Such was the boasted\\nchivalry.\\nHoyt was among the earliest and bravest of the Kansas martyrs.\\nHe left his home with the impression fastened in his mind that he\\nshould be called upon to give up his life somewhere on the Kansas\\nprairies, and the thought never quickened his pulse, or produced\\nthe quiver of a muscle. Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, p. 101,\\nedition of 1815.\\nMr. Parsons is in error as to the time. He says it was in the\\nmonth of June that he was killed. It was in Ausrust.\\nNote 5. One of the first settlers of Osawatomie was O. C. Brown.\\nHe was not related to John Brown. He was a prominent Free-State\\nman, and stood high in the councils of the Free-State party. He\\nwas given the name Osawatomie, and for some time was known\\nas Osawatomie Brown. He disappeared for a time from the Kansas\\nconflict. As John Brown was the most noted man in that region, those\\nnot knowing the difi erent Browns called him Osawatomie Brown.\\nWhen his fame spread through all the land he came to be everywhere\\nknown as Osawatomie Brown, or Old Osawatomie Brown, and\\noften as Old John Brown of Osawatomie. The Pro-Slavery Missou-\\nrians almost always called him Old Brown or Old Osawatomie\\nBrown. In Butler s Book he is called Pottawatomie Brown.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "Woodson s wab of extermination 303\\nNote 6. John Brown, in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B.\\nSanborn, p. 318.\\nNote 7. The Governor and party crossed the Stranger river\\nabout noon, thirteen miles from Leavenworth, at a place called\\nAlexandria. This town consists of two houses, used as a postoffice\\nand stores. Several whisky-barrels, with their heads broken in, lay\\nin the road. A young man in attendance gave a deplorable account\\nof the robbery. He said the attack was made by about one hundred\\nand fifty of Lane s men, all mounted, who came with two wagons,\\nwhich they filled with goods, broke open the postoffice box and robbed\\nit of letters and postage stamps, and destroyed such articles as they\\ncould not carry away. The proprietor, to save his life, had fled to\\nthe hills and hid himself in the bushes, and he was threatened with\\ndeath if he should give information concerning the robbery. The\\nGovernor, who had been accustomed to examine moccasin-tracks,\\nmade a careful investigation of the premises, and at once assured\\nLieutenant Drum that the statements of his informant were false.\\nHe pointed out distinctly the fact that the traces upon the ground\\nindicated the late presence of certainly not over a dozen horsemen.\\nHe then ordered the young man to take a seat in the ambulance, to\\npoint out the direction taken by the robbers, and hastened in pursuit\\nof them. Along the road were exhibited fearful evidences of ruffian\\nviolence. Almost every house had been destroyed, and the sites\\nthey had occupied were marked only by solitary chimneys standing\\nin the midst of heaps of ashes. The first dwelling approached was\\nabout three miles from Alexandria, where the Governor halted and\\ninquired of the settler if he had seen a large body of men pass\\nduring the morning. He promptly answered that only six horsemen\\nhad passed that way, about half an hour previous. The Governor\\nthen asked the man in company why he had attempted to mislead\\nhim with a lying statement. The fellow had nothing to reply, and,\\nafter a severe rebuke, was permitted to return to Alexandria. As, a\\nreward for having told the truth, the settler s house was attacked\\na day or two after, and burned to the ground; his wife and half\\na dozen children being turned out upon the open prairie, and his\\ncrop of corn destroyed.\\nThe Governor increased his speed, and having traveled two miles\\nfarther, upon reaching an elevated piece of ground saw six horsemen\\ncrossing the prairie at the distance of about half a mile. Upon ob-\\nserving the carriage, they turned toward it- putting their horses to a", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "304\\nJOHN BEOWN\\ngallop, with the evident intention to attack and rob it. As they came\\nwithin a few hundred yards, and preparations were being made to\\ngive them a warm reception, the covered wagon ascended the hill,\\nthus exhibiting the character and strength of the Governor s party,\\nwhen the intending assailants turned and fled in the opposite direc-\\ntion. They were pursued by the sergeant, the only mounted man in\\nthe company, and a more interesting chase was never witnessed.\\nThe horses were put to their utmost speed, their tails standing\\nstraight out, and making time rarely equaled on a race-course.\\nFour of them succeeded in reaching a wooded ravine, but the other\\ntwo, whose horses were not equal to that rode by the sergeant, were\\novertaken and commanded to halt. Upon being questioned, they\\nrepresented themselves as Free-State men who had been driven from\\ntheir homes by a party of border ruffians. The sergeant, however,\\nrecognized them as two of a party of six men whom he had that\\nmorning seen leave Leavenworth City. It was subsequently learned\\nthat the leader of the party was a citizen of Missouri; a prominent\\nmember of the Legislative Assembly of Kansas, and the alleged author\\nof most of the odious election and test laws passed by that body\\nduring its session of 1855. This person has boasted that he pressed\\nfrom Free-State men several valuable horses, which he had carried\\nfor safe-keeping into Lexington, Missouri. History of Kansas,\\nJohn E. Gihon, pp. 118, 119.\\nNote 8. This is an exact report of what Brown said. It was\\ntaken down as he spoke, by Colonel Richard J. Hinton, who was pres-\\nent as the reporter for Eastern newspapers. Colonel Hinton was a\\nstenographer or shorthand writer, and one of the ablest correspond-\\nents sent to Kansas. He identified himself with the Free-State\\nparty, and rendered valuable services; afterward he served in the\\nKansas regiments in various capacities through the war. He has\\nwritten much and well of the early days here. One of his best\\nworks is John Brown and Eis Men. This address can be seen in\\nLife and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 335.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEE XL\\nFAEEWELL TO I^NSAS.\\nEleven slaves are now set free,\\nA kindly stroke for those who fell,\\nA just and righteous parallel,\\nTheir freedom wonj and strange to tell,\\nKansas has gained her liberty.\\nNot on far Afric s burning sand,\\nWhen age on age has come and gone,\\nAnd people searching in the throng\\nWhich passing centuries prolong,\\nAsk for some hero proud and grand.\\nThe theme for master sculptor s hand,\\nWhose ancient glory and renown\\nThe waiting multitude shall crown,\\nWill there remote appear John Brown;\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nBut will be found in every land\\nHis glory heralded by seers,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nIn marble cutj by poets sung;\\nAnd his rude image shall be hung\\nBound the charmed neck, and every tongue\\nShall praise him as a saint of years.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0094Joel Moody s The Song of Kansas.\\nJohn Brown did not intend to remain permanently in\\nKansas, so far as we now know; it is believed that he did\\nnot come with that purpose. It seems that he only turned\\naside for a time from his life-work to take up the sword\\n(305)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "306\\nJOHN BROWN\\nfor Kansas. But it is hj no means certain that he did not\\nfinally come to see the possibility of his remaining in the\\nState he helped to redeem and rescue. There is little\\ndoubt that he at one time contemplated striking his final\\nblow at slavery from Kansas that he studied long and\\nseriously the establishment of the stations in the Indian\\nTerritory and Texas that he eventually concluded to un-\\ndertake in the Appalachians. At least three purposes\\nmoved him to come to Kansas. The first was, to assist his\\nchildren in the battle to make Kansas free and in the de-\\nfense of their lives and property. The second was, to seek\\nevery opportunity to attack the institution of slavery. The\\nthird was, to gain practical experience in guerrilla war-\\nfare. The latter was essential to the success of the great\\ndesign so long and so devoutly intended by liim.^\\nWhen the hordes from Missouri had rolled back from\\nthe walls of Lawrence, Governor Geary devoted himself\\nin good faith to dispersing all armed bands in the Terri-\\ntory. There were indictments against John Brown for\\nresistance to the bogus laws, or treason, and any strict\\nconstruction of his duty would compel the Governor to\\nbring him to trial; but he did not want the hero of Osa-\\nwatomie captured, for he did not know what to do with\\nhim. To have dealt harshly with him would have aroused\\nthe Free-State men to resistance. He intimated to\\nBrown s partisans that he should consider it a favor if\\nthey would in some way prevent his ofiicers from meeting\\nhim. It is by no means certain that he did not request\\nhis friends to induce Brown to quit the Territory for a\\nseason, in order that there might remain no possibility\\nof his arrest. By Governor Geary s efforts the cam-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "FAKEWELL TO KANSAS\\n307\\npaign waged so persistently and relentlessly against the\\nFree-State men of Kansas for the preceding six months\\nwas rendered ineffectual. There was some hope that the\\nsettlers would he protected in their homes. Brown con-\\nsented to go East in September but he did not relinquish\\nany purpose he had formed in relation to slavery, or even\\nKansas on the contrary, he labored diligently in these\\ncauses during his absence from the Territory. He left\\nKansas in September, probably about the 15th. He had\\nhis old wagon and ox team, and in this clumsy conveyance\\nhe rode much of the time, for he was sick. His progress\\nwas slow; and he was pursued for a time by the United\\nStates troops, but had no trouble in evading them. He\\nfollowed the trail over which Lane s Army of the North\\nhad marched in.\\nBrown remained a fortnight at Tabor, Iowa, and when\\nhis health improved he continued his journey, arriving\\nin Chicago about the 25th of October. Here the ITational\\nKansas Committee purchased him a suit of clothes. He\\nvisited the various committees formed in the Eastern\\nStates to assist in the settlement of Kansas he hoped to\\nprocure the means to arm a considerable number of men.\\nHe had in mind the great work of his life, and never for\\na moment neglected it; and on this trip he secured the\\ncustody of two hundred Sharps rifles then at Tabor, Iowa,\\nand these he finally carried with him to Harper s Ferry.\\nThe committees were able to do but little for him; and\\nfinding this condition of affairs, he determined to make\\nappeals directly to the people. He spoke in many New\\nEngland towns. In Massachusetts there was a movement\\nto have the Legislature appropriate twenty-five thousand", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "308\\nJOHN BEOWN\\ndollars in the aid of Kansas work. The committee having\\nthis matter in charge requested him to appear before them\\nand deliver an address. This he did. He arraigned the\\nAdministration, and described the conditions existing in\\nKansas and the trials Free-State people vi^ere compelled\\nto bear in that Territory. He said\\nI saw, while in Missouri, in the fall of 1855, large\\nnumbers of men going to Kansas to vote, and also return-\\ning after they had so done as they said.\\nLater in the year, I, with four of my sons, was called\\nout, and traveled, mostly on foot and during the night, to\\nhelp defend Lawrence, a distance of thirty-five miles;\\nwhere we were detained, with some five hundred others,\\nor thereabouts, from five to ten days say an average of\\nten days at a cost of not less than a dollar and a half\\nper day, as wages; to say nothing of the actual loss and\\nsuffering occasioned to many of them, by leaving their\\nfamilies sick, their crops not secured, their houses unpre-\\npared for winter, and many without houses at all. This\\nwas the case with myself and sons, who could not get\\nhouses built after returning. Wages alone would amount\\nto seven thousand five hundred dollars; loss and suffering\\ncannot be estimated.\\nI saw, at that time, the body of the murdered Barber,\\nand was present to witness his wife and other friends\\nbrought in to see him with his clothes on, just as he\\nwas when killed.\\nI, with six sons and a son-in-law, was called out, and\\ntraveled, most of the way on foot, to try and save Law-\\nrence, May 20 and 21, and much of the way in the night.\\nFrom that date, neither I nor my sons, nor my son-in-law,\\ncould do any work about our homes, but lost our whole\\ntime until we left, in October except one of my sons, who\\nhad a few weeks to devote to the care of his own and his\\nbrother s family, who were then without a home.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n309\\nFrom about the 20th of May, hundreds of men, like\\nourselves, lost their whole time, and entirely failed of\\nsecuring any kind of a crop whatever. I believe it safe\\nto say that five hundred I ree-State men lost each one\\nhundred and twenty days, which, at one dollar and a half\\nper day, would be to say nothing of attendant losses\\nninety thousand dollars.\\nOn or about the 30th of May, two of my sons, with\\nseveral others, were imprisoned without other crime than\\nopposition to bogus legislation, and most barbarously\\ntreated for a time, one being held about a month, and the\\nother about four months. Both had their families on the\\nground. After this both of them had their houses burned,\\nand all their goods consumed by the Missourians. In\\nthis burning all the eight suffered. One had his oxen\\nstolen, in addition.\\nThe Captain, laying aside his paper, here said that\\nhe had now at his hotel, and would exhibit to the commit-\\ntee, if they so desired, the chains which one of his sons\\nhad worn, when he was driven, beneath a burning sun, by\\nFederal troops, to a distant prison, on a charge of treason.\\nThe cruelties he there endured, added to the anxieties and\\nsufferings incident to his position, had rendered him, the\\nold man said, as his eye flashed and his voice grew sterner,\\na maniac yes, a manla.c.\\nHe paused a few seconds, wiped a tear from his eye,\\nand continued his narration:\\nAt Black Jack, the invading Missourians wounded\\nthree Free-State men, one of them my son-in-law; and\\na few days afterward one of my sons was so wounded that\\nhe will be a cripple for life.\\nIn June, I was present and saw the mangled and dis-\\nfigured body of the murdered Hoyt, of Deerfield, Mass.^\\nbrought into our camp. I knew him well.\\nI saw the ruins of many Free-State men s houses, in\\ndifferent parts of the Territory, together with grain, in", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "310\\nJOHN BEOWJSr\\nthe stack, burning, and wasted in other ways, to the\\namount, at least, of fifty thousand dollars.\\nI saw several other Free-State men, besides those I\\nhave named, during the summer, who were badly wounded\\nby the invaders of the Territory.\\nI know that for much of the time during the summer,\\nthe travel over portions of the Territory was entirely cut\\noff, and that none but bodies of armed men dared to\\nmove at all.\\nI know that for a considerable time the mails on\\ndifferent routes were entirely stopped; and notwithstand-\\ning there were abundant troops in the Territory to escort\\nthe mails, I know that such escorts were not furnished,\\nas they ought to have been.\\nI saw while it was standing, and afterwards saw the\\nruins of, a most valuable house, the property of a highly\\ncivilized, intelligent, and exemplary Christian Indian,\\nwhich was burned to the ground by the Euffians, because\\nits owner was suspected of favoring Free-State men. He\\nwas known as Ottawa Jones, or John T. Jones.\\nIn September last, I visited a beautiful little Free-\\nState town called Stanton, on the north side of the Osage\\n(or Marais des Cygnes, as it is sometimes called), from\\nwhich every inhabitant had fled for fear of their lives,\\neven after having built a strong log house, or wooden\\nfort, at a heavy expense, for their protection. Many of\\nthem had left their effects, liable to be destroyed or carried\\noff, not being able to remove them. This was to me a\\nmost gloomy scene, and like a visit to a sepulcher.\\nDeserted houses and cornfields were to be found in\\nalmost every direction south of the Kansas river.\\nI have not yet told all I saw in Kansas.\\nI once saw three mangled bodies, two of which were\\ndead, and one alive, but with twenty bullet and buckshot\\nholes in him, after the two murdered men had lain on the ii;\\nground, to be worked at by flies, for some eighteen hours.\\nOne of these young men was my own son.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KLilNSAS Sll\\nThe stern old man faltered. He struggled long to sup-\\npress all exhibition of his feelings, and soon, but with a\\nsubdued, and in a faltering, tone continued\\nI saw Mr. Parker, whom I well knew, all bruised\\nabout the head, and with his throat partly cut, after he\\nhad been dragged, sick, from the house of Ottawa Jones,\\nand thrown over the bank of the Ottawa creek for dead.\\nAbout the first of September, I, and five sick and\\nwounded sons, and a son-in-law, were obliged to lie on\\nthe ground, without shelter, for a considerable time, and\\nat times almost in a state of starvation, and dependent\\non the charity of the Christian Indian I have before\\nnamed, and his wife.\\nI saw Dr. Graham, of Prairie City, who was a pris-\\noner with the Ruffians on the 2d of June, and was present\\nwhen they wounded him, in an attempt to kill him, as he\\nwas trying to save himself from being murdered by them\\nduring the fight at Black Jack.\\nI know that numerous other persons, whose names I\\ncannot now remember, suffered like hardships and ex-\\nposures to those I have mentioned.\\nI know well that on or about the 14th of September,\\n1856, a large force of Missourians and other Rufhans,\\nsaid by Governor Geary to be twenty-seven hundred in\\nnumber, invaded the Territory, burned Franklin, and,\\nwhile the smoke of that place was going up behind them,\\nthey, on the same day, made their appearance in full view\\nof, and within about a mile of, Lawrence and I know of\\nno reason why they did not attack that place, except that\\nabout one hundred Free-State men volunteered to go out\\nand did go out, on the open plain before the town, and give\\nthem offer of a fight, which, after getting scattering shots\\nfrom our men, they declined, and retreated back towards\\nFranklin. I saw the whole thing. The Government troops,\\nat this time, were at Lecompton, a distance of twelve\\nmiles only from Lawrence, with Governor Geary; and", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "312\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nyet, notwithstanding runners had been dispatched to ad-\\nvise him, in good time, of the approach and setting out\\nof the enemy, (who had to march some forty miles to\\nreach Lawrence,) he did not, on that memorable occasion,\\nget a single soldier on the ground until after the enemy\\nhad retreated to Franklin, and been gone for more than\\nfive hours. This is the way he saved Lawrence. And it\\nis just the kind of protection the Free-State men have re-\\nceived from the Administration from the first.\\nBrown visited his family at North Elba, N. Y., but did\\nnot remain long at home; he returned to New England\\nearly in March, and continued his work on the platform.\\nHe met with some encouragement; eighty dollars was\\ngiven him in three nights by two towns in Connecticut.\\nOne of these towns was Canton, where his father and\\nmother were brought up. The old granite monument of\\nhis grandfather, John Brown, of Revolutionary fame,\\nstood in the burial-ground there, though the old patriot\\nhad been buried on the banks of the Hudson. The people\\nagreed to send the venerable monument to North Elba, to\\nbe there set up and inscribed with the name of his son\\nFrederick, and other names as occasion arose. The monu-\\nment was sent, and was an object of great interest to the\\nmany who visited the grave of the martyr in after-years.\\nAt Hartford and Canton Brown read from his manuscript\\nan appeal for assistance; this appeal explains his objects,\\nand shows that he was then contemplating greater things\\nI am trying to raise from twenty to twenty-five thou-\\nsand dollars in the free States, to enable me to continue\\nmy efforts in the cause of freedom. Will the people of\\nConnecticut, my native State, afford me some aid in this\\nundertaking Will the gentlemen and ladies of Hartford,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n313\\nwhere I make my first appeal in this State, set the example\\nof an earnest effort Will some gentleman or lady take\\nhold and try what can he done by small contributions from\\ncounties, cities, towns, societies, or churches, or in some\\nother way I think the little beggar-children in the\\nstreets are sufficiently interested to warrant their contrib-\\nuting, if there was any need of it, to secure the object.\\nI was told that newspapers in a certain city were dressed\\nin mourning on hearing that I was killed and scalped in\\nKansas, but I did not know of it until I reached the place.\\nMuch good it did me. In the same place I met a more cool\\nreception than in any other place where I have stopped.\\nIf my friends will hold up my hands while I live, I will\\nfreely absolve them from any expense over me when I am\\ndead. I do not ask for pay, but shall be most grateful for\\nall the assistance I can get.\\nIt was while in Connecticut at this time that Brown\\ncontracted for the construction of a thousand pikes, which\\nhe afterwards carried with him to Harper s Ferry. He\\nvisited many of the principal cities on this second visit\\nto ISTew England, and addressed large audiences. He also\\nmade the personal acquaintance of the men most promi-\\nnent in the work of aiding Kansas; and he met the abo-\\nlitionists then laboring in their way to free the slaves.\\nEli Thayer was much impressed with his services to\\nthe cause of freedom, and did not ascertain until he was\\nan independent candidate for Congress, in 1860, when\\nhe was in opposition to his party, which was then engag-\\ning in the mighty conflict for the preservation of the\\nUnion, that Brown was a detriment to the cause of liberty\\nin Kansas. He offered Brown a home in a boom town\\nenterprise in what is now West Virginia, at the mouth of", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "314\\nJOHI\\\\^ BROWN\\nthe Big Sandy river, called Ceredo, and which was a\\nfailure.\\nBrown received most encouragement from the Massa-\\nchusetts State Committee. It proposed to obtain an\\nappropriation of one hundred thousand dollars to be used\\nfor relief in Kansas; to organize a force, well armed\\nand under control of the famous John Brown, to repel\\nBorder-Ruffian outrage and defend Free-State men. In\\nthe explanation of its objects it was recited that many of\\nthe Free-State leaders, being engaged in speculations, are\\nwilling to accept peace on any terms. Bro-WTi and his\\nfriends will hold to the original principle of making Kan-\\nsas free, without regard to private interests. This is just\\nwhat Brown had been doing in Kansas, and what opposi-\\ntion there was in the Free-State ranks in the Territory\\nto Brown came from his strict adherence to these original\\nprinciples. But with all his efforts, the results in New\\nEngland was disappointing to him. His chagrin found\\nexpression in the following quaint document\\nOLD JOHX BROWN S FAREWELL\\nTO THE PLYMOUTH BOCKS, BXJ^^sKEB HILL MOXLTJEXTS, CHABTEB\\nOAKS, A D UNCLE TOM S CABINS.\\nHe has left for Kansas has been trying since he\\ncame out of the Territory to secure an outfit, or, in other\\nwords, the means of arming and thoroughly equipping\\nhis regular minute-men, who are mixed up with the people\\nof Kansas. And he leaves the State with a feeling of\\ndeepest sadness, that after exhausting his own small\\nmeans, and with his family and his brave men suffering\\nhunger, cold, nakedness, and some of them sickness,\\nwounds, imprisonment, and others death; that, lying on\\nthe ground for months in the most sickly, unwholesome,\\nand uncomfortable places, some of the time with sick and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "FABEWELL TO KANSAS 315\\nwounded, destitute of any shelter, hunted like wolves, and\\nsustained in part by Indians that after all this, in order\\nto sustain a cause which every citizen of this glorious\\nRepublic is under equal moral obligation to do, and for\\nthe neglect of which he will be held accountable by God,\\na cause in which every man, woman, and child of the\\nentire human family has a deep and awful interest,\\nthat when no wages were asked nor expected, he cannot\\nsecure, amid all the wealth, luxury, and extravagance of\\nthis heaven-exalted people, even the necessary supplies\\nof the common soldier. How are the mighty fallen\\nI am de-stitute of horses, baggage-wagons, tents, har-\\nness, saddles, bridles, holsters, spurs, and belts; camp\\nequipage, such as cooking and eating utensils, blankets,\\nknapsacks, intrenching-tools, axes, shovels, spades, mat-\\ntocks, crowbars have not a supply of ammunition\\nhave not money sufficient to pay freight and traveling\\nexpenses; and left my family poorly supplied with com-\\nmon necessaries.\\nBoston, April, 1857.\\nJohn Brown was working with method to accomplish\\nan end perfecting arrangements to accomplish the de-\\nsign he had cherished for more than twenty years. He\\nhad not yet disclosed this plan to anyone perhaps in its\\nmore definite outlines so far as they were fixed, not even\\nto his wife. He made the acquaintance, in April, 1857,\\nof Hugh Forbes, who was an Englishman late from Italy^\\nwhere he had been a silk merchant and a follower of\\nGaribaldi. In one of the downward turns of the cause\\nof his leader he found it necessary to flee, and, leaving\\nhis wife and daughter in Paris, he sought the hospitable\\nshores of America. He was a fencing-master, and claimed\\nan extensive knowledge of military tactics and guerrilla", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "316\\nJOHN BROWN\\nwarfare. He proposed to Brown to translate a French\\nwork on street-fighting and other varieties of desultory\\ntactics, and print it for the use of his army. To this\\nBrown was favorable, and he furnished the means to bring\\nout the work, believing that it would prove of great service\\nto his men. Forbes was also employed, or taken on some\\nterms not now well understood, to instruct the army to be\\nraised and equipped by Brown to carry out his intentions.\\nHe was to come to Tabor, Iowa, in May, 1857, but did\\nnot arrive until the 9th of August. Being dissatisfied,\\nhe left there early in November, and went East, where he\\ndivulged such of Brown s plans as had been made known\\nto him. These revelations were made to prominent public\\nmen, and to persons who had assisted Brown and were in\\nsympathy with his designs.^\\nFrom Tabor, Iowa, Brown came to Kansas, arriving\\nat the farm of E. B. Whitman, a little south of Lawrence,\\non the 5th of November. He intended to remain but a\\nshort time, and his object was to enlist men skilled in the\\nrough guerrilla warfare of the Kansas border in his army\\nof invasion of Virginia.^ His presence was made known\\nto few, for it was feared that he might be arrested on the\\nold indictments for treason or conspiracy. From Law-\\nrence he went to the farm of Daniel Sheridan, south of\\nTopeka. There he was joined by John E. Cook, Richard\\nRealf, and Luke F. Parsons. He and J. H. Kagi visited\\nManhattan. With the persons named, and Colonel\\nWhipple, or Aaron D. Stevens, Charles W. Moffett, and\\nRichard Richardson, a colored man of intelligence. Brown\\nleft Kansas for Iowa late in November. They arrived\\nwithout incident, and soon afterward the whole company", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS 317\\nwere moved to the Quaker communitj at Springdale, Iowa,\\nand were given a heartfelt welcome bj the good people of\\nthat place. The gratitude and approval of humanity are\\ndue the Quakers of every part of America for their serv-\\nices in effecting the abolition of slavery. They were the\\nfirst body to oppose the institution in both Europe and\\nAmerica, and were ever in advance in this righteous cause\\nas the work for its consummation dragged slowly along.\\nNo black man or woman or child fleeing from a crushing\\nand degrading bondage with bloody-fanged dogs crying\\non the trail at the instance of the minions of the laws of\\nthe nation, ever knocked in vain at a Quaker door. The\\nunderground railroad ran from one Quaker settlement\\nto another, and was always safest where the Friends were\\nmost numerous, and to them the distress-cry of the fugitive\\nblack man was a call from God that was never unheeded.\\nThe company of John Brown gathered at Springdale\\nconsisted of eleven men, John Brown, Owen Brown,\\nAaron D. Stevens, John Henri Kagi, John Edwin Cookj\\nEichard Eealf, Charles P. Tidd, William Leeman, Luke\\nF. Parsons, Charles W. Moffett, and Richard Eichardson.\\nDuring the winter George B. Gill, Steward Taylor, Ed-\\nwin Coppoc and Barclay Coppoc joined the little army.\\nJohn Brown installed Aaron D. Stevens in the position\\nof military instructor, left vacant by the desertion of\\nForbes. As soon as provision for his men for the winter\\nwas completed, BrowTi returned East; this was in Jan-\\nuary, 1858. He stopped in Ohio to see his son John,\\nand from there he went to the home of Frederick Douglass,\\nin Eochester, N Y. He made his home with Douglass\\nfor a time, and while there, drew up his constitution for", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "318 JOHN BEOWN\\na provisional government. He began also to disclose to\\nhis friends his plans for the future very cautiously at\\nfirst, and by vague hints and suggestions rather than by\\ndirect avowal. He inquired of Theodorfe Parker by letter\\nDo you think any of my Garrisonian friends, either at\\nBoston, Worcester, or any other place, can be induced to\\nsupply a little straw, if I will absolutely make bricks\\nHe desired something less than a thousand dollars. He\\nwishes to avoid publicity, and will not see his family.\\nMeantime he is staying with Fred Douglass under the\\nnom de guerre of N. Hawkins. He expects to overthrow\\nslavery in a large part of the country, wrote Edward\\nMorton to F. B. Sanborn. He wrote Sanborn: My\\nreasons for keeping quiet are such that when I left Kan-\\nsas I kept it from every friend there; and I suppose it\\nis still understood that I am hiding somewhere in the\\nTerritory. These were his reasons for not going to Bos-\\nton, or even passing through Albany. He was at the\\nhome of Gerrit Smith, near Peterboro, IST. Y., February\\n20th, 1858. Here he was met by Mr. Sanborn, who says\\nthat on the evening of Washington s birthday the whole\\noutline of Brown s campaign in Virginia was laid before\\nour little council, to the astonishment and almost the dis-\\nmay of those present. The discussion continued till past\\nmidnight, but nothing could shake the purpose of the\\nold Puritan. Every difficulty had been foreseen and pro-\\nvided against in some manner; the grand difficulty of\\nall the manifest hopelessness of undertaking anything\\nso vast with such slender means was met with the text\\nof Scripture If God be for us, who can be against us\\nHe had made nearly all his arrangements he had so", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KAKSAS 319\\nmany men enlisted, so many hundred weapons, all lie\\nnow wanted was the small sum of money. With that he\\nwould open his campaign in the spring, and he had no\\ndoubt that the enterprise Svould pay, as he said.\\nOn the following day the question was again taken up.\\nBrown carried his point. You see how it is, said\\nGerrit Smith to Mr. Sanborn; our dear old friend has\\nmade up his mind to this course, and cannot be turned\\nfrom it. We cannot give him up to die alone; we must\\nsupport him. He went by the way of Brooklyn to Bos-\\nton at the instance of Mr. Sanborn, arriving there on the\\n4th of March. His visit to Boston was made secretly.\\nHe saw Theodore Parker, who encouraged him but was\\nnot sanguine of the success of his effort. The amount of\\nmoney required was given him, and he considered his\\njourney successful at every point. He was in communica-\\ntion with Forbes, and seems to have anticipated no seri-\\nous trouble from his course. When the success of his\\nplans seemed so nearly complete when, climbing uj) from\\nthe devious defiles of the valley of disappointments and\\nvexations, he saw from the height of his mountain-top the\\nbroad plains of peace and freedom unfold in a panorama\\nat his feet, he wrote to his wife and children in the rude\\nhome in the frozen forests of the Adirondacks The\\nanxiety I feel to see my wife and children once more, I\\nam unable to describe. I want exceedingly to see my big\\nbaby and Ruth s baby, and to see how that little company\\nof sheep look about this time. The cries of my poor\\nsorrow-stricken, despairing children, whose tears on their\\ncheeks are ever in my eyes, and whose sighs are ever In\\nmy ears, may however prevent my enjoying the happiness", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "320 JOHN BEOWN\\nI SO mucli desire. But, courage, courage, courage! the\\ngreat work of mj life (the unseen Hand that guided me,\\nand who has indeed holden my right hand, may hold it\\nstill, though I have not known Him at all as I ought)\\nI may yet see accomplished (.God helping), and be per-\\nmitted to return, and rest at evening.\\nJohn Brown and his son, John Brown, jr., were in Phil-\\nadelphia, where a conference was held with a number of\\ncolored men. They went from thence to Connecticut, and\\nfrom there, by the way of ]^ew York, to ITorth Elba.\\nThey remained but a few days, and returned to Peterboro,\\narriving at Gerrit Smith s April 2d. Mr. Smith fully\\napproved the arrangements made for the invasion of Vir-\\nginia, and was buoyant and hopeful about it, and showed\\ngreat animation and interest. From Peterboro they went\\nto Rochester, where they separated. John Brown went to\\nSt. Catherine s, Canada, early in April, writing from that\\nplace to his son John, from whom he had parted at Roch-\\nester, April 8th. There were many fugitive slaves in St.\\nCatherine s, and he was probably looking among them\\nfor additions to his little army. A certain Harriet Tub-\\nman, a colored woman of much influence, was there at the\\ntime, and she seems to have aided him in this work.\\nBut he did not remain long in Canada. He went to\\nIowa, and from Springdale wrote his wife on the 27th of\\nApril. He had come to transfer his army to Chatham,\\nCanada West, which he accomplished quickly, for he wrote\\nfrom that town to his wife. May 12th. The Provisional\\nConstitution had been adopted here before the letter to his\\nwife was written. It began with the following preamble:\\n^^yVhereas, Slavery throughout its entire existence in the", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n321\\nUnited States, is none other than a most barbarous, un-\\nprovoked, and unjustifiable war of one portion of its\\ncitizens upon another portion the only conditions of\\nwhich are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude\\nor absolute extermination in utter disregard and viola-\\ntion of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in\\nour Declaration of Independence.\\nBut at this moment, when it seemed that all things\\nwere turning to favor the rapid consummation of John\\nBrown s life-purpose, unexpected developments forced a\\npostponement of the expedition for many months. Forbes\\ncontinued to talk of Brown s plans. He gave information\\nto Senators in Washington and influential persons in New\\nEngland. The result was that Mr. Smith, Theodore Par-\\nker, Mr. Sanborn and those knowing his full plans wrote\\nhim that the expedition must be deferred for a year.\\nBrown met Mr. Stearns in New York about the 20th of\\nMay. He went to Boston, where he was assured that he\\nwould be furnished two or three thousand dollars for the\\nexecution of the plan in the following winter. In the\\nmeantime it was believed best for him to return to Kansas,\\nfor, as Forbes did not know that Virginia was the objective\\npoint of Brown s expedition, his return to the Territory\\nand the resumption of the old warfare there would\\nserve to contradict Forbes s revelations. He left Bos-\\nton June 3d, with five hundred dollars in gold, and\\nliberty to retain all the arms, visited North Elba, passed\\nthrough Ohio and Iowa into Nebraska, and reached Law-\\nrence on the 25th of June, 1858. He was warmly wel-\\ncomed by his friends and the people of Kansas generally\\namong these were the correspondents of the Eastern news-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009421", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "322 JOHN BEOWN\\npapers. Kedpath records at length a conversation whicli\\nlasted nearly the whole afternoon. He was accompanied\\nby Kagi, and they returned to Kansas, as Kagi gave out,\\nbecause of the betrayal of their plans by Forbes. On Mon-\\nday, the 26th, Brown and Kagi left Lawrence for south-\\nern Kansas to visit Mr. Adair and other friends near Osa-\\nwatomie, and also to consult with Captain James Mont-\\ngomery.\\nThe Marais des Cygnes massacre had occurred on May\\n19th. Trouble had existed in Linn and Bourbon coun-\\nties for a long time. When the Free-State people settled\\nin the Kansas Valley and northern Kansas in such num-\\nbers that the danger from invasions from Missouri ceased\\nand civil order appeared, the worst characters among the\\nruffians betook themselves to these counties, and made their\\nheadquarters at Fort Scott. Among them were Clark and\\nthe Lieutenant Brockett who was captured with Captain\\nPate. In 1858 the Free-State men had increased in Linn\\ncounty to the point that they could take the initiative.\\nPro-Slavery men occupying the claims from which Free-\\nState men had been driven were made to leave. The feel-\\nings of each party toward the other were very bitter.\\nThe leader of the Pro-Slavery people was Charles A. Ham-\\nilton. He made up a list of some sixty Free-State men\\nwhom he intended to kill. He had lived on a claim near\\nthe Missouri line and near the little town of Trading\\nPost, but was at this time living in Missouri. He was\\nthe commander of a company of ruffians known as the\\nBloody Keds. On the 19th of May he rode over the\\nline, gathered up eleven of his neighbors, all unarmed,\\nand many of them inoffensive and peaceable, formed thein", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n323\\nin line in a gloomy giilch and shot them. Four were in-\\nstantly killed, and all the survivors but one desperately\\nwounded. The ruffians mounted their horses and fled, and\\nHamilton was never again heard of by anyone familiar\\nwith this bloody crime. A blacksmith named Snyder\\nhad saved himself from the same fate by resisting with\\nhis shotgun. Brown went to the point where these mur-\\nders were committed.^ It was believed for some time\\nthat he had purchased the claim upon which Snyder s\\nshop was located, and that he had built a strong fort upoii\\nit, called Fort Snyder but this he never did. He enlisted\\na few men, among them many of the foremost in the Ter-\\nritory, He assumed the name of Shubel Morgan, and his\\nvolunteers were known as Shubel Morgan s Company.\\nThe nine rules for the government of the company arc\\ncharacteristic of the stern and Puritanical character of\\nBrown, and they are yet preserved in the library of the\\nHistorical Society. Augustus Wattles and James Mont-\\ngomery were privates in this company commanded by\\nShubel Morgan.\\nThe company saw considerable service during the sum-\\nmer. Governor Denver posted some soldiers in the vicin-\\nity of the camp, which was near Trading Post. On the\\n23d of July Brown wrote that some of the soldiers of this\\ncompany had offered him their services, and that he had\\ndeclined them. Afterwards there was an attempt to cap-\\nture Brown, and this duty was intrusted to the United\\nStates troops. There was a sharp engagement between\\nBrown s company and these troops at Fox s Ford, on Big\\nSugar creek, in which a number were wounded on eacli\\nside. The troops were commanded by a Captain Farns-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "324\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nworth. Brown and his men are said to have disguised\\nthemselves as stone-masons, and worked for some time\\non a stone house being built by Augustus Wattles, Farns-\\nworth and his command stopped at the house of Mr.\\nWattles one day for dinner or water or under some other\\npretext, but really because they suspected that these stone-\\ncutters were Brown and his men. Brown was then con-\\ncealed in the loft of Mr. Wattles s cabin. While Mr. Wat-\\ntles and Captain Farnsworth discussed the desperate cour-\\nage of Old John Brown he was lying with his eye at a\\nrent in the wall not ten feet away, listening to the young-\\nofficer, who boasted that he would make him prisoner yet.\\nHe remained for more than an hour, and it afforded Mr.\\nWattles much amusement to keep the officer always on the\\nsubject, as he knew that Brown was listening to all he\\nsaid.\\nDuring the summer he was for a time sick with an\\nague this so weakened him that he was unable to remain\\nin camp. He went to the home of his brother-in-law, the\\nBev. Mr. Adair, where he was very ill from an attack of\\ntyphoid fever. It was the 10th of September when he\\ncould again write to his friends. He returned to camp as\\nsoon as he was again well enough to bear the hardships\\nof the camp life, but he wrote that he was anxious to\\nreengage in preparation for the invasion of Virginia.\\nOn Sunday, December 19, 1858, a negro man came\\nfrom Missouri to Brown s camp and begged that his wife\\nand family be rescued from slavery before they were sold\\nto be carried South, The following Monday night Brown,\\nwith a number of men from his company, made a foray\\ninto Missouri, and secured these slaves, eleven in number,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n325\\nand carried them into Kansas. Tliev were carried to the\\nPottawatomie and kept in a cabin on the open prairie\\nfor more than a month, while every ravine and thicket\\nswarmed with people searching for them. ISTo one thought\\nof their being concealed in the deserted old cabin in plain\\nview of a number of houses, and they escaped without\\ndetection. This raid was the occasion which caused the\\nwriting of the famous communication known as Old\\nBrown s Parallels, which is as follows\\nOLD BROWN S PARALLELS.\\nTrading Post, I^^nsas, Jany, 1859.\\nGents You will greatly oblige a humble friend by\\nallowing me the use of your columns while I briefly state\\nTwo paralells in my poor way. Not One year ago Eleven\\nquiet citizens of this neighborhood (Viz) Wm Robertson,\\nWm Colpetzer, Amos Hall, Austin Hall, John Campbell\\nAsa Snyder, Thos Stilwell, Wm Hairgrove, Asa Hairgrove,\\nPatrick Ross, and B. L. Reed, were gathered up from their\\nwork, their homes by an armed force (under One Hamil-\\nton) without trial or opportunity to speak in their own\\ndefense were formed into a line all but one shot Five\\nkilled, Five wounded. One fell unharmed pretending\\nto be dead. All were left for dead. Now I inquire what\\naction has ever since (the occasion in May last) been\\ntaken by either the President of the United States the\\nGovernor of Missouri the Governor of Kansas or any of\\ntheir tools: or by any proslavery or administration manf\\nXow for the other parallel. On Sunday the 19th of\\nDecember a Negro man called Jim came over to the Osage\\nsettlement from Missouri stated that he together with\\nhis Wife, Two Children, another Negro man were to\\nbe sold within a day or Two beged for help to get\\naway. On Monday night of the following day Two small\\ncompanies were made up to go to Missouri forcibly lib-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "326 JOHN BKOWN\\nerate the Five slaves together with other slaves. One of\\nthose companies I assumed to direct. We proceeded to\\nthe place surrounded the buildings liberated the slaves\\nalso took certain other property supposed to belong to the\\nEstate. We however learned before leaving that a portion\\nof the articles we had taken belonged to a man living on\\nthe plantation as a tenant who was supposed to have\\nno interest in the Estate. We promptly restored to him\\nall we had taken so far I believe. We then went to another\\nwhere we freed Five more slaves, took some property;\\nTwo white men. We moved all slowly away into the\\nterritory for some distance then sent the White men back\\ntelling them to follow us as soon as they chose to do so.\\nThe other company freed One female slave took some\\nproperty as I am informed killed One Wliite man (the\\nmaster) who fought against the liberation.\\nNow for a comparison. Eleven persons are forcibly\\nrestored to their natural; wvalienable rights with but\\none man killed all Hell is stirred from beneath.\\nIt is currently reported that the Governor of Mis-\\nsouri has made a requisition upon the Governor of Kan-\\nsas for the delivery of all such as were concerned in\\nthe last named dreadful outrage the Marshall of Kan-\\nsas is said to be collecting a posse of Missouri (not Kansas\\nmen) at West Point in Missouri a little town about Ten\\nMiles distant to enforce the laws/ and all proslavery\\nconservative Free State dough faced men administration\\ntools are filled with holy horror.\\nRespectfully Yours,\\nJohn Brown.\\nThe Governor of Missouri offered a reward for the\\ncapture and delivery of John Brown, and this was supple-\\nmented by a reward offered by James Buchanan, President\\nof the United States, of two hundred and fifty dollars.\\nBrown immediately had printed a small handbill in which", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n327\\nhe publicly proclaimed tliat he thereby offered a reward\\nfor Buchanan, declaring that if any lover of his country\\nwould deliver that august personage to him, well tied, at\\nTrading Post, he would willingly pay such patriot the\\nsum of two dollars and fifty cents. It is said that reflec-\\ntion upon the matter afterwards convinced him that this\\nsum was more than the President was actually worth for\\nany purpose.\\nBrown now prepared to leave Kansas. He was anxious\\nto be on his way to Virginia. He had taken an old wagon\\nfrom the master in Missouri when he rescued the slaves.\\nThis was concealed in a rocky gorge some distance from\\nthe old cabin on the prairie where the slaves were kept.\\nIt was of a peculiar pattern, and almost covered with\\nchains chains here, and chains there, chains everywhere\\nand they made a deafening rattle and clangor when the\\nold wagon was in motion. About January 20, 1859,\\nBrown put his negroes into this wagon, hitched to it\\nthe two yoke of oxen taken from the slave-owner, and\\nset out for Canada. He was accompanied for a short\\ndistance by some friends from the Pottawatomie; but\\nthey soon turned back to their homes. The slaves had\\nlittle idea of the distance to Canada. Perhaps they ex-\\npected to arrive there in a day or two.\\nJim, who was driving an ox team, supposed to belong\\nto the estate, asked one of the liberators, How far is\\nit to Canada?\\nTwenty-five hundred miles.\\nTwenty- five hundred! Laws-a-massa Twenty-five\\nhundred miles! No git dar fore spring! cried Jim, as,\\nraising his heavy whip and bringing it down on the ox s", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "328\\nJOHN BROWN\\nback, He shouted impatiently, Whoa-haw, Buck; git\\nup dar\u00e2\u0080\u0094 g lang. Bill\\nThe audacity and daring of the man is shown in the\\ncommencement of this journey. He was almost alone.\\nA price was on his head. His conveyance was such as\\nto attract attention anywhere, and the slowest known to\\ntraffic or travel. His route ran near the capital of the\\nTerritory, where he was wanted on many a charge. He\\nhad little or no food, and was clad in thin cotton garments\\nworn by him during the summer. But his stout heart\\nknew no fear. He pushed forward, the chains of the old\\nwagon rattling as it rolled over the prairie or plunged into\\nravines and draws. But he cared not for chains so long\\nas they bound no slave. And he knew where to find his\\nfriends. At the house of Major James B. Abbott he\\ntarried for a short time. He avoided Lawrence, and\\ncame to Topeka by the way of Auburn, on the Wakarusa.\\nHere he remained a day or two, at the house of Daniel\\nSheridan, and some supplies of food and clothing were\\ngiven him. He crossed the Kansas river in the night, and\\nwas entertained by Cyrus Packard, Esq., a Free-State\\nman from Maine. He left the house of his friend before\\ndaylight, and followed on his way to Canada the old trail\\nmade by Lane s Army of the N orth.^^ Beyond Holton he\\nwas threatened by a posse, commanded by Dr. J. N O. P.\\nWood, of Lecompton, and numbering some forty men.\\nThese were reinforced by some Atchison parties. He sent\\na messenger to Topeka for help, and some thirty-five men\\nresponded, but before they arrived the posse was routed.\\nThe last battle fought by the old Puritan on Kansas soil\\nresulted in the ignominious defeat of his enemies. After", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS 329\\nhaving been reinforced by the party from Atchison, they\\nsupposed it impossible for Brown to escape them. There\\nwere forty-two of them, and they advanced to capture\\nBrown s camp. At this moment Brown and seven men\\ncame out of a wood and opened fire. Never were men\\nmore surprised. They turned and fled in great disorder;\\nsome w^ere unhorsed. These w^ere so terror-stricken that\\nthey seized the tails of the horses ridden by their fright-\\nened comrades, and disappeared over the prairie just\\nhitting the high places. Four of the party were cap-\\ntured by Brown. They were retained some days and\\nreleased on the Nebraska side of the State line. They\\nrequested that their horses be returned to them, but Brown\\nassured them that they could well afford to walk back to\\nKansas. This last battle of the slave-owners with Brown\\nin Kansas was called derisively, the Battle of the Spurs,\\nby Richard J. Hinton, then a Kansas correspondent for\\nEastern newspapers, and an ardent Free-State man and\\nchampion of freedom. The battle has always been called\\nby the name given it by Colonel Hinton.\\nBrown passed through the State of Iowa during the\\nmonth of February. At Tabor he was not well received.\\nAt Springdale, on the 25th, he was furnished food and\\nclothing for his fugitives and charged nothing for their\\nentertainment. He addressed full houses for two nights\\nin succession, and a small sum of money was realized by\\nthe collections. His notes for these addresses yet exist,\\nand are characteristic of the man.^*^ At Iowa City he was\\nassailed by the postmaster, with the following result:\\nIn the midst of a crowd on the street-corner a quiet\\nold countryman was seen listening to a champion of slav-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "330\\nJOHN BROWN\\nery, who was denouncing Brown as a reckless, bloody\\noutlaw, a man who never dared to fight fair, but skulked\\nand robbed, and murdered in the dark, adding, If I could\\nget sight of him I would shoot him on the spot; I would\\nnever give him a chance to steal any more slaves. My\\nfriend, said the countryman in his modest way, you talk\\nvery brave and as you will never have a better opportunity\\nto shoot Old Brown than right here and now, you can\\nhave a chance. Then, drawing two revolvers from his\\npockets he offered one to the braggart, requesting him to\\ntake it and shoot as quick as he pleased. The mob orator\\nslunk away, and Brown returned his pistols to his\\npocket.\\nBrown carried his fugitives through Chicago to De-\\ntroit, where he crossed with them into Canada. From\\nCanada he went to Cleveland, Ohio, where he sold the\\nhorses taken from the enemy in the Battle of the Spurs.\\nHe explained that the title might be defective, but this\\ndid not affect the price secured, ^yhen his business in\\nCleveland was transacted, he went on to his home in\\nNorth Elba. He remained there but a short time, and\\nwent on to !N ew England. He went by the way of Peter-\\nboro, N. y., where he stopped to consult Gerrit Smith.\\nHe spent his birthday, the last that came to him in this\\nworld, with Mr. Sanborn, at Concord, Massachusetts.\\nThen he went to Boston to begin his preparations to go\\nupon his expedition to attack slavery in Virginia.\\nNote 1. Redpath insists almost vehemently that it was never\\nJohn Brown s purpose to make Kansas his place of residence. I re-\\ngard Redpath as not the best authority upon this subject, as well", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n331\\nas upon some others connected with the life of Brown. There are\\nletters written by members of his family which show at least that\\nthe coming of the family to Kansas was contemplated. If he had\\nfinally concluded to attempt in Arkansas and Texas what he pur-\\nposed in Virginia, he would have brought his family to Kansas.\\nNote 2. Annals of Kansas, D. W. Wilder, pp. 153, 154, 155.\\nNote 3. The paper from which Brown read is in the library of\\nthe Kansas Historical Society. It is long, and is a valuable historical\\ndocument. This quotation is from Life and Letters of John Brown,\\nF. B. Sanborn, p. 379.\\nNote 4. John Broicn and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, and Life\\nand Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, have good accounts of\\nHugh Forbes and his relations with John Brown.\\nNote 5. I know a number of men now living in Kansas who were\\ninvited to become members of Brown s army of invasion. Among\\nthese I remember Mr. Edward P. Harris, who came to Kansas one\\nof Lane s Army of the North, and one of the best known and most\\nrespected of the old pioneers. He is one of the best printers in\\nAmerica, and his reputation as a proof-reader is second to none.\\nRichard Realf requested him to go to Harper s Ferry with Brown,\\nbut Mr. Harris, while willing to fight border ruffians in Kansas,\\ncould not see his way clear to oppose the authority of the United\\nStates in Virginia. Colonel Thomas E. Scudder is another man\\nwho was invited to go, and who refused on the same ground.\\nNote 6. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 435.\\nNote 7. Life and Letters of John Broicn, F. B. Sanborn, p. 437.\\nNote 8. For these quotations, see Life and Letters of John Brown,\\nF. B. Sanborn, pp. 436, 437, 438, 439.\\nNote 9. Letter of John Brown to his family, in Life and Letters\\nof John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 441.\\nNote 10. The best copy published of this remarkable instrument\\nis to be found in John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, be-\\nginning on page 619.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "332\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nNote 11. For accounts of the Marais des Cygnes massacre see\\nKansas in 1858, W. P. Tomlinson; and the account written for the\\nKansas State Historical Society by Ed. R. Smith, Esq., of Mound\\nCity, and published in the Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. VI,\\np. 365, and following.\\nNote 12. This is given just as Brown wrote it. The original is\\nin the library of the Kansas Historical Society. It was first pub-\\nlished in the Ncio York Tribune and the Lawrence Republican. The\\noriginal shows some interlineations made with pen and some made\\nwith pencil. Mr. Sanborn believes those made with pen were made\\nby Kagi. Mr. E. P. Harris was a compositor in the Republican\\noffice when the copy was received. The changes and additions made\\nwith pencil, now to be seen on the original, in the library of the State\\nHistorical Society, and the changes in orthography, were made by Mr.\\nHarris, as he informs me. He also changed the punctuation. These\\nchanges all appear on the original copy in the handwriting of Mr.\\nHarris. The paper as edited by Mr. Harris has been used as the copy\\nof this valuable communication, and may be found in most all the\\nbiographies of John Brown. By comparing one of those with this\\nthe additions will readily appear.\\nThe original paper bears some evidences that it was contemplated\\nthat some one else, probably Kagi, should make additions to it.\\nThere are spaces left to be filled if thought necessary; one of these\\nfollows the list of victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre, and\\nanother is at the close. The only word in the original not in the copy\\nas printed herein is the word party. This is the last word, and is\\nbelow the space and next to the .signature. There is no connection\\nbetween it and what precedes it in Brown s handwriting, and it is\\nin his handwriting. Mr. Harris made it a part of the last sentence\\nin the copy as published generally.\\nNote 13. Life of Captain John Broion, James Redpath, p. 220.\\nNote 14.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Miss G. Packard, of Topeka, writes me:\\nMy father, Cyrus Packard, came from Maine to Kansas, in the\\nspring of 1857. He lived about three miles north of Topeka, and\\nJohn Brown frequently made his house his stopping-place, when\\ntraveling with slaves. I remember once, in the fall of 1858, that he\\ncame in the middle of the night with a large company, among whom\\nwas a babe who had been born on the road. My brother and I were\\nlittle children, and were wakened in the night by the unwonted noise.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "FAREWELL TO KANSAS\\n333\\nWe got up and dressed and started to go downstairs, but found the\\ndoor locked and our curiosity was so great that we looked down\\nthrough space around the stove pipe, and saw a great crowd of black\\npeople moving about. My brother-in-law, coming upstairs just then,\\nconcluded that we might as well be downstairs so we were permitted\\nto go about among the fugitives. 1 looked at John Brown with a\\ngreat deal of interest. Col. Whipple and Kagi were with him. My\\nmother and sister were bustling about, cooking as good a meal as\\nthey could under the circumstances. Before morning they were loaded\\ninto the covered wagons, and were well under way before daylight.\\nAnother time, word was brought to Topeka that John Brown was\\nbesieged by Missourians, and a company of men made a forced march\\nto his relief. They sufiered so much that by the time they got back\\nthey were entirely exhausted. One of them, one Captain Henry, came\\ninto my father s house and sank down. He was stricken with a\\nviolent fever and only lived a week, during which time he Avas un-\\nconscious. A friend of his, a Mr. Emerson from Topeka, helped take\\ncare of him, and closed his eyes for his last long sleep.\\nThis Mr. Emerson was quite a genius in his way. He was not\\na religious man, but was a very strong temperance man. He stam-\\nmered in conversation. One time there was a company of fugitive\\nslaves here, and there was a discussion as to how they were to be\\nguided safely to the Queen s dominions. There was a plan that Mr.\\nEmerson and Rev. L. Bodwell should impersonate Missourians, and\\ntake them through Missouri as their slaves. Mr. Emerson said to\\nMr. Bodwell, Y-y you c-can d-do the d-drinking, and I w-wi-will\\nd-do the s-sw-swear-swearing.\\nNote 15. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 489.\\nKoTE 16. Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 491.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEE XII.\\nTHE KENNEDY FARM.\\nAre your hands lifted towards the sun,\\nWhat time our onsets wax and wane?\\nDo you see troops of angels run\\nIn shining armor o er the plain?\\nI know not; but I know, full sooth,\\nNo wrath of hell, nor rage of man,\\nNor recreant servant of the Truth,\\nCan balk us of our Canaan.\\nRichard Realf.\\nJohn Brown succeeded in obtaining from his friends\\nin New England and New York a sum of money consid-\\nered by him sufficient to warrant his moving forward\\nin the enterprise he believed himself called of God to\\nundertake for humanity. He bore the burdens of the poor\\nand ojDpressed as they groaned in bitter bondage, cried\\nunder the merciless lash, and shrieked in the bloody jaws\\nof the fierce hounds which pulled them down in their\\nflight towards a land of refuge and freedom.\\nThe summer of 1859 was spent in moving the arms\\nfrom Ohio and other points to the vicinity of Harper s\\nFerry, providing a temporary base of operations, enlist-\\ning men for his little army, and in becoming familiar\\nwith the topography of the country in which he intended\\nto carry on his warfare against the sum of all villainies.\\nChambersburg, Pennsylvania, was made the first point\\n(334)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0342.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FARM 335\\nof concentration. This town is some fifty miles north of\\nHarper s Ferry; and at that time there was no railroad\\nconnecting the two towns. When the rifles arrived there\\nfrom Ohio and the pikes from Connecticut, it was neces-\\nsary ta transport them to the rendezvous on the Potomac\\nin wagons. Brown himself drove the teams on many of\\nthese trips to remove the arms.\\nOn June 23d Brown wrote his family from Akron,\\nOhio, and between that date and the 30th of the same\\nmonth he made his way to Chambersburg for at that\\ntime he wrote to Kagi, We leave here to-day for Harper s\\nFerry, via Hagerstown. There were with him at this\\ntime his sons Owen and Oliver, and Jerry Anderson.\\nJohn E. Cook was already living in Harper s Ferry,\\nwhere Brown and his companions appeared July 3d. He\\nbegan the search for a suitable location for his rendezvous,\\nand on the 4th was directed by a Marylander to the farm\\nbelonging to the heirs of Dr. Booth Kennedy, some five\\nmiles from Harper s Ferry, and on the Maryland side of\\nthe Potomac. There were two houses on this farm, both\\nstanding back from the highway, which was then little\\nused one of these houses was almost concealed by thickets\\nwhich grew between it and the road. The place was\\nadmirably adapted to Brown s purposes. He represented\\nthat he was a farmer, from New York; that the frosts\\nhad ruined his crops, and that he desired to come to a\\ncountry more favorable in climate to his business. He\\nwished to rent a farm until he could become sufiiciently\\nacquainted with the country to not be at a disadvantage\\nin buying. He rented the farm until the following March,\\npaying therefor the sum of thirty-five dollars, and agreeing", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0343.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "336\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nto care for some live-stock still on the farm, belonging to\\nthe heirs. He gave as his name, Isaac Smith, and the\\ntransaction was made in the name of I. Smith Sons.\\nWhen the constitution was adopted in Chatham, Can-\\nada, a provisional government was formed and its officers\\nelected: Captain John Brown was made Commander-in-\\nchief; John Henri Kagi was elected Secretary of War;_\\nRichard Realf, Secretary of State; and Owen Brown,\\nTreasurer. This government was not to become fully op-\\nerative until after the invasion of Virginia and a consid-\\nerable number of slaves had been liberated, when it was\\nto be proclaimed in the fastnesses of the Appalachians\\nin the inaccessible, abrupt and wooded hills of the Blue\\nRidge ranges. It was never intended to be the govern-\\nment of any body of people in Canada, but was to be\\nthe fundamental law of Brown s men and the accessions\\nto their body in Virginia and other Southern States. His\\nplans contemplated an advance from Harper s Ferry,\\nsouth, through the rugged hills, ultimately into the very\\nheart of the slave territory. A guerrilla warfare was to\\nbe waged against slave-owners slaves were to be liberated,\\narmed, and turned against their masters, who were to\\nbe kidnapped and only restored to freedom upon their\\nmanumission and release of a stipulated number of slaves.\\nForts were to be established at points difficult of access\\nand favorable for defense; these were to be in charge of\\narmed men, and as near one another as circumstances de-\\nmanded, at first some five miles intervening. The de-\\nscent upon the plantations was to be made from these\\nfortified camps their location was to be made known to\\nsuch slaves as could be safely intrusted with the informa-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0344.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FARM 337\\ntion, and were to serve as asylums or posts of refuge for\\nthe slaves who from any cause fled from any master.\\nSlavery was declared by Brown to be a state of war be-\\ntween master and slave, consequently any armed force in\\nthe interest of the slave was entitled by the rules of war\\nto support from the enemy if it could be seized. On\\nthis theory and this alone did he forcibly take horses, im-\\nplements, arms and food from the slave-owners and their\\nallies in Kansas and Missouri. In this battle against\\nslavery in the Appalachians he expected to prey upon\\nthe masters for food and all other supplies necessary\\nfor the maintenance of this warfare and for the welfare\\nof those he liberated.\\nJohn Brown believed that the little garrisons of these\\nmountain forts could resist largely superior forces, and if\\ndefeated that they could make their way through the path-\\nless woods to another station. He expected that blood-\\nhounds would be placed on his trail in these forays upon\\nthe plantations, but he believed they could be killed,\\nand that the pursuit would not be pressed by the planters.\\nHe believed he might persuade the planters, or some of\\nthem, to assist him and cooperate with him when he had\\nmade slaveholding unprofitable because of the uncertainty\\nof value and insecurity of property in slaves. It was his\\nhope to eventually extend his provisional government over\\nall the hill-country of the South, from Harper s Ferry\\nto Alabama, maintain his position, and carry this guerrilla\\nwarfare successfully forward until the abolition of slavery\\nshould be accomplished.\\nThe original plans of Brown did not contemplate such\\nattacks as he afterwards made upon Harper s Ferry.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009422", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0345.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "338 JOHN BROWN\\nWhile the movement was to be inaugurated at that point,\\nthe attack upon the town and capture of the Federal prop-\\nerty there were perhaps not included in the original de-\\nsign. The forts were to be established in the peaks and\\ncrags and the warfare commenced bj silent and swift\\nmovements and sudden retreats similar to his forays into\\nMissouri. The mystery surrounding his movements, the\\nuncertainty of the extent of the conspiracy, the sudden\\nand unexpected development and appearance of it, and\\nthe number engaged in it, would have been mighty factors\\nin its favor. While it is certain that he never could have\\nsucceeded as he hoped, he might have accomplished much.\\nThe value of the Appalachians for such purposes was\\nrecognized by General Washington, who declared that if\\nhe was defeated on the Atlantic seaboard he would retire\\nto these mountains and continue the war. Brown s deter-\\nmination to attack Harper s Ferry was an error, but this\\naction led ultimately to the accomplishment of all he had\\nhoped for, although in a very different way from what he\\nexpected. It was the inauguration of a new and different\\nmanner of fighting slavery. It so widened the breach\\nthat compromise was impossible really the first great\\npractical step in the battle for emancipation. It is prob-\\nable that an examination of the highlands in the imme-\\ndiate vicinity revealed no sites for forts to his liking.\\nIt was September before he spoke to his men of any\\nmodification of his plans, and first to his son Owen. But\\nFrederick Douglass visited him at Chambersburg in Au-\\ngust, at his request. Brown made known to him his\\nchange of purpose and his intention to attack the town\\nof Harper s Ferry as the opening or initial blow of his", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0346.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FABM 339\\ncampaign against slavery in its own country. Douglass\\ntried to dissuade him, but in vain. Brown urged Douglass\\nto join him in the campaign, but Douglass declined to\\ntake any part in it. All of Brown s men opposed the new\\norder, and so much was urged against it that John Brown\\nresigned as Commander-in-chief, though he was immedi-\\nately reelected. From that time, opposition to the attack\\nupon the town and the seizure of the Federal property\\nceased, and the new plan was acquiesced in.\\nThe Government received warning of the intended in-\\nvasion of Virginia for the purpose of creating insurrec-\\ntion among the slaves about the 25th of August, but it\\nseems that little attention was given this communication\\nconveying the information, as it was anonymous.^ And\\nthe country had some intimation of what might shortly\\ntake place, but neither the Government nor the public\\ncomprehended these warnings nor heeded them in the\\nleast,^ And when the blow descended, the country was\\nas much surprised as if nothing had been publicly said\\nof an insurrection.\\nThe little band at the Kennedy farm grew slowly. Ad-\\nditions arrived singly, or by twos and threes. Oliver\\nBrown s wife and Anne, the daughter of John Brown,\\nwere brought from North Elba to prevent suspicion, which\\nmight (and did) arise at sight of so many strange men on\\nthe farm. The women were to keep watch, and warn of\\ndanger. The men remained in the upper story of the large\\nhouse during the day, where they drilled and studied the\\nscience of war. Sometimes they read, but time went\\nheavily with them by day at night they descended from\\ntheir loft to walk about the fields and over the hills.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0347.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "340 JOHN BEOWN\\nSometimes the girls gathered autumn wild-flowers and\\nmade nosegays, which they sent aloft to cheer the weary\\nhours of the grim and waiting warriors. When at the\\nfarm John Brown went to church, and held converse with\\nhis neighbors when he saw them. He spent much time\\non the road to and from Chambersburg. He was often at\\nHarper s Ferry, and soon gained a perfect knowledge of\\nthe surrounding country.^ He even visited the armory\\nand gun-factory.\\nThe men composing John Brown s army of invasion\\nwere from various places. A brief sketch of them must\\nhere suffice.\\n1. John Brown, Commander-in-chief.\\n2. Watson Bkown, Captain. Son of John Brown.\\n3. Oliver Brown, Captain. Son of John Brown.\\n4. Owen Brown, Captain and Treasurer. Son of\\nJohn Brown.\\n5. William Thompson. Son of Koswell Thompson;\\nborn in New Hampshire, in August, 1833. Married in\\nthe fall of 1858 to Mary Brown, who was not related to\\nthe family of John Brown. His sister Isabel was mar-\\nried to Watson Brown; and Henry Thompson, his elder\\nbrother, was married to Kuth, the daughter of John\\nBrown.*\\n6. Dauphin Thompson. Brother of William Thomp-\\nson. Lieutenant. Was born April 17, 1838. He was\\nvery quiet, with fair, thoughtful face, curly blonde hair,\\nand baby-blue eyes. Slain at Harper s Ferry.\\n7. John Henry Kagl Born March 15, 1835, in Bris-\\ntol, Trumbull county, Ohio. His father had come from\\nthe Shenandoah Valley, in Virginia, to Ohio. He was", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0348.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FAKM 341\\ncold in manner, rather coarse of fiber and rough in ap-\\npearance, an agnostic, and mentally the ablest man in\\nJohn Brown s army. Was very brave and determined.\\nWas a lawyer. When he was young his father went to\\nCalifornia, but returned and settled on Camp creek in\\nOtoe county, Nebraska. Came to Kansas in 1856, arriv-\\ning at Topeka July 4th, where he witnessed the dispersal\\nof the Legislature by Colonel Sumner. Immediately\\nidentified himself with the Free-State forces, and became\\none of John Brown s most devoted followers. Bore the\\ntitle of Secretary of War in the provisional government;\\nnext in command to John Brown; was adjutant. Slain\\nat Harper s Ferry.\\n8. Aakon Dwight Stevens. Born in Lisbon, !N^ew\\nLondon county, Connecticut, March 15, 1831. His great-\\ngrandfather, Moses Stevens, was an ofiicer in the war of\\nthe Revolution, and his grandfather was a soldier in\\nthe War of 1812. Served through the Mexican War,\\nand was honorably discharged. In 1851 he enlisted\\nin the regular army, joining the regiment of dragoons\\ncommanded by Colonel Sumner, and served in the capa-\\ncity of bugler; in this service he was in Wyoming, Colo-\\nrado, Kansas, JSTebraska, and New Mexico. Struck an\\noflScer for brutally punishing a comrade; was court-\\nmartialed and ordered to be shot, but his sentence was\\ncommuted to three years imprisonment at hard labor.\\nEscaped, and concealed himself in the Delaware Eeserve,\\nfrom whence he came to Topeka early in 1856. He gave\\nhis name as Charles Whipple, and served in the Free-\\nState forces as Captain, where he was known as Captain\\nWhipple. Met John Brown August 7, 1856, at the Ne-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0349.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "342 JOHN BROWN\\nbraska line, when Lane s Army of the North marched into\\nKansas. Became one of Brown s bravest and most devoted\\nfollowers. He was an ideal soldier, six feet and three\\ninches high, finely formed, of impressive appearance, very\\nintelligent, and brave as a lion. Unmarried. Captured,\\nand executed in the following March.\\n9. John E, Cook. Born in Haddam, Connecticut, in\\n1830. Of an old Puritan family which was quite wealthy.\\nFive feet and seven inches in height, handsome, quick in\\nmovement, an incessant talker, blue-eyed, and had curly\\nblonde hair. A devoted follower of Brown, though con-\\nsidered indiscreet. Was the one man who believed that\\nit was best to attack the town of Harper s Ferry. Was\\nsent to that town in advance of others, and lived in the\\ncity. Passed much of his time in gathering information\\nabout slaves, and perhaps in communication with them,\\nalthough this is denied by the family of Brown. It is\\nreasonable to believe that he had found that the slaves\\nwould not rise at the first appearance of Brown, though\\nhe believed they would flock to the standard when the blow\\nhad been struck. Was married, and had wife and one\\nchild in Harper s Ferry up to within a month of the\\nattack. One of his sisters married a Mr. Willard, who\\nwas, in 1859, Governor of Indiana. Cook escaped from\\nHarper s Ferry, but was captured at Chambersburg, re-\\nturned to Virginia, tried and convicted, made a confession,\\nand was hanged.\\n10. Chakles Plummek Tidd. Captain. Born in Pa-\\nlermo, Waldo county, Maine, in 1832. Five feet nine\\ninches high, strong and broad-shouldered. Dark eyes and\\nbeard, and black hair. Was sharp in retort, and over-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0350.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FARM 343\\nbearing. Came to Kansas in 1856. Was turned aside\\nby the blockade of the Missouri river, and came into the\\nTerritory through Iowa and ISTebraska. Met John Brown\\nand his sons, Owen and Oliver, at Tabor, Iowa. Was ever\\nafter a faithful follower of Brown, and was fully trusted\\nby him. He and Cook were particularly warm friends.\\nOpposed the attack on Harper s Ferry. Escaped, and en-\\nlisted in a Massachusetts regiment, in the Civil War,\\nand died in service.\\n11. William H. Leeman. Lieutenant. Was born in\\nMaine March 20, 1839. In 1856 he determined to go to\\nKansas, and left Massachusetts in June of that year, in\\nthe party led by Dr. Cutter. Was turned back by the\\nMissouri blockade, and found his way to Kansas through\\nIowa. Joined John Brown s Regulars, September 9,\\n1856, and was thereafter one of his trusted followers.\\nWas in the Springdale (Iowa) school of instruction.\\nSlain at Harper s Ferry.\\n12. Barclay Coppoc. Bom in Salem, Ohio, January\\n4, 1839, of Quaker parents, who moved to Springdale,\\nIowa. Young Coppoc was in Kansas a short time in 1856.\\nDrilled in the Springdale school. Although yoimg, he\\nseems to have been trusted by John Brown. Escaped\\nfrom Harper s Ferry, and was killed in a wreck on the\\nHannibal St. Joseph Eailroad caused by rebels, who\\nsawed the bridge timbers partly oif.\\n13. Edwin Coppoc. Lieutenant. Born near Salem,\\nColumbiana county, Ohio, June 30, 1835. Elder brother\\nof Barclay Coppoo. Hung in Virginia December 16,\\n1859. Was brave and generous, honorable, loyal, and\\ntrue.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0351.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "S44\\nJOHN BEOWN\\n14. Albert Hazlett. Lieutenant. Born in Indiana\\ncounty, Pennsylvania, September 21, 1837. Came to\\nKansas in 1857, perhaps as early as May. Located in\\nLinn county, and was an ardent Free-State man. Was a\\nfollower of Montgomery. When John Brown appeared\\nthere he attached himself to the old hero s little baud, and\\nwas one of the men who went into Missouri to liberate\\nthe eleven slaves. Escaped from Harper s Ferry, but\\nwas captured near Chambersburg, and returned to Vir-\\nginia as William Harrison; tried there, and executed on\\nthe 16th of March, 1860.\\n15. Jeeemiah G. Anderson. Lieutenant. Born in\\nPutnam county, Indiana, April 17, 1833. His ancestors\\nwere officers in the War of the Revolution, and were Vir-\\nginians and slaveholders they removed to Kentucky, and\\nfrom there to Wisconsin, and finally to Indiana. Ander-\\nson came to Kansas in the fall of 1857, and purchased a\\nclaim on the Little Osage. He was a strong Free-State\\nman, and bore his part in the troubles in southeastern\\nKansas. Killed at Harper s Ferry by a bayonet-thrust\\nof one of the marines. One of the prisoners described\\nAnderson as turning completely over against the wall [to\\nwhich he was pinned by the bayonet] in his dying agony.\\nHe lived a short time, stretched on the brick walk without,\\nwhere he was subjected to savage brutalities, being kicked\\nin body and face, while one brute of an armed farmer spat\\na huge quid of tobacco from his vile jaws into the mouth\\nof the dying man, which he first forced open.\\n16. Francis Jackson Meeriam. Born ISTovember 17,\\n1837, in Framingham, Massachusetts. His family had\\nbeen for a previous generation opposed to slavery. Mer-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0352.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FARM\\n345\\nriam came to Kansas, but seems to have borne little part\\nin the struggle here, as he did not arrive before 1858.\\nWas ardent in his desire to fight slavery, and solicited\\nservice under John Brown. Was educated; had some\\nmoney. Escaped from Harper s Ferry after the attack;\\nafterwards settled in Illinois, and enlisted in the Union\\narmy. Died November 28, 1865.\\n17. Steward Taylor. Born in Uxbridge, in the prov-\\nince of Ontario, Canada, October 29, 1836. Left his home\\nto go to Kansas, in his youth, but was seriously ill for\\nsome time in Missouri. After he recovered he visited Ar-\\nkansas, and finally went to Iowa. Here he worked in a\\nwagon factory, and became acquainted with George B.\\nGill, Esq., who introduced him to John Brown. From\\nIowa he went to Chatham, Canada, where he attended\\nthe convention which adopted the provisional constitution.\\nAfter this he was one of John Brown s most ardent fol-\\nlowers. Killed at Harper s Ferry.\\n18. Shields Green. Fugitive slave from Charleston,\\nS. C. Joined Brown at Chamber sburg, having come there\\nwith Frederick Douglass, August 19th; was known as the\\nEmperor, but how he obtained this name is not now\\nknown. Was very brave. Captured with John Brown,\\nand executed December 16, 1859.\\n19. Dangerfield ISTewby. Free negro, married to a\\nslave woman living some thirty miles from Harper s\\nFerry. Became acquainted with Brown in Canada. Was\\nkilled at Harper s Ferry. His wife was immediately\\nsold to a dealer in Louisiana, and was living there some\\nyears since.\\n20. John A. Copeland. Free negro; lived at Ober-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0353.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "346 JOHN BKOWN\\nlin, Ohio. Seems to have been induced by friends there\\nto join Brown, and was given money to pay his expenses\\nto Chambersburg. Was captured, and executed on the\\n16th of December, 1859.\\n21. Lewis Shereard Leary. Free negro; married,\\nand lived in Oberlin, Ohio. Said to have been the first\\nOberlin recruit to Brown s army. Was furnished money\\nto go from Oberlin to Chambersburg, and accompanied\\nJohn A. Copeland to that town. Was killed at Harper s\\nFerry.\\n22. John Anderson. A free negro from Boston.\\nKilled at Harper s Ferry. Nothing definite is known of\\nthis man. There is a question as to who he was, where\\nhe came from, even that there was such a man in\\nBrown s company.\\n23. OsBORN P. Anderson. ISTegro; born free, in Penn-\\nsylvania. Was a printer, and was working in Chatham,\\nCanada, at his trade, when he met John Brown. Became\\none of his most devoted followers. Was a man of some\\nability, and of undoubted courage. Fought bravely at\\nHarper s Ferry, and escaped. Afterw^ards he wrote an\\ninteresting account of the foray into Virginia, entitled\\nA Voice from Harper s Ferry. It is one of the most\\nreliable and valuable accounts prepared of that invasion.\\nAnderson enlisted in the Union army, and fought through\\nthe Civil War; he died in Washington City in 1871.\\nOthers had been expected; they did not arrive in time\\nto take part in the attack. Some of the men afterwards\\nsaid the assault was made some days before the time first\\nfixed for it, and this prevented the assembling of the\\nfull force. John Brown, jr., wrote on the 8th of Sep tern.-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0354.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "THE KENNEDY FARM 347\\nber From what I even had understood, I had sup-\\nposed you would not think it best to commence opening the\\ncoal-banhs before spring, unless circumstances should make\\nit imperative It is very probable that the attack was\\nhastened by some information which made Brown believe\\nthat to delay was to be fatal to his enterprise. Francis\\nJackson Merriam w^as the last accession to Brown s army\\nto arrive at the Kennedy farm.\\nNote 1. The letter was directed to Jolin B. Floyd, Secretary of\\nWar. It is given, in full, in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B.\\nSanborn, p. 543.\\nNote 2. See Gerrit Smith s letter of August 27, 1859, published\\nin full in Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 544.\\nNote 3. Osborn P. Anderson s book, A Voice from Harper s\\nFerry, is the best authority for the matters connected with the\\nKennedy farm.\\nNote 4. John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, is the\\nbest authority extant upon the men who went with John Brown to\\nHarper s Ferry. What is here said of them is principally compiled\\nfrom Colonel Hinton s valuable work.\\nNote 5. The correspondence between Brown and his men was\\nworded in a blind way, which would not have betrayed them had a\\nletter fallen into unfriendly hands. The people who unavoidably\\nsaw the pikes were led to believe they were parts of mining imple-\\nments.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0355.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "CHAPTEE XIII.\\nTHE SEIZURE OF HARPER S FERRY.\\nOur hearts are as nothing our gashes and scars\\nAre worn without boastings and sbammings:\\nWhat have men who have climbed to the steeps of the stars\\nTo do with Earth s vauntings and claimings?\\nBut the Altars of Righteousness reared on the mounds\\nWhere our canonized heroes lie sleeping\\nNot a stone must be touched while the sun swings his rounds,\\nAnd our sabers are still in our keeping!\\nRichard Realf.\\nThe 16tli of October, 1859, was Sunday. The day was\\ncloudy and lowering, and the night brought darkness, cold,\\nand finally rain. John Brown had returned from Phila-\\ndelphia during the previous Friday night. On Sunday\\nmorning he arose earlier than usual, and called his men\\nto worship. The day was a busy one. The men were\\nassembled in council at ten o clock, and for some time\\ntheir enterprise was discussed. The constitution was\\nread by Stevens, and those who had not done so before\\nwere sworn by Brown to support it and the new govern-\\nment they were about to undertake battle to establish.\\nCommissions were given those officers who had not before\\nreceived them. During the afternoon Brown formulated\\nand published eleven orders for the present government of\\nthe men in their coming attack. It was a serious, solemn\\nday, and each man realized that grave work lay ready to\\n(348)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0356.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "THE SEIZUKE OF HAEPEr s FERKY 349\\nhis hand, the result of which would be fraught with mo-\\nmentous consequences to himself and others. John Brown\\nhad looked for this day and prayed for its coming for a\\nquarter of a century. ^Vhat it had for him he did not\\nknow; he was conscious of his own rectitude; and he held\\nhigh and noble purposes, for the result he was willing\\nto trust God.\\nAt eight o clock the men were ordered to arm them-\\nselves, and were told that they were to proceed to the\\nFerry. Only twenty of the twenty-three went, for by the\\nfirst of the eleven orders Owen Brown, F. J. Merriam and\\nBarclay Coppoc were left at the farm to guard the arms\\nuntil they could be removed to the school-house within\\ntwo miles of the Ferry and on the Maryland side of the\\nPotomac. The wagon was driven to the door, and some\\npikes, a sledge-hammer and a crowbar were placed in it.\\nThen Brown put on his old Kansas cap, and climbed\\ninto the wagon after which he said to the men, who were\\nranked in marching order, Come, boys. He led the\\nway to the main road, driving down the rugged path, the\\nold wagon rattling over the road-worn stones, making a\\nnoise which sounded loud and harsh to the men, now\\nwrought to high nerve-tension. The men marched in\\ncouples, each couple a given distance in the rear of that\\nin advance, John E. Cook and Charles P. Tidd leading\\nthe column.^ It was the order that anyone met in the\\nhighway should be held until the column had passed on\\nor the men had concealed themselves until the wayfarer\\ncould be conducted away from the line of march. If they\\nwere overtaken by a traveler the orders were the same.\\nThe lonely road, shut out from the dull light of the over-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0357.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "360\\nJOHN BEOWN\\ncast sky by the somber branches of beech and oak draped\\nin autumn mists, proved to be solitary and unfrequented\\nby nocturnal wanderers. The men were unmolested and\\nundiscovered, and they marched in melancholy silence\\ndown to the bridge over the Potomac at Harper s Ferry.\\nHarper s Ferry is built in the fork of the Potomac and\\nShenandoah rivers. The manufacturing portion of the\\ntown is along the river-banks. Here are two streets, one\\nleading up each river. Back of these river streets the\\nland rises abruptly to a considerable height, and forms a\\nsort of uneven plateau, upon a part of which the residence\\nportion of the town is situated. This plateau increases\\nin height as it recedes from the junction of the rivers.\\nAt some points its sides are perpendicular, or even over-\\nhanging, and a short distance up the rivers it rises to many\\ntimes the height of the tallest buildings along the water s\\nedge. The whole country bears the aspect of bold rugged-\\nnesSj and the swift waters of the troubled rivers tumbling\\nover stony and broken beds swirl together fiercely and\\nlend a sense of savageness to the general visage of nature\\nthere. The bridge runs from the point between the rivers,\\nwith a doAvn-stream diagonal course to the Maryland side.\\nThere was a bridge across the Shenandoah, from the\\ntown to the bluffs on the opposite side. The armory was\\nnear the Virginia terminal of this bridge, with the rail-\\nroad between it and the Potomac river. The arsenal was\\na short distance up the Potomac, immediately on its bank,\\nand between the railroad and the river. The rifle-works\\nwere on an island in the Shenandoah river, something\\nlike a half-mile from its junction with the Potomac, and\\nthat distance from the other Federal buildings. The", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0358.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "THE SEIZURE OF HARPEr s FERRY 351\\nengine-honse was a part of the arsenal and armory, al-\\nthough a little distance up the Potomac. The arsenal yard\\nextended to the Shenandoah. There seems to have been\\na musket-factory something more than a quarter of a mile\\nup the Potomac.\\nIt was the duty of John E. Cook and Charles P. Tidd\\nto tear down or cut the telegraph wires on the Maryland\\nside of the Potomac during the night, and to do the same\\non the Virginia side when the town was captured. When\\nfor this purpose they left the ranks of the advancing army,\\nKagi and Stevens remained in advance. These secured\\nthe watchman at the bridge, and when the little band en-\\ntered this thoroughfare, covered and inclosed like a house,\\nthey strapped their cartridge-boxes outside their coats and\\nunmasked their Sharps rifles, which until now they had\\nconcealed. Watson Brown and Steward Taylor were di-\\nrected to guard the bridge and hold it until morning, and\\nuntil they were relieved. Brovm then drove his wagon to\\nthe gate of the armory he was accompanied by his four-\\nteen remaining men, and they arrived at the armory gate\\nabout half-past ten o clock. They forced the armory gate\\nwith a crowbar, ran into the building, and secured one of\\nthe watchmen there. Brown sent Kagi and Copeland to\\ncapture the rifle-works. They were successful, and cap-\\ntured the watchmen at that place; they sent these to\\nBrown, at the armory. The captured watchmen and\\nbridge-guard were guarded by Jeremiah G. Anderson and\\nthe younger Thompson. Brown himself mounted guard\\nat the armory gate, assisted by two men. Hazlett took\\npossession of that part of the armory known as the arsenal.\\nBy one o clock of Monday morning, the 17th, Brown had", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0359.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "362\\nJOHN BEOWIT\\ncomplete possession of Harper s Ferrj and all the arms\\nof the Federal Government then at that place; this was\\naccomplished without firing a gnn or shedding blood.\\nHe then sent Stevens, Cook, and four others up the turn-\\npike towards Charlestown, to bring in Colonel Lewis W.\\nWashington and his slaves. As thej started upon this\\nerrand the night mail train on the Baltimore Ohio Kail-\\nroad came down the Potomac on its way from Wheeling\\nto Baltimore. This train was stopped at the bridge by\\nWatson Brown and Steward Taylor. This was the cause\\nof the first bloodshed. The train porter, a free negro\\nnamed Hayward, who lived at Harper s Ferry, went out\\nto ascertain the cause of the arrest of the train and to\\nsearch for the bridge-guard. When he appeared on the\\nbridge he was halted by Brown s men, and instead of com-\\nplying with this order he turned and fled. He was fired\\nupon by Brown and Taylor, one shot striking him in the\\nback; from the effect of this wound he died in a few\\nhours. The train was detained until morning dawned.\\nThis was the first mistaken move of Brown at Harpers\\nFerry no wires should have been cut until this train was\\nwell out of the town toward Baltimore, and it should have\\nbeen allowed to pass without any knowledge of Brown s\\npresence at Harper s Ferry.\\nIn the gray light of the dull morning, which broke chill\\nand damp, the expedition sent up the Potomac arrived\\nwith Colonel Washington and other slave-owners, and with\\nthe Colonel s large four-horse wagon. The Cavalier was\\nmet and welcomed by the stern old Puritan who had sent\\nfor him. You will find a fire in here, sir it is rather\\ncool this morning, was his greeting. The slaves brought", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0360.jp2"}, "361": {"fulltext": "THE SEIZURE OF HAKPEK S FEEEY\\n353\\nin were armed with pikes, but seem to tave done little to\\naid Brown.^ Some of them may have remained with him\\nfor a short time, but they evidently escaped as soon as\\npossible. This was the first real disappointment of Brown.\\nThe slave-owners were added to the prisoners already held\\nand the wagon in which they arrived was immediately\\ndispatched to the Kennedy farm to remove the arms re-\\nmaining there to the school-house, two miles from the\\ntown, to be from there distributed to the slaves, who it\\nwas hoped would come in numbers to the aid of Brown as\\nsoon as they heard of the presence of the invaders.\\nAs the morning advanced the people began to move\\nabout the streets in pursuit of their daily vocations. As\\nthey appeared they were captured and taken to the ar-\\nmory by ten o clock these prisoners numbered some sixty.\\nMany of them were workmen who came down to their\\ndaily toil in the armory and rifle-works. One was a bar-\\ntender in a near-by hotel. Brown exchanged this man for\\nbreakfast for his men and prisoners.\\nThe train carried the news of an insurrection at Har-\\nper s Ferry, and the startling intelligence that the town\\nwas in the hands of the rebels. From a military point\\nof view Brown blundered constantly after he gained pos-\\nsession of the armory and town. The first mistake was\\nthe capture of the train; the second was to allow it to\\nproceed. Brown said he did this to relieve the anxiety\\nof passengers on the train and their relatives, as well as\\nthose of the men in charge of the train. To have made\\nany sort of success Brown should have destroyed the Fed-\\neral buildings and arms, as well as the railroad and other\\nbridges, and then have fled to the mountains. If he had\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009423", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0361.jp2"}, "362": {"fulltext": "354\\nJOHN BROWN\\ndone this, his blow would have been surrounded with such\\nmystery and followed by such destruction that, for a time,\\nrumor, magnifying a thousand-fold his forces, pursuit\\nwould have been paralyzed. He could have escaped, and\\nfrom his view the expedition would have been something\\nof a success. His plans contemplated a quick abandon-\\nment of the town, and he was urged by Kagi, Stevens and\\nothers to comply with this understanding and agreement.\\nWhy he delayed to do so he did not himself know. He\\ngave as his reason that he wanted to allay the fears of\\nthose who believed we came here to burn and kill. Tor\\nthis reason, he said, I allowed the train to cross the\\nbridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on. I did it\\nonly to spare the feelings of those passengers and their\\nfamilies, and to allay the apprehensions that you had got\\nhere in your vicinity a band of men who had no regard\\nfor life and property, nor any feelings of humanity.\\nThe real cause of his delay was the failure of the slaves to\\nflock to his standard. He strained his eyes in vain for\\nthe sight of crowds of them flocking over the hills and\\nalong the valleys to take up arms for themselves. He de-\\nlayed in waiting for them until it was too late to escape.\\nPerhaps he expected no general uprising; in fact, he says\\nhe did not expect or desire that but he certainly expected\\na very considerable accession of negroes to his ranks at\\nHarper s Ferry. But his expectation was not reasonable.\\nThe slaves were unacquainted with him; they had not\\nheard of him. The negro is suspicious, and the slaves had\\nbeen ground down for centuries there was no widespread\\ndetermination to fight for freedom, perhaps no thought of\\nsuch determination. The war proved that the negro was", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0362.jp2"}, "363": {"fulltext": "THE SEIZURE OF HABPEr s FERRY 355\\nnot ripe for rising; the white man forced the issue which\\ngave to the black man his freedom.*\\nAt noon, on Monday, it was barely possible for Brown\\nto have escaped; after that his fate was fixed. Troops\\nbegan to arrive. By one o clock it was impossible for\\nhim to assemble his men, and it was necessary that each\\nman fight from the position he then occupied; he could\\nsecure no other. Those in the arsenal just across the\\nstreet from the engine-house could not join their leader;\\nthose on the Maryland side of the Potomac could not come\\nto his assistance. By three o clock Kagi and his compan-\\nions were forced to abandon the rifle-factory, and were all\\nkilled or captured. Militia and citizens were firing from\\nevery point of vantage. Colonel Robert E. Lee arrived\\nfrom Washington at the close of the day, but only the\\nengine-house remained in possession of the invaders at\\nthat time; this was defended by Brown and six men, two\\nof whom were wounded. Hazlett and Osborn P. Ander-\\nson yet remained in the arsenal, but could do nothing, and\\nthey finally escaped. Upon the arrival of Colonel Lee a\\nflag of truce was sent to Brown, and his surrender de-\\nmanded. He replied that he knew what that meant a\\nrope for his men and himself; adding, I prefer to die\\njust here. This flag was carried in by Captain J.-E.\\nB. Stuart, who had met Brown and detained him a short\\ntime in Kansas. Stuart recognized him, and from this\\nmeeting his identity became known. Stuart returned at\\ndaylight the following morning, but Brown had not\\nchanged his mind, and still answered, Xo I prefer to\\ndie here. Lee began his attack at once. The door failed\\nto yield to the force of hammers, and a long ladder was", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0363.jp2"}, "364": {"fulltext": "366 JOHN BEOWN\\ngrasped bj its rungs by a file of men on eacli side of it;\\nthey battered down the door and pushed back the barri-\\ncade against it. During this assault upon the door, Brown,\\nseeing the hopelessness of further resistance, cried out that\\nhe surrendered. His assailants did not hear him, and per-\\nhaps their course would not have been changed if they had.\\nA Lieutenant Green was the first to enter the engine-\\nhouse, and was greeted with a shower of balls. Colonel\\nWashington pointed out Brown he sprang about twelve\\nfeet at him, giving an under-thrust of his sword, striking\\nBrown about midway the body, and raising him com-\\npletely from the ground. Brown fell forward with his\\nhead between his knees, while Green struck him several\\ntimes over the head, and, as I then supposed, split his\\nskull at every stroke. Brown was pinned to the ground\\nwith bayonets, one of which passed through his left kidney,\\nand he was supposed to be dead.\\nThe fight was over the work was done. John Brown\\nwas a prisoner, surrounded by politicians, soldiers, re-\\nporters, and vengeful spectators. His son, Owen, with\\nhis followers, Cook, Tidd, Barclay Coppoc, and F. J.\\nMerriam, as also Albert Hazlett and O. P. Anderson, on\\ntheir own account, were fugitives. Of these. Cook and\\nHazlett were captured, tried, and executed. Stevens,\\nEdwin Coppoc, Copeland and Shields Green were hung;\\nwhile Oliver and Watson Brown, William and Dauphin\\nThompson, John H. Kagi, William Leeman, Steward\\nTaylor, Lewis S. Leary, Jeremiah G. Anderson, and Dan-\\ngerfield Newby were killed in combat or as prisoners.\\nJohn Brown had failed because he departed from his\\nwell-matured plans. He erred when he determined to", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0364.jp2"}, "365": {"fulltext": "THE SEIZURE OF HARPEr s FERRY 357\\nabandon the plan of twenty years and make the attack.\\nWhen the attack was made, some success might have en-\\nsued had he kept to his design to abandon the town soon\\nafter daylight. By a few minutes past noon all possibility\\nof even escape was gone. All that could then be done was\\nto fight to the end, and desperately and grimly did he\\ndo this. Colonel Washington bore witness to his bravery.\\nGovernor Wise said, And Colonel Washington said that\\nhe Bro^\\\\Ti was the coolest man he ever saw in defying\\ndeath and danger. With one son dead by his side, and\\nanother shot through, he felt the pulse of his dying son\\nwith one hand and held the rifle with the other, and\\ncommanded his men with the utmost composure, encourag-\\ning them to be firm, and to sell their lives as dearly as\\npossible. When John Brown was carried out and placed\\nin the yard with the dead and dying, it seemed that\\nhe had failed. For a day or two he may have feared so\\nhimself but this did not long continue.\\nGod moves in a mysterious way,\\nHis wonders to perform\\nHe plants his footsteps in the sea,\\nAnd rides upon the storm.\\nHe was enabled to see God s hand. All our actions,\\neven all the follies that led to this disaster, were decreed\\nto happen, ages before the world was made, he said.\\nWhen the scaffold was erected before his eyes he saw\\nit erected in God s mercy and in the execution of His\\nplans. He saw that the journey of his life had been di-\\nrected to it by One that was mightier than he. That\\nunto him it was now to be given to die a martyr for\\nhumanity, for his brother, for the poor, the despised, the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0365.jp2"}, "366": {"fulltext": "358 JOHN BROWN\\nbondman, the oppressed. Such an exceeding weight of\\nglory is apportioned to few men in this world. He saw\\nthe scaffold baptized in the blood of brave men fighting\\nby his side, and as it arose it was consecrated by the\\ngroans and tears of children and mothers and fathers\\nwailing in a bitter thralldom. He had faithfully labored\\nin the vineyard of his Master, and now his reward was\\ncome, and a greater reward than has fallen to many other\\nmen.\\nNote 1. The pamphlet of Osborn P. Anderson is the best author-\\nity that I find on the closing days of Brown and his men at the\\nKennedy farm, and also of the events which took place at Harper s\\nFerry. He saw what he wrote, and while it gives us the impression\\nthat the slaves came to Brown s aid, this may be pardoned in one who\\nwas writing of the first struggle of the new revolution for the libera-\\ntion of his race. Anderson seems to have been a brave man, as in-\\ndeed were all the men who followed Brown to Harper s Ferry. He\\nwas ready and willing to die for his own people, if his death were\\nrequired.\\nNote 2. Their work was to destroy the telegraph lines, and when\\nthese were reached and they left the column for that purpose, Ste-\\nvens and Kagi were left in the front.\\nNote 3. Speaking of the suitability of the spear or pike for a\\nweapon for the negro, General Benjamin F. Butler said:\\nReverting to the subject of arming the negroes, I said to him\\nthat I thought it might be possible to start with a sufficient num-\\nber of white troops, and avoiding a march which might deplete\\ntheir ranks by death and sickness, to take them in ships and land\\nthem somewhere on the Southern coast. These troops could then\\ncome up through the Confederacy, gathering up negroes, who could\\nbe armed at first with arms that they could handle, so as to defend\\nthemselves and aid the rest of the army in case of rebel charges upon\\nit. In this way we could establish ourselves down there with an army\\nthat would be a terror to the whole South.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0366.jp2"}, "367": {"fulltext": "THE SEIZURE OF HARPEE s FEKEY 359\\nHe [the President] asked me what I would arm them with. I\\ntold him John Brown had intended, if he got loose in the moun-\\ntains of Virginia, to arm his negroes with spears and revolvers;\\nand there was a great deal in that. Negroes would know how to\\nuse those arms, and Southern troops would not know how to meet\\ntheir use of them, and they could be easily transported in large num-\\nbers and would require no great expense or trouble in supplying\\nammunition.\\nThat is a new idea. General/ said he.\\nNo, Mr. President, I answered, it is a very old one. The\\nfathers of these negroes themselves, fought their battles in Africa\\nwith no other weapon save a club. Butler s Book, Benjamin\\nF. Butler, p. 519.\\nNote 4. It is not meant to say here that the negro acted in any\\ndifferent manner than would any other enslaved race. Nor is it\\nmeant to say that he had not the courage to fight. After the war\\nbegan he fought for his freedom as he had the opportunity. But\\nthe war for his liberation was of the white man s creation, and due\\nin small degree to any effort of the black man, though Douglass\\nand others did all they could, and aided much the cause.\\nNote 5. Statement of Captain Dainger field, one of Brown s\\nprisoners, published in most of the biographies of Brown. This is\\nquoted from Life and Letters of John Broum, F. B. Sanborn, p. 559.\\nNote 6. John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 307.\\nThe details of the fight of Virginia against Brown and his men\\nare too long for insertion here; space forbids it. Colonel Hinton s\\nwork, above referred to, is one of the best in this respect.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0367.jp2"}, "368": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XIV.\\nTRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN.\\nPortia. Why, this bond is forfeit;\\nAnd lawfully by this the Jew may claim\\nA pound of flesh, to be by him cut off\\nNearest the merchant s heart. Be merciful:\\nTake thrice thy money; bid me tear the bond.\\nShylock. When it is paid according to the tenour.\\nIt doth appear you are a worthy judge;\\nYou know the law; your exposition\\nHath been most sound: I charge you by the law,\\nWhereof you are a well-deserving pillar,\\nProceed to judgment. By my soul I swear.\\nThere is no power in the tongue of man\\nTo alter me. I stay here on my bond.\\nAntonio. Most heartily do I beseech the court\\nTo give the judgment.\\nPortia. Why then, thus it is:\\nYou must prepare your bosom for his knife.\\nShylock. O noble judge! excellent young man!\\nPortia. For the intent and purpose of the law\\nHath full relation to the penalty\\nWhich here appeareth due upon the bond.\\nShylock. Tis very true. wise and upright judge!\\nHow much more elder art thou than thy looks!\\nPortia. Therefore lay bare your bosom.\\nShylock. Ay, his breast;\\nSo says the bond doth it not, noble judge?\\nNearest his heart; those are the very words.\\nPortia. You, merchant, have you anything to say?\\nAntonio. But little; I am arm d and well prepar d.\\nShakespeare s Merchant of Venice.\\n(360)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0368.jp2"}, "369": {"fulltext": "TRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN\\n361\\nJolin Brown was immediately closely questioned. No\\nmistake can be charged to him after his capture. His\\nmind cleared at once; his duty to humanity and himself\\nstood out distinct and clearly defined. Doubts and hesi-\\ntation fled. His statements and avowals were frank, very\\nfull, and very ingenious. I^o man ever said more pre-\\ncisely what he intended to say than did John Brown to\\nhis inquisitors in Virginia. Interrogators were numerous\\nand of all ranks, and they came at all times, both by night\\nand by day. Governor Wise, shortsighted, and with no\\nunderstanding at all of what this foray meant, stood in\\nthe presence of one of the heroes of the ages with mind\\nnow cleared by the revelation of God s purpose, and re-\\nceived plain and simple statements which it took four\\nyears of war to make him understand. Vallandigham^\\nthe pusillanimous, slimy, cringing demagogue and malig-\\nnant blatherskite, the Ohio doughface, hurried to Har-\\nper s Ferry, broke in abruptly upon the wounded man,\\ninterrupted the Southern inquisitors, bullied the old hero\\nfor a short time, and retired in discomfiture but with the\\nhope that his zeal for the slave-owners had been noted,\\nand that he should be rewarded by them when they\\nshould come to distribute the offices. Having no fixed\\nprinciples, nor the remotest conception of right, honor\\nand truth, he could have no comprehension of an action\\ngrowing out of a deep conviction of justice and a desire\\nto sacrifice even one s life for the benefit of humanity.\\nHe evidently expected guarded and reluctant replies from\\nBrown, or perhaps a refusal to talk. Then he could have\\nsaid to the Virginians, Here is a great mystery. The\\npeople of the North, and especially of Ohio, are implicated", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0369.jp2"}, "370": {"fulltext": "362 JOHN BKOWN\\nwitliout exception other than the Democratic party. I\\njoin hands with you in meting out political punishment.\\nBut nothing was concealed. Brown was anxious to talk\\nanxious to have his intentions fully known. Strange\\nman! incomprehensible! The more he explained his\\nintentions the more did he befog the mediocres and the\\ndoughface.\\nIn the long interview he was literally weltering in his\\nblood. His wounds had not been dressed, and he believed\\nhimself near death by reason of them. But he was cour-\\nteous, affable, kind, explicit, sublime.\\nA bystander. Do you consider this a religious move-\\nment\\nBrown. It is, in my opinion, the greatest service man\\ncan render to God.\\nBystander. Do you consider yourself an instrument in\\nthe hands of Providence\\nBrown. I do.\\nBystander. Upon what principle do you justify your\\nacts.\\nBrown. Upon the Golden Rule. I pity the poor in\\nbondage that have none to help them that is why I am\\nhere; not to gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or\\nvindictive spirit. It is my sympathy with the oppressed\\nand the wronged, that are as good as you, and as precious\\nin the sight of God. I want you to understand\\nthat I respect the rights of the poorest and weakest of the\\ncolored people, oppressed by the slave system, just as much\\nas I do the most wealthy and powerful. That is the idea\\nthat has moved me, and that alone. We expected no reward\\nexcept the satisfaction of endeavoring to do for those in\\ndistress the greatly oppressed as we would be done by.\\nThe cry of distress, of the oppressed, is my reason, and the\\nonly thing that prompted me to come here.^\\nJ", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0370.jp2"}, "371": {"fulltext": "TRIAL OF CAPTAIN- JOHN BEOWN 363\\nNever before, in the United States, did a recorded con-\\nversation produce so sudden and universal a change of\\nopinion. Before its publication, some, who subsequently\\neulogized John Brown with fervor and surpassing elo-\\nquence, as well as the great body of the press and people\\nwho knew not the man, lamented that he should have gone\\ninsane, never doubting that he was a maniac; while,\\nafter it, from every corner of the land came words of won-\\nder, of praise rising to worship, and of gratitude mingled\\nwith sincerest prayers for the noble old hero. Enemies\\nand friends were equally amazed at the carriage and say-\\nings of the wounded warrior. During his conversation,\\nwrote a Southern pro-slavery reporter to a Southern pro-\\nslavery paper, no signs of weakness were exhibited. In\\nthe midst of enemies whose home he had invaded wound-\\ned and a prisoner surrounded by a small army of officials\\nand a more desperate army of angry men with the gallows\\nstaring him full in the face. Brown lay on the floor, and,\\nin reply to every question, gave answers that betokened the\\nspirit that animated him. The language of Governor Wise\\nwell expresses his boldness when he said He is the gam-\\nest man I ever saw. I believe the worthy Executive had\\nhardly expected to see a man so act in such a trying mo-\\nment.\\nSuch a word as insane,^ said an eloquent speaker, un-\\nconsciously uttering the opinion of the people of the North\\nis a mere trope with those who persist in using it and I\\nhave no doubt that many of them, in silence, have already\\nretracted their words. Bead his admirable answers to\\nMason and others. How they are dwarfed and defeated by\\nthe contrast! On the one side, half-brutish, half-timid\\nquestioning; on the other. Truth, clear as lightning, crash-\\ning into their obscure temples. They are made to stand as\\nPilate or Gessler and the Inquisition. Probably all tlie\\nspeeches of all the men whom Massachusetts has sent to", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0371.jp2"}, "372": {"fulltext": "364\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nCongress for the last few jears do not match, for manly di-\\nrectness and force, and for simple truth, the few casual re-\\nmarks of John Brown on the floor of the Harper s Ferry\\nengine-house, that man whom you are about to send to\\nthe other world; though not to represent you there. He\\nis too fair a specimen of a man to represent the like of us.\\nWho, then, were his constituents Read his words under-\\nstandingly, and you will find out. In his case there is no\\nidle eloquence. Truth is the inspirer and earnestness the\\npolisher of his sentences. He could afford the loss of his\\nSharps rifle while he retained the faculty of speech a\\nrifle of far straighter sight and longer range.\\nSome people profess to believe that John Brown was\\ninsane. There is no evidence anywhere that he was insane\\nor mentally deranged. Replying to this imputation, he\\nhimself said I may be very insane and I am so, if insane\\nat all. But if that be so, insanity is like a very pleasant\\ndream to me. I am not in the least degree conscious of my\\nravings, of my fears, or of any terrible visions whatever;\\nbut fancy myself entirely composed, and that my sleep, in\\nparticular, is as sweet as that of a healthy, joyous little\\ninfant. One of the most eloquent men ever in Kansas\\npublic life says All men who rise to the height of purest\\npatriotism and absolute unselfishness, who are ready to die\\nfor their principles, have been charged in their day and\\nage as impractical, and mentally unbalanced. This is said\\nof Luther, Melanchthon, and Columbus, and inventors like\\nFulton, Morse, Howe, and even of our own Edison. It is\\nthe explanation mediocrity offers for greatness.\\nJohn Brown and his men were captured on the property\\nof the United States, by the United States marines, but", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0372.jp2"}, "373": {"fulltext": "TEIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN\\n365\\nthey were left to be dealt with by the State of Virginia.\\nOn the 19th of October, Brown, Stevens, Coppoc and\\nShields Green were conveyed to Charlestown, the county\\nseat of Jefferson county, Virginia, (now in West Virginia.)\\nThe formal committal occurred on the 20th, upon charges\\nsworn to by Governor Wise and two other witnesses, ac-\\ncusing them of feloniously conspiring with each other;\\nand other persons unknown, to make an abolition insurrec-\\ntion and open war against the Commonwealth of Virginia.\\nA writ was issued to the sheriff, commanding him to sum-\\nmon and convene a preliminary court of examination on\\nthe 25th. At half-past ten o clock on that day the court\\nassembled. It consisted of eight persons, justices of the\\npeace, and was presided over by a Colonel Davenport.\\nThe prisoners were brought in, presenting a pitiable sight,\\nBrown and Stevens being unable to stand without assist-\\nance. Brown s eyes were almost closed from the inflam-\\nmation caused by his wounds his hearing was so impaired\\nthat he could hear but indistinctly, and was unable to\\ngather the words or even the import of his judges or his\\ncounsel. The only man with a comprehension of what was\\ntaking place in that Virginia court was John Brown. He\\nwas not deceived with promises of a fair trial. He said\\nVirginians I did not ask for quarter at the time I was\\ntaken. I did not ask to have my life spared. The Governor\\nof the State of Virginia tendered me his assurance that\\nI should have a fair trial; but under no circumstances\\nwhatever will I be able to attend to my trial. If you seek\\nmy blood, you can have it at any moment without this\\nmockery of a trial. If we are to be forced with a mere\\nform, a trial for execution, you might spare yourselves", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0373.jp2"}, "374": {"fulltext": "366\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nthat trouble, I am ready for my fate. I do not ask a trial.\\nI beg for no mockery of a trial no insult nothing but\\nthat which conscience gives or cowardice would drive you to\\npractice. I ask again to be excused from the mockery of a\\ntrial. I do not know what the special design of this ex-\\namination is. I do not know what is to be the benefit of it\\nto the Commonwealth. I have now little further to ask,\\nother than that I may be not foolishly insulted, only as\\ncowardly barbarians insult those who fall into their\\npower. He did not ask that his fate be different from\\nwhat he knew it must. His only concern was that his\\nobjects and intentions should be clearly and truthfully\\nshown.\\nThe court presented an indictment against Brown, con-\\ntaining three counts, as follows\\nConspiracy with slaves for the purpose of insurrection;\\nTreason against the Commonwealth of Virginia and\\nMurder in the first degree.\\nThe trial was set for the following day, October 26th.\\nThe attorney for the Commonwealth charged that he was\\nfeigning sickness, to obtain delay and gain time. On the\\nreport of the jail surgeon that he could endure the ordeal,\\nthe trial was ordered to proceed. The court assigned him\\ncounsel, two resident members of the bar. The North sent\\ncounsel for Brown, but no expectation of fairness was\\nentertained by him, and his attorneys had no hope of\\naccomplishing anything in his favor.^ He took little inter-\\nest in the matter, but lay on his pallet with his eyes closed\\nmost of the time. When his attorneys thought to benefit\\nhis case by filing a plea of insanity in his behalf, he\\nraised himself up in bed and repelled it with scorn and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0374.jp2"}, "375": {"fulltext": "TRIAL OF CAPTAIN JOHN BEOWN 367\\nindignation. John Brown was one of the sanest men that\\never lived. He said I will add, if the court will allow\\nme, that I look upon it as a miserable artifice and pretext\\nof those who ought to take a different course in regard to\\nme, if they took any at all, and I view it with contempt\\nmore than otherwise. As I remarked to Mr. Green, insane\\nprisoners, so far as my experience goes, have but little\\nability to judge of their own sanity; and if insane, of\\ncourse I should think I knew more than all the rest of the\\nworld. But I do not think so. I am perfectly unconscious\\nof insanity, and I reject, so far as I am capable, any at-\\ntempts to interfere in my behalf on that score.\\nWhen the Commonwealth had closed. Brown asked a\\nshort delay, and this was refused. Thereupon his Virginia\\ncounsel deserted him. Attorneys from the North arrived,\\nand assumed control of the defense. But no one expected\\nthat anything would come of efforts to get him justice.\\nThe cause was given to the jury late in the afternoon of\\nMonday, October 31st, and after an hour s deliberation\\na verdict was returned of guilty as charged in the indict-\\nment.\\nJohn Brown said not a word.\\nOn the second day of November he was brought into\\ncourt to hear his sentence. He still walked with difficulty,\\nevery step being attended with evident pain. His features\\nwere firm and composed, but within the dimly lighted court\\nroom, showed wan and pallid. He seated himself near\\nhis counsel, and resting his head upon his hand, remained\\nmotionless, apparently the most unheeding man in the\\nroom. He sat upright with lips compressed, looking direct\\ninto the chilled stern face of the judge as he overruled the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0375.jp2"}, "376": {"fulltext": "368\\nJOHN BROWN\\nexceptions of counsel. When directed by the clerk to\\nsay -why sentence should not be passed upon him/ John\\nBrown rose slowly to his feet, placing his hands on the table\\nin front of him, and leaning slightly forward, in a voice\\nsingularly quiet and self-controlled, with tones of marked\\ngentleness and a manner slow and slightly hesitating, made\\nthis memorable speech.\\nI have, may it please the court, a few words to say In\\nthe first place, I deny everything but what I have all along\\nadmitted, the design on my part to free the slaves. I\\nintended certainly to have made a clean thing of that mat-\\nter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri and\\ntook slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side,\\nmoved them through the country, and finally left them in\\nCanada. I designed to have done the same thing again,\\non a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did\\nintend murder, or treason, or the destruction of property,\\nor to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insur-\\nrection.\\nI have another objection and that is, it is unjust that\\nI should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the\\nmanner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly\\nproved (for I admire the truthfulness and candor of the\\ngreater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this\\ncase), had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the power-\\nful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any\\nof their friends, either father, mother, brother, sister,\\nwife, or children, or any of that class, and suffered and\\nsacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have\\nbeen all right; and every man in this court would have\\ndeemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punish-\\nment.\\nThis court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of\\nthe law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose is", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0376.jp2"}, "377": {"fulltext": "TRL\\\\L OF CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN 369\\nthe Bible, or at least the New Testament. That teaches me\\nthat all things whatsoever I would that men should do\\nto me, I should do even so to them. It teaches me further,\\nto remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them.\\nI endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say, I am yet\\ntoo young to understand that God is any respecter of per-\\nsons. I believe that to have interfered as I have done as I\\nhave always freely admitted I have done in behalf of His\\ndespised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, if it is\\ndeemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the fur-\\ntherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood fur-\\nther with the blood of my children and with the blood of\\nmillions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded\\nby wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments, I submit; so\\nlet it be done.\\nLet me say one word further.\\nI feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have re-\\nceived on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it\\nhas been more generous than I expected. But I feel no\\nconsciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what\\nwas my intention, and what was not. I never had any de-\\nsign against the life of any person, nor any disposition to\\ncommit treason, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any\\ngeneral insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do\\nso, but always discouraged any idea of the kind.\\nLet me say, also, a word in regard to the statements\\nmade by some of those connected with me. I hear it has\\nbeen stated by some of them that I have induced them to\\njoin me. But the contrary is true. I do not say this to\\ninjure them, but as regarding their weakness. There is not\\none of them but joined me of his own accord, and the\\ngreater part of them at their own expense. A number of\\nthem I never saw, and never had a word of conversation\\nwith, till the day they came to me and that was for the\\npurpose I have stated.\\nNow I have done\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009424", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0377.jp2"}, "378": {"fulltext": "370 JOHN BEOWN\\nNote 1. This is only a short quotation from the conversation.\\nIt was reported and published by the newspapers; perhaps the New\\nYork Herald had the best report of it. Much of it can be found in\\nThe Life of Captain John Brown, by James Redpath and in Life and\\nLetters of John Brown, by F. B. Sanborn.\\nNote 2. Life of Captain John Brown, James Redpath, p. 275.\\nNote 3. John Brown, in a letter to Hon. D. R. Tilden, Novem-\\nber 28, 1859, from the Charlestown jail, quoted here from Life and\\nLetters of John Brown, F. B. Sanborn, p. 609.\\nNote 4. Lecture on John Brown, J. K. Hudson, Topeka.\\nNote 5. Associated Press report; quoted here from John Brown\\nand His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 339.\\nNote 6. George Henry Hoyt, of Boston Mr. Chilton, of Washing-\\nton; Judge Griswold, of Cleveland, Ohio. George Sennott, of Bos-\\nton, defended the other prisoners.\\nNote 7. Quoted from Life and Letters of John Brown, F. B. San-\\nborn, p. 574.\\nNote 8. John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hinton, p. 362.\\nNote 9. Quoted from John Brown and His Men, Richard J. Hin-\\nton, p. 362.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0378.jp2"}, "379": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER XV.\\nCOURT TO SCAFFOLD.\\nI cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the com-\\ning day, nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return\\nof warm sunshine and a cloudless sky. But, beloved ones, do re-\\nmember that this is not your rest, that in this world you have no\\nabiding-place or continuing city.\\nJohn Brown, to his Wife and Children,\\nSo far as can now be determined, it is believed that\\nJohn Brown was well pleased to have his trial ended. He\\nexpected no different result. There was no disappointment\\nin the verdict for John Brown. He knew from the first\\nthat surrender or capture meant a. rope for his men and\\nhimself, and for that reason he preferred to die with gun\\nin hand. It was impossible for Virginia to have dons\\ndifferently with John Brown. The old hero knew this.\\nWhile he seems to have made no distinction between the\\nforays into Missouri and Virginia, they were, in nature,\\nentirely different. It was his purpose to have remained in\\nVirginia or other Southern States. He attacked, captured,\\nand tried to hold the town of Harper s Ferry, or portions\\nof it. He was guilty of conspiracy. He invaded Virginia.\\nHe slew Virginians. He sent flags of truce and demeaned\\nhimself as a soldier, and he complained when he was not\\naccorded the rights of an enemy in civilized warfare. No\\nState can suffer the invasion of its soil by a hostile armed\\n(371)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0379.jp2"}, "380": {"fulltext": "372 JOHN BROWN\\nforce. Such a violation must be punished such invasion\\nsuppressed. Otherwise the dignity of the State passes\\naway and authority disappears. It has always been held\\nthat such offenses against States should be sternly and re-\\nlentlessly dealt with. In this instance it was imperative\\n-that Virginia do promptly one of two things execute\\nJohn Brown and his companions, or free her slaves.\\nThere could be no evasion, no hesitation; there was no\\nescape. And while the trial of Brown was unfair, it was\\nas fair as he expected, and as fair as he had reason to\\nexcept. Perhaps, after all, there was very little violence\\ndone the precedents of judicature in the disposition of\\npolitical prisoners, or of persons who have assailed polit-\\nical institutions; such trials have never been in exact\\naccord with law. It was not reasonable for John Brown\\nto expect to escape punishment by Virginia. When he\\nsaid surrender meant a rope for himself and men, he\\ncertainly expected to pay with his life the full penalty\\nwhich he knew Virginia would exact. Brown complained\\nthat his execution was to be judicial murder. This con-\\nclusion must have been reached after the deep contempla-\\ntion of the injustice done him by the non-observance and\\nnon-accord of all the legal rights he felt himseK entitled\\nto in his trial. But this conclusion can scarcely be con-\\ncurred in. Virginia s action was legally right and mor-\\nally wrong. The motto of sovereignty has always been\\nYou must not think\\nThat we are made of stuflf so flat and duU\\nThat we can let our beard be shook with danger.\\nAnd think it pastime.\\nIn the state of public opinion prevailing in Virginia", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0380.jp2"}, "381": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD 373\\nand the entire South, Virginia could not adopt abolition\\nfor her slaves. For a quarter of a century the popularity\\nof the institution had been increasing in that portion of\\nthe United States where it existed, and the aggressions of\\nthe slave-power upon the free territory of the country\\nremaining unpeopled was one of the causes of Brown s\\npresence at Harper s Ferry. And while the execution of\\nJohn Brown was thus not left to the discretion of Vir-\\nginia, the saving of the institution of slavery for the\\ntime being by this act only postponed the day when the\\nfetters would fall from all the slaves. And this day was\\nmade more and more inevitable by the very act upon which\\nthe lease of life of the institution temporarily hung. Vir-\\nginia was compelled to hang John Brown to preserve\\nslavery, but his death did more to forward universal eman-\\ncipation than his life could ever have accomplished had he\\nhad all the successes he hoped for. And while Slavery\\nlegally executed John Brown, it could not escape the con-\\nsequences of that act. It acted by virtue of accredited\\nauthority and recognized enactments, which, though ever\\nso wrong in spirit, must be the rule of action for state\\nand municipality until repealed. John Brown struck at\\nthe root of the wrong. He acted upon the eternal prin-\\nciples of justice; he brought these principles into con-\\nflict active and aggressive conflict \\\\vith an accredited\\nwrong and an evil and injustice which existed by author-\\nity. Such has been the burden borne by every reformer\\nin all the ages. The task has been this only this\\nnothing more. And it has almost invariably required the\\nblood of the reformer to cause his reformation to take\\nroot. Without the shedding of blood there is no re-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0381.jp2"}, "382": {"fulltext": "374 JOHN BKOWN\\nmission, has been the law of human progress. If there\\nwas any one great truth, universal in its application,\\nknown to Brown, it was the principle contained in this\\ntext. So, when the scaffold rose before his eyes, he saw\\nin the temporary victory of Slavery over the powers he\\nhad succeeded in setting against it its ultimate defeat and\\nannihilation. He spent the remaining days allowed him\\nin laying broad and deep the lines of this conflict, which\\nhe saw was inevitable, and which it was given him to\\nsee would end in a triumph for justice and the principles\\nhe had devoted his life to forwarding, and for which he\\ngladly and joyously went to the scaffold.\\nChrist saw fit to take from me the sword of steel\\nafter I had carried it for a time, but He has put another\\nin my hand, C^the sword of the Spirit; and I pray God\\nto make me a faithful soldier wherever He may send\\nme\u00e2\u0080\u0094 not less on the scaffold than when surrounded by\\nmy warmest sympathizers, he wrote to his old teacher.\\nWith the new weapon given him he continued to fight to\\nthe end. The forces of his new warfare ranged themselves\\nunder his command, and from the time of his arraign-\\nment until his execution he suffered no defeat, but enjoyed\\nvictory every hour. He had anticipated all the cost, what-\\never occurred. In the letter above referred to he says:\\nAnd before I began my work at Harper s Ferry, I felt\\nassured that in the worst event it would certainly pay.\\nThus was he enabled to go back to his dungeon in the\\nspirit of a conqueror he had looked at the gallows before\\nhe began his work, and the scaffold had no terrors for him.\\nThe ancient precept of the Brown family, An old man\\nshould have more care to end life well than to live\\ni", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0382.jp2"}, "383": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD\\n375\\nlong/ was exemplified in liini. Ilis work, he was in\\nfaith, would bear much fruit in the realm of slavery I\\nhave many opportunities for faithful plain-dealing with\\nthe more powerful, influential, and intelligent classes in\\nthis region, which I trust are not entirely misimproved,\\nhe wrote. The spirit in which he entered the new field is\\nwell exemplified in the reply to a Quaker lady who wrote\\nhim expressing her sympathy for his condition: And\\nmay the Lord reward you a thousand fold for the kind\\nfeeling you express toward me; hut more especially for\\nyour fidelity to the poor that cry, and those that have no\\nhelp. For this I am a prisoner in bonds. It is solely\\nmy own fault, in a military point of view, that we met\\nwith our disaster. I mean that I mingled with our pris-\\noners and so far sympathized with them and their families\\nthat I neglected my duty in other respects. But God s\\nwill, not mine, be done. You know that Christ once\\narmed Peter. So also in my case I think He put a sword\\ninto my hand, and there continued it so long as He saw\\nbest, and then kindly took it from me. I mean when I\\nfirst went to Kansas. I wish you could know with what\\ncheerfulness I am now wielding the sword of the Spirit\\non the right hand and on the left. I bless God that it\\nproves mighty to the pulling down of strongholds.\\nAnd to his brother he wrote I am quite cheerful in\\nview of my approaching end, being fully persuaded that\\nI am worth inconceivably more to hang than for any\\nother purpose.\\nHe was loaded with fetters chained to the floor of\\nhis prison. Armed guards walked before his dungeon-\\ndoor day and night, and they had orders to shoot him", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0383.jp2"}, "384": {"fulltext": "376\\nJOHN BROWN\\nat once upon anj attempt at rescue. He was wounded and\\nsick his time to live was limited to a month. He had no\\nexpectation that it would be extended a minute the effort\\nfor a new trial he regarded as a mere froth of attorney-\\nlogic. He was without education of rhetoric he knew\\nnothing. But the world waited for his every sentence, and\\nthe words most sought for and hung upon came from the\\nprison at Charlestown, and not from the temple of justice\\nthere, nor from the Governor s mansion in Kichmond. His\\nwords stirred the North. He was known before he went\\nto Harper s Ferry; after his imprisonment there, and\\nhis condemnation, his name was upon every tongue. Be-\\nfore, they knew him as a brave soldier fighting ruffianism\\nin Kansas; now, they saw him stand as a martyr for the\\npoor. I feel just as content to die for God s Eternal\\nTruth, and for suffering humanity s, on the scaffold as\\nin any other way; and I do not say this from any disposi-\\ntion to ^brave it out. No; I would readily own my\\nwrong, were I in the least convinced of it. In this spirit\\nhe spent his last days Under all these terrible calami-\\nties, I feel quite cheerful in the assurance that God reigns\\nand will overrule all for His glory and the best possible\\ngood. I feel no consciousness of guilt in the matter, nor\\neven mortification on account of my imprisonment and\\nirons. He encourages his family in this same letter:\\nNever forget the poor, nor think anything you bestow\\non them to be lost to you. Kemember them that\\nare in bonds as bound with them. These light\\nafilictions, which are but for a moment, shall work out\\nfor us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.\\nAnd he adds in the postscript: Yesterday, November 2,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0384.jp2"}, "385": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD 377\\nI was sentenced to be hanged on December 2, next. Do\\nnot grieve on mj account. I am still quite cheerful.\\nHis wife desired very much to visit him. This he at\\nfirst opposed, on account of the feeling against him in\\nCharlestown and the fear that she would be insulted and\\ninsolently treated. But on the 16th of November he\\nwrote If you feel sure that you can endure the trials\\nand the shock which will be unavoidable (if you come),\\nI should be most glad to see you once more. If\\nyou do come, defer your journey till about the 27th or\\n28th of this month.\\nJohn Brown rejoiced that he was counted worthy to\\nsuffer in God s cause. He wrote to T. B. Musgrove:\\nMen cannot imprison, or chain, or hang the soul. I go\\njoyfully in behalf of millions that ^have no rights that\\nthis great and glorious, this Christian Republic is bound\\nto respect. Strange change in morals, political as well as\\nChristian, since 1776 I look forward to other changes to\\ntake place in God s good time, fully believing that the\\nfashion of this world passeth away. This was his con-\\nstant theme. He wrote his cousin, the Rev. Luther Hum-\\nphrey I suppose I am the first since the landing of\\nPeter Brown from the Mayflower that has either been\\nsentenced to imprisonment or to the gallows. But, my\\ndear old friend, let not that fact alone grieve you. You\\ncannot have forgotten how and whore our grandfather\\nfell in 1776, and that he, too, might have perished on the\\nscaffold had circumstances been but a very little different.\\nThe fact that a man dies under the hand of an executioner\\n(or otherwise) has but little to do with his true character,\\nas I suppose. John Rogers perished at the stake, a great", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0385.jp2"}, "386": {"fulltext": "378\\nJOHN BROWN\\nand good man, as I suppose; but his doing so does not\\nprove that any other man who has died in the same way\\nwas good or otherwise. No part of my life has\\nbeen more happily spent than that I have spent here and\\nI humbly trust that no part has been spent to better pur-\\npose. I would not say this boastingly, but thanks be unto\\nGod, who giveth us the victory through grace.\\nI should be sixty years old were I to live to May 9,\\n1860. I have enjoyed much of life as it is, and have been\\nremarkably prosperous, having early learned to regard the\\nwelfare and prosperity of others as my own. I have never,\\nsince I can remember, required a great amount of sleep\\nso that I conclude that I have already enjoyed full an\\naverage number of working-hours with those who reach\\ntheir threescore years and ten. I have not yet been driven\\nto the use of glasses, but can see to read and write quite\\ncomfortably. But more than that, I have generally en-\\njoyed remarkably good health. I might go on to recount\\nunnumbered and unmerited blessings, among which would\\nbe some very severe afflictions, and those the most needed\\nblessings of all. And now, when I think how easily I\\nmight be left to spoil all I have done or suffered in the\\ncause of freedom, I hardly dare to wish another voyage,\\neven if I had the opportunity.\\nThere were matters of concern to him now (about the\\n20th of November) taking place in and about Charles-\\ntown. Incendiary fires destroyed buildings almost every\\nnight. And Governor Wise Avas in daily receipt of threat-\\nening letters. John Brown had no friends in the vicinity\\nof Charlestown, but he felt sure that it would be charged", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0386.jp2"}, "387": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD\\n379\\nthat his friends caused the fires. They were doubtless\\nkindled by persons who desired to keep the people in a\\nfrenzy against the invaders, that a rescue or a pardon\\nwould be impossible. Some foolish and mistaken friend\\nin the jSTorth may have written letters of ominous import\\nto Governor Wise, but no one regretted it so much as did\\nJohn Brown.\\nHe retained his interest in the affairs of the little farm\\nin the gloomy woods of the l^orth, and complains that\\nthey do not write him whether any of their crops had ma-\\ntured or not. His thoughts were never of himself I have\\nno sorrow either as to the result, only for my poor wife and\\nchildren, he wrote a minister, jSJ ovember 23d. And to\\nthis minister he also wrote, You may wonder. Are there\\nno ministers of the gospel here I answer, No. There\\nare no ministers of Christ here. These ministers who\\nprofess to be Christian, and hold slaves or advocate slav-\\nery, I cannot abide them. My knees will not bend in\\nprayer with them while their hands are stained with the\\nblood of souls. He said to the others that the prayers of\\nsuch ministers were an abomination to his God.\\nIt was made known to John Brown before he died\\nthat friends would aid in the education of his children.\\nWhen consulted about this matter he always made prac-\\ntical replies, and was never once tempted to suggest for\\nthem anything more than the useful. The industrious\\nhousewife is the foundation upon which rests the Repub-\\nlic, not upon the women of fashion, wealth, ease and\\nleisure. These care for nothing but vanity. They are the\\nbutterflies of our country, and are entirely useless. But\\nthe wife who bears and brings up children, who cooks", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0387.jp2"}, "388": {"fulltext": "380 JOHiSr BEOWN\\ntheir food, designs their clothing, weeps with them, prays\\nwith them, rejoices with them, carries them and their\\ntroubles in her own life day by day, she is the founda-\\ntion-stone of American liberty. On this subject he wrote\\nI feel disposed to leave the education of my dear children\\nto their mother, and to those dear friends who bear the\\nburden of it; only expressing my earnest hope that they\\nmay all become strong, intelligent, expert, industrious.\\nChristian housekeepers. I would wish that, together with\\nother studies, they may thoroughly study Dr. Franklin s\\nPoor Richard. I want them to become matter-of-fact\\nwomen,\\nJohn Brown s wife visited him; she was permitted to\\neat dinner with him in his cell. His body was delivered\\nto her after his execution.\\nThere is little more to be said, John Brown died as\\nhe had lived brave, and free from fear of any kind.\\nOn the morning of his execution he took a tender but\\ncheerful farewell of his companions in bonds and in\\narms. He gave them each a small coin, except Hazlett.\\nHe visited Stevens last: Good-by, Captain, he said;\\nI know you are going to a better land. I know I am,\\nreplied Brown.\\nJohn Brown was put into a furniture wagon, in which\\nwas his own black-walnut coffin; the jailer, Mr. Avis,\\nwho had been very kind to Brown, and the driver, a man\\nnamed Hawks, being the other occupants. The wagon\\nwas surrounded by cavalry, which escorted it to the field\\nwhere the gallows was standing, something like half a mile\\naway. Here there were a large number of soldiers going\\nthrough military maneuvers, and assembled to prevent", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0388.jp2"}, "389": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD\\n381\\nthe rescue of Brown. He was calm, perfectly self-pos-\\nsessed. He was asked if he thought he could endure the\\nordeal, and replied, I can endure almost anything but\\nparting from friends; that is very hard. In speaking\\nof fear, on the road to the scaffold, he said It has\\nbeen a characteristic of me, from infancy, not to suffer\\nfrom physical fear. I have suffered a thousand times\\nmore from bashfulness than from fear. You are a\\ngame man. Captain Brown, said an attendant. He re-\\nplied, Yes, I was so trained up it was one of the lessons\\nof my mother but it is hard to part from friends, though\\nnewly made. You are more cheerful than I am. Cap-\\ntain Brown, said his friend. The stern old hero replied,\\nYes, I ought to be.\\nThe wagon halted at the scaffold, and the troops opened\\nfile. Brown descended from the wagon, saluted the Mayor\\nand Mr. Hunter, and ascended the scaffold stairs. I shall\\nlet an eye-witness describe the execution.\\nHis demeanor was intrepid, without being braggart.\\nJohn Brown s manner gave no evidence of tim-\\nidity. He stood upon the scaffold but a short time, giving\\nbrief adieus to those about him, when he was properly\\npinioned, the white cap drawn over his face, the noose\\nadjusted and attached to the hook above, and he was\\nmoved, blindfolded, a few steps forward. It was curious\\nto note how the instincts of nature operated to make him\\ncareful in putting out his feet, as if afraid he would walk\\noff the scaffold. The man who stood unblenched on the\\nbrink of eternity, was afraid of falling a few feet to the\\nground\\nEverything was now in readiness. The sheriff asked", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0389.jp2"}, "390": {"fulltext": "383\\nJOHN BROWN\\nthe prisoner if hie should give him a private signal before\\nthe fatal moment. He replied, in a voice that soimded to\\nme unnaturally natural, so composed was its tone, and\\nso distinct its articulation, that ^it did not matter to him,\\nif only they would not keep him too long waiting. He\\nwas kept waiting, however; the troops that had formed\\nhis escort had to be put into their proper position, and\\nwhile this was going on he stood for some ten or fifteen\\nminutes blindfolded, the rope about his neck, and his feet\\non the treacherous platform, expecting instantly the fatal\\nact but he stood for this comparatively long time upright\\nas a soldier in position, and motionless. I was close to\\nhim, and watched him narrowly, to see if I could detect\\nany signs of shrinking or trembling in his person, but\\nthere was none. Once I thought I saw his knees tremble,\\nbut it was only the wind blowing his loose trousers. His\\nfirmness was subjected to still further trial by hearing\\nColonel Smith announce to the sheriff, We are all ready,\\nMr. Campbell. The sheriff did not hear or did not com-\\nprehend, and in a louder tone the same announcement was\\nmade. But the culprit still stood steady until the sheriff,\\ndescending the flight of steps, with a well-directed blow\\nof a sharp hatchet severed the rope that held up the trap-\\ndoor, which instantly sank sheer beneath him. He fell\\nabout three feet; and the man of strong and bloody hand,\\nof fierce passions, of iron will, of wonderful vicissitudes,\\nthe terrible partisan of Kansas, the capturer of the United\\nStates Arsenal at Harper s Ferry, the would-be Catiline\\nof the South, the demi-god of the abolitionists, the man\\nexecrated and lauded, damned and prayed for, the man\\nwho, in his motives, his means, his plans, and his sue-", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0390.jp2"}, "391": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD 383\\ncesses, must ever be a wonder, a puzzle and a mystery,\\nJohn Brown, was hanging between heaven and earth.\\nThis was written by J. T. L. Preston, of the Military\\nCollege of Lexington, Virginia, a few hours after the exe-\\ncution. He adds In all that array there was not, I\\nsuppose, one throb of sympathy for the offender. Yet the\\nmystery was awful to see the human form thus treated\\nby men to see life suddenly stopped in its current, and\\nto ask one s self the question without answer, And what\\nthen.?\\nJohn Brown s body was taken to North Elba. As it\\nwas lowered into the grave the preacher repeated the\\nwords of Paul:\\nI have fought the good fight I have finished my\\ncourse I have kept the faith henceforth there is laid up\\nfor me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the\\nrighteous Judge, shall give me; and not to me only, but\\nunto all that love His appearing.\\nThe South always maintained that the attack on Har-\\nper s Ferry was the beginning of the Civil War. On\\nMarch 30th, 1860, Victor Hugo wrote:\\nSlavery in all its forms will disappear. What the\\nSouth slew last December was not John Bro\\\\\\\\Ti, but Slav-\\nery. Henceforth, no matter what President Buchanan\\nmay say in his shameful message, the American Union\\nmust be considered dissolved. Between the North and the\\nSouth stands the gallows of Brown. Union is no lon^ er\\npossible such a crime cannot be shared.\\nJohn A. Andrew was the war Governor of Massachu-\\nsetts. When John Brown was executed he said of him:", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0391.jp2"}, "392": {"fulltext": "384\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nWhatever may be tliought of John Brown s acts, John\\nBrown himself was right.\\nThe world acquiesces in the verdict thus rendered, and\\naccepts it as true.\\nMURAT HALSTEAD S DESCRIPTION OF THE EXECUTION\\nOF JOHN BROWN.\\n[This sketch was written by the eminent journalist, Murat\\nHalstead, for the New York Independent. It was published in the\\nTopeka Mail and Breeze, December 9, 1898.]\\nThe execution of John Brown was on the second of\\nDecember, 1859; the scene, in a field a furlong south of\\nCharlestown, seven miles from Harper s Ferry. The sen-\\nsation caused by the John Brown raid was something won-\\nderful. The excitement of the whole country was out of\\nall proportion to the material incidents. The shock was\\nbecause the feeling of the people that the slavery question\\nhad reached an acute stage and demanded uncompromising\\nattention, was general, and there was apprehension that\\nthere were conditions upon the country of unmerciful\\ndisaster a public sensibility that an immense catas-\\ntrophe was impending.\\nAs a correspondent of the Cincinnati Commercial, to\\nwrite the story of the hanging of old John Brown, I car-\\nried letters from Dr. Dandridge, cousin of Colonel Wash-\\nington, to that gentleman, and from the Hon. George H.\\nPendleton, to the superintendent of the Harper s Ferry\\nrifle-works of the United States. On the journey I fell\\nin with the Baltimore police scouts, who by command of\\nthe Governor of Virginia had explored the abolition\\ncounties of Ohio in search of military organizations,", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0392.jp2"}, "393": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD 385\\nmade up in violation of the peace and dignity of the\\nUnited States, for ^another raid on Virginia.\\nWhen we reached Harper s Ferry the station was in the\\nhands of the military, and I was driven about at the point\\nof the bayonet for some time before finding a place to\\nstand and wait a few minutes. There was a hole ragged\\nwith splinters at the corner of the station-house, con-\\nstructed of plank, but put together Avith tongue-and-groove,\\nsaid to mark the course of the ball from a yager with\\nwhich old Brown killed a man. Inside Brown s fort,\\nwas a plain red stain on the whitewashed brick wall, the\\nblood of Brown when, overpowered, he was wounded with\\na cutlass and thrust down with a strong hand. There was\\na curved red streak and a few long hairs where the gashed\\nhead of the old man had been rubbed against the whit-\\nened bricks. The superintendent of the rifle-works was\\na cautious official. He took a member of the Legislature\\nof Pennsylvania and myself in his carriage, and putting\\non a belt with two revolvers we were driven along a good\\nturnpike through a pleasant country to the county seat,\\nwhere Brown was tried and was the next day to be exe-\\ncuted. By the roadside there were marks of fire, the\\nburning of stacks, and the explanation, The niggers have\\nburned the stacks of one of the jurors who found Brown\\nguilty. There was no reference to the fact that the su-\\nperintendent took his pistols with him for a daylight drive\\nover seven miles of turnpike through a highly cultivated\\ncountry. That was taken as a matter of course. There\\nwas greater alarm among the people of Virginia than could\\nbe accounted for by comparison with the experience of\\ncommunities into which the slave element did not enter.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009425", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0393.jp2"}, "394": {"fulltext": "386 JOHN BEOWN\\nIt was doubtless that deep sense of insecurity that widened\\ninto awful alarms at the suggestion of slave insurrections\\nthe fact that society was permeated with stories of West-\\nIndian wars of races, especially the traditions, more terri-\\nble than history, of the San Domingo horrors. The town,\\nthen and always to be distinguished as the place of the\\ntrial of John Brown, and his death, was crowded with the\\ntroops of Virginia, and there was a marked absence of the\\npeople of the surrounding country. The uniforms of the\\nmilitia of Virginia were as various as the companies were\\nnumerous. There was no uniformity of dress or weapons.\\nThere w^ere a troop of cavalry, a battery of field guns, and\\nabout two thousand infantry, the whole under the com-\\nmand of General Taliaferro, whose headquarters were at\\nthe Washington House. There was the palpable excite-\\nment of conscious history-making, and trifling incident-^\\nmagnified by common consent.\\nThe fact about myself best known was that I had a\\nletter from Dr. Dandridge to Colonel Lewis Washington,\\nand one from George H. Pendleton to the Harper s Ferry\\nsuperintendent. My connection with an abolition news-\\npaper was quite subordinated, but there were many in-\\nquiries as to my views of the John Brown raid, and I\\ndid not insist upon attempting to vindicate the old farmer,\\nso suddenly and strangely a world s hero. Indeed, the\\nclose contact with the events of the raid made it difficult\\nto resist the impression that Brown was an unbalanced\\nman^ one whose exaltation was akin to insanity. The\\nphilosophy, the philanthropy, the martyrdom, the religion\\nof humanity, the spiritual sanctification, and immense\\nromantic and tragic interpretations placed upon the raid\\ni", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0394.jp2"}, "395": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD\\n387\\nof The Man of Osawatomie bj Victor Hugo and Ralph\\nWaldo Emerson, the latter declaring that the gallows was\\nmade glorious like the cross, had in the immediate pres-\\nence of the miserable skirmishing and the shedding of the\\nblood of men who were, by all the customary tests, kindly\\ndisposed to be orderly, neighborly, humane, become ob-\\nscure, belonging to the sentimental, the imaginative, and\\nthe impossible.\\nLate in the evening Mrs. Brown arrived in a dingy\\nhack, escorted by the horsemen who became knov^n in the\\nwar that was on two years later as ^the Black Horse Cav-\\nalry. As the carriage approached the jail the artillery,\\nwhich had been arranged on either side of the door, was\\ntrundled across the street and turned about, the muzzles\\nopen-mouthed upon the prison. There was much parade\\nand shuffling of military figures in the execution of this\\nmaneuver, and then Mrs. Brown was taken to her hus-\\nband s cell, Avhen he was reported to have repeated to her\\noften the admonition, Kj dear, you must keep your\\nsperrets up sperrets pronounced as here spelled but\\na very strict and close guard was kept upon the pair.\\nAs the evening wore on. General Taliaferro was seated\\nsurrounded by his staff, in the public room of the hotel.\\nA young man, tall and lithe, and wearing a military dress,\\nrushed up to him and said hurriedly in my hearing:\\nGeneral, I am told, sir, and believe, tliat Henry Ward\\nBeecher is coming here to-morrow to pray on the scaffold\\nwith old Brown, and I pledge you my word if he does he\\nshall be hanged along with Brown. The General stared\\ncoldly and said with deliberation and severe dignity:\\nIf ]\\\\Ir. Bccchcr comes, as you say, I pledge my word of", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0395.jp2"}, "396": {"fulltext": "38^8 JOHN BROWN\\nhonor, sir, that while I live not a hair of his head shall be\\nharmed, sir; not one hair of his head shall be harmed.\\nOn the morning of the execution the troops were early\\nstirring. The murmur of camps filled the air. There\\nwere no visitors trailing along the roads, to be witnesses of\\nthe solemn function. It was forbidden. The people far\\nand near were ordered to be alert at home. Therefore,\\nwhen the hollow square of the military companies was\\nformed about the scaifold there was not even a fringe of\\ncivil spectators. There were reporters, surgeons, three or\\nfour politicians of distinction, and one woman on the roof\\nof a house nearly a quarter of a mile distant. The Hon.\\nJames M. Ashley was in the town with Col. Henderson of\\nKansas, and introduced him as the worst of the border\\nruffians, an announcement usually received with appro-\\nbation of the humor in it and of the fact also. Ashley had\\njust dropped in from the West, and was held to be of those\\ninterested in the care of Mrs. Brown and her Quaker es-\\ncort from Philadelphia. A story has been largely circu-\\nlated that as Brown left the jail he kissed a colored child,\\nand there are paintings and poetry to that effect. When\\nhe stepped out of the prison there was not a group other\\nthan military in sight. I was not on the spot at the mo-\\nment, but saw the street before the jail filled with guns\\nand soldiers and horses, staff officers and officials, and no\\none else during the morning. I had walked, before Brown\\ncame out, to the vicinity of the scaffold where the militia\\ncompanies were marching into the positions assigned them.\\nThe most striking horseman on the field. Turner Ashley,\\ngalloped around bearing orders and giving directions,\\nmounted on a spotted stallion with a wonderful mane and", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0396.jp2"}, "397": {"fulltext": "COUKT TO SCAFFOLD 389\\ntail, flowing like white silk from neck and nimp, almost\\nsweeping the ground. The Colonel and his horse and the\\nhorsemanship of the Colonel was worthy his steed were a\\ngallant show. Ashley was killed in battle, defending for\\nhis State the Valley of the Shenandoah. There seemed to\\nbe no attainable end of the evolution of the troops in prep-\\naration for the ceremony. I distinctly remember in the\\nmovement the gaunt, severe figure of an officer whose com-\\nmaml was a company of bright boys. It was the contrast\\nbetween the stern man and the gay youths that formed a\\npicture for me, and I heard the word as they passed\\nLexington Cadets. The man was Prof. Jackson, later\\nthe Confederate hero, Stonewall.\\nThe day was extremely beautiful and mild. The highly\\ncultivated farms, the village, the broad landscape, browned\\nby the frosts of November, framed in the ranges of the\\nBlue Ridge blue indeed, a daintily defined wall, of a\\nblue shade more delicate than the sky. Though it was\\nthe day of Austerlitz as the days of the season are\\nmarked, the clover in the stubble was green, and the\\nground so warm and dry the reporters reclined upon it\\nwith comfort and exchanged observations in the spirit of\\nlevity with which the representatives of the press relieve,\\nwhen witnesses of true tragedies, the strains upon their\\nvitality.\\nThe procession from the jail to the scaffold was bril-\\nliant. The General commanding had a staff more re-\\nsplendent than that of Field Marshal Moltke and King\\nWilliam, when they rode together over their battlefields\\nin France. Old John Brown was seated on his coffin in\\nthe bed of a wagon, of the fashion farmers call a wood", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0397.jp2"}, "398": {"fulltext": "390 JOHN BROWN\\nwagon, an open body and no cover. He wore a battered\\nblack slonch hat, the rim turned squarely up in front,\\ngiving it the aspect of a cocked hat. This was that his\\nvision might not be impeded, and he looked with evident\\nenjoyment upon the country, saying it was the first time\\nhe had the pleasure of seeing it. His words were repeated\\nat the time. The man I saw as he was in the wagon and\\nas he was helped upon the scaffold he had about a\\ndozen steps to ,ascend his arms pinioned by ropes at the\\nelbows, tied firmly, so that his hands were free while the\\nupper arms were bound at his waist. He wore a baggy\\nbrown coat and trousers, and red carpet slippers over blue\\nyarn socks, and stood firmly but in an easy attitude on the\\ntrap-door, that was sustained by a rope. Then a stout\\nwhite cord of cotton, provided by some cotton planters who\\nthought there was propriety in it something symbolical\\nin it was placed over the iron-gray, sturdy head, the\\nnoose dropped easily around his neck and tightened so that\\nit would not slip, but so as not to give physical discomfort.\\nThe face of the old man was toward the east, the morning\\nlight on it, and the figure perfectly in dress and pose, and\\nall appointments, that of a typical Western farmer a\\nserious person upheld by an idea of duty the expression\\nof his features that of a queer mingling of the grim, and,\\nto use a rural word, the peart. The white cap was pulled\\ndown, and still the troops were moving, falling into a\\nhollow square a formation that had not been rehearsed.\\nThis became tedious. Brown asked that there should be\\nno delay. The suspense was distressing, and from the\\nascent of the scaffold to the fall of the trap and the sharp\\njerk upon the white cord, the time was nearly eighteen", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0398.jp2"}, "399": {"fulltext": "COUKT TO SCAFFOLD 391\\nminute?. This was not, though often stated, with the pur-\\npose of torture, but the deLay of the military to get into\\nassigned places. Brown s hands gave the only sign of\\nemotion that possessed him. He was rubbing his thumbs\\nhard but slowly on the inside of his forefingers, between\\nthe first and second joints, as one braces himself with a\\nnervous grasp upon the arms of a dentist s chair when a\\ntooth is to be drawTi. It is no wonder Brown asked the\\nsheriff about the waiting. There was deep stillness as\\nthe form of the victim plunged six feet and the rope\\ntwanged as its burden lengthened a little and shivered.\\nThen the body began to whirl as the cord slackened and\\ntwisted, and the rapid movement caused the short skirts of\\nthe coat to flutter as in a wind. About a quarter of an\\nhour was spent by the surgeons climbing the stairs and\\nhohling the suspended body to their ears, listening to see\\nif the heart continued to act. One of the reporters was\\nmoved to say, as if he had prepared a deliverance and\\nwas getting it off contrary to a better judgment, Gentle-\\nmen, the honor of old Virginia has been vindicated.\\nThere was no response to the sentiment.\\nThe road to Harper s Ferry was soon filled with car-\\nriages at high speed. There was dust flying. In the yard\\nof a farm-house were a half-dozen lads playing soldier,\\none beating a small drum. This was the highway along\\nwhich more than any other surged to and fro the armies of\\nthe Nation and the Confederacy. Colonel Washington,\\nwhile on General Lee s staff, was killed in western Vir-\\nginia by an Indiana sharpshooter, and I remember well\\nhis stately presence, not unworthy to represent the name\\nhe bore, and his courtesy and kindness to one who repre-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0399.jp2"}, "400": {"fulltext": "392\\nJOHN BROWiSr\\nsented a newspaper and held there was no cause more\\nsacred in the world than that of the freedom of the Terri-\\ntories and the extinction of slavery; and the death of\\nAshley, Pate and Wise seemed a grievous sacrifice of man-\\nhood.\\nSomething more than ten years later, August, 1870, in\\neastern France, I was with the German invaders of the\\nfair land of Lorraine, and one day as I looked upon a\\ndivision of the Grand Army of the Red Prince, a mon-\\nstrous mass of men with the spikes of their helmets and\\ntheir bayonets glittering over them under a vast tawny\\ncloud of dust, I heard with amazement a deep-throated\\nburst of song in English, and it was\\nJohn Brown s body is moldering in the ground,\\nBut his soul is marching on.\\nGlory, Hallelujah!\\nThe German invaders often sang magnificently while\\nmarching. German soldiers in our army in the war\\nof the States returning to the Fatherland to fight the\\nFrench taught their comrades the splendid marching-song\\nwhich the legions of the ^orth sang along the historic\\nhighways of Virginia, that Father Abraham s boys were\\ncoming and the soul of John Brown was marching on.\\nThere is a bust of gold of Brown, presented his widow by\\nVictor Hugo, in the State Museum at Topeka, Kansas,\\nshown by the venerable superintendent, with an apology,\\nfor it is a bad portraiture of the Hero of Osawatomie\\nand martyr of Harper s Ferry, It is the only likeness\\nof him giving the chief characteristic of his countenance\\non the morning of his last day that I have seen, except in\\nthe sketches taken for Harper s Weekly on the spot, by", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0400.jp2"}, "401": {"fulltext": "COURT TO SCAFFOLD\\n393\\nPorte Crayon. The French makers of the golden bust\\nmust have caught the keen lines of this artist s pencil,\\nshowing tlie weirdness that had crept into Brown s strong\\nface when his eyes beheld unearthly scenes, his mind wan-\\ndering in the regions on the boundary of tw^o worlds he\\nmust have seen cloud-capped domes not rounded by human\\nhands invisible by mortal eyes unless introspectively.\\nOne wonders whether the old farmer, as he waited on the\\nscaffold, could have beheld as in a dream as one sees\\nat night in stormy darkness, when there is a flame of\\nlightning, a misty mountain-top a vision incredible, but\\nnot unsubstantial, of his own apotheosis and immortality.\\nSENATOR INGALLS ON JOHN BROWN.\\nThe following quotation is from the article prepared\\nby Senator John James Ingalls for the North American\\nRevieiu. After reviewing the sublime sayings of John\\nBrown, Senator Ingalls says\\nWhat immortal and dauntless courage breathes in this\\nprocession of stately sentences; what fortitude; what pa-\\ntience what faith what radiant and eternal hope JSTo\\npagan philosopher, no Hebrew prophet, no Christian\\nmartyr, ever spoke in loftier and more heroic strains than\\nthis coward and murderer, who declared, from near\\nthe brink of an ignominious grave, that there was no\\nacquisition so splendid as moral purity; no inheritance\\nso desirable as personal liberty; nothing on this earth\\nnor in the world to come so valuable as the soul, whatever\\nthe hue of its habitation; no impulse so noble as an un-\\n*Thl8 article was written In reply to one published by David N. Utter, In which\\nMr. Utter had called John Brown a coward and murderer.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0401.jp2"}, "402": {"fulltext": "394\\nJOHN BROWN\\nconquerable purpose to love truth, and an invincible deter-\\nmination to obey God.\\nCarljle says that when any great change in human\\nsociety is to be wrought, God raises up men to whom that\\nchange is made to appear as the one thing needful and\\nabsolutely indispensable. Scholars, orators, poets, phi-\\nlanthropists, play their parts, but the crisis comes at last\\nthrough some one who is stigmatized as a fanatic by his\\ncontemporaries, and whom the supporters of the systems\\nhe assails crucify between thieves or gibbet as a felon.\\nThe man who is not afraid to die for an idea is the most\\npotential and convincing advocate.\\nAlready the great intellectual leaders of the move-\\nment for the abolition of slavery are dead. The student\\nof the future will exhume their orations, arguments, and\\nstate papers, as a part of the subterranean history of the\\nepoch. The antiquarian will dig up their remains from\\nthe alluvial drift of the period, and construe their relations\\nto the great events in which they were actors. But the\\nthree men of this era who will loom forever against the\\nremotest horizon of time, as the pyramids above the voice-\\nless desert, or mountain-peaks over the subordinate plains,\\nare Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, and Old John\\nBrown of Osawatomie.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0402.jp2"}, "403": {"fulltext": "My task is done my song hath ceased my theme\\nHas died into an echo; it is fit\\nThe spell should break of this protracted dream.\\nThe torch sliall be extinguish d which hath lit\\nMy midnight lamp and what is writ is writ.\\nFarewell! a word that must be, and hath been\\nA sound which makes us linger; yet farewell!\\nYe! who have traced the pilgrim to the scene\\nWhich is his last, if in your memories dw\u00e2\u0082\u00acll\\nA thought which once was his, if on ye swell\\nA single recollection, not in vain\\nHe wore his sandal-shoon and scallop-shell\\nFarewell with him alone may rest the pain\\nIf such there were with you, the moral of his strain!\\n(395)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0403.jp2"}, "404": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0404.jp2"}, "405": {"fulltext": "INDEX.\\nAbbott, Captain James B., sent for by Captains Brown and Shore,\\n260; marches to Black Jack; arrives after the battle is over, 261;\\nis visited by John Brown with his fugitives, 328.\\nAbolitionists, attitude of the South toward, 54; sentiment against\\nin Missouri, 71.\\nAdair, the Rev. S. L., settlers on the Pottawatomie flee to the house\\nof, 167 wives and children of the sons of John Brown go to the\\nhouse of, 180, 252.\\nAdams, Calvin, 69.\\nAdams, Henry J., notified by the border ruflfians to leave Leaven-\\nworth, 75.\\nAdams, Martin, 69.\\nAllison, Young E., characterization of the Southern poor whites,\\n177.\\nAmbrose, William H., estimate of G. W. Brown, 243.\\nAmerican Conflict, The, by Horace Greeley, quoted, 66, 113, 114, 115,\\n116, 117, 118.\\nAnderson, Jeremiah G., sketch of, 344; goes to Harper s Ferry with\\nJohn Brown, 335; set to guard prisoners at Harper s Ferry, 351;\\nslain at Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nAnderson, John, sketch of, 346.\\nAnderson, Osborn P., sketch of, 346; unable to assist John Brown,\\n355; escape of from Harper s Ferrj-, 356; book written by, 358.\\nAndrew, Governor John A., conclusion of as to John Brown, 383.\\nAnnals of A anms, by D. W. Wilder, quoted, 67, 71, 77, 147, 148, 331.\\nAnthony, Colonel D. R., address of, quoted from, 141.\\nArmstrong, John, obligations of the author to, 19; account of con-\\ncerning the death of Major David Starr Hoyt, 293.\\nAssociation, The Platte County Self-Defensive, 71.\\nAtchison, Senator David R., leads Missourians to Kansas Territory\\nin Woodson s War of Extermination, 298.\\nBailey, Judge L. D., letters of, quoted, 173.\\nBaldwin, Rev. David, indicted for conspiracy, 156; sketch of, 175;\\ndesire of Henry Sherman to kill, 181.\\nBarber, Oliver P., visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68.\\nBarber, Thomas W., visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68.\\nBeecher, Rev. Henry Ward, pronounces a Sharps rifle one of the\\nmoral agencies of the times. 132; threatened with death if he\\nattempted to pray on tlie scaffold with John Brown; General\\nTaliaferro declares that he shall l)e protected, 387.\\n(397)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0405.jp2"}, "406": {"fulltext": "398\\nJOHN BROWISr\\nBenjamin, partner of Theodore Weiner; warned by the Doyles\\nand other ruffians to leave the settlements on the Pottawatomie,\\n225.\\nBenton, Thomas Hart, was opposed to slavery, 47; schooled on the\\nfrontier in the ways of men, 86.\\nBig Springs, Convention of, 121.\\nBiographical Dictionary, The United States, Kansas Volume, quoted.\\n76.\\nBivouac, The Southern, quoted, 177.\\nBlack Jack, the battle of, incident in the Free-State issue, 121;\\nbattle of, 252; location of, 257; importance of the battle of, 277.\\nBlood, Colonel James, meets John Brown on his way to Pottawatomie.\\n191; peculiar statements of concerning this meeting of John\\nBrown, 210, 211; manifest errors in statement of, 212.\\nBloody issue resolution, the, of the Big Springs Convention, 122;\\neffect of, 124.\\nBlue Lodges, organization of in Missouri, 54; determination of\\nto enter on assassination of Free-State men, 231.\\nBodwell, Rev. L., proposition of Mr. Emerson to, 333.\\nBondi, August, lived near Theodore Weiner in the Pottawatomie\\nsettlement, 178: house of burned, 180; statement of concerning the\\ncourse of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and the Shermans, 229; with\\nJohn Brown, 252.\\nBorder Ruffians, the, hatred of for Emigrant Aid Companies, 54;\\ncharacter of; their first invasion of Kansas; origin of the name\\nof, 55; in Kansas Territory at first election, 55. 56; Gihon s de-\\nscription of, 72; outrages committed by in Kansas, 156, 157, 158.\\n159; infest Lecompton, 159; urged to exterminate and drive out\\nFree-State settlers, 181 pour whisky through a funnel down a\\nFree-State preacher s throat, 258; attempt to rob Governor Gearv\\n303.\\nBorder Times, The, of Westport, Mo., issues a war extra after the\\nsacking of Lawrence, 181.\\nBrewerton, G. Douglas, writes a book entitled The War in Kansas;\\nthe best authority on the Wakarusa War, 143.\\nBrewster, Martha E., marries Oliver P. Brown, 98.\\nBreyman, William, settler in Douglas county, 69.\\nBrockett, Lieutenant W. B., explains object of Captain Pate s expe-\\ndition to the Pottawatomie settlements, 257; in oattle of Black\\nJack; surrenders his gun to Oliver Brown and himself to John\\nBrown, 272; quartered at Fort Scott, 322.\\nBrown, Abiel, son of John and Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79.\\nBrown, Amelia, date of the birth of. 98.\\nBrown, Anne, date of the birth of, 98; at Kennedy farm, 339.\\nBrown, Austin, date of the birth of, 98.\\nBrown, Charles, date of the birth of, 97.\\nBrown, David, 74.\\nBrown, Ellen, (1), date of the birth of. 98.\\nBrown, Ellen, (2), date of the birth of. 98.\\nBrown, Frederick, son of John and Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0406.jp2"}, "407": {"fulltext": "INDEX 399\\nBrown, Frederick, (1), son of John Brown; date of birth of, 97.\\nBrown, Frederick, (2), son of John Brown; date of birth of; mur-\\ndered by Rev. Martin White, 97 attends Free-State Convention\\nat Big Springs, 62; at Lawrence in the Wakarusa War, 143;\\nrescues a girl from the Shermans, 163; a member of John Brown s\\ncompany to relieve Lawrence in May, 1856, 164; buys lead from\\nMorse to be cast into bullets for Free-State guns, 166; warns the\\nShermans to not molest the daughter of a Free-State settler, 177\\none of the party of surveyors to run line through the camp of Bu-\\nford s men, 179; goes with his father to Pottawatomie, 190; se-\\ncures the lead of Morse, 235; interrogated by the Doyles, Sher-\\nman, and Wilkinson; casts bullets of the lead, 236; rides around\\nthe lines of battle at Black Jack, 260; rides a mule on march to\\nBlack Jack; rides through camp-fire of the United States troops,\\n267 murdered by the Rev. Martin White, 295.\\nBrown, G. W., M. D., charges that John Brown was trying to incite\\ninsurrection in Lawrence at the close of the Wakarusa War, 144;\\neditor of the Herald of Freedom; statement of John J. Ingalls\\nconcerning, compares him to Judas Iscariot; called Gusty\\nWindy Brown by Richard Realf; borrowed $2,000 from Emigrant\\nAid Company to reestablish his paper after Lawrence was sacked,\\nand repaid it in worthless scrip takes same position in rela-\\ntion to John Brown as Eli Thayer, 145; erroneous statements of\\nconcerning insanity of John Brown, jr., 220; accused by Free-\\nState men of being bought of being a traitor; said to have been\\na liar and mercenary politician; efl orts of to make a rogues\\ngallery of the Kansas Free-State patriots; sought arrest for no-\\ntoriet} submitted to arrest by a slave; in conclave with enemies\\nof Kansas Free-State men; paper of said to be mischievous and\\ntraitorous, 243; ridiculous statements of concerning attempts to\\nkill Free-State prisoners, 245, 246; absurd story refuted by Glad-\\nstone s book, 24G.\\nBrown Family, the, genealogy of, 78; many members live in Califor-\\nnia, 97 a family of pioneers, 78.\\nBrowns, sons of John Brown, remove to Kansas, 60; select claims\\nin Kansas, 61; identify themselves with the anti-slavery forces of\\nKansas Territory, 62 character of, 65.\\nBrown. Jason, child of dies of cholera, 61; letter of concerning dead\\nson, 77; date of birth of; marries Ellen Sherbondy, 97; cabin of\\ndeserted and solitary, 252; sets out to surrender to the United\\nStates troops; captured by Missourians under Rev. Martin White,\\nand is carried to Paola; narrowly e.scapes death, 253, 254; was\\nto have been exchanged for Lieutenant Brockett. 262; statement\\nof concerning capture by band of Rev. Martin White, 266.\\nBrown, John, grandson of Peter Brown, the Pilgrim, marries Eliza-\\nbeth Loomis, 79.\\nBrown, John, great-grandson of Peter P rown, the Pilgrim, marries\\nMary Eggleston. 79.\\nBrown, John, great-great-grandson of Peter Brown, the Pilgrim,\\nwas a Revolutionary hero, and married Hannah Owen, 79.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0407.jp2"}, "408": {"fulltext": "400\\nJOHN BROWN\\nBrown, John, son of John Brown, the Revolutionary hero, and\\nHannah (Owen) Brown, 79.\\nBrown, John, character and purpose of, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14;\\nsong concerning body of, the inspiration of tlie armies of the Union,\\n14; sons of remove to Kansas, 60; attends anti-slavery conven-\\ntion at Syracuse, New York, 62; there determines to go to Kansas,\\n63; is given a small sum of money; sets out for Kansas; journey\\nto Kansas; arrival of at Brown settlement, 63, 64; his inten-\\ntions; lifts the dead body of his grandson from its lonely grave in\\nMissouri and carries it witn him to Kansas, 65; born May 9, 1800,\\n82; attachment of for his mother, 83; youthful training; books\\nhe read, 84 influence of pioneer life upon, 85 becomes a tanner\\nmarries Dianthe Lusk; her influence over him; her death; mar-\\nriage of to Mary Anne Day; lives in Pennsylvania; was post-\\nmaster there, 87; removes to Portage county, Ohio; financially\\nruined there by speculation; discharged a bankrupt; engages in\\nsheep-farming; becomes a member of the firm of Perkins Brown,\\nwool factors; removes to Springfield, Mass.; visits Europe; fails\\nas a wool merchant; resolves to devote his life to a battle against\\nslavery, 88; removes to North Elba, New York; recollections of,\\nby his daughter Piuth, 89, 90, 91; his acute sense of justice; in-\\nterpretation of the doctrine of the atonement; solicitude of for\\nhis daughter, 90; death of infant daughter of, 91; favorite books\\nand songs of; earnestness of, 92; first impressions of slavery;\\neternal war with slavery; consecrates his life to this warfare, 93;\\nnot a Garrisonian; Brown family a separate school of abolition-\\nists of themselves, 94 devotion to his life-work, 95 earliest rec-\\nollections of, 96; Henry D. Thoreau s characterization of; dates of\\nbirths of children of, 97 tests the Englishman s dog-hair, 98\\nhis practical application of the doctrine of the atonement, 99;\\nfavorite Biblical quotations of; tenacity of purpose of, 100, 101;\\norganizes and writes principles of the United States League of\\nGiteadites, 104; writes Sambo s Mistakes, 109, 110, 111, 112,\\n113; arrival of in Kansas Territory; condition of sons of, 123;\\nhe and his sons determine to assist in the defense of Lawrence\\nin the Wakarusa War, 124; arrive in Lawrence December 7, 1855;\\ncommissioned Captain by Dr. Robinson account of the war and\\nits termination, 125; goes to Missouri to buy corn, 127; charged\\nwith all the troubles in Kansas Territory after the killings\\nat Dutch Henry s Crossing, 128; description of in Wakarusa\\nWar, by G. W. Brown; commissioned Captain in the Waka-\\nrusa War; letter to family cited, 143; is dissatisfied with the\\nterms of peace in Wakarusa War, 144; protests against the\\nterms of peace; was deceived as to the terms of peace, 146;\\ncharges against by defamers of, 153; cause of injustice to memory\\nof, 154; indicted for conspiracy under Lecompte s constructive\\ntreason theory; character of jury that returned indictment, 156;\\nvisits camp of Buford s men as a surveyor; finds the death of\\nhimself and family determined upon through the representations\\nof the Doyles, Wilkinson, and the Shermans, 163; he and family", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0408.jp2"}, "409": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n401\\nof hunted like wolves; a Bible-man and honest; he and his sons\\nmarched to relief of Lawrence May 22, 1856; names of the mem-\\nbers of company of, 164; camped with his company on the claim\\nof Captixin Shore; favors continuing on to Lawrence; receives in-\\ntelliffence which causes him to return to the Pottawatomie settle-\\nments, 165; defamed by Leverett W. Spring, 170; surveying expe-\\ndition of to Buford s camp described; death of dotormined upon.\\n178; return of to Pottawatomie described, 180; causes of his\\nkilling the Doyles and others stated by Judge James Hanway, 181,\\n182; was compelled to kill the Doyles and others or be killed, 183;\\nmessage carried to; declaration of upon receiving message, 189;\\ncompany of leaves for Pottawatomie, 190; actions of at Potta-\\nwatomie contradict statements of James Tovvnsley, 192; what he\\ntold Governor George A. Crawford; how he spent May 24, 1856;\\ngave the Doyles and others a trial, 193; statement of to E. A. Cole-\\nman, 196; statement of to Colonel Samuel Walker; sleeps under\\na tree; shoots at Walker, 198; object of in the Pottawatomie\\nkillings, 199; manner of killing the Doyles and others at Pottawat-\\nomie; did not kill any with his own hand, 200; manner of pro-\\ncedure of on the Pottawatomie, 200, 201, 202, 203; statements of\\nTownsley proven erroneous, 202, 203; sensational and absurd\\ncharge against by James Christian, 203, 204 did he kill any man\\nat Pottawatomie; did he and his men mutilate the dead there;\\nunfairness of some Kansas writers towards, 205; moral of the\\nPottawatomie killings, 206; contributed more toward making\\nKansas free than did Eli Thayer, 207 understood better than any\\nother that slavery had to be shot to death, 209 aided in his\\noutfit for the Pottawatomie by the men in camp on Middle Ottawa\\ncreek, 210; absurd statements of Colonel James Blood concerning.\\n210, 211; had no need of assistance from Townsley or any other\\nto find ruffian settlers on the Pottawatomie, 212; intended to kill\\nGeorge Wilson, 213; killed none with his own hand at Potta-\\nwatomie. 215; never contemplated sweeping the creek, 218;\\ndeclared that the Pottawatomie killing was by his order; returns\\nto the camp on Middle Ottawa creek, 219; meeting of the settlers\\non the Pottawatomie not intended to condemn, 221; message from\\nPottawatomie sent to, .223: in Tappan s account, 224; state-\\nment of Charles Robinson that John Brown told him he did the\\nPottawatomie killing, 227; tribute of Charles Robinson to, 228;\\ntribute of General Jo. 0. Shelby to. 229: tribute of James F.\\nLegate to, 230; a hero, not a murdei-er, 231; justification of by\\nJudge James Hanway, 233 Spring comes to justify, 235 further\\njustification by Hanway, 237; and by Charles Robinson, 238;\\ncompany of did the killing at Pottawatomie; did not himself kill\\nany, 238, 239; injustice of James Redpath to; action of at Potta-\\nwatomie tended to save Kansas: scorned double-dealing, 239,\\n240; fame of; Spring says Pottawatomie killing was beneficial to\\nKansas: justified by all the Free-State settlers on the Pottawato-\\nmie, 240, 241; justified by Senator Ingalls; D. W. Wilder upon,\\n242; action of saved lives of the Free-State settlers on the Potta-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009426", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0409.jp2"}, "410": {"fulltext": "402\\nJOHN BROWN\\nwatomie, 244; eulogized by Governor Robinson for more than\\ntwenty-one years; if actions of were detrimental to the Free-\\nState cause in Kansas Territory, Robinson should have discovered\\nthat fact before the expiration of twenty-one years. 244, 245;\\nabsurd statements of G. W. Brown concerning, 245, 246; inscrip-\\ntion in memory of on monument to at Osawatomie, 248; relations\\nto Governor Robinson considered effect of the work of in Kansas\\nsoul of the inspiration of the armies of the North, 248, 249, 250;\\nreturns with his company to the Pottawatomie and camps in the\\ndeserted cabins of his sons; character of arms carried b} company\\nof, 252 sends notice to ruffians at Paola that he was aware that\\ntwo of his sons were held as prisoners there; consternation caused\\nby this message, 254 starts for Prairie City, 255 Captain Pate\\nstarts in pursuit of discouragement of Pate at not finding, 257\\nfights the battle of Black Jack; captures Captain Pate, 258, 259,\\n260; enters into an agreement with Captain Pate and Lieutenant\\nBroekett for the exchange of prisoners, 261; Colonel Sumner sent\\nto the camp of; Captain Pate released by Sumner, 262, 263;\\ndescription of swords used by, 266 account of march of to battle\\nof Black Jack, 267; shot at by MacLean; MacLean s belief that\\nhe was miraculously preserved from harm, 269; finding Pate:\\nattacks Pate s camp, 270; orders Pate s horses shot; flag of truce,\\nincident of, 270, 271; captures Pate, 272; his account of the battle\\nof Black Jack, 273; injustice of Governor Robinson to in his ac-\\ncount of the battle of Black Jack; Townsley and all other authori-\\nties refute Robinson, 274; makes report of battle of Black Jack,\\n275 deeply imbued with old Puritanical doctrines, 280 remaine i\\nin the vicinity of Osawatomie, 282; organizes company of Free-\\nState men; Covenant of said company, 283; by-laws of company,\\n284 takes Henry Thompson to Iowa. 284, 285 account of by\\nSamuel J. Reader on his way to meet Lane s Army of the North,\\n286; advises Reader to aim low if he should be in battle, 287;\\nfame of at that time; Reader s pen-picture of; sight of causes\\ncheering by the men, 288; intentions of; appearance of; ques-\\ntioned, 289; one of the escorts over the State line of Lane s Army\\nof the North; first meeting of with Captain Whipple, or Aaron\\nD. Stevens; urges Topeka company to give up arms until State line\\nis crossed, 291; Reader s last sight of; came to Lawrence with\\nLane, 291; his account of the battle of Osawatomie, 295, 296;\\nspeech of to the defenders of Lawrence in September, 1856, 298;\\nservices of to Kansas in the summer of 1856; his mission, 300;\\ngreat fame of; his name a terror to the ruffians, 301 how he came\\nto be called Osawatomie Bro\\\\\\\\Ti, 302; did he ever intend to make\\nKansas his home, 305; his purposes in coming to Kansas, 306;\\nleft Kansas in September, 1859; address before Massachusetts\\nLegislature, 308; his tour of New England; appeal of, 312; con-\\ntracts for pikes; Eli Thayer much impressed with; offers him a\\nhome in Ceredo, Virginia, 313; efforts of Massachusetts State\\nCommittee to assist; Old Brown s Farewell to Plymouth Rock,\\n314; makes the acquaintance of Hugh Forbes, 315; engages", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0410.jp2"}, "411": {"fulltext": "INDEX 403\\nForbes; returns to Iowa and visits Kansas; visits Manhattan,\\nKansas, with Kagi, 316; drills his men at Springdale, Iowa; de-\\nserted by Forbes; visits Frederick Douglass, 317; arrangements\\nto invade Virginia, 318, 319, 320; in Canada; adoption of the\\nProvisional Constitution, 320; forced to postpone his expedition\\nto Virginia; meets George L. Stearns in New York; visits Boston;\\nassured that he would be provided with means; returns to Kan-\\nsas, 321; organizes Shubel Morgan s Company fight at Fox s\\nFord, 323; sick at the house of Rev. S. L. Adair; makes foray\\ninto Missouri and releases slaves, 324; Parallels of, 325; re-\\nwards of the Governor of ^Missouri and James Buchanan offered\\nfor; ofTers a reward of $2.50 for James Buchanan well tied and\\ndelivered at Ti-ading Post, 326; preparations of to leave Kansas;\\ndeparts for Canada; slave s idea of the distance, 327; route of to\\nTopeka; stops with Packard; at Hoi ton; threatened by J. N.\\n0. P. Wood and posse; puts Wood and posse to flight in the Battle\\nof the Spurs, 328; carries his prisoners with him; releases them in\\nNebraska, but retains their horses; arrives in Iowa; speaks in\\nSpringdale; puts to confusion a braggart at Iowa City, 329; ar-\\nrives in Canada with his fugitives; goes to New England to make\\npreparations to invade Virginia; spends his last birthday with\\nMr. Sanborn, 330; did he contemplate living in Kansas; solicited\\nKansas men to go with him to Harper s Ferry, 331; some account\\nof his famous Parallels, 332; preparations for foray into Vir-\\nginia, 334; at Chambersburg; at Harper s Ferry; rents the Ken-\\nnedy farm, 335; elected commander-in-chief under Provisional\\nConstitution; plans of his invasions of Virginia, 336, 337, 338;\\nhow he spent Sunday, October 16, 1859; takes Harper s Ferry, 351;\\nfirst mistake of at Harper s Ferry; greets Colonel Washington,\\n352; first real disappointment of at Harper s Ferry; exchanged a\\nbartender for breakfast for his men; from a military point he\\nblundered constantly after taking Harper s Ferry until his cap-\\nture; what he should have done, 353; expected negroes to flock\\nto his standard, 354; could have escaped at noon on Monday, but\\nafter that escape was impossible; summoned to surrender, but\\nrefused, 355; captured and desperately wounded, 356; why he\\nfailed at Harpers Ferry, 357 tributes of Colonel Washington and\\nGovernor \\\\vise to; defeat turns out for the best, 358; Benjamin\\nF. Butler upon, 359; confounds his captors and the Ohio dough-\\nface, 360, 361, 362; insanity of considered and refuted, 363, 364;\\ncarried to Charlestown; defiant and manly answer of, 365: indict-\\nment of; trial hurried, 366; repels with scorn the plea of insanity\\nmade for him; found guilty by the jury; brought into court to\\nbe sentenced, 367; speech of to the court before receiving sen-\\ntence, 368; character of the trial of; takes up the sword of the\\nSpirit; joyfully begins labor in the new field, 374; his remarkable\\nsuccess and sublime sayings, 376; consents to see his wife, 377;\\nconcern of at fires in the vicinity of Charlestown, 379; what he\\ndesired his children to be, 380; taken to the scaffold; firmness and\\nintrepidity of upon the scaffold; kept waiting for eighteen min-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0411.jp2"}, "412": {"fulltext": "404\\nJOHN BEOWIir\\nutes; not a tremor passed through him; brave death of; estimate\\nof Governor John A. Andrew of, 381, 382, 383; Preston s account\\nof the execution of, 382, 383; Halstead s account of the execution\\nof; estimate of the character of, 384 to 393; Victor Hugo gold\\nmedal of, 392; John J. Ingalls s estimate of life and character of,\\n394.\\nBrown, John and His Men, by Richard J. Hinton, quoted, 95, 96,\\n147, 180, 209, 247, 304, 331, 347, 359, 370.\\nBrown, John, jr., writes his father conditions existing in Kansas\\nTerritory; attends Free-State meetings in Lawrence and Big\\nSprings, 62; date of birth of; marries Wealthy C. Hotchkiss, 97:\\ndoctrine of the atonement demonstrated to by his father, 99; at\\nLawrence in the Wakarusa War, 143; indictment of for con-\\nspiracy, 156; Captain of Pottawatomie Rifles, 164; describes\\nsurveying expedition of his father to camp of Buford s men, 179;\\nhouse of found empty and solitary, 180; objected to the separation\\nof companies, 189; company of assisted John Brown in prepara-\\ntions to return to the Pottawatomie settlements, 210; seizes two\\nslaves on his return from Lawrence, 219; resigns command of\\nPottawatomie Rifles arrested for conspiracy; insanity of, 220;\\ncabin of solitary and deserted, 252; family of at house of Rev.\\nS. L. Adair; captured by Captain Pate, 253; carried to Paola:\\narms bound; made to run before the horses by the ruffians; insan-\\nity and illness of, 254; was to have been exchanged for Captain\\nPate, 262; insanity of; capture of, 266; goes East with his\\nfather, 320; writes to his father, 346.\\nBrown, Life and Letters of John, by F. B. Sanborn, quoted, 76, 77,\\n96, 98. 100, 101, 118, 143, 147, 175, 176, 177. 178. 179, 209, 210,\\n243, 244, 248, 251, 273, 274, 275, 301, 303, 304, 332, 347, 359, 370.\\nBrown, 0. C, the original Osawatomie Brown. 302.\\nBrown, Oliver, goes to Kansas Territory from Roekford, Illinois, 63;\\ndate of birth of; marries Martha E. Brewster; death of, 98; a\\nmember of John Brown s company for the relief of Lawrence, 164;\\none of the party of surveyors to run line through camp of Buford s\\nmen, 179; gO\u00e2\u0082\u00acs with his father to the settlements on the Potta-\\nwatomie, 190; assists to kill the Doyles, W^ilkinson, and Sherman,\\n200; captures Lieutenant Broekett s gun, 272; went to Harper s\\nFerry with his father. 335; wife of at Kennedy farm, 339; killed\\nat Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nBrown, Owen, son of John and Hannah (Owen) Brown, 79; son of\\nJohn Brown, the Revolutionary hero, marries Ruth Mills. 80;\\nmoves from Connecticut to the Western Reserve in Ohio, in 1805;\\ncharacter of, 81; why he was anti-slavery, 96.\\nBrown, Owen, son of John Browm, date of birth of. 97; a member of\\nthe company of John Brown for the relief of Lawrence, 164;\\nchainman in surveying expedition to camp of Buford s men, 179;\\ngoes with his father to the settlements on the Pottawatomie, 190;\\nassists in the capture and execution of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and\\nSherman, 200; in the battle of Black Jack, 272 one of the company\\nin Iowa, 317; goes to Harper s Ferry with his father, 335; elected", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0412.jp2"}, "413": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n405\\nTreasurer under the Provisional Constitution, 336; first to whom\\nJohn Brown made known a change of plan at Harper s Ferry, 3ciS\\nleft to guard the arms at the Kennedy farm, 349; escape of from\\nHarper s Ferrj 356.\\nBrown, Peter, one of the Pilgrim Fathers; born in England; facts\\nconcerning, 78; location of the house of, 95.\\nBrown, Peter, son of Peter Brown, the Pilgrim Father, 79.\\nBrown, Peter, son of John Brown, date of birth, 98.\\nBrown. Reese P., murder of, 57 Cole McRea s account of the murder\\nof, 73.\\nBrotc-n, Reminiscences of Old John, by G. W. Brown, M. D., quoted,\\n77, 144, 213, 214, 216, 218, 245, 247.\\nBrown, Ruth Mills, character of, 83.\\nBrown, Ruth, recollections of her father, John Brown, 89, 90, 91;\\ndate of birth of; marries Henry Thompson, 97; gives her father s\\nfavorite Bible quotations, 100.\\nBrown, Salmon, son of Owen Brown, died in New Orleans, 81.\\nBrown, Salmon, son of John Brown, date of birth of; marries Abbie\\nC. Hinckley, 97; a member of John Brown s company for the re-\\nlief of Lawrence, 164; one of the party of surveyors to run tho line\\nthrough the camp of Buford s men, 179; interview of with W. G.\\nSteel in the Portland Oregonian, 267, 270, 271, 272; lived in\\nOregon, 272.\\nBrown, Sarah, (1), date of the birth of, 97.\\nBrown, Sarah, (2), date of the birth of, 98.\\nBrown, The Public Life of iJaptain John, by James Redpath, quoted,\\n77, 96, 97, 144, 194, 268, 370.\\nBrown, Watson, date of the birth of; marries Isabella M. Thompson;\\ndeath of, 97; goes with his father to the settlements on the Potta-\\nwatomie, 190; helps to capture and execute the Doyles, Wilkinson,\\nand Sherman, 200; detailed as one of the guards of the bridge\\nacross the Potomac at Harper s Ferry, 351 with Steward Taylor,\\nstops the train, 352 killed at Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nBuchanan, James, believes Kansas should be quieted, 294; reward\\nfor of $2.50 offered by John Brown, 326.\\nBuford, Jefferson, organizes a Southern company to invade Kansas\\nin the campaign of 1850 for the enforcement of the Bogus Laws,\\n128; arrival of in Kansas, 134; commands Alabama troops in\\nKansas at the first sacking of Lawrence, 138; arrival of in Kansas\\nCity described; character of men of; prayed to his men; business\\ncontract with his men, 149, 150; letter of to Governor William\\nWalker, 173.\\nBuford s men, establish a camp near Dutch Henry s Crossing, 135;\\ncharacter of; arrival of in Kansas City, 149, 150; capture and try\\nJosiah Miller for treason to South Carolina, 150; outrages com-\\nmitted by, 157; murder Indian Agent Gay, 159; their camp near\\nDutch Henry s Crossing, 162 prepare to attack Free-State settlers\\non the Pottawatomie, 166; John Brown surveys through the camp\\nof, 178, 179; said by Governor Robinson to have been defeated in\\nthe sacking of Lawrence, May 21, 1850, 222; arrest and imprison", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0413.jp2"}, "414": {"fulltext": "406\\nJOHN BEOWN\\nthe people of Leavenworth, and create a reign of terror, 224 built\\na fort near Dutch Henry s Crossing, 230; band of at the house of\\nLa Hay, on the Wakarusa, 255 driven from Franklin, 293.\\nBurns, Anthony, adjudged a slave and sent from Boston to Virginia\\nin the United States cutter Morris, by President Pierce, 117.\\nButler, Rev. Pardee, mobbed and set afloat at Atchison, 157.\\nButler s Book, by Benjamin F. Butler, quoted, 359.\\nCalhoxjn, John C, first to favor secession, 29.\\nCampaign, the, of 1856 for the enforcement of the Bogus Laws, Rev.\\nRichard Cordley upon, 129; Southern States prepare to enter, 133;\\npreparations of the entire South to enter, 134; further prepara-\\ntions of the South for, 148, 149 conditions existing in Kansas pre-\\nceding, and while in progress, 154; some of the details of that\\nportion of it planned against the settlers on the Pottawatomie,\\n166; preposterous statement of Governor Robinson that it was\\nwon for the Free-State cause by the sacking of Lawrence, 222;\\nend of, 299, 300.\\nCampbell, John, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massa-\\ncre, 325.\\nCantrell, Jacob, tried and shot by border ruffians for treason to\\nMissouri, 263.\\nCarpenter, 0. A., sent from Prairie City to implore the aid of John\\nBrown for the protection of the settlers, 254; wounded at the\\nbattle of Black Jack, 271.\\nCarruth, William H., statement of concerning the aims of the Emi-\\ngrant Aid Company, quoted, 145.\\nChase, Governor S. P., of Ohio, recommends that steps be taken to\\naid freedom in Kansas, 132.\\nChristian, James, sensational and absurd charge of against John\\nBrown, 203.\\nClark, Johnson, statement, 218; statement of concerning Pottawato-\\nmie killings, 223, 247.\\nClassics, The Twentieth Century, this work originally prepared for,\\n79; quoted from, 141.\\nClayton, John M., United States Senator from Delaware, reviews\\nthe Bogus Laws, 74.\\nCline, Captain, at battle of Osawatomie, 293.\\nCochran, Benjamin L., one of the company of John Brown, 252.\\nColeman, E. A., statement of in relation to nature of the terms of\\npeace in the Wakarusa War, 146; statement of concerning what\\nJohn Brown said to him and his wife about the Pottawatomie\\nkillings, 196.\\nColpetzer, William, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes\\nmassacre, 325.\\nCommittee, The Congressional, meets at Lecompton, April 18, 1856,\\n134.\\nCommittee of Safety, for Lawrence, propose obedience to Bogus\\nLaws, 139.\\nConnecticut, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0414.jp2"}, "415": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n407\\nConnelley, William Elsey, author of The Provisional Government of\\nNebraska Territory, 66 j letter of Jefferson Buford in collection of,\\n173.\\nConflict. The American, by Horace Greeley, quoted, 60, 113, 114, 115,\\n116, 117, 118.\\nConflict, The Kansas, by Charles Robinson, quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274.\\nConquest of Kansas, The, by William A. Phillips, quoted, 147, 150,\\n151, 175, 269, 275.\\nCordlev. Rev. Richard, his History of Lawrence, Kansas, quoted from,\\n69, 70. 128.\\nCook, John E., joins John Brown at Topeka, 316; one of the com-\\npany in Iowa, 317; at Harper s Ferry in advance of John Brown,\\n335; sketch of, 341; one of the leader.s of the march from the\\nKennedy farm to Harper s Ferry, 350; duty of to tear down tele-\\ngraph wires, 351; one of the party sent to bring in Colonel Lewis\\nWashington, 352; escape of from Harper s Ferry; captured and\\nhung, 356.\\nCoppoc, Barclay, joins John Brown s company at Springdale, Iowa,\\n317; sketch of, 343; left to guard arms at Kennedy farm, 349;\\nescape of from Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nCoppoc, Edwin, joins John Brown s party in Springdale, Iowa, 317;\\nsketch of, 343; executed, 356; carried to Charlestown, 365.\\nConspiracy, John Brown and others indicted for under the con-\\nstructive treason theory of Lecompte, 156.\\nConstitution, the Topeka, adoption of, 131; denounced by President\\nPierce, 132.\\nConvention, the Big Springs, defines the Free-State issues in Kansas,\\n121; movement leading to, 141; resolutions of, 142.\\nCopeland, John A., sketch of, 345; sent with Kagi to capture the\\nrifle-works, 351; execution of, 356.\\nCorwin, Thomas, schooled in the ways of men on the frontier, 86.\\nCrane Company, obligations of the author to; friends of Kansas\\nwriters; publishers of Kansas books, 19.\\nCrawford, Governor George A., statement of concerning what John\\nBrown said to him of the Pottawatomie killings, 193.\\nCrossing, Blue Jacket s, on the Wakarusa, 68.\\nCrusade, The Kansas, by Eli Thayer, quoted, 66, 68; refutation of\\nstatements in by Rev. Richard Cordlcj 70.\\nCuba, United States committed to the acquirement of, 31.\\nDanites, society of organized by the Free-State leaders, 131.\\nDavis, Jefferson, commits the Administration to the campaign in\\nKansas for the enforcement of the Bogus Laws, 128; as Secre-\\ntary of War issues an order authorizing Governor Shannon to use\\nUnited States troops to suppress insurrectionary combinations,\\n132; invaders act under authority of, 140; treasonable letter of\\nSenator Mason to, 173; writes General Smith that United States\\ntroops may be used to coerce settlers in Kansas; authorizes him to\\ncall upon States of Illinois and Kentucky for additional troops;", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0415.jp2"}, "416": {"fulltext": "408\\nJOHN BROWN\\nsays Kansas Free-State men are in rebellion against constituted\\nauthorities, 244.\\nDavidson, William M., obligations of the author to, 19.\\nDawson, Jared, brought gTin from Ohio used to shoot at John Brown,\\n269.\\nDay, Horace, carried letter from John Brown to Missourians at\\nPaola, 254.\\nDay, Mary Anne, marries John Brown, 87.\\nDay, Orson, house built for by John Brown, 127.\\nDayton, O. V., indicted for conspiracy, 156.\\nDenmark, first to abolish slave trade, 28.\\nDenver, Governor James W., stationed soldiers near John Brown s\\ncamp, 323.\\nDonalson, Isaac B., as United States Marshal issues proclamation\\ncalling upon law-abiding citizens to assemble to enforce the laws,\\n138; said to have saved the lives of Free-State prisoners by\\nenlisting judges, the Governor, and others, 246.\\nDouglass, Frederick, found John Brown living scant in order to save\\nmoney to fight slavery, 94; visited by John Brown, 317; visited\\nJohn Brown at Chambersburg, 338.\\nDow, C. W., murdered at Hickory Point, Douglas county, 124.\\nDoyle, James P., and family, account of and character of, 161.\\nDoyle, Mahala, affidavit of, 214.\\nDoyles, the, spent much time in the camp of Buford s men, 163;\\nin the outrages upon Morse, 166, 167; give Free-State settlers\\nnotices to leave Pottawatomie settlements, 167; found at the camp\\nof Buford s men, 178; at camp of Buford s men to show them best\\nfords and ways to Pottawatomie settlements, 179; burn houses of\\nFree-State settlers, 180; cause of the death of, as stated by James\\nHanway, 181, 182; delivered notices to Free-State settlers, 191;\\nmanner of killing of at Pottawatomie; names, number and ages of\\nthose slain; manner of computing ages, 200; were not mutilated\\nafter death, 218; warn Free-State settlers to leave Pottawatomie\\nsettlements, 225, 229; bad character of, 230; in constant com-\\nmunication with Buford s men, 235; attempt to kill Morse, 236.\\nDunn, Charles, brutal conduct of at Leavenworth, 56; assists in the\\nmurder of Reese P. Brown, 57 oath of to kill Governor Reeder, 75.\\nEberhart, H. S., settler in Douglas county, 69.\\nEberhart, J. J., settler in Douglas county, 69.\\nEberhart, Paul C, settler in Douglas county, 69.\\nEdwards, Rev. Jonathan, writes against slavery, 96.\\nEggleston, Mary, marries John Brown, the great-grandson of Peter\\nBrown, the Pilgrim, 79.\\nElizabeth, Queen, knighted John Hawkins, 26.\\nEmerson, partisan of John Brown; stammered; proposition\\nof to Rev. L. Bodwell, 333.\\nEmerson, R. W., shows the absurdity of the opinion that the Potta-\\nwatomie settlers should have appealed to the courts, 226.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0416.jp2"}, "417": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n409\\nEmi-rrant Aid Company, formed for purposes suggested by Willinm\\nH. Seward, 53; uses and abuses of, 54; the claim that it peopled\\nor saved Kansas refuted; opposed by Missourians; resolutions\\nagainst, 70, 71; organization of enraged the South, 207; remarks\\nupon nature of, 270; organized primarily to make money, 277.\\nEmigrant Aid Societies, of the South, 08.\\nEmory, Frederick S.. commands mob that murders William Phillips\\nin Leavenworth, 57.\\nFarnsworth, Captain, seeks John Brown, 324.\\nFast, Captain John, 90.\\nFood, scarcity of in Kansas in 1855. 123.\\nForbes, Hugh, some account of; engages with John Brown; deserts\\nJohn Brown, 315, 310; reveals such of Brown s plans as he was\\nacquainted with, 321.\\nFort Saunders, incident in Free-State issue, 121; commanded by\\nColonel Treadwell; visited by Major D. S. Hoyt. 292; abandoned\\nby the ruffians and burned by Free-State men. 294.\\nFort Titus, incident in Free-State issue, 121; capture of, 294.\\nFoster, describes cordial reception of the Shermans, the Doyles,\\nand Wilkinson at camp of Buford s men, 178.\\nFoster, Charles A., indicted for conspiracy, 150.\\nFoster, Mr., of Osawatomie, characterization of Robinson and Lane,\\n147.\\nFox s Ford, battle of, 323.\\nFranklin, Benjamin, opposed to slavery, 28; schooled on the frontier,\\n86.\\nFranklin, battle of, 121.\\nFree-State, issues in Kansas Territory, 121.\\nFremont. John C, preparations of the South to secede in event of\\nelection of, 174.\\nFuget, murders !Mr. Hoppe on a wager of six dollars against a\\npair of boots, 74; Gladstone s account of Fuget s murder of Hoppe,\\n172.\\nFugitive Slave Law, enforcement of, 102.\\nGarner, ^Margaret, a fugitive slave, kills her children near Cincin-\\nnati, 110.\\nGarrison, William Lloyd, opponent of slavery, 30.\\nGay, murdered by Buford s men, 159.\\nGeary, John W., Governor of Kansas Territory, meets ex-Governor\\nShannon, 76; describes conditions existing in Kansas, 157, 158;\\narrival of in Kansas Territory; a member of the Bogus Legislature\\n.attempts to rob on the highway, 298; turns back the Missourians,\\n200.\\nGiddings, .J. R., conservative opponent of slavery, 37.\\nGihon. John H., History of Kansas, quoted, 07, 71, 72, 73, 70, 151,\\n175, 170, 193.\\nGill, George B., one of John Brown s company in Towa, 317.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0417.jp2"}, "418": {"fulltext": "410\\nJOHN BROWN\\nGillett, Mary, marries Peter Bro\\\\vii, 79.\\nGillpatriek, Dr., statement of what Mrs. Wilkinson said to, 234;\\nupon the death of Morse, 236.\\nGladstone, Thomas H., quotation from refutes statements of Robinson\\nthat the ruffians intended to leave Kansas alone after sacking\\nLawrence, May 21, 1856, 245; refutes statement of G. W. Brown\\nand Leverett W. Spring that the Pottawatomie killings caused the\\nmob at Leavenworth. 247.\\nGonsalves, Antam, action of originates the slave trade, 26.\\nGould, Father, notified by ruffians to leave Leavenworth, 75.\\nGraham, Dr., son of attempts to shoot a ruffian before the battle of\\nBlack Jack, 269, 270.\\nGrant, George, statement of mobbing of Morse, 179.\\nGrant, John T., sends a messenger to camp of Pottawatomie Rifles\\nto seek help against the ruffians, the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sher-\\nman, 223 family warned to leave Pottawatomie settlements, 225\\ncame from New York and settled on Pottawatomie creek in 1854;\\nsays his neighbors, the Doyles, Shermans and Wilkinson were the\\nassociates of Buford s men; Morse went to the house of to escape\\ndeath. 234, 235.\\nGrant, Mary, threatened with death by William Sherman, 225.\\nGrant, Ulysses S., fame of; John Brown one of the two others equal\\nto, 394.\\nGreeley, Horace, conservative opponent of slavery, 37.\\nGreeley s The American Conflict, quoted, 66, 113, 114, 115, 116 117,\\n118.\\nGreen, Lieutenant, strikes John Brown with his sword after he has\\nsurrendered, 356.\\nGreen, Shields, sketch of, 345; execution of, 356; carried to Charles-\\ntown, 365.\\nGoodin, Joel K., settled on the Wakarusa, Douglas countv; from\\nOhio, 69.\\nHanway, James, quoted; statement of the causes of the killing of\\nthe Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman on the Potawatomie, 181;\\ntells of intention to rescue Governor Robinson, 190; statement\\nof concerning intention to rescue Robinson, 209; justifies John\\nBrown s action on the Pottawatomie; character of; says the affi-\\ndavit of James Harris differs from the story he told his neighbors,\\n232 says the settlers on the Pottawatomie openly condemned John\\nBrown and secretly commended his action, 233 further justifica-\\ntion of John Brown, 237; says the Pottawatomie killing was for-\\ntunate for the Free-State settlers and cause, 241.\\nHairgrove, Asa, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes mas-\\nsacre, 325.\\nHairgrove, William, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes\\nmassacre, 325.\\nHale, Mrs. Lillian Walker, has in her keeping gun used to shoot\\nat John Brown, 269.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0418.jp2"}, "419": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n411\\nHall, Amos, one of the victims of the ^Marais des Cygnes massacre,\\n325.\\nHall, Austin, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre,\\n325.\\nHallock, Rev. Jeremiah, Owen Brown lived with, 96.\\nHalstead, Murat, his account of the character and execution of\\nJohn Brown, 3S4.\\nHamilton, Alexander, opposed to slavery, 28.\\nHamilton, Charles A., plans and executes the Marais des Cygnes\\nmassacre, 322.\\nHamlin, Hannibal, 66.\\nHampton, Captain, sent to Kansas by Kentucky, 133.\\nHarper s Ferry, description of the vicinity of, 350.\\nHarris, Edward P., obligations of author to, 19; statement of, 145;\\ninvited to go to Harper s Ferry with John Brown, 331; set up the\\nfirst copy of Old John Brown s Parallels his recollections of\\nthat famous document; his corrections of grammar of, etc., 332.\\nHarris, James, affidavit of convicts James Townsley of erroneous\\nstatements, 201 affidavit of refutes Townsley s statements, 216,\\n217, 218; affidavit of does not agree with what he told his neigh-\\nbors of the Pottawatomie killing, 232.\\nHarrison, J. H., 69.\\nHarrison, William Henry, schooled in the ways of men on the\\nfrontier, 86.\\nHawkins, Sir John, first of the English slave-dealers, 26.\\nHazlett, Albert, sketch of, 344; took possession of arsenal at Har-\\nper s Ferry, 351; unable to assist John Brown, 355; escape of\\nfrom Harper s Ferry; captured and hung, 356.\\nHelper s Impending Crisis, quoted from, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 69.\\nHenry, Patrick, would have been murdered by slaveholders, 42;\\nquoted from against slavery, 47.\\nHerald of Freedom, press of destroyed, 140.\\nHickory Point, battle of an incident in Free-State issue, 121.\\nHinckley, Abbie C, marries Salmon Brown, 97.\\nHinton, Richard J., obligations of author to, 15; author of the name,\\nBattle of the Spurs, 329; his John Brown and His Men quoted\\nfrom, 95, 96. 147, 180. 209, 247, 304, 331, 347, 359, 370.\\nHistorical Society, The Kansas, value of the collections in its library,\\n151.\\nHistory of the State of Kansas, by A. T. Andreas, popularly known\\nas The Kansas Herd-Book, quoted from, 67, 69, 71, 73, 74, 141,\\n142, 147, 148, 151, 215, 247.\\nHistory of Laicrence, Kansas, by Rev. Richard Cordley, quoted, 69,\\n70, 128.\\nHistory of Kansas, by John H. Gihon, quoted, 67, 71, 72, 73, 76, 151,\\n175, 176, 193.\\nHistory of Kansas, by J. N. Holloway, quoted, 71, 194.\\nHistory of Kansas, by Charles R. Tuttle, quoted. 148, 149, 151, 193.\\nHistory of Jay County, Indiana, by M. W. Montgomery, quoted, 175.\\nHoar, Samuel, driven from Charleston, S. C, 43.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0419.jp2"}, "420": {"fulltext": "412 JOHN BEOWN\\nHolloway, J. N., his History of Kansas quoted, 71, 194.\\nHolmes, James H., estimate of the character of G. W. Brown, 243.\\nHopkins, Rev. Samuel, D. D., 96.\\nHoppe, murder of for a pair of boots by Fuget, 58, 74;\\nGladstone s account of the murder of, 172.\\nHopper, A. R., 69.\\nHotchkiss, Wealthy C., marries John Brown, jr., 97.\\nHoward, W, A., a member of the Congressional Committee to in-\\nvestigate Kansas affairs, 134.\\nHoyt, Major David Starr, visits Fort Saunders in the capacity of a\\nspy, 292; shot as a spy by Buford s men, 293; Armstrong s ac-\\ncount of; Wilder s account of, 302.\\nHudson. J. K., lecture of on John Brown, quoted. 370.\\nHugo, Victor, what he wrote of John Brown, 383.\\nHutchinson, Josiah, 69.\\nHuysenmuysen, Peter Von, ancestor of Ruth Mills, 95.\\nIllinois, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nImpending Crisis, The, by Hinton R. Helper, quoted, 42, 43, 44, 45,\\n46, 69.\\nIndiana, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nIndians, what tribes of in Miami county, 155; one at Paola refused\\nto harbor the Missourians, 264; Wyandots in the company of\\nCaptain Pate, 269.\\nIngalls, John J., compares G. W. Brown to Judas Iscariot, 145;\\nsays Kansas is the child of Massachusetts, 207; justifies John\\nBrown in the Pottawatomie killing, 241, 242; upon the character\\nand fame of John Brown, 393.\\nIngram, J. K., quoted, 39.\\nIowa, Historical Department of, obligations of author to, 18; number\\nof people from in Kansas in 1800, 208.\\nIssues. Free-State and Pro-Slavery in Kansas Territory. 120, 121:\\nresolutions making slavery the, in Kansas, 141 the bloody. text\\nof resolution declaring, 142.\\nJackson, Andrew, schooled in the ways of men on the frontier, 86.\\nJeflferson, Thomas, opposed to slavery: proposes plan of government\\nfor the Southwest Territory, 28 through efi orts of John C. Cal-\\nhoun the South rejects the teachings of, 29; in a later day would\\nhave been mobbed by slaveholders, 42; quoted from against slav-\\nery, 47 schooled on the frontier in the ways of men, 86.\\nJohn Broion and His Men, by Richard J. Hinton, quoted, 95, 96,\\n147, 180. 209, 247. 304, 331, 347, 359, 370.\\nJohnson, H. H., 73.\\nJohnson, Richard M., of Kentucky, father of slave children, 33.\\nJohnson, Judge W. A., has copy of notices given by the Doyles,\\nWilkinson, and Sherman to the Free-State settlers on the Potta-\\nwatomie, 180.\\nJones, John T., or Ottawa, Henry Sherman or Dutch Henry", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0420.jp2"}, "421": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n413\\nworked for worked for by Montgomery Shore, 177 relatione of i\\nRev. J. G. Pratt; marriage of, 180.\\nJones, Samuel J., sherilT of Douglas county, commonly known a-;\\nSheriff Jones, declares VVakarusa treatj at an end, 136; shot\\nby Charles Lenhart, 137; leads the invaders at the sacking of\\nLawrence, I\\\\Iay 21, 1856, 139; unable to attend to the duties of\\nsheriff, 150; one of the founders of Lecompton, 159; stirs caldron\\nof border-ruflianism, 164.\\nJones, murdered at Blanton s store, 157.\\nKaqi, Jonx Henry, visits Manhattan with John Brown, 316; mem-\\nber of Brown s company in Iowa. 3i7; returns to Kansas witli\\nJohn Brown. 322; interlines Old John Brown s Parallels, 332;\\nwith John Brown when he bade farewell to Kansas, 333; elected\\nSecretary of War under the Provisional Constitution, 336; sketch\\nof. 340; in the front of the column in the march from the Kennedy\\nfarm to Harper s Ferry, 351; sent to capture the rifle-works, 351,\\n352; killed at Harper s Ferry. 356.\\nKansas, entered by people from free States, 53; forces that as-\\nsisted in making free, 207; not the child of Massachusetts; num-\\nber of people in from different States in i860: the child of the\\nOhio Valley, 208; a great honor to have contributed to the free-\\ndom of. 200.\\nKansas-Nebraska bill, passage of, 51.\\nKansas, Annals of, by D. W. Wilder, quoted, 67, 71, 77, 147,\\n148, 331.\\nKansas, History of the State of, bv A. T. Andreas, quoted, 07, 69.\\n71, 73, 74, 141. 142, 147, 148. 151, 215. 247.\\nKansas. The Conquest of, by William A. Phillips, (William Phillips,\\non title-page,) quoted, 147, 150, 151, 175. 2(j9, 275.\\nKansas. History of Lawrence, by Rev. Richard Cordley, quoted, 69,\\n70, 128.\\nKansas. Histon/ of, by John H. Gihon, quoted, 67, 71, 72, 73, 76, 151,\\n175, 176. 193.\\nKansas, by Thomas H. Gladstone, quoted, 172, 245, 247.\\nKansas, History of, by J. N. Holloway. quoted. 71, 194.\\nKansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life, by Sara T. D. Robinson. 213,\\n218; mentioned, 151.\\nKansas Memorial, quoted, 141, 213.\\nKansas, A Neic Centennial History of, bv Charles R. Tuttle, quoted,\\n148, 149. 151, 195.\\nKansas: The Prelude to the War for the Union, by Leverett W.\\nSpring, mentioned, 169. 170. 171, 172.\\nKansas Conflict, The, by Charles Robinson, quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274.\\nKansas Crusade, The. by Kli Thayer, quot d. (ifi. (iS, 70.\\nKansas, The War in, by G. Douglas Brewerton, best authority on the\\nWakarusa War; mentioned. 143.\\nKeiser, Charles, in battle of Black Jack, 272.\\nKelly, Robert S., a leading border ruflian, says he must murder\\nsome Free-State person, 159.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0421.jp2"}, "422": {"fulltext": "414 JOHN BEOWN\\nKennedy, Dr. Booth, farm of rented by John Brown, 335.\\nKentucky, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nKeystone, steamer, ex-Governor Shannon on, 76.\\nKidnappers, of slaves, 103; capture a white man, 113; incidents in\\ntheir methods, 114, 115.\\nLane, James H., schooled on the frontier in the ways of men, 86;\\nassists in defense of Lawrence in the Wakarusa War, 125; one of\\nthe organizers of the Free-State secret societies, 131; characteriza-\\ntion of by Mr. Foster of Osawatomie, 147; defamed by Leverett\\nW. Spring. 170; supposed by Colonel Sam Walker to have ad-\\nvised the Pottawatomie killing, 199; he and friends of unjust to\\nGovernor Robinson, 250; sent East in March, 1856, with the\\nTopeka Constitution, 281; organizes Lane s Army of the North,\\n282; comes to Lawrence in advance of his army, 292; drives Atchi-\\nson from Kansas, 297.\\nLane s Army of the North, incident in Free-State issue, 121.\\nLargenquest, L. A., 69.\\nLaw and Order party, proceedings of, 75.\\nLaws, the Bogus, nature of, 58; reviewed by John M. Clayton, United\\nStates Senator from Delaware, 74; efforts to enforce by the Pro-\\nSlavery party, 124.\\nLawrence, threatened by border ruffians, 55; sacked May 21, 1856,\\nby border ruffians, 139; first visit of John Brown to, 143; condi-\\ntion of women and children in, 184.\\nLawrence, Hon. Abbott, prevented from building mills at Richmond,\\nVirginia, by slave interests, 45.\\nLaiorence, Kansas, History of, by Rev. Richard Cordley, quoted, 69,\\n70, 128.\\nLeague of Gileadites, The United States, organized at Springfield,\\nMass., by John Brown, 104; principles of the order, 105, 106;\\nagreement of members of, 107; resolutions of, 108, 109.\\nLeary, Lewis S., sketch of, 345; killed at Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nLeavenworth, first election at; vigilance committee formed in;\\nWilliam Phillips taken from, 56.\\nLeavenworth Constitution, The, incident in Free-State issue, 121.\\nLecompte, Samuel D., Chief Justice of Kansas Territory, orders de-\\nstruction of Free-State hotel and printing presses at Lawrence,\\n139; given shares in Lecompton town site, 159; charge of estab-\\nlishing his constructive treason theory, 173.\\nLecompton, the town of, described by Gihon, 158.\\nLee, Colonel Robert E., captures John Brown at Harper s Ferry,\\n355, 356.\\nLeeman, William H., one of John Brown s company in Iowa, 317;\\nsketch of, 343; killed at Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nLegate, James F., settles in Douglas county in 1854, 69; one of the\\norganizers of the Free-State secret societies, 131; on grand jury\\nthat returned treason indictments; his description of the jury,\\n156; condemns G. W. Brown; tribute of to John Brown; his es-\\ntimate of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, 230.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0422.jp2"}, "423": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n415\\nLegislature, the Bogus, author of the Bogu3 Laws, 58; defines the\\nissue in Kansas Territory for the Pro-Slavery party, 120; course\\nof indorsed by President Pierce, 132; resolution of making slavery\\nthe supreme issue in Kansas Territory, 141 member of attempts to\\nrob Governor Geary on the highway, 303.\\nLegislature, the Free-State, under the Topeka Movement, meeting\\nof, 134.\\nLenhart, Charles, shoots Sheriff Jones, 137.\\nLife of Captain John Broivn, The Public, by James Redpath, quoted,\\n77, 96, 97, 144, 194, 268, 370.\\nLife and Letters of John Broirn, bv F. B. Sanborn, quoted, 76, 77,\\n96, 98, 100. 101. 118. 143. 147. \\\\lb, 176. 209, 210. 243, 244, 248,\\n251, 273. 274, 275, 301, 303, 304, 332, 347, 359, 370.\\nLincoln, Abraham, conservative opponent of slavery, 37; schooled\\non the frontier in the ways of men, 86; fame of, 394.\\nLong, Irvin P., in Captain Pate s company at the battle of Black\\nJack sent by Pate to Missouri to summon Whitfield, 269.\\nLoomis, Elizabeth, marries John Brown, grandson of Peter Brown,\\nthe Pilgrim, 79.\\nIjovejoy. Elijah P., slain by Pro-Slavery adherents, 30.\\nLundv, Benjamin, first anti-slavery agitator, 36.\\nLunkins. J.H., 69.\\nLusk. Dianthe, marries John Brown, 87.\\nLykins. William H. E., 69.\\nLyon, William, 69.\\nMacLea?^, L. a., shoots at John Brown; believed that John Brown\\nwas miraculously saved from death, 269.\\nMadison, James, opposed to slavery, 28, 47.\\nMaine, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.\\nMartin, George W., Secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society,\\n15.\\nMaryland, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.\\nMansfield, Lord, defines the legal status of slaves in England, 27.\\nMarcy, William L., as Secretary of State authorizes Governor Shan-\\nnon to use the United States troops of Fort Leavenworth and Fort\\nRiley to suppress insurrectionary combinations, 133.\\nMason, James M., treasonable letter of to Jefferson Davis, 173.\\nMassachusetts, number of people from in Kansas in 1860. 208.\\nMcAfee, Rev. J. B., account of assault on Wetherell at Leavenworth,\\n73; notified to leave Leavenworth by border ruffians. 75; letter of\\nto Governor Reedcr warning him that Charles Dunn had taken\\na horrible oath to kill him, 76.\\nMcCrea, Cole, story of the murder of Reese P. Brown, 73.\\nMcLean, L. A., see MacLean, L. A.\\nMemorial, The Kansas, quoted, 141, 213.\\nMemorial, The S. N. Wood, quoted, 66, 251.\\nMendenhall, Richard, indicted for conspiracy, 156.\\nM^rriam, Francis Jackson, sketch of, 344; last to arrive at Kennedy", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0423.jp2"}, "424": {"fulltext": "416\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nfarm; left to guard arms at Kennedy farm, 349; escape of from\\nHarper s Ferry, 356.\\nMiamis, Indian tribe of in Miami county, 155.\\nMichigan, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.\\nMiller, Bryce W., 69.\\nMiller, Josiah, from South Carolina; editor of the Kansas Free-\\nState, at Lawrence; paper of destroyed, May 21, 1856; captured\\nby Buford s men and tried for treason to South Carolina, 150, 151.\\nMills, Peter, a Hollander, father of Ruth Mills, 80.\\nMills, Ruth, marries Owen Brown; genealogy of, 80.\\nMistakes of Sambo, written by John Brown, 109.\\nMitchell, Captain, commanded a party from Topeka to welcome\\nLane s Army of the North, 286.\\nMissouri, failed to meet expectations of slave power, 53; number of\\npeople from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nMissouri Compromise, repeal of, 51, 66.\\nMissourians, invade Kansas Territory under Atchison, 138; enrolled\\nas Territorial militia, 139; m.ostly remain in Kansas after the\\nsacking of Lawrence, 140; early in Miami, Franklin, and Linn\\ncounties; character of, 155; company of expected by the Doyles\\nand others on the Pottawatomie, 166; invade Pottawatomie settle-\\nments, 221 alarm of in Paola when John Brown s message was\\nreceived, 254; panic of rout of; Indian refuses to harbor; send\\nto Cass and Jackson counties for reinforcements, 264, 265; their\\ninfallible test for abolitionists, 275; proclamation of on arrival\\nof Lane s Army of the North, 292; invade Kansas; battle of Osa-\\nwatomie, 295 invade Kansas under Atchison and others by direc-\\ntion of Governor Woodson, 298.\\nMissouri river, closing of to Eastern emigrants, 60, 135.\\nMofFett, Charles W., goes to Iowa with John Brown, 316; one of\\nthe company in Iowa, 317.\\nMontgomery, Colonel James, how considered, 250; associated with\\nJohn Brown, 322.\\nMoody, Joel, his The Song of Kansas quoted, 173.\\nMoore, Eli, one of the murderers of Reese P. Brown, 73.\\nMoore, H. Miles, imprisoned by Buford s men, 224.\\nMorgan, Shubel, name by which John Brown was known in south-\\neastern Kansas, 323.\\nMorse, Squire, merchant at Dutch Henry s Crossing; abuse ot by the\\nDoyles, Sherman, and Wilkinson, 165, 167; account of mobbing\\nof, 179; outrages upon by the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman;\\ndeath of, 236.\\nMountaineers, the, of the South, opposition of to slavery, 33 love of\\nfor freedom, 177.\\nMudeater, Alfred, gave gun used to shoot John Brown to Wyandotte\\nCounty Historical Society, 269.\\nMudeater, Matthew, gun of used by MacLean to shoot at John\\nBrown, 269.\\nMusgrove, T. B., letter of John Brown to, 377.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0424.jp2"}, "425": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n417\\nNewbt, Dangerfield, sketch of, 345 killed at Harper s Ferry, 358.\\nNew Jersey, number of people from in Kansas in 1860. 209.\\nNew York, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nNorth Carolina, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.\\nOhio, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nOliver, M., member of the Congressional Committee to investigate\\nKansas affairs, 134.\\nOsawatomie, John Brown monument at, 228; pillaged by Pate, Reid,\\nand others, 264; John Brown s account of the battle of, 295, 296.\\nOverton, Major W. P., commanded Irvin P. Long s regiment in the\\nMexican War, 269.\\nOwen, Hannah, marries John Brown, the great-great-grandson of\\nPeter Brown the Pilgrim, 79.\\nOwen, John, father of Hannah Owen, 79.\\nPackard, Cyrus, John Brown and his fugitives at house of, 328\\nwhen he came to Kansas his house one of Brown s stopping-\\nplaces, 332 Captain Henrv died at house of, 333.\\nParallels. John IJrown s, 32.5.\\nParrott, M. J., a prisoner in Leavenworth, 224.\\nParker, Theodore, visited by John Brown, 319; advised pobtponement\\nof Brown s expedition to Virginia, 321.\\nParsons, Luke F., joins John Brown at Topeka, 316; one of Brown s\\ncompany in Iowa, 317.\\nPartridge, Edwin R., obligations of author to, 19; kills the blood-\\nhounds of the Doyles, 177.\\nPate, Captain H. Clay, said to have burned the store of Theodore\\nWeiner, 191; sketch of, 255; Captain of Shannon s Sharp-\\nShooters General Jo. 0. Shelby s contemptuous characterization\\nof his band; decks himself with ribbons; jealous of the Kiekapoo\\nRangers; at sacking of Lawrence; burns Weiner s store, 256; de-\\nparture of for the Pottawatomie settlements; expectations of: cap-\\ntures John Brown, jr.. 257; men of pour whisky down the throat\\nof a Free-State preacher through a funnel; pillage Palmyra; raid\\nPrairie City, 258; attacked by Captains Brown and Shore; sends\\nout flag of truce, 259, 260; surrenders to John Brown. 261 enters\\ninto an agreement with Captains Brown and Shore for exchange\\nof prisoners. 202; released from Brown s grip by Colonel Sumner;\\ntries Cantrell for treason to Missouri. 263; in pillage of Osawato-\\nmie, 204; sketch of. 2C7, 268; .sends from battle of Black Jack to\\nMissouri for Whitfield; ribbons on, 269; at Fort Scott, 322.\\nPearson, Thomas M., visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68.\\nPennsylvania, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nPeorias, Indian tribe of in Miami county. 155.\\nPierce, Franklin, pledge of to secure the Presidency, 51; issues\\nproclamation commanding combinations in Kansas to disperse, 132.\\nPhillips, Wendell, characterization of Virginia, 33.\\nPhillips, William, mobbed at Weston, Missouri murdered at Leav-\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009427", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0425.jp2"}, "426": {"fulltext": "418 JOHN BEOWN\\nenworth, 57; sends Governor Reeder the letter of Rev. J. B. Mc-\\nAfee, 76.\\nPhillips, William A., describes the dissatisfaction of the Free-State\\nmen with the terms of peace in the Wakarusa War, 147; his ac-\\ncount of the troubles leading to the sacking of Lawrence, 150, 151;\\nhis The Conquest of Kansas, quoted, 147, 150, 151, 175, 269, 275.\\nPlains, The Great, trails across, 49.\\nPiatt, Elvira Gaston, obligations of author to, 18.\\nPlatte Country, the, described, 48.\\nPlatte Argus, The, quoted, 71.\\nPlatte County Self-Defensive Association. The, objects of, 71.\\nPomeroy, Samuel C, prisoner in the ruffian camp in the Wakarusa\\nWar; released by the treaty of peace, 126.\\nPottawatomie killing, the, news of quieted Buford s men in Leaven-\\nworth and caused the release of the Free-State prisoners; state-\\nment of James Townsley concerning; statement of Johnson Clark\\nconcerning; statement of Samuel F. Tappan concerning; state-\\nment of John B. Manes concerning, 224; statement of Charles Rob-\\ninson concerning; statement of Colonel Samuel Walker concerning,\\n226, 227 statement of Charles Robinson to Lawrence convention\\nconcerning, 227; statement of August Bondi concerning; state-\\nment of General Jo. 0. Shelby concerning, 229; statement of James\\nF. Legate concerning, 231; effect of, 231; James Hanway upon,\\nsays that Free-State settlers whispered that it saved them, 232,\\n233; Sanborn upon, 234; Spring upon, 234; the Grants upon,\\n234, 235; effect of, 237, 238, 239; considered in relation to\\nCharles Robinson s change of views upon, 248, 249, 250.\\nPottawatomie Rifles, marched to the relief of Lawrence, 164.\\nPottawatomie settlements, the, conditions existing in prior to the\\nkilling of the Doyles and others, 168.\\nPratt, Rev. J. G., some account of; a friend of John T. Jones; his\\naccount of Henry Sherman, 180.\\nPreston, J. T. L., writes an account of the execution of John Brown,\\n383.\\nPro-Slavery, issue of in Kansas Territory, 120.\\nProvisional Government of Nebraska Territory, The, by William\\nElsey Connelley, quoted, 66.\\nQuakers, the, first to antagonize slavery and the slave trade, 27;\\ngratitude of the country due to, 317.\\nRandolph, John, of Roanoke, against slavery, 47.\\nRead, Opie, quoted, 39.\\nReader, Samuel J., obligations of author to, 19; one of the few sur-\\nviving Kansas pioneers, 284; journal of quoted, 285, 286, 287, 288,\\n289, 290, 291.\\nRealf, Richard, joins John Brown at Topeka, 316; one of Brown s\\ncompany in Iowa, 317; invites Edward P. Harris to join John", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0426.jp2"}, "427": {"fulltext": "INDEX 419\\nBrown s expedition to Virginia, 331; elected Secretary of State\\nunder the Provisional Constitution, 336.\\nRedpath. James, his The Public Life of Captain John Brotcn quoted,\\n77, 96, 97, 144, 194, 268, 370.\\nReed, B. L., one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre,\\n325.\\nReeder, Andrew H., first Governor of Kansas Territory, 59; knocked\\ndown by Stringfellow for calling him a frontier ruffian, 71;\\nletter of Rev. J. B. McAfee to, to be on guard for his life, 76;\\nauthor of the bloody issue resolution of the Big Springs conven-\\ntion, 122; the feeling against in Kansas, 134.\\nReese Keith, warehouse of in Leavenworth, 75.\\nRegulators, society of, 131.\\nRemington, J. B., obligations of author to, 18.\\nReminiscences of Old John Broicn, by G. W. Brown, M. D., quoted,\\n77, 144, 147, 213, 214, 216, 218, 245, 247.\\nRepublican, The St. Louis, contains origin of term Border Ruffian, 71.\\nRice, Harvey D.. obligations of author to, 19.\\nRichards. Rev. Thomas C, obligations of author to, 18.\\nRichardson, Richard, goes to Iowa with John Brown, 316; one of\\nBrown s company in Iowa, 317.\\nRobertson, William, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes\\nmassacre, 325.\\nRobinson, Charles, commissions John Brown Captain in the Waka-\\nrusa War, 125; elected Governor under the Topeka Constitution,\\n130; one of the organizers of the Free-State secret societies, 131;\\nmessage of to the Legislature under the Topeka Constitution, 134;\\nresidence burned at sacking of Lawrence, 140; characterization\\nof by Mr. Foster of Osawatomie, 147; states Eli Thayer s epi-\\ndemic theory of freedom in Kansas, 185; intention of John\\nBrown, jr., to rescue, 190; says John Brown did not base his\\nreasons for the Pottawatomie killings on the ground of self-defense,\\n197; supposed by Colonel Samuel Walker to have advised the\\nkilling of the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman, this is probably\\nan erro f Walker, 199; Hanway s statement of intention to\\nrescue, i letter of to The Topeka Commonwealth mentioned,\\n213; uses the expression five men and boys in reference to the\\nPottawatomie killings, 214; prisoner in Leavenworth, 224; justi-\\nfies John Brown in killing the Doyles, Wilkinson, and Sherman,\\non the Pottawatomie, 226; tells Colonel Walker that the killings\\ndid much good to the Free-State cause; says in meeting at Law-\\nrence the killing was right, 227; presides at dedication of John\\nBrown monument at Osawatomie; tribute to John Brown, 228;\\njustifies John Brown in Kansas Magazine, 238; quoted by Ingalls\\nas justifying .John Brown, 241 absurd statement of that the sack-\\ning of Lawrence, ]May 21, 1856, was a victory for the Free-State\\ncause; gives the highest praise to John Brown, and then becomes\\none of his most bitter defamers; was the eulogist of John Brown\\nfor more than twenty-one years; position of refuted by Thomas H.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0427.jp2"}, "428": {"fulltext": "420\\nJOHN BROWN\\nGladstone, 244, 245 said to have been threatened with violence at\\nLeavenworth Ibecause of the Pottawatomie killings; Gladstone\\nshows that the Leavenworth trouble was caused by the assault of\\nBrooks upon Senator Sumner in the Senate chamber, 246, 247\\nnotice concerning his defamation of John Brown; cause he assigns\\nfor his change of mind insufficient; friends of attack any writer\\nwho has a kind word for Lane, Brown, Abbott, or Montgomery;\\nbitterness of old quarrels passing away, 248, 249, 250; misstates\\nfacts concerning the battle of Black Jack; does injustice to Cap-\\ntains Brown and Shore; refuted by Townsley; mars a great his-\\ntorical work to gratify his grudges, 274 ordered East in interest\\nof Free-State cause; captured at Lexington, Mo., 282; his The\\nKansas Conflict quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274.\\nRobinson, Mrs. Sara T. D., some account of work of; obligations of\\nauthor to, 17; her Kansas: Its Interior and Exterior Life quoted,\\n213, 218; the first edition of one of the best Kansas authorities,\\n151.\\nRolf, Mr., 69.\\nRoot, Frank A., statement of, 145.\\nRoot, Dr. J. P., one of the company of Kansans to go to the Nebraska\\nState line to welcome Lane s Army of the North, 286.\\nRoss, Patrick, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre,\\n325.\\nRousseau, quoted, 39.\\nRuffians, the border, hatred of for Emigrant Aid Societies, 54 char-\\nacter of, 55; origin of name of; first invasion of Kansas; invade\\nKansas at the first election, 55, 56; Gihous description of, 72;\\noutrages committed by in Kansas, 156, 157, 158, 159; infest Le-\\ncompton, 159; urged to exterminate Free-State men and drive out\\nFree-State settlers, 181; pour whisky down Free-State preacher s\\nthroat through a funnel, 258 one in the Bogus Legislature at-\\ntempts to rob Governor Geary, 303.\\nSafety Valve, Committee of Safety for Lawrence, May 21, 1856,\\nso called in contempt, 139.\\nSalters, Samuel, acting sheriflT of Douglas county, 137; deputy sher-\\niff of Douglas county; scalded by Mrs. John Speer; scours the\\ncountry to arrest Free-State men; form of pass issued by, 150.\\nSambo s Mistakes, written by John Brown, 109.\\nSanborn, F. B., obligations of author to, 15; statement of concerning\\nMrs. Wilkinson, 234; goes to home of Gerrit Smith to see John\\nBrown, 318; advised Brown to postpone his expedition to Virginia,\\n321; John Brown spends his last birthday with, 330; his Life and\\nLetters of John Brown quoted, 76, 77, 96, 98, 100, 101, 118, 143,\\n147, 175, 177, 178, 179, 209, 210, 243, 244, 248, 251, 273, 274, 275,\\n301, 303, 304, 332, 347, 359, 370.\\nScrap-Book, The Webb, quoted from, 243.\\nScudder, Colonel Thomas E., invited to go to Harper s Ferry with\\nJohn Brown, 331.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0428.jp2"}, "429": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n421\\nSevier, John, sehoolcd on the frontier in the ways of men, 80.\\nSeward, William H., challenge of to the South, 53.\\nShannon, Governor \\\\Vi!?on, ajipointcd (Governor of Kansas Territory;\\ncharacter of; his course; his (light from the Territory, 59; meet\\nGovernor Geary, 76; calls for troops to arrest Branson rescuers,\\n137; Missourians in consultation with, 139; plied with brandy by\\nthe commanders of the Free-State forces in the Wakarusa War,\\n146; given shares in the Lecompton town site, 159; orders Colonel\\nSumner to disperse armed bands, 262; frightened by the firing\\nupon Fort Titus, 294.\\nShelby, Isaac, schooled on the frontier in the ways of men, 86.\\nShelby, General Jo. 0.. tribute of to John Brown; justifies the Potta-\\nwatomie killings, 229.\\nSherbondy, Ellen, marries Ja.son Brown, 97.\\nSheridan, Daniel, house of a stopping-place for John Brown, 316;\\nvisited bj John Brown, 328.\\nSherman, Henry, commonly known as Dutch Henry, character of;\\naccount of, 160; the Doyles the tool of; Buford s men in com-\\nmunication with, 162: in Missouri when Lawrence was sacked,\\n167; found at camp of Buford s men, 178; one of the party to help\\nburn the houses of the Free-State settlers on the Pottawatomie,\\n180; Rev. J. G. Pratt s account of; desire to kill the Rev. David\\nBaldwin, ISO, 181; threatens Free-State men, 237.\\nSherman, John, one of the Congressional Committee to investigate\\nKansas afl airs, 134.\\nSherman, William, character of, 161 outrageous conduct of towards\\nMorse, 105: warned by Frederick Brown to not molest the daugh-\\nter of a Free-State settler, 177; cause of death of as stated by\\nJames Hanway, 181, 182; raised a red flag over his house when he\\nheard of the sacking of Lawrence, 182, 183; Townsley s version of\\nthe death of, 201; statement of killing of, 214; was not mutilated,\\n218; warns Free-State settlers to leave the Pottawatomie settle-\\nments, 22.5; notifies Free-State men to leave the Pottawatomie\\nsettlements by a certain day, 229; a bad man, 230; in constant\\ncommunication with Buford s men, 235; attempt to kill Morse. 236.\\nShore, Captain Samuel T., had the Free-State forces camp upon his\\nclaim, 165: collects his men to fight Pate, 258; engages in battle\\nof Black Jack, 259, 271 praised by John Brown for his braverj\\nat Black Jack, 273.\\nShore, Montgomery, information obtained from concerning the\\nDoyles; sketch of, 177.\\nSlavery, at Jamestown, Va., 27; founders of our Republic opposed\\nto, 28 measures to promote growth of, 29 infatuation of the\\nSouth for, 30; statistics concerning, 32; unpopularity of in Appa-\\nlachian America, 33; why it flourished in the South, 34; when\\nabolished by the North, 40: intolerance concerning in the South,\\n40, 41: decadence of Virginia under, 43; declared the only issue\\nin Kansas Territory by the Bogus Legislature, 120.\\nSlave trade, when abolished by the United States, 28.", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0429.jp2"}, "430": {"fulltext": "422\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nSmith, Ed. R., writes an account of the Marais des Cygnes massacre,\\n332.\\nSmith, Gerrit, visited by John Brown, 318, 319, 330; advised post-\\nponement of Brown s expedition to Virginia, 321.\\nSmith, G. W., said by G. VV. Brown to have intended the arrest of\\nJohn Brown, 144.\\nSmith, S. C, drives from Leavenworth to Lawrence, 224.\\nSmith, William, seized as a fugitive slave in Wilkesbarre, Pa., 114.\\nSnvder, Asa, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes massacre,\\n325.\\nSnyder, escapes the Marais des Cygnes massacre, 323.\\nSocial Bands, organization of in Missouri, 54.\\nSocieties, Free-State secret, organization of, 131.\\nSociety, frontier, influence of upon a people, 85.\\nSons of the South, organized in Missouri, 54.\\nSpaniards, introduce slavery into the New World, 26.\\nSpeer, John, on character of Allen Wilkinson, 176; upon the cause\\nof the killing of the Doyles and others, 183.\\nSpring, Leverett W., author of Kansas: The Prelude to the War for\\nthe Union; unfair and unreliable as a writer of Kansas history;\\nwrote in the interest of Governor Robinson defames John Brown\\nand General Lane; defames Kansas Free-State men; in contempt\\ncalls murdered Free-State men abolition wolf-meat forced to\\nleave Kansas by the storm of indignation aroused by his book in\\nthe State; characterization of by Hon. D. W. Wilder, author of\\nAnnals of Kansas, 169, 170, 171, 172; conies to a right conclusion\\nupon the character of John Brown and the Pottawatomie killings,\\n240, 241; describes the reign of terror on the Pottawatomie be-\\nfore the killing of the Doyles and others, 234; says that the Potta-\\nwatomie killings saved the lives of Governor Robinson and other\\nprisoners, 246; his book not considered authority in Kansas; un-\\nfairness of; character of; criticism of by Wilder, 169 to 172.\\nStandish. Miles, location of house of, 95.\\nStearns, Clark, 69.\\nStearns, George L., visited by John Brown, 321.\\nSteel, W. G., interview of with Salmon Brown, 267, 270, 271, 272.\\nStevens, Aaron Dwight, known in Kansas as Captain Whipple, 286\\nhis first meeting with John Brown, 291; sketch of by Reader, 301;\\ngoes to Iowa with John Brown; made drill-master of Brown s\\narmy, 316, 317; with John Brown when he left Kansas, 333;\\nsketch of, 340; reads the Provisional Constitution, 349; in the\\nfront of the column on the march from Kennedy farm to Harper s\\nFerry, 351; execution of, 356; carried to Charlestown, 365.\\nStilwell, Thomas, one of the victims of the Marais des Cygnes mas-\\nsacre, 325.\\nStringfellow, John H., threats in paper of, 58; knocks down Gover-\\nnor Reeder for calling him a frontier ruffian, 71; resolution of\\nmaking slavery the supreme issue in Kansas Territory, 141; fore-\\ntells the secession of the South; describes the banquet given in", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0430.jp2"}, "431": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n423\\nhonor of the sacking of Lawrence, 174; says the Free-State men\\nmust leave Kansas, 182.\\nStuart, J. E. B., recognizes John Brown, 355.\\nSumner, Colonel, releases Captain Pate, 262, 263.\\nTappan, Colonel Samuel F., statement of concerning the Pottawato-\\nmie killings, 224.\\nTaylor, Pap, one of the murderers of Reese P. Brown, 73.\\nTaylor, Steward, joins Brown s company in Iowa, 317; sketch of,\\n345 left to guard the bridge over the Potomac at Harper s Ferry,\\n351; with Watson Brown, stops train, 352; killed at Harper s\\nFerry, 35G.\\nTennessee, number of people from in Kansas in 1860. 200.\\nThayer, Eli, principal mover in the organization of the Emigrant Aid\\nCompany, 53; one of the first assailants of John Brown, 146;\\nepidemic theory of freedom for Kansas stated by Governor Rob-\\ninson, 185; criticism of book of; absurdity of claims of; Kansas\\nacknowledges gratitude to and recognizes services of; did less for\\nKansas than did John Brown, 207 his The Kansas Crusade\\nquoted, 66, 68, 70; refutation of statements in by Rev. R,ichard\\nCordley, 70.\\nThe Conquest of Kansas, by William A. Phillips, quoted, 147, 150,\\n151, 175, 269, 275.\\nThe Kansas Conflict, by Charles Robinson, quoted, 214, 244, 245, 274.\\nThe Kansas Crusade, by Eli Thayer, quoted, 66, 68, 70.\\nThe Kansas Memorial, quoted, 141, 213.\\nThe Memorial of 8. N. Wood, quoted, 66, 251.\\nThompson, Dauphin, sketch of, 340; killed at Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nThompson. Henry, son-in-law of John Brown; accompanies him to\\nIowa, 63 marries Ruth Brown, 97 a member of John Brown s\\ncompany for the relief of Lawrence, 164; goes with John Brown to\\nPottawatomie, 190; wounded at Black Jack, 2S4.\\nThompson, Isabella M., marries Watson Brown, 97.\\nThompson, William, sketch of, 340; killed at Harper s Ferry, 356.\\nTnoreau. Henry D., characterization of John Brown, 97.\\nTidd, Charles P., one of the company of Brown in Iowa, 317; sketch\\nof, 342; one of the leaders of the march to Harper s Ferry, 350;\\nduty of at Harper s Ferry to tear down telegraph wires, 351; es-\\ncape of from Harper s Ferry. 3. 6.\\nTitus, Colonel J. B., sent by Florida to Kansas, 133; at Lawrence,\\nMay 21, 1856, 138; house of a rendezvous of Buford s men, 255.\\nTomlinson. W. P., writes of the troubles in southeastern Kansas, 331.\\nTopeka, old rope ferry at, 68.\\nTopeka Jlovement, The, incident in the Free-State issue. 121 the\\nRev. Dr. Cordley upon. 130; considered by the Pro-Slavery party\\nas treasonable, 131; the object of, 132.\\nTownsley, James, goes with John Brown to Pottawatomie, 190; con-\\ntradictory nature of statements of. 191 iibsurdity of claims shown,\\n192; says John Brown shot old man Doyle, 200; keeps in the", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0431.jp2"}, "432": {"fulltext": "424\\nJOHN BKOWN\\nbackground his part of the work at Pottawatomie, 201 erroneous\\nstatement of concerning the killing of Sherman, 201, 202; state-\\nments of shown to be erroneous, 202, 203; says the bodies of the\\nslain at Pottawatomie were not mutilated, 205; volunteered to re-\\nturn to the Pottawatomie settlements, 210; convicted of lying by\\nBlood s statement, 211; why he was permitted to go to the Potta-\\nwatomie, 212; statement of quoted from, 213, 214; quotation from\\nfirst statement, 214, 215; last statement quoted from, 216; state-\\nment of refuted by affidavit of James Harris, 218; statement of\\nthat the dead were not mutilated, 218, 219; defeated for Captain\\nof the Pottawatomie Rifles, 220; says Pottawatomie killings\\nwere beneficial to the Free-State cause,* 224; describes the battle\\nof Black Jack, 274.\\nTrails, those across the Great Plains, 49.\\nTreadwell, Colonel, sent to Kansas by South Carolina, 133.\\n/Treason, constructive, doctrines of, 154; Judge Lecompte s charge\\nestablishing constructive treason, 173.\\nTuttle s Eistory of Kansas, quoted, 148, 149, 151, 195.\\nThe Ttcentieth Century Classics, this work originally prepared for,\\n79; quoted, 141.\\nUpdegbaff, Dr., in battle of Osawatomie, 297.\\nUsher, J. P., address of quoted from, 141.\\nVallandigham, C. L., hurries to Harper s Ferry, 361.\\nVermont, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.\\nVictor, Orville J., his Eistory of American Conspiracies quoted, 75.\\nVigilance Committee, one formed in Leavenworth, 56.\\nVirginia, decadence of under slavery, 32; characterized at Algiers,\\n33; number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 208.\\nWade, A. B., 69.\\nWade, N. E., 69.\\nWakarusa, the War upon, or Shannon s War, 124; terms of oeace\\nof, 127.\\nWakefield, J. A., settled in Douglas county in 1854, 69; a prisoner\\nin Leavenworth, 224.\\nWalker, Captain, bound arms of John Brown, jr., 254.\\nWalker, Robert J., accused by Senator Benton of using $50,000 of\\nthe money of the United States to assist slavery, 42.\\nWalker, Colonel Samuel, visited Kansas in May, 1854, 68: state-\\nment of what John Brown told him of the killings at Pottawatomie\\n198; supposed Brown meant that Lane and Pvobinson advised the\\nPottawatomie killings, 199; statement of concerning the Potta-\\nwatomie killings, 227; with company to welcome Lane s Armv of\\nthe North, 286.\\nWalker, Governor William, letter from Jefferson Buford to, 173.\\nWare, Eugene F., some account of works of; Poet Lameate of Kan-\\nsas; obligations of author to, 17.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0432.jp2"}, "433": {"fulltext": "INDEX\\n425\\nWashington, General George, opposed to slavery, 28 would have\\nbeen murdered in Virginia in 1850 for his anti-slavery views, 42;\\nwrites against slavery, 46; schooled on the frontier in the ways of\\nmen, 86.\\nWashington, Colonel Lewis, brought to Harper s Ferry by John E.\\nCook, 352.\\nWattles, Augustus, John Brown stopped with and worked for, 324.\\nWeas, Indian tribe of in Miami county, 155.\\nWebb Scrap-Book, The, quoted, 243.\\nWeiner, Theodore, warned oy the Doyles and other ruffians to leave\\nthe Pottawatomie; flees to the camp of the Free-State men, 167;\\nhouse of burned, 180; goes with John Brown to Pottawatomie,\\n190; store of when burned, 191; went to the camp of John\\nBrown, jr., 225; store of burned by Captain Pate, 256.\\nWetherell, clerk of first election in Leavenworth, 56.\\nWhite, Rev. Martin, at head of a band of Missourians that captures\\nJason Brown, 253 murders Frederick Brown, 295.\\nWhitfield, J. W., description of Kansas, 182; summoned by Captain\\nPate; responds and goes to Kansas, 262, 263.\\nWhitman, E. B., visited by John Brown, 316.\\nWhipple, Captain. Aaron D. Stevens; with company that went from\\nTopeka to welcome Lane s Army of the North sketch of, 286.\\nWilder, D. W.. some account of his great work for Kansas; obliga-\\ntions of author to, 16; criticism of upon book of Leverett W.\\nSpring, 170, 171, 172; his The Story of Kansas quoted from to\\nshow number of people in Kansas from difi ercnt States in 1860;\\nwho settled Kansas; who made Kansas free, 208; upon Pottawato-\\nmie killings, 242 his quotation concerning Major D. S. Hoyt, 302\\nhis Annals of Kansas quoted, 67, 71, 77, 147, 148, 331.\\nWilletts. Jacob, obligations of author to. 19.\\nWilkes, Colonel, sent to Kansas from Virginia. 133.\\nWilliams, Mr., killed by ruffians at battle of Osawatomie, 297.\\nWilliams. H. H., some account of; sent to camp of Jolm Brown, 181\\ncarried message to John Brown, 189; says he carried the message\\nto John Brown, 209; elected Captain of the Pottawatomie Rifles,\\n220.\\nWilkinson. Allen, character of; account of, 161; spent much of his\\ntime in the camp of Buford s men, 1G3; actions of against John\\nBrown described by John Speer, 176; found at camp of Buford s\\nmen, 178; cause of the death of stated by James Hanway, 181.\\n182: postmaster, and member of Bogus Legislature, 182; manner\\nof the death of, 201; dead body was not mutilated, 218; notifies\\nFree-State settlers to leave the Pottawatomie. 220; a bad man,\\n230; wife of tried to prevent his outraging Free-State settlers;\\ntold his wife that Free-State settlers were to be exterminHted in\\nPottawatomie settlements. 234; in communication with Buford s\\nmen, 235; attempts to kill Morse. 236.\\nWilkinson, Tx)uisa Jane, wife of Allen Wilkinson, makes affidavit,\\n215; tried to keep her husband out of the troubles; said her hus-", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0433.jp2"}, "434": {"fulltext": "426\\nJOHN BROWN\\nband told her that the Free-State settlers were to be killed; state-\\nment of to Dr. Gillpatrick, 234.\\nWilson, George, probate judge of Anderson county in 1856, found\\nat camp of Buford s men, 178; one of the party to burn houses of\\nFree-State settlers on the Pottawatomie, ISO; John Brown in-\\ntended to have killed him, 213.\\nWisconsin, number of people from in Kansas in 1860, 209.\\nWise, Governor Henry A., upon the decadence of Virginia under\\nslavery, 43; tribute of to John Brown, 211; his estimate of the\\ncharacter of John Brown, 363; receives threatening letters, 378.\\nWood, J. N. O. P., attacks John Brown near Holton and fights the\\nBattle of the Spurs, 328.\\nWood, S. N.. settles in Douglas county in 1854. 69; arrested for\\nBranson rescue, 136; what he says of the Missouri Blue Lodges,\\n231; Memorial of quoted, 66, 251.\\nWoodson, Daniel, Secretary of Kansas Territory and often acting-\\nGovernor, War of, 276; declares Kansas Territory in state of in-\\nsurrection, 297, 298.\\nWyandots, in Captain Pate s company, 269.\\nYates, G. W. W., obligations of author to, 19.", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0434.jp2"}, "435": {"fulltext": "THE JOHN BROWN PAPERS.\\nA Historical Collection of Original Documents and\\nLetters, Public, Private, and Family; with Letters\\nof the Men Connected with Osawatomie and Har-\\nper s Ferry.\\nThe Editors of this Great Work are Colonel RICHARD J. HINTON,\\nof Brooklyn, New York, and WILLIAM ELSEY\\nCONNELLEY, of Topeka.\\nColonel Hinton is one of the few surviving pioneers of Kansas. He gave\\nthe best years of his life to her cause. He has written much on Kansas\\nHistory. He knew personally all the great characters who fought and\\nlabored for Kansas freedom. He was one of the trusted friends of John\\nBrown. Every man who went to Harper s Ferry was his friend and compan-\\nion. For him a man was tried and executed by the State of Virginia. Colo-\\nnel Hinton s JoJui Brown and His Men is one of the great historical works\\nof the time. He has written a great many other able and valuable works.\\nMr. Connelley has written much and well on Kansas history, having just\\ncompleted a Life of John Brown. His works are recognized as authority.\\nHe is a student, one not afraid of work. He investigates. He digs\\ndown to the origin of things in every department of his subject. He be-\\nlieves that much of genius lies in hard work.\\nJohn Brown will live in history as the greatest of American reformers.\\nThe heroic age of any people is that in which its pioneers grapple with\\nand subdue the wild forces of nature,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 when savage men and primeval\\nforests are made to bow to progress and civilization. In this conflict\\nmen try as in a balance their institutions. In this fierce retort is their sys-\\ntem of government purified. What is fundamentally wrong is here cor-\\nrected and eliminated. The true course of national life is discovered and\\ndefined. The truly great men of our country, Benton, Brown, Clay, Har-\\nrison, Jefferson, Jackson, Washington, and Franklin, learned the ways of\\nmen and the spirit of liberty on the frontiers of the nation.\\nIn the heroic age of our country John Brown grew up in the wilderness\\nof the Ohio Valley. The spirit of the Puritan Pilgrim was here quickened\\nin him. He became the disciple of Jefferson, and lived to make a reality\\n1427)", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0435.jp2"}, "436": {"fulltext": "what Jefferson left a theory. Here he developed the spirit of liberty which\\nmade him the hero of the people and a martyr for humanity. He changed\\nour history and the course of our national life. No man is well informed\\nin the history of America who has not carefully and deeply studied the life\\nand times of John Brown. This fact makes his writings invaluable. The\\npublished biographies contain some of his letters and documents, but they\\nare edited, corrected and changed. Students now demand to see exact\\nfacsimiles of documents they desire to decide for themselves their meaning.\\nTo supply this want is one of the purposes of the John Brown P.\\\\pers.\\nBut it is to do much more than that. It will be a great work, worthy of the\\nman and of the nation s cause. The letters will be grouped in a way to exhibit\\nthe forces generated on the frontiers of the Anglo-Saxon civilization in the\\nforests of America. They will reveal phases of American life now past\\nforever, but the effects of which will remain our most potent forces as long\\nas we are a people. To these forces did John Brown owe much of the inspi-\\nration of his life. Every American should be familiar with them. He can-\\nnot rightly understand the institutions of our country without a thorough\\nknowledge of their origin, operation, and effect. This the work is designed\\nto facilitate.\\nWe solicit subscriptions to this great work. It will be a folio volume,\\nembracing the Historical Papers of John Brown and his men, printed on\\nfine paper, from new type, with wide margins, fine illustrations and auto-\\ngraph facsimiles, including an engraving of John Brown from the most cor-\\nrect portrait in existence. It will be handsomely bound, and will contain\\nabout 550 pages.\\nWe have placed it at the extremely low price of $2.50.\\nFill out the following subscription blank and forward it to us\\nCRANE COMPANY,\\nToPEKA, Kansas.\\nGentlemen I hereby subscribe for THE JOHN BROWN PAPERS,\\nedited by Colonel Richard J. Hinton and William E. Connelley; price,\\n$2.50, prepaid.\\nIf more than OTi t\\ncopy is desired, Name,\\nplease indicate\\nthe number\\nwanted.\\nPostoffice\\nNo Street.\\nCounty, State,.\\n(488)", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0436.jp2"}, "437": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0437.jp2"}, "438": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0438.jp2"}, "439": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0439.jp2"}, "440": {"fulltext": "NOV 1 1900", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0440.jp2"}, "441": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2944", "width": "1893", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0441.jp2"}, "442": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2990", "width": "1924", "jp2-path": "johnbrown01conn_0442.jp2"}}