{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3804", "width": "2464", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.\\nChap. Copyright Xo.\\nShelL___d-KJl\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.", "height": "3350", "width": "2065", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3350", "width": "2065", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3350", "width": "2065", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3350", "width": "2065", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "v\\nrt", "height": "3350", "width": "2065", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "REVOLUTION?\\nJOHN S/ HITTELL\\nOnly one hundred copies of this edition are printed,\\nall for gratuitous distribution.\\nSAN FRANCISCO;\\n1900.", "height": "3776", "width": "2434", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "73392\\nt-S *_J r^e r-w\\n9 1900\\nCc?vr!f?ht entry\\nSECOND COPY.\\nI gbiivec^d ta\\n1 GwiiW DIVISION,\\nUfflLiiuafitt-\\nCopyright, 1900,\\nby\\nJOHN S. HITTELL.", "height": "3599", "width": "2256", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nTo explain the chief defects of the government\\nof the United States and to propose the best rem-\\nedy for them, these are the two main purposes\\nof this book.\\nOur political evils have long been known to pub-\\nlic opinion at home and abroad and most of them\\nhave often been mentioned in print, but they have\\nnever been explained in a connected and compre-\\nhensive manner so as to give a true idea of their\\nmagnitude and dangerous character; and because\\nthey have not been understood, they have been\\ntreated by American authors, journalists and offi-\\ncials generally, as relatively unimportant, and not\\ninconsistent with the baseless claim that our na-\\ntional constitution is the best in the world in se-\\ncuring the welfare of the multitude.\\nI here present the compilation and explanation\\nwhich others have neglected to make. By quota-\\ntions from a multitude of high and undisputed\\nauthorities, I prove that our government is a dis-\\ngrace to us a people. I show that no other en-\\n(3)", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "4 PREFACE.\\nlightened nation fails, so lamentably, to perform\\nits duties of defining and protecting the rights of\\nits citizens, in matters relating to person and\\nproperty. I collect many predictions by wise and\\nlearned men that we are rapidly advancing\\ntoward bankruptcy and national collapse. Many\\nintelligent Americans, after carefully considering\\nthe facts here presented, will say, We must re-\\nform these evils without delay.\\nA list of the books, from which citations are\\nmade, is given in the last chapter.\\nJOHN S. HITTELL.\\nPioneer Hall, San Francisco,\\nSeptember 9th, 1900.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nDIVIDED SOVEREIGNTY.\\nSection. Page.\\n1. Three Main Evils 11\\n2. Federal Weakness 11\\n3. Federal Treason 17\\n4. Nullification 19\\n5. Cherokee Expulsion 23\\n6. Double Citizenship 25\\n7. Unprotected Eights 26\\n8. Suffrage Denied 27\\n9. Strike-Rebellions 30\\n10. Missouri-Pacific 31\\n11. Pittsburg 31\\n12. Homestead 32\\n13. Pullman 33\\n14. Wardner. 36\\n15. Pana 37\\n16. Leadville 39\\n17. St. Louis 39", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "G CONTENTS.\\nSection. Page.\\n18. Griffin 40\\n19. Lynch Law 41\\n20. Koszta 44\\n21. Italians Mobbed 45\\n22. Vigilance 47\\n23. Federalism Reviewed 50\\nCHAPTER II.\\nCONFLICT OF DEPARTMENTS,\\nSection. Page.\\n24. Checks 56\\n25. Divided Responsibility 59\\n26. The Committee System 62\\n27. Bagehot and Maine 61\\n28. Schuyler 67\\n29. Log-Roiling 68\\n30. Lobby 69\\n31. Private Bills 71\\n32. Slip-Shod Laws 74\\n33. Discordant Laws 78\\n34. Federal Senate 79\\n35. Finances 83\\n36. Presidential Impeachment 89\\n37. Nullifying Courts 90\\n38. Military Discord 90\\n39. Conflict Review 93", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. 7\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE SPOILS.\\nSection. Page.\\n40. The Party 94\\n41. The Machine 100\\n42. The Boss 102\\n43. The Cinch 105\\n44. The Organ 109\\n45. The Club 110\\n46. The Convention Ill\\n47. Internal Improvements 115\\n48. Demagogism 117\\n49. Rotation 120\\n50. Office Begging 122\\n51. Inexperience 128\\n52. Corruption 131\\n53. Election Frauds 134\\n54. Broderick 135\\n55. Clark 137\\n56. War Frauds 138\\n57. Simon Cameron 141\\n58. Gideon Wells 143\\n59. Belknap. 146\\n60. Sanborn 147\\n61. New York Customs 148", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "8 CONTENTS.\\nSection. Page.\\n62. Senatorial Courtesy 152\\n63. Spoils Legislation 155\\n64. Judicial Abuses 155\\n65. Cities 158\\n66. A. D. White 161\\n67. Tweed 163\\n68. San Francisco 166\\n69. Cincinnati 168\\n70. Scale of Infamy 170\\n71. Unfit Presidents 170\\n72. Presidential Candidates 175\\n73. Purity Promises 177^\\n74. Decline 181\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nPERIL.\\nSection. Page.\\n75. Warnings 183\\n76. Kent and Webster 184\\n77. James Bryce 185\\n78. Harper 186\\n79. Hoist 186\\n80. Mill 188\\n81. Lecky 190", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. 9\\nSection. Page.\\n82. Burnett.. 191\\n83. McCracken 192\\n84. Bradford 192\\n85. Hyslop 193\\n86. Rush 194\\n87. Wright 195\\n88. Various Croakings 196\\n89. Tropical Colonies 200\\n90. Negro Demoralization 201\\n91. Parallel Predictions 202\\nCHAPTER V.\\nREFORM.\\nSection. Page.\\n92. Remedies 203\\n93. My Plan 205\\n94. New Constitution 207\\n95. Remarks 211\\n96. Our Present Constitution 218\\n97. British Constitution 223\\n98. Comparisons,. 226\\n99. Other Plans 228\\n100. Suffrage Restriction 229\\n101. Burnett s Plan 231", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "10 CONTENTS,\\nSection. Page.\\n102. Stickney s Plan 232\\n103. Moffett s Plan 234\\n104. Hyslop s Plan 234\\n105. Ford s Plan 235\\n106. Seaman s Plan 235\\n107. Despair 236\\n108. Conclusion 238\\nSectio\\n109.\\nCHAPTEE VI.\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY,\\nn.\\nList of Books\\nPage.\\n241", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nCHAPTER I.\\nDIVIDED SOVEREIGNTY.\\nSection 1. Three Main Evils, In several im-\\nportant points, the government of the United\\nStates is more defective than that of any other\\nenlightened country and, as a whole, it is inferior\\nto many others. It is so bad that it is not only\\ndisgraceful but highly dangerous to the American\\npeople, as the judicious reader will admit after\\nreading a truthful statement of the facts, to be\\nsubmitted to him in this book.\\nIts main defects are three; first, Divided Sov-\\nereignty, whereby many of the highest political\\npowers, that should belong to a national govern-\\nment, are improperly distributed among forty-\\nfive provinces or so-called states; second, Strife\\nbetween Branches, because of the lack of a proper\\nsubordination and responsibility in official au-\\nthority; and third, the Spoils System which fills\\na large proportion of the governmental offices\\nwith dishonest or incompetent men.\\nSec. 2. Federal Weakness. The Constitution of\\nthe United States, as Madison said in the Fed-\\n(li)", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\neralist, when pleading for its adoption, is a federal\\nnot a national document. It does not apply the\\nword national or sovereign, to any of its offices.\\nWhile combining to employ federal officials to\\nmanage certain foreign and interstate affairs of\\nsubordinate importance, the states retain exclu-\\nsive control over suffrage, education, marriage,\\ninheritance, land titles, contracts, corporations\\nand crime, and exclusive power to protect the\\nmost precious rights of person and property con-\\nnected with these branches of law. A divided\\nsovereignty implies an insecure allegiance, a\\nquestionable patriotism, and an unsatisfactory\\nprotection of the citizen. The constitution allows\\nCongress to provide a uniform method of nat-\\nuralizing aliens, but not to define the privileges\\nof the citizenship thus created. It declares that\\nthe citizens of each state shall 5 be entitled to all\\nthe privileges of citizens in the several states,\\nas if the only citizenship were that of the state,\\nbut this promise is not supported by any proper\\nsanction or method of enforcement and therefore\\nnever has been enforced. Before 1865, the slave\\nstates generally refused to recognize the citizen-\\nship and equal civil and political rights of the\\ncolored citizens of New England and North Caro-\\nlina which latter state gave citizenship and suf-\\nfrage to colored freemen owning a certain amount\\nof property. The central government made no\\nattempt to protect the rights of these citizens; by", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 13\\nits inaction, it confessed its impotence and it con-\\ntinues the same conduct now.\\nThe Federal Constitution declares that it shall\\nbe the supreme law of the land and orders that\\nthe members of Congress, and of the several\\nstate legislatures, and all executive and judicial\\nofficers both of the United States and the several\\nstates shall be bound by oath or affirmation to\\nsupport this constitution. The federal power is\\nsupreme in foreign and interstate relations;\\nbut as these are not one-twentieth part in number\\nand importance of the aggregate relations of life,\\nthe supremacy is limited to a narrow range. As\\nto the oath of allegiance to the Union, that was\\nlong treated as a nullity. Vermont was admitted\\nin 1793 and Kentucky in 1799 with constitutions\\nwhich prescribed the precise form of the oath to\\nbe taken by their officials and the state constitu-\\ntion was mentioned as the only sovereignty to\\nwhich they were bound. Massachusetts, New\\nHampshire, Georgia and Maryland long pre-\\nserved the same oath, thus refusing to recognize\\nthe federal supremacy.\\nIn their constitutions for many years before the\\ncivil war, two of the states (Massachusetts and\\nNew Hampshire) declared that they were free,\\nsovereign and independent two others (Maine\\nand Florida) that they were free and independ-\\nent Ehode Island that its constitution was the\\nsupreme law of the land and Maryland asserted", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14 REFORM OR REVOLUTI02 TV\\nthat the people of this state ought to have the\\nsole and exclusive right of regulating the internal\\ngovernment and police thereof. All the state\\nconstitutions indicate, by their form, that they\\nemanate from a power which has most of the at-\\ntributes of sovereignty; everything, that they do\\nnot prohibit, may be done by the officials; where-\\nas the federal government may do only the acts\\nfor which power is given. One is a limitation\\nand the other is a grant of power; one defines a\\ngovernment, the other creates an agency.\\nThe official name, given to the federation in the\\nconstitution, the United States of America\\nis objectionable on linguistic grounds. It is not\\ngood English. States may unite, but when they\\ndo, they become one state. By the act of union,\\nthey cease to be plural and become singular.\\nThe word state, (like its equivalents slaat, etat,\\nstato, estado and so forth in other modern lan-\\nguages) means an independent nation, a separate\\npeople under a completely sovereign political\\norganization. Some persons have said that The\\nUnited States should be used as a singular noun\\nas in the phrase the United States is a nation\\nbut the framers of the constitution did not think\\nso; they said treason against the United States\\nshall consist only in levying war against them and\\nadhering to their enemies.\\nOur federal name is objectionable on geo-\\ngraphical as well as on linguistic grounds. The", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 15\\nstates which form the Union are not the states of\\nAmerica but only of part of North America.\\nWhen our country acquires a proper nationality,\\nit should have a suitable name, a name in the\\nsingular number, a single word, conveying the\\nidea of complete sovereignty as does France or\\nItaly or Spain.\\nIn 1798 the legislature of Kentucky adopted\\na series of resolutions drafted by Jefferson, de-\\nclaring that the Union is a compact to which\\neach state acceded as a state, and that, as in\\nall other cases of compact among parties having\\nno common judge, each party has an equal right\\nto judge for itself, as well of the infractions, as\\nof the mode of redress.* The plain meaning of\\nthis language is that every state had a constitu-\\ntional right to annul federal laws or to withdraw\\nfrom the Union at any time without the consent of\\nits associates. In the same year the legislature\\nof Virginia adopted a series of similar resolutions\\ndrafted by Madison, asserting that a spirit has\\nbeen manifested by the federal government to en-\\nlarge its power by forced constructions of the\\nconstitutional charter which defines them\\nso as to consolidate the states by degrees into one\\nsovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable\\nresult of which would be to transform the present\\nrepublican system of the United States into an\\nabsolute or at best a mixed monarchy. The\\nCongressional caucus of the Anti-federal party", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "16 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\n(which elected Jefferson to the presidency) in its\\ndeclaration of principles accused the Federalists\\nof plotting to convert the presidency and the fed-\\neral senatorships into hereditary offices. The\\nelections of Jefferson in 1800 and 1804 and of\\nMadison in 1808 and 1812 (as representatives of\\nthe Kentucky and Virginia resolutions) and of\\nPierce in 1852 and of Buchanan in 1856, on plat-\\nforms explicitly approving those resolutions, were\\npartisan declarations that the right of secession\\nwas part of the law of the land.\\nBy asserting that each state has full authority\\nto decide whether the compact has been broken\\nand to adopt its own remedy, these Kentucky\\nand Virginia resolutions, as they are called,\\nplainly mean that every state may either prohibit\\nthe enforcement, within its limits, of any federal\\nlaw which it dislikes or may secede without break-\\ning its promise to the other states. This is the\\ninterpretation which was given, by many lawyers,\\nto these resolutions when they were first pub-\\nlished; and it will remain sound so long as the\\nphrases about infraction and redress have any\\nobvious signification. Jefferson so understood\\nthem, and with his knowledge and approval,\\nabout the time when the legislature of Virginia,\\nunder his influence, declared its hostility to the\\nidea of an indissoluble Union, it provided for the\\nconstruction of an armory and the purchase of\\narms, to be used against the national forces, in", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 17\\ncase of hostilities caused by a defiance of the fed-\\neral authority. (Hoist. 1. 178).\\nSec. 3. Federal Treason. Those portions of the\\nfederal constitution relating to military affairs\\nare disgracefully weak. Nothing forbids the\\nstates to maintain their own armies and navies,\\nunder their own officers, their own flags, their own\\nuniforms, their own commissions and their own\\noaths of allegiance; nothing in the law prevents\\nthem from building their own /forts and fleets, or\\nlaying in unlimited supplies or acting in concert\\nto prepare for resisting the federal government.\\nUntil a state has given its own permission, the\\nPresident has no control over its militia, and the\\nrefusal of a Governor to call them out when or-\\ndered or requested by the President is not a pun-\\nishable offense.\\nUnder the influence of mean state jealousy, the\\nfederal constitution restricts treason to the levy-\\ning of war against the Union. So long as there\\nis no war there is no treason. Without violating\\nthe federal constitution state officials may urge\\nthe most treasonable ideas and most hostile plans\\nin speech or print, may denounce the President\\nas a usurper, may assert that some defeated can-\\ndidate is the true head of the nation, may make\\nit a criminal offense to furnish any necessary of\\nlife to a federal officer, may adopt statutes that\\nwill effectually prevent the punishment of those\\nwho murder federal officials, and may adopt com-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "18 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nnion plans for enlisting large armies, purchasing\\nnumerous ships of war, giving the command of\\ntheir troops and vessels to the same general and\\nthe same admiral, and exacting oaths of alle-\\ngiance to the state exclusively. And all this can\\nbe done without committing treason under the\\nFederal Constitution.\\nThe British Government has a better idea of its\\ndignity and duty. It provides that the speech of\\ncitizens hostile to the nation shall be punished as\\ntreason. Two hundred years ago the Briton who\\nsaid in writing or print that the Pretender was\\nthe lawful King, was hanged. The statute was\\nenforced and the Jacobites treated it with punc-\\ntilious civility. We need some legislation, based\\non the same principle, in these United States.\\nThe assertion has been made frequently that\\nthere will never be another attempt at secession\\nin this country, but such prophecies are cheap\\nand worthless. Under the present political\\nsystem, no confidence can be placed in the plat-\\nform promises of the American people. They do\\nnot know today what they will do tomorrow. By\\nelecting Jefferson and Madison, they accepted the\\ndoctrines of nullification and secession, and yet\\nthey applauded Jackson when he threatened to\\nhang Calhoun. After the lapse of some years,\\nthey again sanctioned those same principles of\\nnullification and secession by electing Pierce and\\nagain by electing Buchanan and while these", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION 19\\npromises to let the South go in peace were yet\\nfresh in their mouths, they overwhelmed the\\nSecessionists with blood and fire of the Civil War.\\nThe Democratic leaders of the North were ready\\nto make pretenses that would catch votes, but\\nthey could not control their followers when the\\nUnion was in danger of dissolution.\\nToday the people are ardently attached to the\\nUnion; tomorrow one-third or two-fifths of them\\nmay be its bitter enemies. If there should be an-\\nother rebellion, its managers will profit by the\\nmistakes of the last one. They will not be in so\\nmuch haste to rush into hostilities, but will\\nfortify their territory, arm and drill their people,\\nbuy ships, educate their officers, and abstain from\\nthe commission of Federal treason until they are\\nready to strike the decisive blow with success.\\nThey will rely for success on themselves; not on\\ntheir allies in other states.\\nSec. 4. Nullification. The nation was dishon-\\nored by its failure to properly punish the gross\\ndefiance and insult given to it by the Nullification\\nOrdinance of South Carolina, adopted November\\n24th, 1832, by a vote of one hundred and thirty-\\nsix ayes to twenty-six noes, in the State conven-\\ntion convened for the special purpose of taking\\nsuch action. This ordinance declared that the\\ntariff acts of 1828 and 1832, and all contracts\\nmade to secure the payment of duties under them,\\nand all judicial proceedings to affirm their val-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "20 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nidity, should be held utterly null and void. The\\nordinance provided further that no lawsuit involv-\\ning the validity of this ordinance or of any act of\\nthe legislature for its enforcement should be ap-\\npealed to the federal Supreme Court, and any per-\\nson attempting to take such an appeal should be\\npunished for contempt of the state court. It was\\nprovided further that every officer of the state\\nshould take an oath to obey and execute this ordi-\\nnance. Finally the Convention declared that we\\nthe people of South Carolina/ would not submit\\nto the application of force, on the part of the fed-\\neral government, to reduce this state to obe-\\ndience, but would consider the passage by Con-\\ngress of any act authorizing the employment of a\\nmilitary or naval force against the state of South\\nCarolina as inconsistent with the longer contin-\\nuance of South Carolina in the Union and would\\nforthwith proceed to organize a separate gov-\\nernment.\\nPresident Jackson on December 10th 1832 is-\\nsued a proclamation explaining the pretensions of\\nSouth Carolina and warning the people of that\\nstate that he would enforce the laws. After hav-\\ning stated the facts and constitutional principles\\ninvolved he said This then is the position in\\nwhich we stand. A small majority of the citizens\\nof one State in the Union have elected delegates\\nto a State convention; that Convention has or-\\ndained that all the revenue laws of the United", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 21\\nStates must be repealed, or that they are no\\nlonger a member of the Union. The Governor of\\nthat State has recommended to the legislature the\\nraising of an army to carry the secession into\\neffect, and that he may be empowered to give\\nclearances to vessels in the name of the State. No\\nact of violent opposition to the laws has yet been\\ncommitted, but such a state of things is hourly\\napprehended; and it is the intent of this instru-\\nment to proclaim, not only that the duty imposed\\non me by the Constitution to see that the laws\\nbe faithfully executed/ shall be performed to the\\nextent of the powers already vested in me by law,\\nor of such others as the wisdom of Congress shall\\ndevise and entrust to me for that purpose, but to\\nwarn the citizens of South Carolina who have\\nbeen deluded into an opposition to the laws, of the\\ndanger they will incur by obedience to the illegal\\nand disorganizing ordinance of the convention;\\nto exhort those who have refused to support it\\nto persevere in their determination to uphold the\\nconstitution and laws of their country; and to\\npoint out to all the perilous situation into which\\nthe good people of the State have been led, and\\nthat the course they are urged to pursue is one\\nof ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights\\nthey affect to support.\\nFellow citizens of the United States! The\\nthreat of unhallowed disunion, the names of\\nthose once respected, by whom it was uttered,", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "22 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthe array of military force to support it, denote\\nthe approach of a crisis in our affairs, on which\\nthe continuance of our unexampled prosperity,\\nour political existence, and perhaps that of all\\nfree governments, may depend. The conjuncture\\ndemanded a free, a full, and explicit enunciation,\\nnot only of my intentions, but of my principles of\\naction; and, as the claim was asserted of a right\\nby a State to annul the laws of the Union, and\\neven to secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposi-\\ntion of my opinions in relation to the origin and\\nform of our Government, and the construction\\nI give to the instrument by which it was created,\\nseemed to be proper. Having the fullest confi-\\ndence in the justness of the legal and constitu-\\ntional opinion of my duties, which has been ex-\\npressed, I rely, with equal confidence, on your un-\\ndivided support in my determination to execute\\nthe laws, to preserve the Union by all constitu-\\ntional means, to arrest, if possible, by moderate\\nbut firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to\\nforce; and, if it be the will of Heaven, that the\\nrecurrence of its primeval curse on man for the\\nshedding of a brother s blood should fall upon our\\nland, that it be not called down by any offensive\\nact on the part of the United States.\\nAfter all this brave talk, Congress adopted and\\nJackson signed a compromise bill reducing the\\nimport duties which provoked the defiance of\\nSouth Carolina. She was the real victor in this", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 23\\ncontroversy, and thus and otherwise was en-\\ncouraged to secede thirty years later.\\nSec. 5. Cherokee Expulsion. The federal govern-\\nment was defeated humiliated and dishonored by\\nthe state of Georgia in a controversy about the\\nCherokee Indians between the years 1825 and\\n1830. Under all the administrations, Congress\\nand the President recognized the larger Indian\\ntribes within the territory of the United States\\nas independent or semi-independent nationalities,\\nand as such, treaties were made with them to\\npurchase lands from them, to set aside other lands\\nfor their occupation, and to pay them annuities.\\nOne of the tribes with which such treaties had\\nbeen made was that of the Cherokees, for whom\\na large reservation in Northern Georgia had been\\nset apart, (with a promise that it should be theirs\\nforever) by a treaty to which no objection was\\nmade by the state officials when it was formed,\\nsubmitted to the Senate for ratification and rati-\\nfied. About 1820 some of the people of that state\\nbecame greedy for this land and in 1825 the state\\nas a whole determined to have it, whether the\\ntreaty were violated or not and whether the fed-\\neral authorities were willing or not. The legis-\\nlature ordered a survey which the federal law\\nand President Adams forbade. Gov. Troup an-\\nnounced that the survey should be made neverthe-\\nless and the President gave orders to the federal\\ntroops to protect the Cherokee reservation. The", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "24 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nlegislature appealed to all the states from Vir-\\nginia and Missouri to the gulf to unite in resist-\\ning the federal power. The other states gave no\\nmilitary aid but their newspapers and politicians\\nencouraged the rebellious spirit. A man who had\\ncommitted murder in the Cherokee territory was\\narrested by state officials, tried and condemned to\\ndeath by a state court in violation of the treaty\\nwhich gave the Indians exclusive jurisdiction\\nover all crimes committed within their reserva-\\ntion. The convicted man appealed to the Federal\\nSupreme Court which issued a writ of review.\\nGeorgia defied the mandate of the federal tribunal\\nand hanged the man. The state also imprisoned\\nsome missionaries who were living on the Chero-\\nkee reservation without a state license, which last\\nwas devised for the purpose of excluding white\\nmen who would advise the Indians how to protect\\ntheir rights. One of these missionaries appealed\\nto the Federal Supreme Court which decided that\\nthe license law was void and the imprisonment\\nunder it illegal. This judgment did not come till\\nJackson was President, and as he hated the Cher-\\nokees and John Adams and John Marshall the\\nChief Justice of the United States, and adapted\\nhis opinions to his passions, he refused to en-\\nforce the order of the Court. He said John Mar-\\nshall has made his decision, let him enforce it.\\nThe federal troops were withdrawn from the\\nreservation, the Cherokees were given up to their", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 25\\nenemies; their land was taken, and they were\\ndriven away to the region west of the Mississippi,\\nand the authority of the United States was de-\\nfeated and disgraced.\\nSec. 6. Double Citizenship. If one citizen of Cali-\\nfornia sues another, he must bring his action in\\na state court, before a judge elected, for a short\\nterm, by the people; but if he sues a citizen of\\nOregon he may take his case to a federal court be-\\nfore a judge appointed for life by the President.\\nThe difference of these jurisdictions is often of\\ngreat pecuniary importance, and implies a serious\\ninequality in the rights attached to residence.\\nDouble citizenship, double allegiances, double\\ngovernmental protections and double jurisdictions\\nin the same class of lawsuits, all imply political\\nblundering. An alien also has the choice of be-\\nginning his suit in a federal or a state court, thus\\ngiving him a decided advantage over a citizen,\\nwho applies to a court in a civil case, in his own\\nstate.\\nThe federal government not only fails to per-\\nform its highest duty, that of protecting its citi-\\nzens, but it proclaims the fact that the exclusive\\npower to protect them belongs to the states. Mur-\\nder and arson and riot may rage publicly over ex-\\ntensive districts for week after week in its terri-\\ntory without the least obstruction by the forces of\\nthe United States. By its impotence in many\\nplaces where it should be master, it exposes it-\\nself to hatred and contempt.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "26 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 7. Unprotected Rights.- The highest duty of\\ngovernment is to protect the rights of its people;\\nand in our country, this duty belongs, legally not\\nto the nation but to the state which has exclusive\\njurisdiction over the relations of parent and child,\\nhusband and wife, master and servant, landlord\\nand tenant, seller and buyer, and criminal and vic-\\ntim of crime. The nation has citizens but has not\\nthe constitutional power to guard them against\\noppression. It can talk much and do little.\\nMore than a hundred American citizens are\\nmurdered, in the average year, by mobs, in ex-\\nceptional years more than three hundred, with-\\nout punishment, without serious prosecution and\\nwithout violation of federal law. If a general of\\nthe United States, while marching at the head of\\na large national army through Chicago or any\\nother American city, should find himself in the\\nmidst of a great riot, and should see a mob mas-\\nsacre a hundred men and set fire to a thousand\\nhouses, he would have no official right to interfere,\\nthough solicited to do so by the citizens by the\\nmayor; or by the city council, and it may be\\ndoubted whether he could properly interfere at\\nthe request of the Governor, until after the latter\\nhad satisfied the President of the United States\\nthat he could not convene the legislature.\\nIn a proclamation issued October 17th, 1876,\\nPresident Grant said It has been satisfactorily\\nshown that insurrection and domestic violence", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 27\\nexist in several counties in the state of South\\nCarolina and that certain combinations of men\\nagainst the law exist in many counties of the\\nstate, known as rifle clubs/ who ride up and down\\nby day and night in arms, murdering some peace-\\nful citizens and intimidating others. This com-\\nplaint of a wide-spread, very serious and long-con-\\ntinuing wrong was not followed by any punish-\\nment of the offenders, nor by any respectable at-\\ntempt to punish them.\\nAfter the officials of South Carolina, under the\\nauthority of a local law, had repeatedly imprison-\\ned colored citizens of Massachusetts who as sail-\\nors or ship cooks entered the harbor of Charles-\\nton, and had kept them in jail till their vessels\\nwere about to sail away, in 1844, Samuel Hoar, a\\nlawyer of Boston was sent by his state to plead the\\nrights of these men in the courts, under the fed-\\neral constitution; but his stay was very brief, for\\nhe was driven out by a mob, sanctioned by the\\nleading men of the city and of the state govern-\\nment, and told that if he should return, the mob\\nwould promptly take his life. The Union did\\nnothing in this case.\\nSec. 8. Suffrage Denied. Year after year for a\\nquarter of a century, the federal government has\\nviolated its public promise to hundreds of thou-\\nsands of its colored citizens that they should be al-\\nlowed to have a share in the government as\\nvoters. It has the excuse that it has not power", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "28 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nenough to keep its promise, but why should it con-\\ntinue to exist if it cannot perform the most im-\\nportant of its duties? Why not make way for an-\\nother government that can protect its citizens?\\nWhy not revoke the promise which it cannot\\nkeep? The intelligent white men of South Caro-\\nlina, Mississippi, Louisiana and Georgia say that\\nthe exclusion of the negroes from the polls is ab-\\nsolutely necessary for the protection of life and\\nproperty and public order; and that they are\\ncompelled to violate the law at every election for\\nthe purpose of preventing anarchy. They have a\\nright to complain of being subjected to such a\\ncompulsion. The following table shows the\\npopulation of some southern states in 1890, the\\nnumber of votes which they cast at the Presiden-\\ntial election in 1896, and the percentage of votes\\nas compared with the total population in each of\\nthese states and in all the states:\\n1\\nPer\\nStates.\\nPopulation.\\nVote.\\ncent.\\nAlabama\\n1,513,017\\n194,572\\n13\\nArkansas\\n1,128,179\\n149,397\\n13\\nFlorida\\n391,422\\n46,461\\n11\\nGeorgia\\n1,837,353\\n163,061\\n9\\nLouisiana\\n1,118,587\\n101,045\\n9\\nMississippi\\n1,289,600\\n70,566\\n6\\nS. Carolina\\n1,151,149\\n68,907\\n6\\nAll States\\n61,908,906\\n14,073,285\\n21", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 29\\nAmong a hundred people in the United States\\nthe average number who voted at the Presiden-\\ntial election in 1896 was twenty-one; but in two\\nof the states, where the proportion of negroes is\\nlargest, the number was only six; in two others\\nit was nine; in one it was eleven and in two thir-\\nteen. At least 800,000 negroes, who had a legal\\nright to vote and who would have liked to vote,\\nstayed away from the polls for fear of being\\nbeaten or killed if they insisted on voting.\\nThis treatment of the negroes and whites in\\nthe cotton states suggests other interests besides\\nthose of the victims of the oppression. Though\\nreason and justice are often grossly and persist-\\nently abused, they have a habit of occasionally\\nsquaring accounts with a rudeness proportioned\\nto the magnitude of their wrongs. The conduct of\\nour rulers towards its negro citizens has a queer\\ncounterpart in the quixotic enterprise of giving\\na stable independent government, (so the pur-\\npose has been officially defined) to the inferior,\\nalien, and ignorant tropical mulattoes and ne-\\ngroes of Cuba, an enterprise undertaken at the\\ndemand and with the cooperation of both the\\ngreat political parties of our country. The ex-\\nample that we have set, of interfering to give\\npolitical power to people, unfit for it, is too\\nfoolish to stimulate European nations to meddle\\nin our internal affairs with a similar motive.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "30 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 9. Strike-Rebellions. Our country has been\\ndisgraced by a number of Trade Union strikes\\nwhich developed into prolonged, extensive and\\ndestructive rebellions, never equalled elsewhere\\nbecause no other land combines an industry so\\nhighly advanced with a government so feeble in\\nits dealings with internal disorders. Great\\nstrikes have been numerous in England, but their\\ngreatness there in the last generation has been\\nconfined to the long abstention from work by\\nmany men; whereas the worst American strikes\\nhave been distinguished by their insurrectionary\\nviolence, their public murders and massacres,\\ntheir battles with troops, their immense destruc-\\ntion of property, their wholesale robberies,\\ntheir control over the local police, militia and\\nmagistrates, and the inability of the government\\nto punish the criminals.\\nA government cannot protect its citizens nor\\ngive them a proper moral education without pun-\\nishing crime promptly and severely; and this re-\\nmark applies as much to the crime actuated by a\\nfalse conception of political right, such as the\\nassassination of a ruler, or the anarchical de-\\nstruction of private or public property, as to\\nthat actuated by personal greed or malice. Of\\nthe numerous great crimes committed by mobs\\nin the United States, not one has ever been prop-\\nerly punished; and the consequence is a danger-\\nous condition of public feeling in many cities.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 31\\nSec. 10. Missouri Pacific. The great Missouri\\nPacific Kailway strike began at Marshall, Texas,\\nby order of the Knights of Labor on the 1st of\\nMarch, 1888, and was maintained for three\\nmonths without interference by the federal au-\\nthorities, except that a Congressional Committee\\ninvestigated the matter and advised the strikers\\nto compromise on the basis that those who had\\nnot been guilty of violence should be restored to\\ntheir places. The railways affected by this\\nstrike had an aggregate length of 5,000 miles, em-\\nployed 10,000 men, and furnished transportation\\nfor 4,000,000 people, occupying an area of 400,000\\nsquare miles. A large amount of property was\\ndestroyed; besides the men in the railway ser-\\nvice, a very large number of others were deprived\\nof employment, and the total money loss was es-\\ntimated to be $20,000,000 of which the railway\\ncompanies lost $5,500,000. The Governors of Mis-\\nsouri, Kansas, Arkansas and Texas, each, issued\\na proclamation urging the people to protect the\\nproperty which the strikers were destroying or\\ninjuring; and several of them called out the\\nmilitia to aid in the preservation of order; but\\nthey did not appeal to the federal authorities.\\nSec. 11. Pittsburg. In June, 1877, a great\\nstrike of railway laborers paralyzed business in\\nMaryland, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois\\nand Kentucky. Among its results were the mur-\\nder of fifty persons, the serious wounding of one", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "32 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nhundred others, the destruction of property\\nworth $10,000,000, the disturbance of business in-\\nflicting losses of at least $25,000,000 additional\\non individuals, and the stopping of traffic on\\n6,000 miles of railway. In Pittsburg it became\\nmost violent, a mob held control for more than\\ntwenty-four hours; the large railway station was\\nburned; a hundred locomotives were ruined by\\nfire, and merchandise was stolen from hundreds\\nof freight cars. The militia were called out in\\nPittsburg, Baltimore and Chicago and in the last\\nnamed city nineteen persons were killed in a con-\\nflict between the troops and the rioters. The\\nfederal authority did nothing to repress or pun-\\nish the crimes of this great strike.\\nSec. 12. Homestead. In June, 1892, the men\\nemployed in the Homestead Iron Works near\\nPittsburg struck, and threatened to destroy the\\nmills. The employers brought two hundred and\\nseventy Pinkerton men from Chicago to protect\\ntheir property. The news of this importation of\\ndefenders gave great offense to the Trade Unions\\nof Pittsburg and vicinity, and they prepared a re-\\nception for the strangers. They stationed them-\\nselves on the bank of the river, the Pinkertons\\ncame in a boat, and when it was near the land-\\ning place, the Unionists attacked the boat with\\nrifles and a cannon. The result was that seven-\\nteen men were killed and thirty-five wounded,\\nand the Pinkertons were driven away. The", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 33\\nstrike lasted five months, caused thirty-five vio-\\nlent deaths, inflicted a loss of |4,000,000 on the\\nHomestead Company, and a loss of much more\\non people not members of the Company. This\\nstrike did not come within the range of federal\\nlaw.\\nSec. 13. Pullman. The Pullman Eailway\\nstrike occurred in June, 1894, and was, in some\\nrespects, a very notable affair. The Pullman\\nPalace Car Company had its shops in a town all\\nthe land and houses of whic h it owned. It em-\\nployed hundreds of men, paid them good wages,\\ngave them steady employment, and made sacri-\\nfices to provide them with comfortable homes\\nand good surroundings. Throughout the United\\nStates business was greatly depressed in 1893\\nand 1894, and the Company finding that it could\\nnot sell its cars at cost, after losing f 50,000, in-\\nstead of dismissing half of its workmen, made a\\nrelatively small reduction in wages so that half\\nthe subsequent loss should fall on the laborers\\nand half on the company. Some of the me-\\nchanics planned a strike against this reduction\\nand, for the purpose of having strong support,\\njoined the American Eailway Union (a Trade\\nUnion) which had 150,000 members, and which,\\n-as it claimed to be composed entirely of men em-\\nployed by railway companies, should not have\\nadmitted car-builders. The Eailway Union sent\\na committee of Pullman laborers to the office of", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "34 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthe Pullman Company to demand a restoration\\nof the former rate of wages. The Vice Presi-\\ndent, who was the acting head of the Company,\\ntold the committee that a little time would be re-\\nquired for the examination of their representa-\\ntions and that they should soon have an answer;\\nand he assured them that no one of the com-\\nmittee would be discharged for his action as a\\ncommitteeman. Several days later a foreman,\\nwho knew nothing of what had been done at the\\nmeeting, discharged two members of the com-\\nmittee temporarily, because just then there was\\nnothing in the Shop for them to do. The Rail-\\nway Union assumed that this laying off or tem-\\nporary discharge was a deliberate violation of\\nthe Vice President s promise on the 13th of June,\\nordered a strike and sent a demand to all the\\nrailway companies which had offices in Chicago\\nthat they should not haul Pullman cars in their\\ntrains.\\nThis preposterous demand was refused and\\nthereupon the American Railway Union ordered\\nall its men employed on these roads to quit work.\\nThe train men obeyed; they would not operate\\ntrains nor let others operate them. They made\\ngreat riots; burned hundreds of cars; tore up\\ntracks; paralyzed the railway traffic of a large\\npart of the country; beat the outsiders who\\nwanted to do the work and caused the death of a\\ndozen persons, and the loss of $20,000,000 to the\\ncompanies and the people.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 35\\nAs the companies were not permitted to trans-\\nport the mails as they had been in the habit of\\ndoing and they had contracted to do, President\\nCleveland sent national troops to protect the\\ntrains and when the strikers interfered, a federal\\njudge sent their leader to jail for contempt of\\ncourt to ruminate for six months in durance. Of\\nthe numerous murders and other crimes com-\\nmitted in this rebellion, for such it was, not one\\nwas punished under the law of the United\\nStates. The federal courts had no jurisdiction\\nover these offenses, not even when the victims\\nwere officers of the federal army, slain while they\\nwere enforcing, and because they were enforcing\\nthe federal laws. A lieutenant of the federal\\narmy was murdered by strikers in California,\\nthe disturbance crossed the continent and the\\nchief murderer was tried and convicted by a\\nstate not a federal court.\\nThe nation was placed in a humiliating posi-\\ntion when it could not punish the interruption of\\nits mails in any way except by treating it as a\\ncontempt of court. In reference to this affair\\nH. J. Ford (286) says: In assuming to regulate\\ninterstate commerce, Congress put upon the na-\\ntional administration the responsibility of main-\\ntaining interstate railroads as national high-\\nways. The significance of this never dawned\\nupon the country until the railroad strikes of\\n1894 took place, when the arm of the federal", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "36 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\npower was suddenly extended to suppress riot\\nand quell disorder. The popular belief had al-\\nways been that the national government could\\nnot act in such cases until requested by state au-\\nthority, but now state authority was not only\\nignored, but its protests were unheeded. Time\\nwas when such action would have convulsed the\\nnation and might have caused collision between\\nstate and federal authority, but the act was\\nhailed with intense gratification both North and\\nSouth; the governors who took up the old cry of\\nstate rights were loaded with derision, and a\\nCongress, Democratic in both branches, passed\\nresolutions by acclamation approving the action\\nof the executive.\\nThis strike continued for several weeks and\\nmight have been maintained for months, but it\\nsoon collapsed when President Cleveland showed\\nthem that, if necessary, he would order an army\\nto Chicago to fight the populace. The Governor\\nof Illinois, a man utterly unfit for such a place,\\nnot only did not request federal aid but protested\\nagainst federal intermeddling.\\nSec. 14. Wardner.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Between 1892 and 1899, the\\nmining district near Wardner, Idaho, was the\\nscene of many crimes committed by the members\\nof the Miner s Union who beat, drove out, and\\nmurdered many good citizens, blew up two val-\\nuable gold mills, destroyed much other property,\\nterrorized and corrupted the officers of the law,", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 37\\ndefied the militia, gave them battle and defied\\nthe government. The criminals elected men of\\ntheir own class to the county offices and those\\nwho should have enforced the law, participated in\\nthe mobs and committed perjury when brought\\nbefore the state courts and compelled to give evi-\\ndence about the crimes they had witnessed. On\\nthe 29th of May, 1899, a party of eight hundred\\nmen, gathered in the town of Burke, seized a\\nrailway train, went with it to Wardner and there\\nblew up the Bunker Hill mill (which cost $200,-\\n000), murdered one man, wounded several,\\nand threatened many. The federal authority can-\\nnot punish any of these crimes. Of these eight\\nhundred rioters and murderers, ten were con-\\nvicted and sentenced to brief terms of imprison-\\nment, because the Governor of Idaho was a man\\nof superior character; and willing to ruin his\\npolitical career rather than let such great crimes\\ngo without punishment.\\nSec. 15. Pana. The coal mining region of cen-\\ntral Illinois in which Pana is a prominent point\\nhas been in a riotous and rebellious condition fre-\\nquently within the last ten years. In 1894, four\\nofficers of the law were seriously wounded, and\\nthe hoisting works of two mines were burned\\nby members of the Miner s Union. These people\\nwere so violent, so arrogant and so criminal, that\\nthe owners of the coal mines determined to em-\\nploy negro miners, American citizens, who would", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "38 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nbe more peaceful and more faithful. On the 12th\\nof October, 1898, fourteen persons, mostly negro\\nminers were murdered, twenty were wounded,\\nand all negroes in the town of Virden were forci-\\nbly driven out. The governor of the state called\\nout the state militia, not to enforce the laws, but\\nto violate them, net to protect the orderly citi-\\nzens of the United States but to assist the rebels\\nagainst those laws to drive the negro laborers\\naway. Two months later President McKinley\\ndelivered a long message to Congress on the polit-\\nical condition of the country, but said nothing\\nabout the murder of citizens and their unlawful\\nexpulsion from places where they had a right to\\nbe. Such wrongs were no part of the business of\\nthe United States; if these colored American\\ncitizens had gone to Mexico, or France, or China,\\nor Germany, and had there been murdered or\\ndriven out by force, the President would have\\nmade a great blow about the wrongs.\\nOn the 9th of April, 1899, seven men were\\nkilled and nine wounded in a riot in Pana, and on\\nthe 17th of September, 1899 six negro miners\\nwere murdered at Cartersville in open daylight;\\nand these crimes, witnessed by many men, have\\nnot been punished nor has any serious attempt\\nbeen made to punish them. The strikers and\\nmurderers have numerous votes of which the offi-\\ncials are afraid.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 39\\nSec. 16. Leadville. Because their demand for\\nan increase of daily pay from two dollars and\\nfifty cents to three dollars was denied, the\\nUnion miners of Leadville, Colorado, struck\\nin June, 1896; and threatened to burn the\\nmills and hoisting works of the silver mines.\\nThe state militia were called out to protect the\\nproperty and on the 21st of September there was\\na battle in which six persons were killed and a\\ndozen seriously wounded. After the strike had\\ncontinued nine months, and the community had\\nlost $4,000,000, peace and quiet were restored.\\nThe federal authority did not interfere in this\\ndisturbance.\\nSec. 17. St. Louis. A typical street-car strike,\\nsimilar in its main features to many others in the\\ncities of the United States, began in St. Louis on\\nthe 8th of May 1900, and continued more than a\\nmonth, with riotous disorders on many days,\\nfrequent use of fire-arms and dynamite, a dozen\\nviolent deaths, many wounds, much damage by\\nmobs to cars, tracks, buildings, employees and\\npassengers; great pecuniary loss to many per-\\nsons; the failure of the authorities of the law to\\nprotect person or property or to punish the crim-\\ninals and the prosecution in the courts not of the\\nrioters but of those citizens who, under the direc-\\ntion of the law, resisted the mob. The officials\\nof the city were guided by the precedents of in-\\nefficiency in other cities and by the fear of losing\\nthe votes of the mob at the next election.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "40 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 18. Griffin. The newspapers of the 25th\\nof May 1899 published the following telegram\\nsent on the previous day from Griffin, Georgia,\\nThe flogging of three colored operatives of the\\nKincaid mills on Monday night by Whitecaps has\\nled to sensational developments. Last night an-\\nother negro was taken from his house and se-\\nverely beaten and cut. These negroes are law-\\nabiding citizens. To-day the superintendent and\\nothers at the Kincaid mills were notified to leave\\nat once or they would be dealt with. It now de-\\nvelops that there has been a club formed here\\nknown as the Laborer s Union Band, with the\\npurpose of driving the negroes out of the country.\\nThe band has about five hundred members, a large\\nnumber of whom are boys under age. Upon\\norders from the Governor the Griffin Eifles are in\\ntheir armory awaiting orders from Judge Ham-\\nmond to proceed to the factory. The Mayor has\\nbeen reliably informed that if the militia go to\\nthe factory there will be trouble in the city to-\\nnight. He has ordered all the police on duty\\nthroughout the night. The journal from which\\nthat was cut gave no later news from Griffin;\\npossibly, as often happens, the news collector of\\nthe place was warned that the climate would be\\nunwholesome for him if he sent any more news\\nover the wires about the local labor troubles.\\nThe Griffin mob did what many other mobs in\\nthe cotton states have done; they forbade the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 41\\nnegroes to compete with white people who\\nwanted to earn money in a certain branch of em-\\nployment. In such cases violence is threatened\\nto the outsiders who wish to work and to the em-\\nployers who are anxious for their services; and\\nthe strikers, who interfere with the liberty of the\\ntwo other classes, are criminals whom the com-\\nmunity tolerate or encourage and the law fails\\nto punish.\\nSec. 19. Lynch Latv. The following extract\\nfrom a press telegram gives an account of a nota-\\nble case of American lynch law, with which the\\nfederal authorities have no concern because the\\nvictim was an American citizen tortured and\\nmurdered in his native state. Maysville (Ky.),\\nDecember 6. [1899] Kichard Coleman, a negro,\\nthe confessed murderer of Mrs. James Lash-\\nbrook, wife of his employer, expiated his crime\\nin daylight to-day at the hands of a mob, consist-\\ning of thousands of citizens, by burning at the\\nstake after suffering torture and fright beyond\\ndescription. The dreadful spectacle occurred on\\nthe peaceful cricket grounds of this, one of the\\noldest and among the proudest cities in Ken-\\ntucky. The barbarities inflicted upon this young\\nnegro by citizens of one of the most highly civil-\\nized cities of the State are mostly beyond belief\\nand can only be accounted for by the intense\\nhorror created by long consideration of the atro-\\ncious crime of which full confession had been\\nmade by Coleman.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "42 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThe mob carried Coleman to a small hollow\\nnear the railroad, where they bound him tightly\\nto a young sapling. Then they heaped a pile of\\nbrushwood and timber around him and fired the\\nstack. Some one cut his eyes out and in a mo-\\nment his head rolled around and he was believed\\nto be dead. The scene was a fearful one.\\nAround the funeral pyre were thousands of mad-\\ndened people headed by the husband of the dead\\nwoman. A match was applied simultaneously\\nand tongues of fire swept up and around the\\nagonized wretch.\\nThe place of execution had been selected\\nweeks ago in accordance with all other arranged\\ndetails of the programme mapped out by the\\nleaders of the mob. The prisoner was dragged\\nto the sapling and strapped against the tree and\\nfaced the husband of the victim. Large quanti-\\nties of dry brush and large bits of wood were\\npiled around him while he was praying for\\nspeedy death. James Lashbrook, the husband\\nof the victim, applied the first match to the\\nbrush. A brother of the victim struck the sec-\\nond match. Some one with a knife viciously\\nslashed at the prisoner s chest. By a sort of\\ncruel concurrence of action on the part of the\\nmob not a shot was fired. The purpose seemed\\nto be to give the wretch the greatest possible\\namount and duration of torture. A fatal shot\\nwould have been merciful, but there was no\\nmercy in the crowd surrounding the murderer.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 43\\nAs the flames arose Coleman s terror in-\\ncreased. He made vain efforts to withdraw his\\nlimbs from the encroaching fire and his eyes\\nrolled in a frenzy of suffering. The ropes secur-\\ning him to the tree were burned and his body\\nfinally fell forward on the burning pile. Even\\nthen, although it was not certain whether he\\nwas living or dead, the vengeful purpose of the\\ncrowd led them to use rails and long poles to\\npush his body back into the flames. It is not\\ncertain how long life lasted. During the process\\nof burning, while his voice could be heard, he\\nbegged for a drink of water, his tongue protrud-\\ning and his eyeballs fairly starting from his head.\\nAt the end of three hours the body was practi-\\ncally cremated. During all that time members\\nof the family of Mrs. Lashbrook had remained to\\nkeep up the fire, and to keep the body in position\\nwhere it would continue to burn. After three\\nhours a nephew of Mrs. Lashbrook was still\\npushing the body on the burning embers, while a\\ncurious crowd of several thousand persons lin-\\ngered on the scene.\\nMaysville is a city of about 10,000 inhabitants\\nand is situated on the southern bank of the Ohio.\\nA thousand, if not thousands of outrages, similar\\nto this one, have been committed in the United\\nStates, and not one has ever been punished, or\\nmade the subject of special complaint by a Pres-\\nident of the United States. He is quick to com-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "44 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nplain when one of our citizens is maltreated in\\nTurkey or China.\\nSec. 20. Koszta. Although the President and\\nhis generals and admirals aire powerless to pro-\\ntect American citizens within the limits of the\\nStates, even subordinate officers have authority\\nto give such protection in foreign lands and wa-\\nters. The most notable instance of such protec-\\ntion occurred in the bay of Smyrna in July 1853\\nwhen Capt. Ingraham of the sloop of war St.\\nLouis demanded from an Austrian warship the\\nsurrender of Martin Koszta, a Hungarian who\\nhad declared his intention to become an Ameri-\\ncan citizen but had not been finally naturalized.\\nThis demand was accompanied by a threat that if\\ndenied, the guns should be brought into play.\\nThe Austrian Commander, fearful to assume re-\\nsponsibility, gave up the man. The conduct of\\nIngraham was approved and justified, in diplo-\\nmatic correspondence, by President Pierce, and\\ncommended by Congress which ordered that a\\nmedal should be struck in honor of the event.\\nThe contrast between this extreme efficiency in\\nprotecting abroad one man who was not a citizen\\nof the United States and the absolute inability\\nto protect at home hundreds or thousands of na-\\ntive born citizens is remarkable. The federal\\ngovernment is nowhere so weak as within its own\\nterritorv", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 45\\nSec. 21. Italians Mobbed. A mob murdered\\nsome Italians in New Orleans in 1891, and the\\nItalian government was not satisfied with obtain-\\ning an indemnity of f 5,000 for each of the victims\\nbut complained bitterly of the national govern-\\nment which did not punish, nor try to punish,\\nnor possess the power to punish such interna-\\ntional outrages. Benjamin Harrison, who was\\nPresident at the time, makes the following re-\\nmarks about the affair in his book entitled This\\nCountry of Ours (123) Some suggestions grow-\\ning out of this unhappy incident are worthy the\\nattention of Congress. It would, I believe, be\\nentirely competent for Congress to make offenses\\nagainst the treaty rights of foreigners domiciled\\nin the United States cognizable in the Federal\\nCourts. This has not, however, been done.\\nIt seems to me to follow, in this state of law,\\nthat the officers of the State charged with police\\nand judicial powers in such cases must, in the\\nconsideration of international questions grow-\\ning out of such incidents, be regarded in such\\nsense as Federal agents as to make this Govern-\\nment answerable for their acts in cases where it\\nwould be answerable if the United States had\\nused its constitutional power to define and pun-\\nish crimes against treaty rights.\\nWhile he was suggesting amendments to the\\nlaw he might have proposed that the state which\\npermits the murder of a man by a mob shall pay", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "46 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\n$10,000 damages to his family or relatives, and\\nalso that the citizen shonld have as much protec-\\ntion as the alien.\\nIn 1899 another massacre of Italians, in Louis-\\niana, furnished the basis for the following tele-\\ngram sent out from Washington on the 13tk of\\nJanuary 1900: The Italian Government has\\nsignified to the Government of the United States\\nin the polite and courteous way known to diplo-\\nmacy a wish that the persons guilty of lynching the\\nfive Italians at Talulah, La., last spring should\\nbe punished. Heretofore in cases of lynching of\\nItalians the matter has been compromised !by the\\npayment of an indemnity, but this does not meet\\nthe present demand of the Italian Government.\\nAs under the existing law the trial and pros-\\necution of such cases as this is left entirely to the\\nstate authorities, the National Government is\\nwell nigh helpless to meet the request of the\\nItalian Government. The investigation made by\\nthe State of Louisiana was so unsatisfactory that\\nthe National Government undertook an investi-\\ngation by its own agents to learn the facts at-\\ntending the lynching. The result of this inquiry\\nis now on file. But the United States Govern-\\nment cannot make the report the basis of any\\nlegal proceedings against the lynchers. As an\\noutcome of this embarrassing position the Presi-\\ndent will probably make fresh representations to\\nCongress, urging the speedy passage of the bills", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 47\\nintended to remove from state courts jurisdiction\\nin cases where persons claiming treaty protec-\\ntion are the victims and transferring jurisdiction\\nover them to the Federal courts.\\nSec. 22. Vigilance. The impotence of the fed-\\neral government has been shown in many histori-\\ncal cases. One of the most noted was that of the\\nSan Francisco Vigilance Committee of 1856,\\nwhich was master of the city for three months.\\nIt included many of the leading merchants, bank-\\ners and educated men of the city, and had 5000\\nmembers, whom it armed, drilled and kept under\\nstrict discipline. It was the most orderly and\\nadmirable mob the world has ever seen; it re-\\nbelled against one of the most corrupt bosses and\\nmunicipal rings in the United States. On the\\n21st of May it marched with muskets and a can-\\nnon to the city jail, compelled the sheriff to let it\\ntake out two murderers, whom it imprisoned for\\nthree days in its own prison, and then after try-\\ning and convicting, publicly hanged in open day,\\nthe leaders and members of the Committee show-\\ning their faces and making no secret of their re-\\nsponsibility. The Committee afterwards ar-\\nrested and executed two other murderers with\\nequal deliberation and publicity. They ban-\\nished twenty ballot-box stuffers whose crimes\\nwere not punishable with death under the law,\\nand forbade them to return under penalty of the\\ngallows. They imprisoned D. S. Terry, Chief", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "48 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nJustice of the Supreme Court of the State, seven\\nweeks and did not liberate him until the physi-\\ncians declared that the committee s officer whom\\nTerry had wounded, would recover. They held\\nmilitary control of the city for three months\\nwhile the state authorities were powerless. The\\nGovernor appealed to U. S. Major General\\nWool but he would do nothing because he said\\nthe Governor could convene the legislature and\\ndid not do so. To assemble the legislature\\nwould require at least a month, at that time\\nthere were few miles of railway or telegraph in\\nthe state and such a delay in dealing with a\\nmob was ridiculous.\\nTerry came to the city to see what he could\\ndo to assist in the enforcement of the state au-\\nthority and in his presence an agent of the Com-\\nmittee undertook to arrest a man. Terry\\nstabbed and dangerously wounded this agent\\nand was thereupon seized and kept in prison for\\nseven weeks, until the wounded man was out of\\ndanger. A state Court issued a writ of Habeas\\nCorpus for Terry s release, but the state authori-\\nties were powerless, so the writ was practically a\\nnullity. Thereupon an application was made to\\nJudge McAllister of the U. S. Circuit Court, but\\nhe kept the matter under consideration for weeks\\nuntil Terry was at liberty. To refuse or delay\\nthe issuance of a Habeas Corpus writ is a very\\nserious judicial offense, in a case over which the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 49\\nCourt has jurisdiction; but in this case, the im-\\nprisonment of Terry was a matter that came un-\\nder the exclusive control of the state laws. No\\ncensure was pronounced by the President or\\nCongress on General Wool or Judge McAllister;\\nthey were treated as if they had done their whole\\nduty.\\nThe Governor after failing to obtain help from\\nGen. Wool, applied to the President who refused\\nto do anything, perhaps for the reasons that his\\ninterference might seriously injure the Demo-\\ncratic party in the presidential election then near\\nat hand, and that the Committee would probably\\nhave disbanded within the two months that must\\nelapse between the sending of such an applica-\\ntion, and the receipt of a response.\\nBesides serving to illustrate the inability of\\nthe nation to protect its citizens, this Vigilance\\nCommittee is interesting as a proof that some of\\nthe American law is so bad that the l best citizens\\nmay combine for its violation, and may be hon-\\nored in later years because they did so. The men\\nwho were members of this organization estab-\\nlished the People s Party, which for nearly twen-\\nty years maintained the best municipal govern-\\nment in the United States at that time. After\\nthey became a small minority of the voters, cor-\\nruption again obtained control.\\nA national government, which refuses to inter-\\nfere in a state rebellion, at the request of the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "50 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ngovernor, until his application has been ap-\\nproved by the legislature, is a fit associate for a\\nstate government, the head of which sides with\\nthe mob, as in Illinois, and protests against the\\nprotection of the postal system by the federal au-\\nthorities. Such are some of the beauties of our\\ngovernment.\\nSec. 23. Federalism Reviewed. All the dis-\\ngraceful events, all the disorders, and all the\\ndangers, described in this chapter, have their\\norigin in the Divided Sovereignty of our govern-\\nment. Federation is responsible for the seces-\\nsion agitation which was a great and continuous\\nmenace to our national existence for sixty years\\nand was powerful enough to control the choice\\nof a president, in nine out of twenty-two elec-\\ntions.\\nThe weakness of our central administration\\nwas indirectly to blame for the frequency, the\\nvirulence, the prolonged maintenance and the\\nextensive prevalence of strike-rebellions, openly\\nfavored by millions of citizens who lacked the\\npower but not the wish to overwhelm law and\\ngovernment for the purpose of securing their\\nfoolish and criminal demands. If we adhere to\\nour federal feebleness, a future conjuncture of\\ncircumstances may enable some strike-rebellion\\nto overwhelm us with a national catastrophe\\ngreater than any in our past history.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 51\\nBy leaving the highest attributes of sover-\\neignty to the states, by limiting the authority of\\nits officials to foreign and interprovincial affairs\\nand by thus accepting a subordinate and weak\\nposition, our central government has deprived it-\\nself of the power to command the devout alle-\\ngiance of its citizens or to gain the admiration or\\nrespect of other countries.\\nIntense prejudices separated the states at the\\nclose of the last century. New England, New\\nYork, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North\\nCarolina and South Carolina had differences of\\nblood, law, church and industry. Fish, ships, furs,\\nwheat, tobacco, timber, tar and rice were the pro-\\nduction of regions that had conflicting interests.\\nThe descendants of the Puritans and the descend-\\nants of the Cavaliers had not lost the animosities\\nthat filled the heads of their ancestors; and both\\nclasses hated the Dutch of New York and the\\nGermans of Pennsylvania as much as they hated\\neach other. There was no intimate intercourse\\nbetween the groups of colonies. They had\\nneither railways nor steamboats; they had not\\nconsorted in the country west of the Alleghanies;\\ntheir meetings in the revolutionary armies, in-\\nstead of making friendships had in some cases,\\nincreased animosities.\\nThe ablest men of the revolutionary period\\nwanted a consolidated government, and among\\nthem were Washington, Hamilton, Marshall,", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "52 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nFranklin, and John Jay. Finding that they\\ncould not get anything stronger than a weak fed-\\neration, they became its ardent advocates, not be-\\ncause they could consider it satisfactory but l be-\\ncause it was the best within reach. Hamilton\\ndid not conceal his disappointment; he said a\\nnation without a national government is a\\nfrightful spectacle.\\nThe record of federalism in history, considered\\nas a whole is not creditable.\\nThe Achaean League from 281 to 146 B. 0. in\\nancient Greece had a brief existence and\\nachieved no great result.\\nThe Swiss League from 1291 till 1900 was en-\\nabled to maintain its existence by the jealousy of\\nits neighbors. It did not become fully independ-\\nent of the German Empire until 1648, and since\\nthat year has had no foreign war of note. Its\\nfederalism, made excusable by the differences of\\ntwo religions and three languages in its century,\\nis much stronger than ours, and its government\\nhas not only foeen more harmonious but much\\npurer and better in nearly every respect.\\nThe Dutch Kepublic from 1579 to 1795, had a\\nshort life and a career, brilliant on many points,\\nand yet dark with many serious internal dissen-\\nsions.\\nThe United States of America, from 1789 to\\n1900, full of interprovincial discord and demands\\nof separation for three quarters of a century and", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 53\\nfull of corruption and disorder during the re-\\nmainder of its existence.\\nThe United States of Mexico from 1825 till\\n1900, with interruptions. Its nominal federal-\\nism has usually been anarchical or despotic.\\nThe same remark applies to the United States\\nof Central America, which, however, had a brief\\nexistence.\\nThe United States of Colombia, when orderly,\\nhave been anarchical or despotic.\\nSo also the United States of Venezuela.\\nSo also the United States of Ecuador.\\nThe Argentine Kepublic has l been the most\\nsuccessful federation in Latin America.\\nThe United States of Brazil have had a very\\nbrief career.\\nIt is a noteworthy fact that no American au-\\nthor has written an argument to prove that the\\nfederal system is better than a consolidated na-\\ntionality; and yet if such proof could be fur-\\nnished, its publication would be one of the most\\nurgent duties of our statesmen, lawyers and pro-\\nfessors of political philosophy. John Adams,\\nJefferson, John Quincy Adams, Kent, Story,\\nWheaton, Webster, Sumner, Calhoun, Cooley,\\nLincoln, Garfield and others, who discussed im-\\nportant governmental questions with learning\\nand wisdom, never selected this topic as the sub-\\nject of an essay, an oration or a book. Their\\navoidance of it is significant. The division of", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "54 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nsovereignty has not been commended by the\\nmost eminent foreign political philosophers of\\nour time, nor has it been copied from us in any\\nof the European constitutions of the XlXth cen-\\ntury; but it is in favor with the anarchists, col-\\nlectivists and socialists. The enemies of effi-\\ncient government are friends of federalism by\\ninstinct.\\nThe English constitution, says Bagehot (289)\\nin a word, is framed on the principle of choosing\\na single sovereign authority and making it good;\\nthe American, upon the principle of having many\\nsovereign authorities and hoping that their mul-\\ntitude may atone for their inferiority. The\\nAmericans now extol their institutions, and so\\ndefraud themselves of their due praise. But if\\nthey had not a genius for politics, if they had not\\na moderation in action singularly curious where\\nsuperficial speech is so violent; if they had not a\\nregard for law such as no great people have yet\\nevinced and infinitely surpassing ours, the mul-\\ntiplicity of authorities in the American constitu-\\ntion would long ago have brought it to a bad end.\\nSensible shareholders, I have heard a shrewd at-\\ntorney say, can work any deed of settlement; and\\nso the men of Massachusetts could, I believe,\\nwork any constitution.\\nPolitical liberty is a condition in which a com-\\nmunity is secure in the enjoyment of equal civil\\nand political rights; and of such enjoyment there", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 55\\nis less today in the United States, than in Great\\nBritain, Belgium, Holland, Sweden, Norway,\\nDenmark, Germany or France. In those coun-\\ntries, crime is punished and riot suppressed\\npromptly and efficiently; and a central govern-\\nment being responsible for the maintenance of\\norder, order is maintained.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "56 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nCHAPTEK II.\\nCONFLICT OF DEPARTMENTS.\\nSection 24. Checks. The federal and state\\nconstitutions of our country have been framed\\nunder the influence of Montesquieu s whim, that\\nthe legislative, administrative and judicial de-\\npartments should be kept separate, by providing\\nthat a person, who has authority in one, shall\\nhave none in another. This idea, adopted in de-\\nfiance of all political experience, has proved to\\nbe one of the greatest blunders of our govern-\\nment.\\nAmong the results, of this lack of a central\\ndominant and responsible power, are great con-\\nfusion and inefficiency in all governmental af-\\nfairs, bad management of the currency, careless\\nand incompetent legislation, log-rolling and\\nlo-bbying, extravagance tending to national\\nbankruptcy; and a system of jurisprudence that\\nis more complex, technical and expensive than\\nany other in the world.\\nAll those European States which enjoyed\\nsteady prosperity, through many centuries under\\nconstitutional governments, gave the control of", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 57\\nthe administration to the legislature; and the re-\\npublics and monarchies of Europe, in proportion\\nas they are more or less constitutional, have\\nadopted this principle, and given it prominence\\nin their political systems.\\nJohn Adams wrote an instructive account of\\nthe checks and balances of our federal system in\\n1814, when some of the worst features of our gov-\\nernment, as it is now, had not yet been devel-\\noped, when no good account of the system of\\ncabinet rule in Great Britain had been published,\\nand when some of its main principles were not yet\\nfinally settled. He said (VI. 467) Is not the con-\\nstitution of the United States complicated with\\nthe idea of a balance? Is there a constitution on\\nrecord more complicated with balances than ours?\\nIn the first place eighteen states and some terri-\\ntories are balanced against the national govern-\\nment, whether judiciously or injudiciously, I will\\nnot presume at present to conjecture. We have\\nseen some of the effects of it in some of the south-\\nern and middle states, under the two first admin-\\nistrations [Washington and Adams] and we now\\nbehold some similar effects under the two last\\n[Jefferson and Madison]. Some genius more\\nprompt and fertile than mine may infer from a\\nlittle what a great deal means. In the second\\nplace the House of Representatives is balanced\\nagainst the Senate and the Senate against the\\nHouse. In the third place, the executive author-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "58 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nity is in some degree balanced against the legis-\\nlature. In the fourth place, the judiciary is bal-\\nanced against the House, the Senate, the Execu-\\ntive and the State governments. In the fifth\\nplace the Senate is balanced against the Presi-\\ndent in all appointments to office and in all treat-\\nties. This, in my opinion, is not merely a useless\\nbut a very pernicious balance. In the sixth\\nplace the people hold, in their own hands, the\\nbalance against their representatives by bien-\\nnial, which I wish had been annual elections. In\\nthe seventh place, the legislatures of the several\\nstates are balanced against the Senate by sex-\\ntennial elections. In the eighth place, the elec-\\ntors are balanced against the people in the choice\\nof President. And here is a complication and re-\\nfinement of balances which for anything I recol-\\nlect is an invention of our own and peculiar to\\nus.\\nThis system of checks divides and practically\\ndestroys responsibility, and renders proper\\nofficial discipline impossible. From the federa-\\ntion it extends into the states and cities, and\\nthere produces even greater confusion and evil.\\nBy his appointing power, the President has a\\npartial control over his administrative subordi-\\nnates but under the Government and Mayor the\\nheads of departments owe their places to the Boss\\nor the Machine, and are exempt from any control.\\nIn his statement, Adams omits many pernicious", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 59\\nchecks, including the Committee System, which\\nhowever was not fully developed in his time, and\\nincluding also the numerous boards which have\\nindependent control of important portions of ad-\\nministrative work in our states and cities.\\nSec. 25. Divided Responsibility. Instead of de-\\nfining and strengthening responsibility, as they\\nshould have done, if they had understood the\\nlessons of political experience, our lawmakers\\nhave placed nearly all our officials in such posi-\\ntions that they can not be held accountable or\\npunished for their mistakes or malfeasances.\\nThe administration is independent of the legisla-\\nture not only in the federation but also in the\\nstates and cities; the governors are independent\\nof the President; inferior executive officers are\\nindependent of the governors, and so also are the\\nmayors, to whom many inferior executive officers\\nm their respective cities owe no obedience.\\nMuch of the governmental work of our states\\nand cities is done by boards, which are consti-\\ntuted in such a manner that they are not subject\\nto any proper control. Many valuable lessons of\\nexperience, clearly taught in European books of\\npolitical philosophy, are unknown to American\\nofficials; and, even if they were known, could not\\nbe applied in a country where most of the places\\nin the public service are given for short terms to\\nunfit men, as rewards for partisan service. The\\nonly responsibility, felt l by such officials, is to", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "60 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ntheir party which is always anxious to conceal\\ntheir blunders and their crimes.\\nIn his Representative Government (266) John S.\\nMill says, A most important principle of good\\ngovernment, in a popular constitution, is that no\\nexecutive functionaries should be appointed by\\npopular election, neither by the votes of the people\\nthemselves nor by those of their representatives.\\nThe entire business of government is skilled em-\\nployment; the qualifications for the discharge of\\nit are of that special and professional kind which\\ncannot be properly judged of except by persons\\nwho have themselves some share of those quali-\\nfications, or some practical experience of them.\\nThe business of finding the fittest persons to fill\\npublic employments, not merely selecting the\\nbest who offer, but looking out for the absolutely\\nbest, and taking note of all fit persons who are\\nmet with, that they may be found when wanted,\\nis very laborious, and requires a delicate as\\nwell as highly conscientious discernment; and as\\nthere is no public duty which is in general so\\nbadly performed, so there is none for which it is\\nof greater importance to enforce the utmost\\npracticable amount of personal responsibility,\\nby imposing it as a special obligation on high\\nfunctionaries in the several departments. All\\nsubordinate public officers who are not appointed\\nby some mode of public competition should be\\nselected on the direct responsibility of the minis-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? Q\u00c2\u00b1\\nter under whom they serve. The ministers, all\\nbut the chief, will naturally be selected k by the\\nchief; and the chief himself, though really desig-\\nnated by Parliament, should be, in a regal gov-\\nernment, officially appointed by the crown. The\\nfunctionary who appoints should be the sole per-\\nson empowered to remove any subordinate officer\\nwho is liable to removal, which the far greater\\nnumber ought not to be, except for personal mis-\\nconduct, since it would be in vain to expect that\\nthe body of persons by whom the detail of the\\npublic business is transacted, and whose quali-\\nfications are generally of much more importance\\nto the public than those of the minister himself,\\nwill devote themselves to their profession, and\\nacquire the knowledge and skill on which the\\nminister must often place entire dependence, if\\nthey are liable at any moment to be turned\\nadrift for no fault, that the minister may gratify\\nhimself, or promote his political interest by ap-\\npointing somebody else.\\nMill had much experience in the management\\nof an extensive administration, that of Hindo-\\nstan under the East India Company, and, be-\\nsides, he possessed rare political learning and\\nthe wisdom to understand the lessons of govern-\\nmental experience. His remarks, therefore, are\\nentitled to much weight, when referring to the\\nunfitness of a legislative body, like the American\\nCongress, for meddling with minor matters of ad-\\nministration, he says (103):", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "62 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nBut a popular assembly is still less fitted to\\nadminister, or to dictate in detail to those who\\nhave the charge of administration. Even when\\nhonestly meant, the interference is almost al-\\nways injurious. Every branch of public admin-\\nistration is a skilled business, which has its own\\npeculiar principles and traditional rules, many\\nof them not even known in any effectual way ex-\\ncept to those who have at some time had a hand\\nin carrying on the business, and none of them\\nlikely to be duly appreciated by persons not prac-\\ntically acquainted with the department. I do\\nnot mean that the transaction of public business\\nhas esoteric mysteries, only to be understood by\\nthe initiated. Its principles are all intelligible to\\nany person of good sense, who has in his mind a\\ntrue picture of the circumstances and conditions\\nto be dealt with; but to have this, he must know\\nthose circumstances and conditions; and the\\nknowledge does not come by intuition. There\\nare many rules of the greatest importance in\\nevery branch of public business (as there are in\\nevery private occupation), of which a person\\nfresh to the subject neither knows the reason\\nnor even suspects the existence, because they\\nare intended to meet dangers or provide against\\ninconveniences which never entered into his\\nthoughts.\\nSec. 26. The Committee System. There are two\\nmethods of doing legislative work; one, called", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 63\\nResponsible Government, under the control of a\\nministry which is a committee of the legislature,\\nis of English origin, and is harmonious, economi-\\ncal and efficient; the other, called the Committee\\nSystem, most highly developed in the United\\nStates, divides the business among a number of\\nindependent committees who do their work dis-\\ncordantly, inefficiently and extravagantly, with\\nthe aid of lobbying, log-rolling, and other various\\nforms of corruption to be mentioned in this chap-\\nter and the next one.\\nThe Committee System was an unforeseen prod-\\nuct of the federal constitution; when that docu-\\nment was framed and under consideration, be-\\nfore its adoption, none of its enemies suggested\\nthat the independence of the administration\\nwould demoralize Congress, and inflict on the\\ncountry political evils the like of which the world\\nhad never seen, but under which their grandsons\\nand great-grandsons have suffered.\\nThe general results of Responsible Govern-\\nment in British experience are that the ablest\\nmen of the country, as a class, desire to have\\nplaces in Parliament, that the moral standard of\\nofficial life is high, that the Ministers are men\\nof distinguished ability and long experience in\\nhigh public place, that every important measure\\nis well stated and argued on both sides in the\\nHouse of Commons, that the policy of the nation\\nis relatively steadfast, and that the management", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "64 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nof the finances is economical. These results are\\nthe opposites, in nearly every point, to those of\\nthe Committee System in the United States.\\nOur ablest men do not want places in Congress;\\nmany of the men most influential in our govern-\\nment have had little or no experience in that\\nbody; the most important bills are rushed\\nthrough without public debate, our govern-\\nmental policy undergoes frequent great changes,\\nand the management of the finances is most ex-\\ntravagant.\\nUnder the British plan, an important bill can-\\nnot be passed, and a financial bill cannot be con-\\nsidered, without the approval of the Cabinet\\nwhich, because it directs legislation, as well as\\nadministration, is responsible to the people for\\nthe management of the Government. If the ma-\\njority of the House of Commons should vote\\nagainst one important bill proposed by the\\nCabinet, the latter go out or appeal to the people,\\nand if the decision be adverse, let the other side\\ntake charge.\\nSec. 27. Bagehot and Maine. Bagehot thus ex-\\nplains (British Constitution, 85) one of the ob-\\njections to the Committee System; It causes\\nthe degradation of public life. Unless a member\\nof the legislature be sure of something more than\\nspeech, unless he is incited by the hope of action\\nand chastened by the chance of responsibility, a\\nfirst-rate man will not care to take the place, and", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 65\\nwill not do much if he does take it. To belong\\nto a debating society adhering to an executive\\n(and this is no inapt description of a congress un-\\nder a presidential constitution) is not an object to\\nstir a noble ambition, and is a position to en-\\ncourage idleness. The members of a parliament\\nexcluded from office can never be comparable,\\nmuch less equal, to those of a parliament not ex-\\ncluded from office. The presidential government,\\nby its nature, divides political life into two\\nhalves, an executive half and a legislative half;\\nand by so dividing it makes neither half worth a\\nman s having, worth his making it a continuous\\ncareer, worthy to absorb, as cabinet govern-\\nment absorbs, his whole soul. The statesmen\\nfrom whom a nation chooses under a presidential\\nsystem are much inferior to those from whom it\\nchooses under a cabinet system, while the select-\\ning apparatus is far less discerning.\\nExplaining the British constitution, Maine\\nsays (239) It is in the Cabinet that the effective\\nwork of legislation begins. The Ministers, hard-\\nly recruited from the now very serious fatigues\\nof a session which lasts all but to the commence-\\nment of September, assemble in Cabinet in No-\\nvember, and in the course of a series of meetings,\\nextending over rather more than a fortnight, de-\\ntermine what legislative proposals are to be sub-\\nmitted to Parliament, These proposals sketched,\\nwe may believe, in not more than outline, are", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "66 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthen placed in the hands of the government\\ndraftsman; and so much is there in all legislation\\nwhich consists in the manipulation of detail and\\nin the adaptation of vaguely conceived novelties\\nto preexisting law, that we should not probably\\ngo far wrong, if we attributed four-fifths of every\\nlegislative enactment to the accomplished law-\\nyer who puts into shape the government bills.\\nFrom the measures which come from his hand,\\nthe tale of bills to be announced in the Queen s\\nspeech is made up and at this point English legis-\\nlation enters upon another stage. Every bill\\nintroduced into Parliament by the Ministry (and\\nwe have seen that all the really important bills\\nare thus introduced) must be carried through the\\nHouse of Commons without substantial altera-\\ntion or the ministers will resign and conse-\\nquences of the gravest kind may follow in the\\nremotest part of an empire extending to the ends\\nof the earth. Thus a government has to be\\nforced through the House of Commons with the\\nwhole strength of party organization and in a\\nshape very closely resembling that which the\\nExecutive Government gave it. It is there-\\nfore the Executive Government which should be\\ncredited with the authorship of the English legis-\\nlation.\\nTo this may be added that at this cabinet meet-\\ning every secretary states the urgent needs of his\\ndepartment, and is prepared to go into detail if", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 67\\nquestioned by his associates. In many cases his\\nbills drawn by his subordinates or under their\\ndirection are ready to be submitted to the stat-\\nute-drafting lawyer, whose duties are to revise\\nthe phraseology and to see that the provisions of\\nthe -bill do not conflict with previous legislation.\\nSec. 28. Schuyler. In his book on American\\nDiplomacy, (3) Eugene Schuyler thus explains the\\ndistribution of political power in Washington\\nwhen there was only one Appropriation Com-\\nmittee in the House of Representatives. The\\ngovernment of the United States, in ordinary\\npeaceful and uneventful times, is a nearly irre-\\nsponsible despotism, composed of five or six men,\\nworking under and through constitutional forms,\\nand subject only to the penalty which is always\\nattached to very grave mistakes. These six men\\nare the President of the United States, who is,\\nit is true, elected by the people, but only from\\ntwo or three candidates proposed by partisan\\nconventions as the result of intrigue or of the fail-\\nure of intrigue; the Secretary of State and the\\nSecretary of the Treasury, named by the Presi-\\ndent as his colleagues and associates, rather than\\nhis advisers and servants, confirmed by the Sen-\\nate which never refuses its approval except for\\ncause of the most scandalous nature or for rea-\\nsons of extreme partisan feeling; the Speaker of\\nthe House of Representatives who is elected as\\nsuch by his fellow-congressmen at the dictation", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "68 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nof a clique or as the result of a compromise be-\\ntween the factions and the personal ambitions\\nof the dominant party; the Chairman of the\\nStanding Committee on Appropriations and the\\nChairman of the Standing Committee on Ways\\nand Means in the House of Representatives, both\\nappointed by the Speaker, leading men in Com\\ngress and generally his rivals for the speaker-\\nship. Since that statement was written the\\nnumber of the ruling clique has been increased\\nby the multiplication of chairmen of appropria-\\ntion committees.\\nSec. 29. Log-Roiling. Log-rolling is an insti-\\ntution peculiarly adapted to the intelligence and\\nmorals of the average American legislator. It\\ngives him a sphere of activity which he can soon\\nlearn, and which enables him to go back to his\\nconstituents with tangible results of his influ-\\nence. He and his associates divide the Union or\\nthe State into districts and distribute a large\\nportion of the public revenue among them by\\ngiving to one a public building, and to others other\\nthings. In this method Congress distributes fed-\\neral buildings, navy yards, fortifications, and im-\\nprovements in rivers and harbors. There is also\\na log-rolling of occupations; the silver miners,\\niron smelters, coal miners, cotton spinners, wool\\ngrowers and lumbermen combine to restrict com-\\npetition and to compel the general public to pay\\na higher price for their products. In every", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 69\\nbranch of American legislation, the predominant\\ninfluence is regard not for the general interest\\nbut those particular interests which have ob-\\ntained a majority of votes by log-rolling.\\nFor the last ten or fifteen years wrote\\nThaddeus Stevens in 1867, the legislature of\\nPennsylvania [of which state he was then a Kep-\\nresentative in Congress] has had a most unenvi-\\nable reputation. Corruption, bribery and fraud\\nhave been freely charged and I fear, too often\\nproved, to have controlled their actions. No mat-\\nter how honest when chosen, the atmosphere of\\nHarrisburg seems to have pierced many of them\\nwith a demoralizing taint. A seat in the Legis-\\nlature became an object of ambition, not for the\\nper diem, [the salary] but for the chance of levy-\\ning contributions from rich corporations and\\nother large jobs. Corruption finally became so\\nrespectable as to seduce candidates for office\\nboldly, to bid for them, and to pay the cash for\\nthe delivery of the ballot. The very office of\\n[federal] senator is known to have been once\\nbought for gold.\\nSec. 30. Lobhy. The legislation of an Ameri-\\ncan city is usually, and that of a State, sometimes\\ncontrolled by a Boss, but when he does not pos-\\nsess or exercise a dominating influence, the Lobby\\nmay assume direction. The Lobby is a man or\\nset of men, usually working for hire, to secure\\nthe adoption or defeat of bills. The Lobbyist", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "70 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ntakes charge of work which the Boss does not\\ndirect. He studies the character, career, ambi-\\ntion, pecuniary condition, habits, weaknesses,\\nvices, associates and pet measures of the mem-\\nbers whom he supposes manageable and, as most\\nof them are men without high character or\\ncapacity, he usually finds little difficulty in mak-\\ning himself useful to them and making them use-\\nful to himself. He buys them as cheaply as he\\ncan, and often manages Log-rolling schemes, so\\nthat he gets their votes without money payment.\\nReferring to the desirability of introducing re-\\nsponsible government, Gamaliel Brandford says\\n(II. 409) that a the opposition hardest to be over-\\ncome is that of the Lobby. We have pointed out\\nthe immense power which private interests have\\nacquired and are more and more acquiring in a\\nlegislative body, disorganized, without leaders,\\ncomposed of equal units and working by stand-\\ning committees, whether elected or appointed by\\nthe presiding officer; a body in which majorities\\nmust be made up by an accumulation of votes\\none by one, worked up by log-rolling, trading,\\nand all sorts of motives, in practical secrecy,\\nwithout personal responsibility and with very\\nlittle reference to the administrative effect upon\\nthe country. As party success has come to de-\\npend largely upon operations of this kind, so, on\\nthe other hand, the private interest, having in-\\ntrenched themselves behind the parties in Con-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 71\\ngress, will be in deadly hostility to any move-\\nment which threatens to .introduce public and\\npersonal responsibility among members and by\\npublic debate and discussion to let in a flood of\\nlight upon methods of legislation.\\nThe Lobbyist dislikes the discussion of bills\\nwhich he advocates or opposes, and discussion is\\nbecoming rare in our legislative bodies. He\\nwants to arrange business in private conversa-\\ntion, and to avoid appeals to public opinion. He\\nmakes his living by secret methods, and hates all\\nothers. Prof. Hyslop (12) complains that though\\nour legislatures were intended primarily to be\\ndeliberative assemblies where debate is supposed\\nto be free and rational, and where voting can be\\nreached after a reasonable amount of time has\\nbeen allowed for deliberation and discussion,\\nyet that most of them are either constituted or\\ncontrolled by men who either cannot or dare not\\ndiscuss the measures proposed by them. They\\nmaintain silence against all reason and vote sub-\\nmissively in obedience to a boss, or they open\\ntheir mouths only to obstruct legislation and to\\nmake a strike.\\nSec. 31. Private Bills, One notable result of\\nour defective political system is the vast multi-\\ntude of private and local bills which have no par-\\nallels in the British Parliament and should not\\nbe permitted in our country. ,Some of the state\\nconstitutions have greatly restricted them with", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "72 REFORM OR RESOLUTION?\\nvery beneficial results; but the restrictions have\\nnot been entirely successful because now gener-\\nal bills are more frequently passed for special\\nand private purposes. In Congress and many of\\nthe states however there is no limitation.\\nWhen taking leave of the House of Kepresen-\\ntatives on the 4th of March 1885, Speaker J. G.\\nCarlisle said: It is evident that unless some\\nconstitutional or legal provision can l be adopted\\nwhich will relieve Congress from the considera-\\ntion of all or at least a large part of the local and\\nprivate measures which now occupy the time of\\nthe committees and fill the calendars of the two\\nhouses, the percentage of business left undispos-\\ned of at each adjournment must continue to in-\\ncrease. G. F. Edmunds, Acting President of\\nthe Senate delivered a parting address to that\\nbody on the same day and said, It is an\\nevil of large and growing proportions that meas-\\nures of the greatest importance, requiring much\\ntime for proper examination and discussion in\\ndetail, are brought to our consideration so late\\nthat it is not possible to deal with them intelli-\\ngently and which we are tempted (over tempted\\nI fear) to enact into laws in the hope that fortune\\nrather than time, study and reflection will take\\ncare that the republic suffer no detriment.\\nThe terms being brief, the pay small in relation\\nto the large expenses of the canvass and election,\\nthe work uninstructive and in many respects of-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 73\\nfensive, men of high character and capacity rare-\\nly seek the legislative career. The inferior men\\nwho obtain it for a brief season, do not get their\\nbills in shape nntil the close of the session, and\\nthen do most of their work in the last week or\\neven in the last day, and in many cases, hold\\nback their bills purposely to rush them through\\nwhen there is no time for examination or opposi-\\ntion. 1\\nThe ministry in Great Britain and various oth-\\ner European countries, being responsible to pub-\\nlic opinion for every important legislative meas-\\nure, is extremely careful that its bills shall be\\ndrawn by learned and able men and by them\\nmade to harmonize with all antecedent legisla-\\ntion. There is no such responsibility and there-\\nfore no such care in the national and state legis-\\nlation of our country, and consequently our\\ncourts frequently have to deal with the litigation\\narising out of conflicting and vague statutes.\\nHoist (IV. 218) thus characterizes the common\\nprocedure of the managers of congressional busi-\\nness; Their unscrupulous selfishness, their ar-\\ndent race for the spoils, their habit of bargaining\\nin great things and small, their intellectual and\\nmoral stagnation of party spirit, destitute of\\nthought and principle alike, their faith in the om-\\nnipotence of their petty, professional tricks and\\nartifice, invested in impenetrable mist what in it-\\nself was so terribly clear.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "74 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nJoseph H. Crooker (Problems in American Socie-\\nty, 187) says Is it not a fact that we have come\\nto dread sessions of Congress and of Legislatures\\nas carnivals of selfishness, while we feel relieved\\nwhen the day of final adjournment arrives? That\\nwe anticipate a political campaign with dread\\nand disgust, as a scourge of slander and unrea-\\nson? That official position, instead of conferring\\nhonor, raises in the public mind the suspicion of\\nthe occupant s integrity, political life having\\ncome to be looked upon a? so much baser than\\nother callings? That youn^ men almost every-\\nwhere take it for granted, in their discussion of\\nthe merits of different vocations, that political\\nsuccess can only be won by the tricks of the dem-\\nagogue? That we are glad to have people know\\nas little as possible of the actual methods by\\nwhich laws are made, so shameful is the process\\nthat, were the inside history of legislation gener-\\nally known, public respect for our statutes would\\nbe destroyed? That political newspapers are not\\nexpected by the masses to tell the truth? Now,\\nis not this a lamentable state of affairs, a state\\nof popular opinion which argues ill for the fu-\\nture of America, even if so extreme an opinion is\\nnot warranted by the actual facts?\\nSec. 32. Slip-Shod Laws. The law-making of\\nthe country is done without proper knowledge,\\ncare or integrity in the federal, state or munici-\\npal councils. Membership in these bodies is giv-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 75\\nen to persons not properly qualified for their\\nwork. Nine out of ten cannot draft a bill or un-\\nderstand its force when they read it. The term\\nof members in the federal House of Representa-\\ntives lasts only two years each of which has\\nabout one hundred working days of the session;\\nand as the majority are new to the business, they\\ndo not become masters of the routine methods,\\nleaving the higher principles of legislation out of\\nconsideration. The work is uninstructive, its\\naims low, its methods careless. The first point\\nof ambition with the majority is to get public\\nbuildings, river or harbor improvements, milita-\\nry posts or the expenditure of federal moneys in\\nsome form for their respective districts, and se-\\ncure kinds of taxation advantageous to their con-\\nstituents. The second point is to show that, if\\nthey did not succeed, they at least made a good\\nfight to obtain more than a fair share of the pub-\\nlic plunder.\\nMost of the bills are special in character even\\nwhen the title and initial section are general in\\nform. They are drawn with limitations which re-\\nstrict their operation, and enable their advocates\\nto say when objection is made to them, these\\nbills apply only to Buncombe county and there-\\nfore do not concern you; if you defeat our bills,\\nwe will defeat yours. The same principle of\\nspecial legislation, the same custom of letting\\nthe representatives of every district have their", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "76 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nown way in regard to local affairs, and of divid-\\ning up important general questions into territor-\\nial divisions, prevail in state as well as federal\\nlegislation. The country suffers with a flux of\\nbills. The average annual number is more proba-\\nbly at least 20,000; and two hundred, as many\\nas the British Parliament enacts for an empire\\nwith 350,000,000 inhabitants,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 would be suffi-\\ncient.\\nIn a message to the legislature of New York in\\n1885, Governor Hill (quoted by Simon Sterne in\\nhis Questions of the Day, 105) complained that\\none of the greatest evils incident to the hasty\\nmethods of modern [American] legislation is the\\ncareless and imperfect manner in which bills are\\ngenerally passed. Much needed legislation is\\nannually lost because of the large number of\\nmeasures which are left in the hands of the\\nexecutive at the adjournment of the legislature\\nwhich are so defective that they cannot pos-\\nsibly be approved. The record shows that\\nduring the legislative session of 1883, some forty-\\nfive bills were recalled from the executive\\nchamber after their final passage for neces-\\nsary amendments and corrections, while dur-\\ning the last session of 1884 there were some fifty\\nof such instances. Such blunders are doubtless\\nas numerous in most of the other states as in New\\nYork; and the errors of form are much less se-\\nrious than mistakes in substance.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 77\\nOur municipal system is a national disgrace.\\nIt is a wonderfully complex product of ignorance\\nand folly. One relatively brief parliamentary\\nstatute is the charter of nearly all the English\\ncities; a single sentence, in a national law au-\\nthorizing them to manage their municipal affairs,\\nis the charter of the French cities; and the Prus-\\nsian law, conferring corporate power, on cities is\\nbrief. There, the national government seldom in-\\nterferes in municipal affairs; and the city officials\\nare experienced, capable and honest.\\nHere things are managed differently. In most\\nof our states, every city must have its special\\ncharter, peculiar in phraseology and ideas, in\\nmany cases an elaborate document, ten times as\\nlong as our federal constitution, complicated by\\nnumerous legislative amendments, and requiring\\nhundreds of judicial decisions of the State Su-\\npreme Court to interpret its vague, conflicting\\nand complex provisions. In many cases, the leg-\\nislature has and exercises the power to change\\nthe charter, notwithstanding the protest of the\\ncity officials, to order that certain municipal work\\nshall or shall not be done, that certain foills shall\\nor shall not be paid, that certain persons shall\\nor shall not have municipal offices, and that new\\nelections shall or shall not be held. In the num-\\nber, variety and extravagance of our municipal\\nblunders, we beat all the other nations of the\\nearth.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "78 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 33. Discordant Laws. Instead of having\\na comprehensive and harmonious government,\\nuniform in all its geographical divisions, the\\ncountry has more than two scores of petty leg-\\nislative, administrative and judicial systems, each\\nof which has its independent and in many cases\\ndiscordant laws regulating civil and criminal\\naffairs. The citizen may find that by crossing\\na river within the limits of the United States,\\nhe has passed beyond the dominion of the legisla-\\ntion with which he was familiar, and has reached\\na region where conveyances, wills, promissory\\nnotes, marriages and divorces made according to\\nthe forms authorized in his native state have no\\nvalidity. The confusion and litigation resulting\\nfrom this diversity of laws are serious evils but\\nare small as compared with the great expense of\\nmaintaining forty-five unnecessary sets of govern-\\nmental officers.\\nThough not worse in principle than many oth-\\ner discrepancies of American legislation, there\\nis something peculiarly offensive in the laws re-\\nlating to matrimony and divorce. A man may at\\nthe same time have half a dozen lawful wives or\\neven more, from whom he has no divorce lawful\\nin the state in which each of them resides, in\\nwhich he established his residence with each of\\nthem and from which he never took them or de-\\nmanded that they should move. By leaving them\\nwithout notice of his intentions to desert them fi-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 79\\nnally, and to obtain a divorce he may obtain one\\nwithout giving actual notice of his suit and with-\\nout staying more than a week within the limits\\nof the state which grants his secret application\\nto be released from the bonds of matrimony. The\\nlaw requires that notice shall be given to per-\\nsons out of the state by publication in a news-\\npaper, but as this newspaper is not seen by the\\ndefendant, the proceeding is, in many cases, prac-\\ntically secret and he or she may remain ignorant\\nfor years that the divorce has been granted. The\\nlaw in many states makes incompatibility of tem-\\nper a sufficient cause for action, and when the\\nbond becomes irksome to either party, the tem-\\npers are incompatible. Those who are legal\\nspouses to each other in the morning may be the\\nlegal spouses of others in the afternoon of the\\nsame day. Journalistic exaggeration says rail-\\nway trains stop an hour at some stations in In-\\ndiana to allow passengers to get divorces, and\\nthat a gentleman claimed relationship with a lady\\nin Chicago because her fourth husband had mar-\\nried his second wife.\\nSec. 34. Federal Senate. The municipal coun-\\ncil, the state legislature and the federal senate\\ncompete for the distinction of having reached the\\nhighest eminence among the political bodies of\\nthe United States in official corruption. Much\\nmay be said for each claim but I am disposed to\\naward the prize to the Senate, because, not of the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "80 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ngreater baseness of most of its members, but of\\nits superior prominence and dignity which give\\nmore influence to the numerous great abuses it\\npractices and sustains.\\nSome of the federal senators have served in the\\nlegislature or lower House of Congress, and by\\nthe aid of experience and tact, have become state\\nbosses, with influence enough to secure their ad-\\nvancement to the highest legislative office in the\\ncountry. Their chief duties are to secure appro-\\npriations and other governmental favors for\\ntheir constituents; not to legislate for the gener-\\nal good nor to plead for the rights of humanity.\\nThe time has passed when a Webster or a Sumner\\ncould get an attentive hearing in the Senate of\\nthe United States. Instead of giving his chief\\nattention now to national or international affairs\\nthe favorite son of the State must secure the ex-\\npenditure of a large amount of federal money\\namong his constituents or must see to it that\\ntheir products are protected against competition\\nby an excessive duty on imports.\\nThe candidate, who has a high position among\\nsenators and can secure great favors for his\\nstate, is almost sure of re-election; but when, as\\noften happens, no one of the aspirants has supe-\\nrior claims, then the man with money sees his\\nchance to capture the prize. Before the time has\\ncome for nominating legislative candidates, he\\nvisits or sends an agent to visit all or most of the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 81\\ncounties of his state; sees the members of the\\nCounty Committees, and the men who want to go\\nto the legislature; finds popular candidates who\\nare willing to vote for him for Senator; offers\\nto pay their campaign expenses; and contributes\\nliberally to the campaign fund of the county. In\\nthis way he secures a majority of the members of\\nhis party in the legislature, and if they have con-\\ntrol, he is sure of going to the senate. He has\\ngiven money freely and perhaps lavishly for\\ncampaign expenses; he has not exacted a strict\\naccount of the method of expenditure; he can\\nsay that he has not given a bribe to anybody, and\\nyet if he had not spent a large amount of money,\\nhe could not have been elected. So many rich\\nmen have reached the senate within the last\\nthirty years that it has been called with some\\nexaggeration, a club of millionaires. Most of\\nits present members were politically corrupt be-\\nfore they were elected and they use their power\\nin methods which disgrace the government.\\nDuring the first half century, the senate was a\\nrelatively honest and scrupulous body but it has\\nnow acquired other characteristics. It makes a\\npractice of -blocking business, holding up the\\nother house and compelling it to deliver public\\nplunder. Cannon, Chairman of the Appropria-\\ntion Committee in the House of Kepresentatives\\nsaid in the Fifty-Fourth Congress on the 9th of\\nMarch, 1897: The General Deficiency bill in", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "82 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nrecent sessions, as it leaves the House, providing\\nfor several deficiencies in current appropriations\\nfor the support of the government, is a mere\\nvehicle wherein the Senate loads up and carries\\nthrough every sort of claims that should have no\\nconsideration in either branch of Congress except\\nas independent bills reported from competent com-\\nmittees.\\nAll the appropriation bills have their origin\\nand are carefully studied in the House of Repre-\\nsentatives, but the Senate has adopted the prac-\\ntice of refusing to pass them without amend-\\nments drawn for purposes of personal or local\\nfavoritism. This custom is called the Sena-\\ntorial hold-up suggested by the highwayman s\\ncry of hold up your hands. The financial pol-\\nicy of the House is bad and that of the Senate is\\nworse; the former is positive and the latter super-\\nlative in its greed for plunder.\\nIn 1894 Senator Vest, as quoted by Ford (Rise\\nand Growth of American Politics, 270), declared\\nthat after my experience in the last five months,\\nI have not an enemy in the world whom I would\\nplace in the position that I have occupied as a\\nmember of the Finance Committee under the\\nrules of the Senate. I would put no man where\\nI have been to be blackmailed and driven in\\norder to pass a bill that I believe is necessary to\\nthe welfare of the country, by senators who de-\\nsired to force amendments upon me against my", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 83\\nbetter judgment and compel me to decide the\\nquestion whether I will take any bill at all or a\\nbill which has been distorted by their views and\\nobjects.\\nSenators take care says H. J. Ford (319) to\\nload bills with matter for use in making mock\\nconcessions, while they extort, from the House,\\neverything they really want. This arbitrary\\ncontrol of Senators over legislation was the issue\\nreally involved in the conflict between the two\\nHouses over the tariff bill of 1894. Fear, lest the\\nbill might be defeated altogether, caused the\\nHouse suddenly to pass the bill just as it came\\nback from the Senate. This unprecedented ac-\\ntion made a chance exposure of the way in which\\nlegislation is really shaped. Some senators\\nfound themselves badly caught at their own tricks,\\nprovisions, which they introduced with a jockey-\\ning purpose, being converted into law. Senator\\nSherman complained that there are many cases\\nin the bill where the enactment was not intended\\nby the Senate. For instance, innumerable\\namendments were put on by senators on both\\nsides of the chamber to give the Committee\\nof Conference a chance to think of the matter\\nand they are all adopted, whatever may be their\\nlanguage or the incongruity with other parts of\\nthe bill.\\nSec. 35. Finances. The Committee System has a\\nbad influence on every branch of legislative work", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "84 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nbut especially on the management of the finances.\\nThe federal House of Kepresentatives has about\\nfifty committees, each independent of the others,\\nand each interested in carrying its own bills with-\\nout much regard for other business. Any one of\\nmany may recommend large appropriations,\\nthere are eight appropriation committees, and\\nthere is no harmonizing supervision. Nor is there\\nany provision in the constitution forbidding the\\nattachment of most incongruous provisions or\\nriders to measures necessary for the collection of\\nrevenue or the payment of the army. The rider\\nis especially odious when mounted on some in-\\ndispensable measure which has been delayed,\\ncarelessly or purposely, till the last days of the\\nsession, and then changed in one house so that it\\nmust be entrusted to a joint or conference com-\\nmittee representing both houses. Such a com-\\nmittee has exceptional and despotic power, and\\ntwo Senators or two Kepresentatives out of three\\ncan say pass the bill as we have doctored it or\\nassume the responsibility of seriously injuring\\nthe business of the country or the interests of\\nyour party. The doctoring which they have in-\\ntroduced may include ideas of which neither\\nhouse had the least thought when the bill was re-\\nferred.\\nThe federal treasury is rushing towards bank-\\nruptcy. Its expenditure is increasing seven per\\ncent annually, more than twice as fast as the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 85\\nnational wealth, and three times as fast as the\\npopulation. This pace has been kept up for thirty\\nyears and has a most grave significance to any\\none who understands the main principles of\\nfinance. We must stop soon or break. There is\\na great peril in even a brief continuance of our\\npresent gait.\\nIn a luminous address to the House of Eepre-\\nsentatives, James A. Garfield, in January, 1872,\\nstated that the federal expenditures of the pre-\\nvious fiscal year, exclusive of payments on the\\npublic debt, amounted to $166,000,000. In the\\nfiscal year of 1896-97, more than a quarter of ?l\\ncentury later, the same classes of expenditure (as\\nreported in the Annual American Cyclopedia)\\namounted to $763,000,000. The increase is\\nnearly seven per cent compounding annually.\\nThe movement in the expenditures of states and\\ncities in the same period was very irregular, but\\nshowed an average increase perhaps as large.\\nThe spirit in which Congress draws up its\\nrevenue bills is suggested by a remark of Senator\\nAllen (Congressional Record, June 29th, 1897)\\nthat The consumers seem largely to get the\\nworst of it in the framing of a tariff bill. That\\nis true partly because they have nobody here\\nlooking after their interests particularly. They\\nare not organized. This implies a fact which\\nwe know from other sources that the national\\nlegislature is guided in such matters much more", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "86 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nby regard for private than for public interests;\\nand that the classes not represented in the lobby\\nare not well protected in the laws.\\nThere are eight different appropriation Com-\\nmittees in the House of Representatives where\\nmost of the congressional work of expenditure is\\nmanaged, and each of these committees acts in-\\ndependently and most of them are under the in-\\nfluence of partisan, personal and local interests\\nand not of national policy. The system is one not\\nfound in any other enlightened nation, and not ap-\\nproved by any great authority on finance. Prof.\\nWoodrow Wilson predicts (Congressional Govern-\\nment, 191) that under it, the finances will go\\nfrom bad to worse. In 1885 when the appro-\\npriation work was divided up among numerous\\ncommittees, Mr. Randall, an able Congressman\\nwarned his associates that they were starting on\\na career of accelerating extravagance which\\nthreatened to bankrupt the treasury. Expe-\\nrience has justified his warning. There has been\\nan increase of f 50,000,000 annually of expendi-\\nture beyond the relative increase of population;\\nand the wastefulness and the accompanying de-\\nmoralization in Congress increase with every ad-\\nministration.\\nA fundamental defect of our national finances\\nis that they are not managed by the cabinet; they\\nare not even controlled by one legislative com-\\nmittee, but demoralized by the conflicting pur-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 87\\nposes of eight different appropriation committees,\\nin the House of representatives and then are\\nfurther thrown into disorder by a corrupt and\\nreckless Senate. Moffett (68) says truly that\\nThe unity of the budget is a principle so essen-\\ntial to anything like scientific, or even decent,\\nfinance that nothing but inexhaustible wealth\\nhas enabled this country to get along without it.\\nOur national financial system appears deliber-\\nately designed for the encouragement of extrava-\\ngance. The taxes are fixed for an indefinite\\nperiod, and the rates are based to a great extent\\non considerations independent of the needs of the\\nGovernment.\\nThe national revenue system is hampered and\\ndegraded by the clause providing that every\\ndirect tax imposed by Congress must be levied on\\nthe states in proportion to their population.\\nThis restriction indirectly exempts property both\\nreal and personal, and also incomes, from the\\njurisdiction of the national treasury, which is\\nthus compelled to obtain its funds from burdens\\nlevied not on the wealth but on the consumption\\nand largely on the labor of the country.\\nBecause of its defective financial system, the\\ngreater number of its officials, their higher sal-\\naries, their usual inexperience and inefficiency,\\ntheir inferior discipline and their dishonesty in\\nmany cases, the American government is the most\\nexpensive in the world. According to calculations", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "88 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nmade by political statisticians, it pays five times as\\nmuch for the same amount of work in some impor-\\ntant departments as does the British government.\\nSeveral years -before his election to the presi-\\ndency, Garfield declared in Congress, that the\\nclerks, laborers and messengers in the federal\\nservice in Washington received twice as much as\\nwas paid for similar service by private citizens;\\nand he implied that the work was not so well\\ndone. He quoted and accredited the words to\\nHugh McCulloch, Secretary of the treasury\\nunder Grant, If you will give me one-half what\\nit costs to run the treasury department of the\\nUnited States I will do all its work better than it\\nis done and make a great fortune out of what I can\\nsave.\\nA remarkable feature in the management of\\nthe federal finances is the payment of $2,000,000,-\\n000, of military and naval pensions in the twenty-\\nfive years ending with June, 1899. The main\\nmotives for this most extravagant expenditure\\nwere not to clear off the debt and properly re-\\nward the soldiers and sailors who saved the\\nUnion, but to buy the votes of the pensioners and\\nof those people who derived a profit from a high\\nprotective tariff. If the money had been used to\\nextinguish the national debt, there would have\\nbeen no excuse for a high tariff, which last the\\nLobby wanted, and therefore it also wanted an\\nextravagant pension list.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 89\\nPartly because of the lack of harmonious and\\nresponsible financial management, many of the\\nstates have repudiated detots amounting in the\\naggregate to about $180,000,000 and some of\\nthese states were, at the time, abundantly able\\nto pay, and in this class were Pennsylvania,\\nMichigan and Minnesota. Those Southern states\\nwhich had been plundered by the carpet-baggers\\nhad better excuses for their pecuniary delin-\\nquencies, which nevertheless were most disgrace-\\nful to the nation.\\nSec. 36. Presidential Impeachment. The govern-\\nment of the United States was subjected to a\\nvery serious strain in 1867, when Congress, hav-\\ning quarreled with the President about the\\nmethod of restoring the Southern States to their\\nshare in the federal government, attempted to\\nexpel him from office by the process of impeach-\\nment. In reference to this affair Bagehot\\n(English Constitution, 52) says The quarrel, in\\nmost countries, would have gone beyond the law\\nand come to blows; even in America, the most\\nlaw-loving of countries, it went as far as possible\\nwithin the law. Mr. Johnson described the most\\npopular branch of the legislature, the House of\\nRepresentatives, as a body hanging on the\\nverge of the government and that House im-\\npeached him criminally, in the hope that, in that\\nway, they might get rid of him civilly. Nothing\\ncould be so conclusive against the American con-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "90 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nstitution, as a constitution, as that incident. A\\nhostile legislature and a hostile executive were\\nso tied together, that the legislature tried and\\ntried in vain, to rid itself of the executive by ac-\\ncusing it of illegal practices. The legislature\\nwas so afraid of the President s legal power that\\nit unfairly accused him of acting beyond the\\nlaw.\\nSec. 37. Nullifying Courts. With forty-six con-\\nflicting constitutions, and forty-six conflicting\\nlegislatures, and five hundred elaborate munici-\\npal charters, each differing from all the others,\\nand 7,000 new statutes adopted annually in haste\\nby men, many of whom are grossly ignorant or\\ndishonest, with all these features in our gov-\\nernment, we need a political balance wheel dif-\\nferent from any found in other governments.\\nFortunately we have it in our system of courts\\nclothed with authority to nullify statutes, and\\nordinances by declaring them unconstitutional.\\nEven a Justice of the Peace may declare a\\nfederal law to be unconstitutional. Such a judi-\\ncial power would be an intolerable evil in a\\nwell-organized state; here it is a blessing.\\nSec. 38. Military Discord. Our military sys-\\ntem is disgracefully weak and discordant. Our\\nland troops are divided into two classes, the regu-\\nlars or national army and the militia or state\\narmies, each state having its independent mili-\\ntary organization. The federal constitution pro-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 91\\nvides that Congress shall have power to provide\\nfor calling forth the militia to execute the laws\\nof the Union, suppress insurrections and repel\\ninvasions and also to provide for organizing,\\narming and disciplining the militia, and for gov-\\nerning such part of them as may be employed in\\nthe service of the United States, reserving to the\\nStates respectively the appointment of the offi-\\ncers, and the authority of training the militia, ac-\\ncording to the discipline prescribed by Con-\\ngress. It also provides that the United States\\nshall protect each of the States against inva-\\nsion; and on application of the legislature, or of\\nthe Executive (when the legislature cannot be\\nconvened against domestic violence.\\nThese provisions assume that there is a militia\\nor military force in each of the states; that this\\nforce is, under ordinary circumstances, to be\\npaid, enlisted, and uniformed by the State, under\\na State oath of allegiance and under a State flag,\\nif the State see fit to so order. The appoint-\\nment of the officers and the training of the State\\nare irreconcilable with uniformity of discipline\\nor strength of national feeling.\\nA statute of 1795 and another of 1861 provide\\nthat the President shall have authority to call\\nout the militia whenever he considers it nec-\\nessary and the Federal Supreme Court has de-\\ncided that he has exclusive authority to deter-\\nmine that necessity; but so long as the governors", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "92 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nare not under his control and may refuse to obey\\nhis orders, as they did in 1812 and in the war of\\n1861, without exposing themselves to the least\\ndanger of punishment, the President s control\\nover the militia is extremely uncertain. In 1863\\nGeneral John A. Dix, fearing that Governor Sey-\\nmour of New York would call out the state\\nmilitia to resist the orders of the President of the\\nUnited States, suggested that an order calling\\nout the militia of that state should be sent not to\\nthe Governor but to his subordinate, General\\nSandford (Memoirs of J. A. Dix II. 342). Dix\\nwas an able man, learned in the law, and his sug-\\ngestion, a proper one under the circumstances,\\nmade by him in his position of commanding gen-\\neral in New York city, implies a great defect in\\nour military system. In providing that the offi-\\ncers of the militia shall be appointed by the\\nState, the Federal Constitution implies that they\\nshall be subject to the orders of the Governor\\nwho is their local head.\\nThe militia is not only to a large extent inde-\\npendent of, but is also by certain conditions of its\\norganization, hostile to the regular army. When\\ncalled out for war, its officers are appointed by\\nthe governors under the Spoils System; and they\\nare not only ignorant of military affairs but, as a\\nclass, they have no strong motives to learn their\\nduties, to enforce discipline or to protect the gov-\\nernment against gross frauds in contracts for\\ntransportation and supplies.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 93\\nThe state troops and their officers possess great\\npolitical influence and therefore, on many im-\\nportant occasions, take precedence of the regular\\narmy when laurels are to be gained or honors en-\\njoyed, and they are shielded against exposure and\\npunishment for their blunders, their cowardice,\\nand their frauds. The political pull hampers\\nand paralyzes the highest integrity and courage\\nin the Presidency, in the Cabinet and in Congress.\\nSec. 39. Conflict Review, In this chapter, we\\nhave seen that our government is full of conflict-\\ning bothers between departments and offices, and\\nthat there is a complete lack of that harmony nec-\\nessary to national credit and governmental\\neconomy and efficiency. We have no proper\\ngradation of authority, and therefore many of our\\nplace-holders are insubordinate and are respon-\\nsible to no superior except a corrupt political or-\\nganization. Abuses fill all the branches of the\\npublic service and are so hidden by a pernicious\\nsystem that, in most cases, the fault cannot be\\ntraced to the evildoer. Nobody is to blame. Our\\nIndependent Administration, our Committee Sys-\\ntem, our Lobby, our Log-rolling, our Independent\\nGovernors, and our Independent State Armies are\\nunknown in other enlightened countries and are\\ndisgraceful to our intelligence.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "94 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nCHAPTER III.\\nTHE SPOILS.\\nSection 40. The Party. Our third political evil\\nis the Spoils System with its boss, journalistic\\norgan, brevity and rotation of official terms\\npopular election of administrative and judicial\\nofficers, numerous candidates (sometimes fifty) on\\none ballot, and the treatment of the public service\\nas pay for partisan service. These detestable fea-\\ntures of our government are without parallels in\\nmost other enlightened countries.\\nBy its control over leading newspapers, political\\norganizations, officials and aspirants for office, the\\nParty System is enabled to fill the ignorant multi-\\ntude with narrow prejudices and unsound ideas.\\nIt magnifies petty and minimizes large govern-\\nmental questions. It asserts what is false and de-\\nnies what is true. It exaggerates the importance\\nof many minor points of financial policy. It fos-\\nters and strengthens local prejudices. It makes\\nup a long platform with many vague, incoherent,\\ninsincere and fraudulent promises each devised\\nto catch the support of some class of votes; and\\nail when considered together, furnishing conclu-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 95\\nsive proof of the gross unfitness of the men, who\\nframed the document, to be trusted with the man-\\nagement of a government. It enforces rotation\\nand the Spoils System, thus rendering it impos-\\nsible for the state to get men of experience and\\ncompetency in most of the offices. It stultifies\\nthe people and debases the public service.\\nExclusive of the military and naval depart-\\nments, our country has about 180,000 federal offi-\\nces of which 80,000 are held for terms of four\\nyears, and at the beginning of every presidential\\nterm, each of them is solicited by five aspirants on\\nan average, making 400,000 federal office seekers.\\nIn the diplomatic and consular service there are\\nfifty applicants for each place. The state, county,\\ncity and town offices with pay or possible pick-\\nings number 500,000, and become vacant once in\\nthree years on an average. For each of these\\noffices there may be five aspirants, making a grand\\ntotal of 2,900,000 office-seekers, or nearly one in\\nHYe of all the voters, who must attach themselves\\nto some leader with influence that may secure a\\nnomination or appointment. Thus, a large pro-\\nportion of the population are enchained to the\\npartisan organization, and are bribed to exag-\\ngerate the importance of the ostensible principles\\ninvolved in the partisan conflicts. These facts go\\nfar to explain the unparalleled excitement of the\\npresidential campaigns which touch the pockets\\nof a large proportion of the people.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "96 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThe recipient of an office knows the persons to\\nwhom he is indebted and accepts it with an im-\\nplied if not an express promise that he will re-\\nciprocate by a contribution to the party fund, by\\na percentage of his salary, by giving the appoint-\\nments of his subordinates, by awarding contracts,\\nby making purchases, or by other official favors\\nat the expense of the public. He who refuses to\\nrender compensation is denounced, persecuted and\\nexcluded from later favors.\\nThe demoralization of the public service is the\\nresult not of any enfeeblement of the conscience\\nthat necessarily follows the establishment of\\nDemocratic government or induction into office,\\nbut is caused by the system which selects incom-\\npetent men for office, gives them no inducement\\nto perform its duties properly, and if they steal,\\nprotects them as far as possible against exposure\\nand punishment. European writers upon politi-\\ncal philosophy are right in asserting that our offi-\\ncial system (including short terms, rotation in\\noffice, nominations given as rewards for partisan\\nservice, and all the circumstances that accompany\\nthe adoption of the rule that the public offices are\\nspoils to be divided among the victors in the elec-\\ntions) necessarily leads to corruption. No such\\nmalfeasance in office is known in any other civi-\\nlized country, and no other country treats all the\\npublic offices as partisan spoils. In Great Britain,\\nthe self-governing British Colonies, France, Ger-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 97\\nmany, Italy, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Den-\\nmark, Sweden, Norway, and Spain, nearly all the\\nservants of the government hold their offices dur-\\ning good behavior. They must learn their busi-\\nness; they do not owe their promotion to partisan\\ninfluence, and if they prove incompetent or dis-\\nhonest, there is no partisan influence to protect\\nthem. They work for small salaries, because\\ntheir office is a life-long business, and an honor of\\nwhich Americans have no example and scarcely a\\nconception.\\nWhat was intended says Stickney in his\\nDemocratic Government, to be a free democratic\\ngovernment has grown to be a tyranny, a\\ntyranny of a new kind, a tyranny, not of men,\\nbut of a system. Our rulers have no wish or pur-\\npose to enslave the people. They would, if it\\nwere in their power, serve the people faithfully,\\nto the best of their abilities. But no man in this\\ncountry now has anything that deserves the name\\nof full political freedom. The magnitude of the\\nelection work made necessary by our present sys-\\ntem of government, with the lack of the natural\\norgan for the thought and action of the people,\\nhas brought into existence great and powerful\\norganizations, which so fetter the action of the\\ncitizen, of the people, and of all our public ser-\\nvants, that an honest, efficient administration of\\npublic affairs is an impossible thing. The whole\\nbody politic is in chains. Citizens can do nothing", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "98 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nbut cast a ballot prepared for them by some great\\nand powerful election organization. The people\\ncannot freely form and utter its own judgment or\\nwill, on either men or measures. Public servants\\nare compelled to use their public powers to serve\\nthe personal ends of the great election organiza-\\ntions. Those organizations control nominations,\\nand thereby substantially appoint and largely con-\\ntrol all of our highest public servants. The men\\nwho hold the highest public places, on whom we\\nmust necessarily depend for the efficient adminis-\\ntration of all public affairs, are not free men.\\nThey are engaged in a perpetual struggle for polit-\\nical existence, and, to a greater or less extent\\nserve the powers on whom they depend for a con-\\ntinuance of their political lives. So long as our\\npresent system of government continues, we can\\nexpect no permanent improvement in the admin-\\nistration of our public affairs.\\nThe same author in A True Republic (151) com-\\nplains that The thing that we call party is the\\npoison which makes a healthy national life an\\nimpossible thing. These great party combina-\\ntions, instead of being combinations of citi-\\nzens to carry wise measures in the interest of\\nthe people, are only combinations of politicians\\nto carry elections in their interest. The\\nparty oligarchy under which we now suffer is not\\nthe creation of any one set of men. The present\\nparty leaders are not responsible for its exist-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 99\\nence; they are not to be blamed for it. It is the\\nnatural legitimate fruit of our government sys-\\ntem.\\nFactions, which at one time seem bent on tear-\\ning each other to pieces, may at another time be\\nseen snuggled together cheek by jowl. These ad-\\njustments of interest are sometimes entered into\\nunder written covenants as formal as in regular\\nbusiness negotiation. Of course, such instru-\\nments rarely see the light of day, for even faction\\nfury is slow to commit such an imprudence,\\nyet such a thing has happened. A quarrel of\\nPennsylvania factions made public a remarkable\\ndraught of a treaty between state and local polit-\\nical interests, the preamble of which set forth\\nthat it was for mutual political and business ad-\\nvantage. [See Pittsburg newspapers of March\\n16th, 1896.]\\nThe political class, like every class of business\\nmen, includes great variety of talent and char-\\nacter. Vulgar cheats and ordinary rogues get\\ninto politics and use their opportunities for their\\nown pelf with as little regard for the interest of\\ntheir party as they dare reveal. This class of\\npoliticians sometimes invades city councils and\\nstate legislatures, to such an extent, as to stamp\\nthose bodies with their character. Indeed, it may\\nbe said to be the rule that lobby influence, which,\\nwithin its legitimate field, of advocacy, is a val-\\nuable and a really necessary adjunct of legisla-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "100 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ntion, is compelled to assume a corrupt character,\\nand it must select, for its principal service, agents\\nskilled in systematic bribery.\\nSec. 41. The Machine. The student of our poli-\\ntics and the reader of our newspapers often en-\\ncounters the term machine in the meaning of a\\npolitical party, though he never finds the same\\nword in the same signification in British or\\nFrench usage. There is a reason for the differ-\\nence. No other national parties are such ma-\\nchines as are ours.\\nOffice in the United States is given by a politi-\\ncal party under the conditions that the recipient\\nwill be controlled, in his official action, by the\\nprinciples, interests, and usages of the organiza-\\ntion, and that he will be governed by the idea\\nthat he is part of the machine with all the\\nmovements of which he must keep in harmony.\\nHe must regard his party as the only safe guar-\\ndian of the welfare of the country. He must\\nnever do or say anything that will bring it into\\ndiscredit, and therefore must not publish its\\ndelinquencies or prosecute its crimes.\\nBelieving that the success of their party is nec-\\nessary to the welfare of the country, many zealous\\nAmerican partisans habitually guide their conduct\\nby the maxim our party right or wrong, and do\\nnot hesitate to be guilty of falsehood or fraud in\\nits service. They act as if the public treasury\\nwere to be open, without strict supervision, to", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 101\\ntheir associates; and as if embezzlement by their\\npolitical friends should never be made a subject of\\ncriminal prosecution or scandalous exposure.\\nTherefore it is that in many cases of theft from the\\npublic treasury, discovered by honest men, there\\nis no prosecution. The general sentiment among\\nthe men influential in political circles is that such\\nmatters should, if possible, be kept secret. The\\nexposure discredits the party and weakens it at\\nthe approaching election. The defalcations that\\ncome before the courts are numerous; but those\\nthat do not are still more numerous. A trust-\\nworthy gentleman, an intimate friend of mine,\\ntold me that when he held a responsible position\\nin the municipal government of San Francisco,\\nmany years ago, he employed an accountant to ex-\\namine the pecuniary affairs of a certain office in\\nwhich many clerks had opportunities to collect\\nfees from the public; and this accountant found\\nthat nineteen out of twenty of those clerks had\\npocketed moneys that should have gone into the\\ntreasury of the city. The embezzlers were com-\\npelled to pay up, so far as their embezzlement\\ncould be traced, but they were not prosecuted, nor\\ndismissed from their places, nor exposed in the\\nnewspapers. About 1896 numerous thefts of pro-\\nvisions and supplies were committed in the Napa\\nInsane Asylum by the servants of the State, and\\nthe Governor of California put a detective among\\nthe servants, who found the offenders. Not one of", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "102 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthem was prosecuted or exposed in the newspa-\\npers but all were dismissed. In 1862 a forged\\ncertificate was sent to the Secretary of State of\\nCalifornia declaring that polls had been opened\\nat the precinct of Big Springs, Mono County, and\\nthat so many votes had been given for various can-\\ndidates. According to this paper, a large major-\\nity had been given in this precinct for the Demo-\\ncratic ticket, so large that it gave majorities to the\\ncandidates for Senator and Assemblymen for the\\ncounty. The proofs that the certificate was fraud-\\nulent, that no polls had been opened there, and no\\npopulation sufficient to cast one-tenth of the vote\\nreported existed there, were overwhelming; but\\nthe Democratic Senate declared the certificate\\ntrue and admitted the Democratic Senator; and\\nthe Eepublican Assembly declared the certificate\\nfraudulent and admitted the Eepublican Assem-\\nblyman. The records of many of the legislative\\nbodies of the United States abound with similar\\nincidents. The party, right or wrong, is the motto\\nof the zealous partisan.\\nSec. 42. The Boss. The political system of the\\nUnited States is a government of the people by the\\nparty for the benefit of the bosses. It is a system\\nof plundering the many by the few, and those few,\\nthe basest class who control any civilized state.\\nThey are worse than the worst ruling class in Eu-\\nrope. The chief institutions of the political party\\nin the United States are the boss, the journalistic", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 103\\norgan, the township club, and the primary elec-\\ntion, the county, state and national committees\\nand conventions.\\nThe Boss is the most prominent and potent in-\\nstitution of American politics. He is the head\\nand manager of his party in every township, coun-\\nty or state, unless his power is shared by associ-\\nates, as is often the case. If there are several,\\nthey usually work together because there is more\\nprofit for them in harmonious than in conflicting\\naction. The Boss understands all the tricks of\\npartisan management and gives much of his time\\nto it. He is familiar with the active politicians in\\nhis district, and in case that the parties are nearly\\nequally divided, not unfrequently agrees with the\\nleader of the other side about a method of manag-\\ning the campaign, so that each shall be sure of a\\nprofit in any event. If dishonest, as he is in a ma-\\njority of cases, he levies a tribute on the public\\ntreasury or percentage on the salaries of those\\nwho obtain office by his help. The township Boss\\nusually allies himself with the county boss, and\\nthe latter with the state boss if there be such a\\npersonage, though in most of the states there is\\nnone. The Boss attains his greatest power and\\nthe most plunder in the large and rich cities, and\\nespecially in New York, Philadelphia, Chicago,\\nBaltimore and San Francisco.\\nThe mastery of the Boss implies the helplessness\\nof intelligent public opinion, a condition full of", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "104 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ndanger in a republican country, if not inconsistent\\nwith the essence of republicanism. Henry C. Ad-\\nams (Finance 144) complains that the problem in\\nthe United States at the present time pertains to\\nthe control of the legislature. But why does he\\nlimit the evil to one department of the govern-\\nment? The evils pervade all and are highly per-\\nnicious in the administrative as well as in the leg-\\nislative department.\\nThe Boss and the Machine, as Godkin re-\\nmarks (80, 156,) hold the keys to all our\\nleading offices. It is they who say whether\\na man shall ever be allowed to compete\\nfor public favor. It is they who decide\\nwhether a second term in office shall be ac-\\ncorded to him, whether his career in public life\\nshall be closed or continued. This question, as he\\nknows well, is determined by considerations\\nwhich have little to do with the real value of his\\npublic services. It is determined by secret rules\\nof distribution in the matter of offices, of which\\nevery boss has a code. Whether the man shall\\nhave a nomination depends largely, not on his ex-\\nposition of political doctrine or on his advocacy of\\ncertain measures, but, on his services as an in-\\nstrumentality for the division of patronage; for it\\nis with patronage simply, and but rarely of policy,\\nthat the boss occupies himself.\\nFew or none of the bosses have ever been writ-\\ners or speakers or have ever been called on to dis-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 105\\ncuss public questions or have opinions about them.\\nThe principal ones, Tweed, Kelly, Croker [three\\nbosses of New York City], Piatt [state boss of\\nNew York] and Quay [of Philadelphia and Penn-\\nsylvania] have been either silent or illiterate men,\\nfamed for their reticence and have plumed them-\\nselves on their ability to do things without talk.\\nIn New York they have succeeded in diffusing\\namong the masses, to a certain extent, the idea\\nthat a statesman should not talk but simply fix\\nthings. l i i\\nSec. 43. The Cinch. One of the most common\\nand most productive forms of public plunder is\\nknown in New York as striking, and in Califor-\\nnia as cinching, corporations. State legisla-\\ntures have authority to regulate railway fares and\\ncity council to fix the charges that may be col-\\nlected by corporations for gas, electricity, water\\nand tramway transportation, and to demand\\nstatements about the cost of works and of man-\\nagement, as bases for prices. A contribution\\nmade nominally to the campaign fund of the dom-\\ninant party, but really to the private purse of its\\nboss, is often the only way to escape from a ruin-\\nous reduction or a long and costly litigation.\\nAccording to the Forum of June, 1897, the pay-\\nment of money to the boss by corporations was\\nthen a common custom in New York City, and was\\nconsidered necessary as a means of protection\\nagainst more costly forms of official robbery. A", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "106 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nleading lawyer, Mr. W. H. Peckham, declared pub-\\nlicly that he knew that two corporations each paid\\n$50,000 yearly. Mr. H. A. Havemeyer, President\\nof the sugar trust, testified before a congressional\\ncommittee in June 1894, that every wealthy in-\\ndustrial corporation in New York did such things.\\nMr. E. C. Benedict, a director in many corpora-\\ntions, said that the government of this state\\n[New York] is in three houses, and the third\\nhouse [the lobby] does business on the principle\\nof stand and deliver. That s the way the legisla-\\nture treats corporations. I am mentioning no\\nnames but I will say that the present ruler [boss]\\nis as much more expensive than the former one, of\\na different political stripe, as an educated high-\\npriced man is than an ignorant low-priced one.\\nMr. W. D. Guthrie a respectable and able mem-\\nber of the New York bar said in a speech in Car-\\nnegie Hall, New York on December 23rd 1896;\\nSince the days of Tweed, a new system of politi-\\ncal corruption has come into existence. The indi-\\nvidual legislator is now seldom directly bribed.\\nCorporations or individuals, seeking protection or\\nvaluable charter rights at the hands of the legisla-\\nture, retain a recognized political boss and pay\\nhim for the service to be rendered. This secures\\nthe desired favor. They pretend that these pay-\\nments are contributions to the party, but, as a\\nmatter of fact, they are tributes to the fund of\\nthe boss, who turns over to the national, state or", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 107\\ncounty committee as much of the spoil as he sees\\nfit, distributing most of it for the purpose of elect-\\ning to the legislature his own nominees. In form,\\nit is a contribution to the party; in substance and\\ntruth, it is bribery and black-mail. Most of these\\ncontributions are made by corporations. The\\nitems are entered on their books under fictitious\\nsundry accounts and hidden from public investi-\\ngation.\\nE. L. Godkin (Unforeseen Influences, 161.) says\\nNothing is known certainly about the amounts\\nlevied in this way, but there are two thousand\\ncorporations in New York [city] exposed to legis-\\nlative attack, and in the aggregate their contribu-\\ntions must reach a very large sum. Since the boss\\nhas obtained command of the legislature as well\\nas of the city, that is since Tweed s time, they\\nare literally at the mercy of the legislature, or,\\nin other words, at his mercy. Their taxes may be\\nraised, or, in the case of gas companies or rail-\\nroad companies, their charges lowered. The fav-\\norite mode of bringing insurance companies to\\nterms is ordering an examination of their assets,\\nwhich may be done through the superintendent\\nof insurance, who is an appointee of the govern-\\nor and Senate, or, virtually, of the boss. This ex-\\namination has to be paid for by the company and,\\nI am told, may be made to cost $200,000; it is\\nusually conducted by politicians out of a job, of\\na very inferior class. To protect themselves from", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "108 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nannoyances of this sort, the corporations, which\\nit mnst be remembered are creations of the law,\\nand increase in number every year, are only too\\nglad to meet the demands of the boss. Any\\ncampaign contribution, no matter how large, and\\nit is sometimes as high as f 50,000 or even $100,000,\\nis small compared to the expense which he can in-\\nflict on them by his mere fiat.\\nThe Boss as the same author says (118) sum-\\nmons from every quarter needy young men and\\nhelps them to get into places where they will be\\nable to add to their pay by some sort of corrup-\\ntion however disguised, perhaps rarely direct\\nbribery but too often black-mail or a share in\\njobs. To such it is not necessary that the legis-\\nlature should be an agreeable place, so long as\\nit promises a livelihood. This system is already\\nworking actively in some states; it is spreading\\nto others and is most perceptible in the great cen-\\nters of affairs. It is an abuse too, which, in a\\nmeasure, creates what it feeds upon. The more\\nlegislatures are filled with bad characters, the\\nless inducement there is for men of a superior or-\\nder to enter them; for it is true of every sort of\\npublic service, from the army up to the cabinet,\\nthat men are influenced as to entering it by the\\nkind of company they will have to keep.\\nThe American citizen as Moffett remarks (Sug-\\ngestion 8) is fond of calling himself a sovereign.\\nAs a rule however his only act of sovereignty is", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "RE-FORM OR REVOLUTION? 109\\nthat of deciding which of two bosses shall rule\\nover him. When the two bosses are privately in\\npartnership, as they often are, the principle of in-\\ndependent self-government, as we practice it, is\\ncarried to its logical limit. It then reaches its\\nillogical limit when they are not partners.\\nSec. 44. The Organ. Next to the Boss, the\\nmost prominent if not the most pernicious institu-\\ntion of the American Party System is its Journal-\\nistic Organ, the average daily of the city and the\\nweekly of the county. It owes its existence to the\\noffice-seeking class, panders to their low policy,\\nand often owes much of its profit to the public\\nprinting which it gets from them corruptly.\\nMost of its readers want something better in-\\ntellectually and morally but they are not organ-\\nized and they do not control the plunder of the\\ntreasury and therefore they cannot maintain news-\\npapers adapted to their tastes. The main duties\\nof the Journalistic Organ are to assert that the\\nenforcement of the party s platform will sup-\\nply all the political wants of the country; that the\\nboss is a noble patriot; that the Spoils System en-\\nables the people to retain control of the govern-\\nment; that civil service reform would establish an\\noffice-holding aristocracy; that capital is the\\nenemy of labor; and that monopolies and trusts\\nare the greatest dangers to free institutions.\\nIt is a mistake to believe the common assertion\\nthat the newspapers are as good as the community", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "X10 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nwhich supports them. The public opinion is\\nabove the level of its corrupt journalists and of-\\nfice holders, but having fallen under their yoke has\\nnot been able to emancipate itself from them.\\nThe Party System has blinded some and muzzled\\nothers of those who should have led the way to\\nreform, but the multitude will overthrow the\\nabuses of the present, as their ancestors over-\\nthrew those of the past.\\nA large part of the business of the partisan\\nmanagers and their journalistic and stump-speak-\\ning sycophants is to magnify the importance of\\nsmall questions, to minimize that of large ones,\\nto mislead the people with false ideas, and to fill\\nthem with the hope of receiving services that are\\nnot to be rendered to them. Therefore great\\noutcries are made about matters of relatively little\\nsignificance, and promises are published with no\\nintention of keeping them. If any large class has\\nconceived a prejudice in ignorance and folly that\\nit is the victim of oppression by some other class\\nwith a smaller number of votes, the politicians\\nwill do their utmost to strengthen the prejudice\\nand increase the folly for the purpose of catching\\nthe votes of the many.\\nSec. 45. The Club. Third among the institu-\\ntions of the Party System, coming after the Boss\\nand the Journalistic Organ, is the Township Club,\\nan association that pretends to represent all the\\nmembers of the party in its township, but really", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? HI\\nrepresents only the managers of the local organ-\\nization, and is so constituted that they and their\\nfollowers have ordinarily complete control of all\\nits proceedings. They exact a promise from all\\nmembers of obedience to the majority, and this\\nmajority consists of men subject to their orders.\\nIn 1858 out of 58,000 Republican voters in New\\nYork city only 800 belonged to the Clubs, which\\nmade the nominations; and in some other cases,\\nthe proportion of club members to voters has\\nbeen even less.\\nThe Club directs the local work of the party.\\nIt designates the nominees for the township of-\\nfices and the delegates to the county convention\\nwhich makes up the county ticket, or if such busi-\\nness is to be done through the agency of a primary\\nelection, it manages that affair, selects the men to\\nreceive and count the ballots, fixes the time and\\nplace, and formulates the qualifications of voters\\nin such a manner that the independent and in-\\ntelligent voters generally shall not participate, or\\nat least shall not obtain control.\\nSec. 46. The Convention. The township club or\\nthe primary election designates delegates to a\\ncounty convention which nominates candidates\\nfor county office, and elects a county committee\\nand delegates to a state convention. An aspirant\\nto a county office, whom we shall call Smith, a\\nmember of the dominant party, wants to be sheriff.\\nWith a commendatory letter from the county", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "112 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nboss, he visits all the townships a month or two\\nbefore the county delegates are to be chosen, sees\\nthe township boss or bosses, explains his plans,\\nlistens to theirs, tries to come to an agreement\\nfor their gratification and his own and promises\\nto reward them for successful efforts in his ser-\\nvice. He seeks the aid of the Justice of the Peace,\\nthe Constable and the Postmaster; if he is an in-\\nfluential man, they want his help and give theirs\\nin return. Taking advantage of their personal\\nfeeling and political ambition, Smith manages to\\nsecure a dozen supporters, if possible, in each vil-\\nlage, and when the time for the township meet-\\ning comes round, they visit their friends and urge\\nthem to attend and to vote for the men selected\\nas Smith s delegates. Out of two hundred Ee-\\npublican voters in a township, perhaps thirty at-\\ntend the meeting; twenty, including three op-\\nposed to Smith, understand, or feel an interest in\\nthe proceedings, and Smith s delegates are\\nchosen. If in this manner Smith carries a ma-\\njority of the townships he is certain, before the\\nconvention meets, of the nomination. If he have\\nonly a third or fourth part, he will agree with a\\ncandidate for another office, to join forces or, per-\\nhaps, with others, until the combination is strong\\nenough to make a majority of the Convention.\\nSometimes the delegates object to being traded\\noff, but usually they are entirely under the con-\\ntrol of the man in whose interest they were", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? H3\\nchosen. Not nn frequently he pays all their ex-\\npenses in attending the Convention. They may\\nspend a day in going to the County Seat, another\\nin returning, and sit in the Convention two days,\\nmaking four in all. Generally the members of\\nConventions are not disposed to do such things for\\nnothing. They expect something in return, and\\noften demand cash for their votes from candidates\\nto whom they have made no promises.\\nIt is ordinarily understood that the delegate\\npledged to a certain candidate will not only vote\\nfor him, but will accept all the bargains and ful-\\nfill all the pledges necessary to secure his nomina-\\ntion; but after that is gained, he is free, and may\\nmake as much for himself as the situation per-\\nmits. Most of the members of the Convention of\\na dominant party are pledged before they are\\nelected; otherwise the managers would not fore-\\nknow the result as to the most important places\\nand would fail in the chief business entrusted to\\nthem. The state and national conventions are\\nmanaged on similar principles.\\nEvery sheriff, county clerk, recorder, treasurer,\\ntax collector, and assessor has the exclusive au-\\nthority to appoint his subordinates; and these\\nplaces are greatly coveted because the hours are\\nbrief, the work easy and the pay twice or three\\ntimes as much as the deputy could get in any\\nother occupation. Such appointments are often\\ngiven to pay for aid in securing the nomination.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "114 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThus when Smith and Jones are aspirants for the\\noffice of Sheriff, they may find that if both keep\\nthe field, both will probably be defeated, but that\\nif they combine, one of them can certainly be\\nelected. Then they may toss up for the nomina-\\ntion, with the stipulation that the winner shall\\ngive the place of chief deputy to the loser. In\\nmany cases the friend who gives security for the\\nofficial, designates the chief deputy who is to have\\ncharge of the books and funds. The deputy who\\nhas no strong backing may have to contribute a\\nshare of his salary every month, to the man who\\nappointed him or secured his appointment.\\nCustom, now well established, requires every\\nnational convention that nominates a presidential\\nticket to set forth in a Platform the principles\\nwhich will guide the representatives of the party\\nif it should obtain control of the administration.\\nThe election of the candidates closes the contract\\nbetween the voters and the new officials. That is\\nthe theory; the practice is that partisan managers\\ntry to cheat the multitude with ambiguous phrases.\\nA common feature of political hypocrisy is that\\nthe opposition accuses the administration of vio-\\nlating the constitution and yet adopts similar\\nmeasures when it obtains the power; and justi-\\nfies itself by the assertion that it is so honest that\\nit can safely do things which would be very dan-\\ngerous if done by the rogues of the other side.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 115\\nSec. 47. Internal Improvements. For the pur-\\npose of catching votes in doubtful campaigns, all\\nthe Republican and Democratic national conven-\\ntions from 1872 till 1892, to the great disgust of\\nthe machine politicians who were a large majority,\\nof the delegates, promised a reform of the federal\\ncivil service, honest civil service reform, as the\\nDemocratic convention called it in 1884; and both\\nparties enacted laws to secure the appointment of\\nofficials for merit and to secure their retention\\nin office during good behavior. In 1896, the\\nDemocrats, who had emancipated themselves\\nfrom the influence of Cleveland, grew tired of\\ntheir hypocrisy and declared against life tenure\\nin office and in favor of return to the spoils.\\nThen the Republican administration, released\\nfrom its fear of being outbid in this matter by the\\nopposition, threw open to the spoilsmen many\\noffices from which they had been excluded for\\nyears.\\nThe region south of the Potomac and Ohio\\nrivers does not possess any long land route of the\\nfirst importance for commerce, nor before 1830 did\\nits traffic demand any great canal or macada-\\nmized road; and partly because of these facts the\\nDemocratic party, which had its stronghold in\\nthat part of the Union, was hostile to the in-\\nternal improvements at the expense of the fed-\\neral treasury. While the south had no enter-\\nprises of this kind, the north was going ahead with", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "116 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nwonderful energy. The Erie Oanal connecting\\nthe Hudson river with Lake Erie was the most\\nextensive, the most costly and the most brilliantly\\nsuccessful industrial enterprise of its time. It\\nstimulated Pennsylvania to make her canal from\\nthe Delaware to the Ohio Ohio to make two from\\nLake Erie to the Ohio; Indiana to make one from\\nLake Erie to the Wabash; and Illinois to make\\none from Lake Michigan to the Illinois river. In\\n1815 Congress, had declared by resolution that it\\nhad constitutional authority to construct post\\nroads, and though the strict constructionists pro-\\ntested, this view prevailed in the government for\\nmore than a dozen years. In accordance with it,\\nthe National Road was planned to be about six\\nhundred miles long from the Ohio river opposite\\nWheeling to the Mississippi opposite St. Louis\\nthrough Indianapolis, nearly straight in its\\ncourse, and a hundred feet wide, with a well\\ngraded bed of macadam, the grandest wagon road\\never surveyed. It was completed through Ohio\\nand work on it was then stopped by President\\nJackson. Under his influence the Democratic\\nplatforms of 1840 and 1844 declared that the fed-\\neral government had no constitutional authority\\nto make internal improvements, and this policy\\nprevailed until 1860. Since then the Democrats\\nhave denied the right of Congress to appropriate\\nmoney for such purposes, and have striven to get\\nas many and as large appropriations as possible", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 117\\nfor the Democratic states. In 1892 and 1896,\\ntheir platforms declared in favor of the improve-\\nment of the Mississippi river, and by this they\\nmeant the lower part of the river where it runs\\nthrough Democratic territory. Consistency is not\\nallowed to stand in the way of profit.\\nSec. 48. Demagogism. For the purpose of catch-\\ning votes the partisan managers do not hesitate\\nto make the most disgraceful, dishonest and un-\\npatriotic concessions. Such were the Kentucky\\nresolutions by the National Democratic Conven-\\ntions of 1852 and 1856 asserting the rights of se-\\ncession and nullification, and such also was the\\nresolution of the Democratic National Convention\\nof 1896 promising that the Party if victorious,\\nwould pass an act providing that in certain cases\\nof contempt of court, the offender should not be\\npunished until after a jury trial. This was an im-\\nplied promise that in case of another Pullman\\nriot, the federal authorities would not interfere\\nbut would let the Railway Companies and the\\nmob settle their controversies in their own way.\\nIn that Pullman affair, Eugene Debs, as Presi-\\ndent of the American Railway Union, violated an\\norder of the federal Court in Chicago and had\\nbeen sent to jail for several months in punish-\\nment, an act that contributed much to the restora-\\ntion of order. To provide for the jury trial of a\\ncontempt of court would be an effective method\\nof making the courts contemptible for inefficiency.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "118 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThis Democratic bid for the votes of the Chicago\\nrioters and their sympathizers elicited from H. J.\\nFord (American Politics 329) the remark that\\nParty organization, therefore, exploits outbreaks\\nof popular folly and knavery, and caters to the\\nprejudices of ignorance and fanaticism in a way\\nthat invests them with factitious importance and\\nconfers upon them inordinate legislative in-\\nfluence. This feature of American politics, more\\nthan any other, causes the national character to\\nbe misunderstood, and the worth of democratic\\ninstitutions to be undervalued.\\nProf. Hyslop (220) says In the recent Presiden-\\ntial election, [1896] where the issue was largely\\nthe repudiation of public and private debts, and\\nthe withdrawal of federal interference in labor\\nstrikes against railways and enterprises involv-\\ning public interests, and perhaps all strikes what-\\never, the regular Democratic nominee of the\\nChicago Convention supporting this demand,\\nwhich threatened to lead straight to anarchy,\\nthe inmates of the New Haven (Conn.) jail were\\nasked their presidential preferences. Of two hun-\\ndred and ninety-one prisoners, two hundred and\\neighty-four were for the regular Democratic\\nnominee, and only six for the Kepublican, and one\\nundecided,, he being insane. It would have been\\ninteresting to have obtained a general census of\\nthe preferences among the criminals of the whole\\ncountry.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 119\\nIf the spirit, of Democracy were properly repre-\\nsented by the National Convention of 1896, it\\nwould be a base and pernicious plan of govern-\\nment, much worse than an .enlightened despotism.\\nA peculiar feature of our political system is the\\npivotal vote that is the vote of a small class\\nof persons who, in many elections, hold the deci-\\nsive positions, and may be controlled by fraud.\\nIn the average presidential election, two-fifths of\\nthe States are surely Republican; two-fifths are\\nsurely Democratic; and the, other fifth may be un-\\ncertain. Upon these most of the energies and\\nmoney of the campaign managers is spent. In\\nthese doubtful States, there are small classes of\\nvoters, not more than one in ten of all in these\\nrespective States and in the aggregate not one in\\na hundred of all in the Union, who are ready to\\nvote for some liberal concession to their local in-\\nterests, or some excitement of their passions.\\nThese relatively few voters hold the result in\\ntheir hands and it is the characteristic triumphs\\nof a presidential campaign to capture these fools.\\nThe energy of both parties is largely turned to\\nthis ambition; and the false promise, the am-\\nbiguous promise on the platform, and the forgery\\npublished a day or two before the election when\\nthere is no time for controverting proof, are\\nfamiliar parts of our political history. Dema-\\ngog! sm is as old as popular government but never\\nin any other country did it approach the baseness\\nthat it has reached among us.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "120 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThe special object, selected just now for abuse\\nby the demagogues, is the Trust, a combination of\\ncorporations, which owe their existence to statu-\\ntory enactment, must manage their business\\nunder statutory limitations, and, in many cases,\\nmust buy exemption from legislative plunder by\\npaying black-mail to the boss. Instead of de-\\nmanding specific amendments of the corporation\\nlaw, the demagogues denounce the trusts in gen-\\neral terms.\\nSec. 49. Rotation.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The treatment of 400,000\\nfederal, state, county, ,city and township offices,\\nas the spoils of partisan warfare to be distrib-\\nuted anew after biennial or quadrennial elec-\\ntions, is a peculiar and most .pernicious feature\\nof the American political system. It fills the\\ngovernment with corruption, extravagance, in-\\nefficiency and inexperience, and has led to the\\ngeneral adoption of the rule among office holders\\nthat under ordinary circumstances, they must\\nconceal the delinquencies and ,embezzlements of\\ntheir associates.\\nA peculiar feature of American polity is the\\nbrevity of the term, usually not more than two\\nyears in the city or county, or four years in the\\nstate or national office. One and perhaps the\\nmain purpose of the brevity is to permit frequent\\nrotation, so that many of those who have contrib-\\nuted much to the victory of the party, should, in\\nsuccession, share its spoils which are the funds\\ncollected from the people by taxation.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 121\\nKotation is a device to give the control of the\\ngovernment to the professional politicians. It\\ndrives the good from the public service and re-\\ntains the bad. It degrades the nation by giving\\nplaces to incompetent men; for competency is an\\nacquirement not to be obtained without many\\nyears of experience. The man who is success-\\nful in business or sees that he is on the sure road\\nto success, will not accept office because he can do\\nbetter and maintain his self-respect in private\\nstation. The average office seeker is a man who\\nhas failed in his attempts to get into other profit-\\nable occupation, and takes to politics as a last\\nresort. He knows that he lacks the education\\nand experience needed for the place but consoles\\nhimself with the thought that he is as good as the\\nother aspirants. When he obtains it his chief\\nambition is not to qualify himself for it but to\\ngain influence with the party managers to secure\\na renomination.\\nBrief official terms had their origin in New\\nEngland where the towns annually elected and\\nusually reelected their clerk, treasurer, constable\\nand councilors, and had excellent administrations\\nbecause the voters were few, intelligent, per-\\nmanent and well acquainted with one another.\\nBut the same system led to pernicious results\\nwhen adopted by large communities of less in-\\ntelligent and less permanent citizens, who in\\nmany cases voted for candidates of whom they", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "122 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nknew nothing. The argument for short terms is\\nthus made in the constitution of Maryland: A\\nlong continuance in the executive departments of\\npower or trust is, dangerous to liberty; a rotation\\ntherefore in these departments is one of the best\\nsecurities of permanent freedom. This assumes\\nthat it is better to have a succession of incompe-\\ntents and thieves succeeding one another an-\\nnually, that is the practical result of annual\\nelections generally, than to have one honest\\nand competent man in the office continuously.\\nThe security for permanent freedom in a succes-\\nsion of incompetents and rogues is not self-evi-\\ndent.\\nSec. 50. Office Begging. The custom of begging\\nfor office is a prominent feature of American\\npolitical life and is adopted at one time or an-\\nother by about one voter out of five, if not by, a\\nlarger proportion. The beggar not only solicits\\na place but demands that the person, to whom he\\napplies, shall give him a long and respectful hear-\\ning, under the penalty of driving the applicant\\nwith his friends into the other party.\\nEvery official, who has authority to appoint\\nmany subordinates, from the President down, ac-\\ncepts his place with the implied promise that his\\nconduct will be controlled by regard for the in-\\nterests of his party, that he will not offend its\\nvoters and that he will maintain the custom of\\npermitting the office beggar, to intrude into his", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 123\\nhome, to shake his hand, and occupy his time with\\nthe solicitation of political favors. Benjamin Har-\\nrison wrote thus (This Country of Ours, 111. 166.\\n174): The President s popular receptions begin\\nthe next day after his inauguration, and are con-\\ntinued for a good many days without much re-\\ngard to hours. When the great East Room fills\\nup he goes down and takes his station .near the\\ndoor of exit. The head usher introduces some\\nwho are known or who make their names known\\nto him, but generally the visitors make known\\ntheir own names to the President, or pass with a\\nhand-shake without any introduction, often at\\nthe rate of forty or fifty to the minute. In the\\nfirst three weeks of an administration the Presi-\\ndent shakes hands with from 40,000 to 60,000 per-\\nsons. The physical drain of this is very great,\\nand if the President is not an instructed hand-\\nshaker a lame arm and a swollen hand soon re-\\nsult. This may be largely, or entirely avoided by\\nusing President Hayes s method, take the hand\\nextended to you and grip it before your hand is\\ngripped. It is the passive hand that gets hurt.\\nWhen the inaugural visitors have disappeared\\nthese popular East Room receptions are brought\\ninto order and occur usually three times a week\\nat one o clock. It, has been suggested that a bow\\nshould be substituted for the hand-shake; but it\\nwould be quite as admissible to suggest a revi-\\nsion of the Declaration of Independence. The in-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "124 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nterest which multitudes attach to a hand-shake\\nwith the President is so great that people will en-\\ndure the greatest discomfort and not a little peril\\nto life and limb to attain it. These are not the\\noffice-seekers, but the unselfish, honest-hearted,\\npatriotic people whose Grod bless you is a prayer\\nand a benediction. They come to Washington for\\nthe inauguration, and later with visiting excur-\\nsions, but they are mostly to be found near their\\nown homes. They come out to meet the Presi-\\ndent when he takes a journey, and his contact\\nwith them, and their affectionate interest in him,\\nrevive his courage and elevate his purposes. Mr.\\nLincoln is said to have called these popular re-\\nceptions his public opinion baths.\\nUnless the President is very early, he will find\\nsome callers waiting for him as he passes through\\nthe Cabinet room to his office. The rules, which\\nare displayed on large cards, announce that the\\nPresident will receive persons having business\\nwith him between certain hours, usually from\\n9.30 or 10 A. M. until 1 P.M., except on Mondays;\\nbut the hours and the exception are very little re-\\ngarded, and it is a rare piece of good fortune, dur-\\ning the early months of an administration, if the\\nPresident gets one wholly uninterrupted hour at\\nhis desk each day. His time is so broken into\\nbits that he is often driven to late night work,\\nor to set up a desk in his bedroom, when prepar-\\ning a message or other paper requiring unbroken", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 125\\nattention. Thoughtlessness is the root of all this.\\nI only want five minutes and if he were the\\nonly one it could be spared; but his double is at\\nhis heels, and the urgent public business is post-\\nponed or done at night with a jaded mind. It may\\nbe said that untimely visitors should be excluded,\\nand so they should; but thoughtfulness on their\\npart would be a cure without a smart. The Presi-\\ndent s messenger brings in the cards or announces\\norally the names of the visitors, and they are ad-\\nmitted singly, or all are ushered, as they arrive,\\ninto the President s office, as he may direct. He\\nusually receives them standing near his desk\\nespecially when a number are present and in the\\norder of their official station, if they are public\\nofficers. Those not engaged with the President\\nstand back, and the conversation with each, as he\\nis received, is conducted in a low tone that se-\\ncures some degree of privacy. There are many\\nSenators and Kepresentatives, often accompanied\\nby friends or constituents, either singly or in\\ndelegations, sometimes simply to pay their re-\\nspects, but more often to urge some appointment.\\nIn the latter case the President listens, and\\nseems to the applicant to be painfully reticent.\\nHe concludes the brief interview by saying:\\nPlease file your papers in the proper department,\\nand I will consider the matter. This incident is\\nrepeated over and over perhaps a hundred times\\nin the course of a morning. The business has not", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "126 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nbeen much advanced, if at all. The appointment\\nmay not come before the President for action for\\nseveral months, and in the nature of things he can\\nrecall little, if anything, of what was said so long\\nbefore. He has been told that Mr. A an appli-\\ncant for the post-office at is a dissipated, dis-\\nreputable man, and that Mr. B who wants the\\nsame place, possesses all of the virtues and talents\\nof the highest order; but if the President depended\\nupon his memory these vices and virtues might be\\nwrongly assigned. All this is explained over\\nand over again to applicants and their friends,\\nbut the feeling that something is, or may be,\\ngained by a personal interview prevails, and for\\nthe first year and a half of an administration the\\nPresident spends from four to six hours of each\\nday talking about things he will not have to act\\nupon for months, while the things that ought to\\nbe done presently are hurtfully postponed. Gen-\\nerally in the case of home places, the application\\nis for a particular office, but in very many cases,\\nespecially as to consular places, the application is\\ngeneral for a place to be hunted up by the Presi-\\ndent and fitted to the applicant. Such cases are\\nparticularly trying\\nThe Civil Service Law has removed a large\\nnumber of minor offices in the departments at\\nWashington and in the postal and other services,\\nfrom the scramble of politics, and has given the\\nPresident, the Cabinet officers and the Members", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 127\\nof Congress great relief; but it still remains true\\nthat in the power of appointment to office the\\nPresident finds the most exacting, unrelenting and\\ndistracting of his duties. In the nature of things\\nhe begins to make enemies from the start and has\\nno way of escape, it is fate; and to a sensitive\\nman involves much distress of mind. His only\\nsupport is in the good opinion of those who chiefly\\ncare that the public business shall be well done\\nand are not disturbed by the consideration\\nwhether this man or that man is doing it; but he\\nhears very little directly from this class. No\\nPresident can conduct a sucessful administration\\nwithout the support of Congress; and this matter\\nof appointments, do what he will, often weakens\\nthat support. It is for him always a sort of com-\\npromise between his ideal and the best attainable\\nthing.\\nGeorge W. Julian, who was a member of Con-\\ngress for more than twenty years, gives in his\\nRecollectims (323) this account of some of his\\ntroubles with office-seekers. During the winter\\n[1868-9] preceding the inauguration of the Presi-\\ndent I was besieged by place-hunters more than\\never before. They thronged about me constantly,\\nwhile I generally wrote from twenty to thirty let-\\nters per day in response to inquiries about ap-\\npointments from my district. The squabbles over\\npost-office appointments were by far the most\\nvexatious and unmanageable. They were singu-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "128 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nlarly fierce, and I found it wholly impossible to\\navoid making enemies of men who had supported\\nme with zeal. I was tormented for months about\\nthe post-office of a single small town in Franklin\\ncounty, where the rival parties pounced upon each\\nother like cannibals, and divided the whole com-\\nmunity into two hostile camps. I was obliged to\\ngive my days and nights to this wretched business,\\nand often received only curses for the sincerest\\nendeavors to do what I believed was right. This\\nexperience became absolutely sickening, and\\ncould not be otherwise than seriously damaging\\nto me politically.\\nSec. 51. Inexpmence. Nowhere is official inex-\\nperience more prominent or relatively more perni-\\ncious than in the state legislatures, the majorities\\nof which are made up of men who have never be-\\nfore served in such a body or have had no legal\\neducation, and cannot draft a bill or understand\\nits force when they read it. They serve for only\\nthree months, and in that brief period learn noth-\\ning about the science of law-making and yet they\\nhave the power to adopt new systems of revenue,\\nto alter the guaranties of person and property,\\nand to plunder the treasury. Because of the fre-\\nquent great changes in the distribution of busi-\\nness and population, and also because of the es-\\ntablished method of electing federal senators (of\\nwhom two must be elected in every six years) it is\\nconsidered necessary that every legislature should", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 129\\nmeet biennially, if not annually, and the appro-\\npriations for the maintenance of governmental in-\\nstitutions are made for a term not exceeding two\\nyears. They must meet, but their session fills the\\nintelligent business men generally with serious\\napprehension lest folly, ignorance and corruption\\ncombined do serious damage to the public inter-\\nests. When such a body adjourns without having\\ndone some highly discreditable and dishonest act,\\nthe people congratulate themselves on their es-\\ncape.\\nSometimes it happens that an able and success-\\nful lawyer or merchant goes to the legislature, not\\nfor the purpose of serving the public, but with the\\nobject of passing some bill which if not corrupt in\\nmotive is at least questionable in policy, and could\\nprobably not become a law unless it were pushed\\nby an influential man who devotes all his energies\\nduring the session to its support. Such a man\\ndoes not go to the legislature for reputation, be-\\ncause he knows that there is little prospect of suc-\\ncess. Neither does he go for pecuniary profit\\nfrom the official salary because the pay is small\\nand is insufficient to compensate him for the inter-\\nruption and neglect of his ordinary business. He\\nusually presents his bill late in the session, and its\\npassage is the chief object of his legislative am-\\nbition. For this he pleads, for this he makes\\nfriends, to this he devotes much of his energy, and\\nin some cases for this he log-rolls and bribes. In", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "130 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSan Francisco, for instance, the opening of Mont-\\ngomery Avenue, the cutting through of the hill on\\nSecond Street, and the building of the City Hall\\non its present site, was each secured by a man who\\nmade it the special object of obtaining a seat in\\nthe legislature; and though in each case, the ad-\\nvocate presumably believed that he would confer\\na benefit on the public as well as on himself, yet\\nhe would not have consented to serve in the legis-\\nlature, if he had not desired to secure the adoption\\nof a measure which would put a considerable sum\\nof money into his pocket. The Montgomery Ave-\\nnue and Second Street enterprises proved to be\\nnot only unprofitable to the public and to their\\nrespective legislative parents, but disgraceful to\\nthe city.\\nBrief terms imply inefficiency as well as inex-\\nperience. Competent men will not accept places\\nthat have no permanence. As a consequence of\\nthe rarity of high capacity and character among\\nthe officials, our government cannot safely under-\\ntake the work that is done with success by other\\ngovernments. It does not own and manage sav-\\nings banks, and railways, and telegraphs, and tele-\\nphones, and sewage farms, and lodging houses for\\nthe poor as is done by various European govern-\\nments. Few American cities own their water\\nworks, gas works, and electric light. Philadel-\\nphia made its own gas and failing to manage the\\nbusiness honestly or economically, leased the es-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 131\\ntablishment to a company of capitalists. The fed-\\neral government has numerous and very costly\\nnavy yards but its best ships are built under con-\\ntract with independent ship-yards.\\nIn the United States, there are not three times\\nas many people as in Great Britain, but, excluding\\nthe army and navy, there are five times as many\\nofficials, though the governmental work is not so\\nextensive nor so well clone. The proportionate\\nexcess in the number of officials is caused mainly\\nby their inexperience, inefficiency and dishonesty.\\nSec. 52. Corruption. Official station in the\\nUnited States often perverts those of its recipi-\\nents who were not, and increases the depravity of\\nthose who were previously base. Many will not\\naccept bribes, neglect their duties or embezzle the\\npublic funds, but even these, usually, conceal or\\ntry to conceal the frauds and neglects of their as-\\nsociates, who cannot be exposed and punished\\nwithout a public scandal that may result in the\\ndefeat of the party and the consequent installation\\nof another set of men equally corrupt. So long as\\nthe Spoils System is maintained, there is no hope\\nfor any permanent and secure improvement. No\\nreform can be introduced by changing the thieves;\\nand that is what the alternating dominion of fac-\\ntion sometimes accomplishes in this country.\\nThe degree of depravity increases with the amount\\nof revenue subject to control. No wonder that\\nsuccessful business men advise their able sons to\\nkeep out of politics.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "132 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nAccording to an opinion prevalent among intel-\\nligent men at least one-fifth of all the members of\\ncounty, city, state and national legislatures and\\nadministrative boards in the United States, are\\ncorrupt men who seek and obtain official position\\nwith the intention of accepting bribes or embez-\\nzling public money when favorable opportunity\\npermits. Neither House of Congress or any legis-\\nlature in any of the larger states has at any time\\nwithin the last half century been above suspicion;\\nand if as sometimes happens, a small state senate\\nor city council or board leaves office with an un-\\nblemished reputation the fact is considered won-\\nderful.\\nIn an oration delivered at Dartmouth College\\nin June, 1882, Senator James A. Bayard said A\\nsystem has grown up gradually yet almost im-\\nperceptibly in our government which has reached\\na point of growth and power that enables it to\\noverthrow the main objects for which our consti-\\ntution and laws were established and to substi-\\ntute a system which enables men once vested with\\nofficial power to use that power as a stepping\\nstone for its own perpetuation and advancement\\nregardless of all changes in the condition of popu-\\nlar sentiment. Thus gradually an army of\\nmercenaries has been organized who are strong\\nenough to control conventions and nominating as-\\nsemblies, set at defiance public opinion and laugh\\nto scorn public conscience.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 133\\nIn his Constitutional History (231) Simon Sterne\\nsays that the Spoils System demoralizes both\\nparties. Any influence that can corrupt the\\nbosses who usually have a controlling influence in\\nthe Republican and Democratic organizations\\nmust be superlatively debasing. Bryce remarks\\ncorrectly (1,384.) that the corner stone of practical\\npolitics in the United States is the Spoils System;\\nif it were overthrown the partisan organizations\\nas they now exist, would immediately disappear,\\nor they would change so greatly that they would\\nnot know themselves.\\nD. A. McKnight declares (The Electoral System\\nof the United States, 330) that since that date\\n(1829) the American civil service has been a re-\\nproach and a shame. In his True Republic (91)\\nAlbert Stickney asserts that the political history\\nof the United States, in the years since the war,\\nhas been a long story of corruption and miscon-\\nduct on the part of public officers. In his Politi-\\ncal Problem (28-36) the same author tells his read-\\ners that a large proportion of the officials in the\\nUnited States obtain their places by the help of\\nprofessional election brokers, (that is what\\nmany of the bosses are;) and he implies that the\\nofficials must pay commission for the brokerage.\\nThere is no equal proportion of such corruption in\\nany other enlightened country and George Wm.\\nCurtis did not pass beyond the bounds of the\\ntruth when he said, after giving much attention to", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "134 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthe subject, that the American civil service was\\nthe worst in the world.\\nAccording to D. B. Eaton (Lalor s Cyclopedia III\\n783) The unparalleled abuses in past years at the\\nXew York Post Office and Custom House and the\\nmunicipal, judicial and other corruptions asso-\\nciated with the names of Barnard, McOunn, Tweed\\nand Fisk at the city of New York have made the\\nconsequences of a long and general toleration of\\nthat [Spoils] System as a part of our familiar his-\\ntory.\\nSec. 53. Election Frauds. Many statutes have\\nbeen enacted in the United States for the purpose\\nof defrauding voters of a fair share of political\\npower. One of the most common tricks is the\\ngerrymander, by which the election districts are\\nso arranged that some are to have very large ma-\\njorities of the party to be cheated, and others are\\nto have small majorities of the party to be favored.\\nBy this method, with an equal number of votes,\\nthe gerrymandering side may gain three-fourths\\nof the members of Congress or legislature to be\\nelected in the state. With the help of such a law,\\nthe Democrats of Ohio, in 1862 when they had a\\nminority of 25,000 votes, were enabled to elect\\nfourteen out of nineteen congressmen. Both po-\\nlitical parties have made a practice of rewarding\\nthe men who devised and enacted gerrymandering\\nbills, and thus indicate that for voters generally", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 135\\nthe partisan success is more prized than official\\nintegrity.\\nFrauds in elections are frequent, and among\\nthem are stuffing the ballot box with ballots not\\ncast; false returns; the reception of votes by non-\\nresidents; the reception of many ballots from a\\nperson who has a right to cast only one; the stuff-\\ning of the register by putting down the names of\\nnon-residents colonization or the transfer for elec-\\ntion purposes of persons from one district to an-\\nother; and bribery or payment for votes. These\\nfrauds have a large influence in the aggregate on\\nthe distribution of the offices.\\nIt is the business of the professional politician\\nto hold himself up as the protector of the poor\\nagainst their oppressors. Sixty years ago the\\ngreat enemy against whom he roused the preju-\\ndices of the ignorant was the beneficent national\\nbank; afterward it became the protective tariff\\n(which the great mass of the poor never felt), and\\nnow it is the trust, or great combination of capi-\\ntal, which reduces the costs of production and dis-\\ntribution and thus cheapens the prices of the\\nnecessaries and luxuries with great benefit to the\\nmultitude.\\nSec. 54. Broderick. David C. Broderick, who\\nmisrepresented California in the Federal Senate\\nfrom 1857 till 1859 was a good type of a bad sena-\\ntor. He was the Democratic Boss of San Fran-\\ncisco from 1851 till 1859, and during most of these", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nyears he had no business but politics, was without\\noffice, had no property known to have been ac-\\nquired in a creditable way, and yet he had an\\nabundance of money, obtained, it was reported by\\nthose who knew him well, by levying contribu-\\ntions on those who were indebted to him for offi-\\ncial positions. The Vigilance Committee which\\nrose in 1856 against the city officials whom he had\\nput in office, organized the People s Party to de-\\nprive him of control over the city government, and\\nsucceeded in their purpose. He however managed\\nto secure a large number of adherents in the legis-\\nlature elected in November 1856, but not quite\\nenough to give him the nomination for the federal\\nsenatorship. He secured the prize however by\\ntelling some friends of M. S. Latham that if he\\n(Broderick) were elected senator he would like to\\nhave that gentleman for his colleague to be\\nchosen at the same time as there were two vacan-\\ncies. This declaration was meant and was under-\\nstood to be an implied promise that if Broderick\\nwere nominated in the Democratic caucus by the\\naid of Latham s friends, Latham should be nom-\\ninated by the aid of the friends of Broderick.\\nThus the latter secured his nomination and in-\\nstead of giving his votes to Latham, he adjourned\\nthe caucus so that he might have time to make\\nbargains with his chief rivals, Gwin and Latham,\\nthat they should let him have exclusive control of\\nall the federal appointments in California, and", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 137\\nthus surrender control of the Democratic party in\\nthe state to him. His plan was to obtain written\\npledges to that effect from each of them, produce\\nthese pledges in the caucus as proofs that they had\\nsold themselves to him, and use their public deg-\\nradation as a power to get the nomination for his\\nfriend, J. W. McCorkle, who had no strength of his\\nown. This scheme was foiled by the refusal of\\nLatham to walk into the trap; Gwin, who gave\\nthe paper demanded, was elected. Broderick\\nwent to Washington and presented a list of the\\nmen whom he had selected for the federal offices in\\nCalifornia to President Buchanan who consulted\\nhis old friend Gwin. The latter probably told the\\nwhole story, as he knew it; at any rate Buchanan\\nrefused to accept the recommendations and gave\\nthe places to enemies of Broderick. The latter\\nthen turned against the President, abused Gwin\\nand Gwin s friends, and provoked a duel in which\\nhe was killed.\\nSec. 55. Clark. A notable case of legislative\\ncorruption was exposed by testimony taken by\\na Congressional committee on the 6th, 8th, 11th\\nand 13th of January 1900 in the case of Wm. A.\\nClark, Democrat, elected to the Federal Senate by\\nthe legislature of Montana. The evidence showed\\nthat Clark bought many votes, paying f 10,000 for\\nDemocrats and $5,000 for Republicans, and se-\\ncured fifty-four out of ninety-six votes. The re-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "138 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nport of the Committee was filed on April 22nd and\\nbefore the Senate could act on it, Clark resigned.\\nSec. 56. War Frauds. In treating of the man-\\nagement of the federal finances during the Civil\\nWar, Bolles remarks (231) that The opportuni-\\nties for perpetrating frauds and making fortunes\\nwere improved so quickly that in a short time af-\\nter the war began the people generally were dis-\\nturbed by the stories of peculation. At the July\\nsession in 1861 the speaker appointed a special\\ncommittee to investigate them. Beside Mr. Van\\nWyck, the chairman, were six more members, E.\\nB. Washburne, W. S. Holman, B. E. Fenton, H.\\nL. Dawes, W. G. Steele, and James S. Jackson.\\nThe committee performed a vast amount of labor,\\nand made three reports, the first on the 17th of\\nDecember, containing over eleven hundred pages,\\nthe second on the 17th of July the following year,\\nand which was a much larger document than the\\nother, and a third and final report on the 3d of\\nMarch, 1863. One of the gravest wrongs reported\\nwas the plain violation by the departments of the\\nlaw which required them in making contracts to\\nadvertise for proposals and to accept the proposal\\nof the lowest bidder. Instead of executing this\\nreasonable requirement, the secretaries in many\\ncases made contracts with their friends for the\\nfurnishing of supplies, justifying themselves on\\nthe ground of public exigency. Commissions\\nwere usually paid on the purchase-money, vary-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 139\\ning from two and one-half to five per cent. The\\ncommittee recommended the passage of a resolu-\\ntion condemning this practice, and it was passed\\nunanimously. The resolution was especially aim-\\ned at the navy department, where most of these\\npeculiar contracts appeared. Unhappily, they\\nwere not limited to that department. Others\\nwere found in the war department, which had\\nbeen made during the administration of President\\nLincoln s first war secretary.\\nW. Van Wyck chairman of the committee said\\nThe mania for stealing seems to have run\\nthrough all the relations of the government al-\\nmost from the general to the drummer boy; from\\nthose nearest the throne of power to the nearest\\ntide-waiter. Nearly every man who deals with\\nthe government seems to feel or desire that it\\nwould not long survive, and each had a common\\nright to plunder while it lived. [Volunteer]\\ncolonels, intrusted with the power of raising regi-\\nments, colluding with contractors, bartering away\\nand dividing contracts for horses and other sup-\\nplies to enrich personal favorites, purchasing ar-\\nticles and compelling false invoices to be given.\\nWhile it is no justification, the example has been\\nset in the very departments of the government.\\nAs a general thing, none but favorites gain access\\nthere, and no others can obtain contracts which\\nbear enormous profits. They violate the plain\\nprovisions of the law requiring bids and proposals", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "140 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\non the false and shallow pretext that the public\\nexigency requires it.\\nMr. Bolles (132) remarks that The investigat-\\ning committee were subject to severe criticism\\nfrom the time of beginning their work until the\\nend of the Congress. Nearly every person who\\nhad wronged the government had friends, and\\nsought to defend himself. Newspapers often\\nfought valiantly for the peculators, and so did\\nsome of the members of Congress. The enemies\\nof the committee were watchful, and improved\\nevery favorable opportunity for an assault. Espe-\\ncially when the members were absent from the\\nHouse, investigating, in New York or elsewhere,\\nan assailant would deliver a speech in the House,\\nand the news would be sent abroad that the in-\\nvestigating committee had been attacked and no\\none had replied. In many ways the assailants\\nsought to lessen the importance of the work of\\nthe committee, and to render the members un-\\npopular. Mr. Koscoe Conkling, at that time a\\nmember of the House, sharply denounced the work\\nof the committee, maintaining that the nation,\\nthe government, classes of individuals, and in-\\ndividuals themselves, had suffered in character;\\nthat we had lost caste, and that much harm had\\ncome, not from detecting or exposing fraud or\\nextravagance, but from magnifying and exagger-\\nating what had happened, and charging and pub-\\nlishing to the world what had never happened at", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 141\\nall. His best known ally who assailed the com-\\nmittee was Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana.\\nSec. 57. Simon Cameron. Rumor current at the\\ntime, often reported in print and extensively be-\\nlieved, asserted that the managers of the candi-\\ndacy of Abraham Lincoln for the presidency in\\nthe National Republican Convention of 1860, held\\nin Chicago, bought the vote of the Pennsylvania\\ndelegation by promising that Simon Cameron, of\\nthat state, should have a place in the Cabinet; but\\nthe biographers of Mr. Lincoln declare that he had\\nnot authorized any bargain of that kind, and that\\nhe considered it a most unpleasant duty to keep\\nthe contract and accept a man of extremely bad\\npolitical reputation as one of his constitutional ad-\\nvisers. This story is told in Lamon s Life of\\nLincoln (p. 459). A congressional committee in-\\nvestigated Mr. Cameron s management and made\\na report, (House of Representatives, 37th Congress,\\n2d Session, Report No. 2) in which we read as fol-\\nlows about some of the bargains made by the Sec-\\nretary of War for the United States: Five thou-\\nsand carbines belonging to the Government were\\nsold to a private individual for three dollars and\\nfifty cents apiece, and were immediately repur-\\nchased for the government for twenty-two dollars\\napiece, making a difference on this one transac-\\ntion of nearly $90,000. One lot of these carbines\\nsuffered this process of sale and repurchase\\ntwice. They were first sold by the Government", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "142 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nat a price merely nominal, and were repurchased\\nat fifteen dollars apiece. They were again sold\\nby the Government at the price above stated, of\\nthree dollars and fifty cents and again repur-\\nchased at twenty-two dollars. How many other\\ntimes these arms did service under the purchase\\nand sale treatment, or whether they ever did ser-\\nvice in the field, did not appear.\\nA certain contractor testified that he furnished\\nsupplies to the Government to the amount of\\n$800,000, on which he made a profit of over forty\\nper cent. The purchases from him were made in\\ndirect violation of law. Two politicians in New\\nYork, one of them an old personal and political\\nfriend of the Secretary of War, had $2,000,000 of\\nGovernment money placed in a private banking-\\nhouse, subject to their order for the purchase of\\nsupplies, in violation of law: $250,000 of this\\nmoney they spent without ever accounting for any\\nof it. It was in evidence that of this amount $10,-\\n000 was paid for a large quantity of groceries sup-\\nplied by a dealer in hardware. And another sum\\nof over $20,000 was paid for straw hats and linen\\ntrousers. But no one in the army saw any of our\\ntroops decked in this fantastic costume. Within\\nthe period of one month $151,000 was paid for\\nfortifications which were to be constructed at St.\\nLouis, before even the contract for doing the work\\nwas executed. Two steamers were purchased by\\na friend of high Government officials for about", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 143\\n$100,000, and were immediately sold to the Gov-\\nernment for $200,000. One steamer was chartered\\nto the Government for $2500 a day, and the Gov-\\nernment paid $135,000 for a period in which she\\nlay at a wharf before she was ever once nsed.\\nOne railroad company received for transportation\\nin one year from the Government over $3,500,000,\\nbeing an excess over the company s entire earn-\\nings for the previous year of $1,350,000 or about\\nforty per cent, and the rates charged for this trans-\\nportation were about thirty-three and one-third\\nper cent, in excess of the rates paid by private in-\\ndividuals. The brother in law of the president of\\nthis railroad company was Mr. Lincoln s Secre-\\ntary of War.\\nSec. 58. Gideon Welles. The Secretary of the\\nNavy under Lincoln, Gideon Welles pursued\\nmethods similar to those adopted by Mr. Cameron\\nand of him the Congressional Committee say It\\nwould seem natural and reasonable that vessels\\nto be purchased should be fitted for the use they\\nwere to be put to. The arms to be bought should\\nhave been such as could be of service. And it was\\nvery clear that the men, of all others, who would\\nbe the best judges of what was needed by the two\\nbranches of the service in the way of ships and\\narms would be the officers of the navy and army.\\nAnd the officers of the navy, in the beginning, had\\nnothing else on which they could be well employed\\nexcept these very purchases. For we had no ves-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "144 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nsels for them to command. For some reason, how-\\never, best known to the men who conducted the\\naffairs of the country at the time, the political\\nfriends of Congressmen and cabinet members were\\nfound, of all men in the United States, to be the\\nonly ones having the needed skill and knowledge\\nwhich fitted them to make purchases for the gov-\\nernment.\\nThe purchasing of vessels for the Navy Depart-\\nment at the port of New York was taken from the\\nCommandant of the Navy-Yard there, and trans-\\nferred to a man of whom a House of Representa-\\ntives Committee says that he had never had the\\nslightest experience in the new and responsible\\nduties which he was called upon to discharge,\\neither in the naval service, the building or buy-\\ning and selling of ships, or in any pursuit calling\\nfor a knowledge of their construction, capacity,\\nor value, never having spent an hour in either.\\nThe committee further say that The evidence\\nwas abundant before the committee, that if it\\nhad been necessary to obtain the services of any\\ngentleman outside of the navy itself, those gentle-\\nmen, combining from experience and education\\nthe knowledge most calculated to fit them for\\nthis duty, independent of outside aid, could have\\nbeen secured without the slightest difficulty for a\\nsalary not exceeding $5,000 for the year.\\nThe Committee say of this purchasing agent\\nthat he received as compensation during the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 145\\nperiod of seven weeks previous to the 6th day of\\nSeptember, when this testimony was taken, the\\nenormous sum of $51,584, as admitted by himself\\nbefore the committee. When this testimony was\\ntaken, information of its extraordinary character\\nand import was communicated to the department,\\nin the hope that an abuse so glaring, when pointed\\nout, might be corrected. Yet, notwithstanding\\nthe department became thus possessed of the in-\\nformation that its own agent was, by this system\\nof commissions, amassing a private fortune, the\\ncommittee have been surprised to learn, from a\\nrecent communication from the Navy Department\\nfurnishing them with the numbers and prices of\\nvessels purchased by Mr. Morgan for the Govern-\\nment since said 6th day of September, that the\\ncost of those thus purchased by him amounts in\\nthe aggregate to the sum of $1,736,992. If he had\\nreceived the same rate of compensation since as\\nbefore that date, there must be added to the sum\\nof $51,584 paid him before that date the further\\ncompensation of $43,424 for services rendered\\nsince, making in all the sum of $95,008 paid to a\\nsingle individual for his services as agent of the\\nGovernment since the 15th day of July, a period\\nof four and one-half months. And the committee\\nadd: The committee do not find in the transac-\\ntion the less to censure in the fact that this ar-\\nrangement between the Secretary of the Navy and\\nMr. Morgan was between brothers in law.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "146 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 59. Belknap. Though not more corrupt\\nthan Cameron, W. W. Belknap who held the same\\noffice, Secretary of War fifteen years later, was im-\\npeached by the House of Kepresentatives for sell-\\ning a place of post trader and to escape punish-\\nment, he resigned his office. The Senate, however,\\ndid not dismiss the charge but examined the evi-\\ndence and declared by a vote of thirty-five to\\neighteen that he was guilty, several of the minor-\\nity declaring that they voted not guilty merely\\nbecause by his resignation, he had taken himself\\nout of the jurisdiction of the court. The case was\\nmade the subject of editorial comment by the\\nleading newspapers of London. The Times ob-\\nserved that This event is more grave because it\\nis confirmatory of suspicions which have long pre-\\nvailed among the American public. The reputa-\\ntion of the official world has not of late years been\\nso high as is desirable in a model republic. The\\nTelegraph, which stood by the Union and was its\\nmost efficient British journalistic advocate dur-\\ning the civil war, admitted that such events have\\nproduced and are producing that sinister opinion\\nabroad about the national morality in the States\\nto which no country however great can remain in-\\ndifferent. The News, another journalistic friend\\nof the American people, remarked that The\\nvicious system on which the civil service of the\\nUnited States had been based and continued, in\\nspite of numerous warnings and the teachings of", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 147\\nthe wisest statesmen, was seen by all eyes to be\\nbearing its poisonous fruits with remarkable fer-\\ntility. The Standard, never very friendly to\\nBrother Jonathan, gratified its feeling by saying,\\nHappily the countries are few where so gross an\\nabuse of trust as appears to have just been con-\\nfessed by the United States Secretary for War\\nwould be possible. That the public service of the\\nUnited States is worm-eaten by corruption, that\\nmen are put into office for party considerations,\\nand use their powers to enrich themselves, and\\nthat political life has degenerated into a mere\\nscramble for the spoils of victory, all these things\\nare notorious.\\nThe Contemporary Review not referring to the\\nBelknap case said (XL, 634.) Flagrant dishon-\\nesty has prevailed in the United States, extending\\nthrough all grades of the public service from\\nweighers and gaugers to cabinet ministers and\\nmembers of Congress.\\nSec. 60. Sanborn. A contract, for the collection\\nof certain delinquent internal revenue taxes,\\ngiven in Grant s first presidential term, to John\\nD. Sanborn, caused a great public scandal. It\\ndiverted business from the Commissioner of In-\\nternal Kevenue, to whose department it properly\\nbelonged, and paid extravagant percentages to an\\noutsider. The Commissioner addressed a protest\\nto the Secretary of the Treasury but obtained no\\nreply, though the Secretary had previously ad-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "148 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nvised the repeal of a law permitting such con-\\ntracts. The matter got into the newspapers and\\nthen there was a congressional investigation. The\\nSecretary and Assistant Secretary testified that\\nthey knew nothing of the contract except that\\nthey had signed under the advice of the Solicitor\\nof the Treasury; the Solicitor testified that he had\\nprepared the contract under the direction of his\\nsuperior officers. The responsibility was not fixed\\non any one person, and the President, instead of\\ninsisting as he should have done, on turning out\\nsomebody, took no decisive action. In Bolles (429)\\nthe reader may find details and references to au-\\nthorities.\\nSec. 61. New York Customs. In 1863, Mr. Jor-\\ndan, the solicitor of the treasury, investigated\\nthe frauds committed against the government by\\nthe officers of the custom-house in New York, and\\nin his report as quoted by Bolles (II, 519) he said:\\nAs to the accessibility of many of those employed\\nin the custom-house to corrupt influences, the evi-\\ndence is conclusive and startling. The state-\\nments herewith submitted seem to justify the be-\\nlief that nearly the entire body of subordinate of-\\nficers, in and about the custom-house are, in one\\nway or another, in the habitual receipt of emolu-\\nments from importers or their agents. One law-\\nyer declares that he has paid to a single record\\nclerk the sum of $1800 within a period of fifteen\\nmonths. Entries from the books of an import-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 149\\ning house, doing but a moderate business, are dis-\\ncovered, showing that about f 1000 had been paid\\nby it to an examiner within a period of a year.\\nIt is shown that a bond clerk, with a salary of\\nflOOO per annum, enters upon a term of eight\\nyears with nothing, and leaves it with a fortune\\nof |30,000. A majority of the officials questioned\\non the subject by me, admit that they receive such\\nemoluments to a greater or less amount.\\nWm. E. Dodge a prominent and reputable mer-\\nchant of New York city gave the following testi-\\nmony before a Congressional Committee in 1872\\n(Report of N. Y. Custom House Investigation pp.\\n45-47) From the standard of character in the\\nCustom-house, I would not take the average em-\\nployes into my store under any consideration, or\\ntrust them with my business at all. If char-\\nacter and qualifications were the standard of em-\\nployes in the Custom-house that two-thirds of\\nthe number now paid by the Government would\\ndo all the business better than it is done now.\\nIt cannot fail to be a charge on the commerce of\\nNew York to have its Custom-house a hospital for\\nbroken-down politicians. That is just what it is.\\nThere is no use in talking about it; that is just\\nwhat it is. There are men there hundreds of\\nthem that I would not allow to come in my of-\\nfice if they would come for nothing. I would not\\ntrust them in my store to have anything to do\\nwith my goods. They are broken-down politi-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "150 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ndans, skilled only in political manipulations. For\\nrapidity and correctness in performing the busi-\\nness, and the intricate calculations necessary in\\nthe Custom-house, a man should learn and under-\\nstand it and get the facilities. In our house we\\ntrain men for particular branches of business and\\nhave clerks who have been at the same desk for\\ntwenty and thirty years. A man who has been in\\nthe Custom-house for ten years knows how to do\\nthe business, where to find the necessary papers,\\netc. In his place there comes a stupid, drunken,\\nbroken-down, swearing fellow, whom you have to\\ntell how to do his business and show where to\\nfind the papers.\\nThe New York Custom-House, while under the\\ncontrol of Chester A. Arthur, afterwards Presi-\\ndent of the United States, was subjected in 1877\\nto an investigation of which John Sherman who\\nwas then Secretary of the Treasury writes thus in\\nhis Recollections (II, 678) The investigation\\nshowed that ignorance and incapacity on the part\\nof the employes were not confined to the survey-\\nor s department, but were found in other branches\\nof the service, creating delays and mistakes, im-\\nperiling the safety of the revenue and the interests\\nof importers, and bringing the service into re-\\nproach. It was intimated by chiefs of depart-\\nments that men were sent to them without brains\\nenough to do the work, and that some of those\\nappointed to perform the delicate duties of the ap-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 151\\npraiser s office, requiring the special qualities of\\nan expert, were better fitted to hoe and to plow.\\nSome employes were incapacitated by age, some\\nby ignorance, some by carelessness and indiffer-\\nence, and parties thus unfitted have been ap-\\npointed, not to perform routine duties distinctly\\nmarked, but to exercise a discretion in questions\\ndemanding intelligence and integrity, and involv-\\ning a large amount of revenue.\\nThe evidence shows a degree and extent of\\ncarelessness which we think should not be per-\\nmitted to continue. This point was illustrated to\\nsome degree by the testimony of the chiefs of the\\nappraiser s department, the important duties of\\nwhich would certainly justify a reasonable exact-\\nness. The invoices, which are recorded in that\\noffice, and which are sent out to the different divi-\\nsions to be passed upon and then returned to the\\nchief clerk, are found to exhibit, on their return,\\nerrors on the part of the several divisions, accord-\\ning to one witness, nearly eight hundred errors a\\nmonth, although the number by the appraiser\\nwas estimated at a less figure. A part of these\\nerrors may be assigned to a difference of opinion\\nas to the classification of the goods; but fully one-\\nhalf are attributed to carelessness. At the naval\\noffice it was stated that the balance in favor of\\nthe government, of the many and large errors\\nwhich they discover in the custom-house accounts\\nof the liquidation of vessels and statements of re-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "152 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nfund, amounts to about a million and a half of\\ndollars per annum.\\nSec. 62. Senatorial Courtesy. The judges, at-\\ntorneys and marshals of the federal courts, the\\ncollectors of customs and of internal revenue, the\\nappraisers of imported merchandise, the superin-\\ntendents of the mints, the registers and receivers\\nof the land offices and the postmasters of the large\\ncities hold their places by presidential appoint-\\nment and senatorial confirmation. The Senate\\nhaving the power to defeat the presidential ap-\\npointment, has adopted the rule that all names,\\nnot acceptable to the administration senator of\\nthe state or district in which the office is situated,\\nshall be rejected. That is they divide up these\\noffices among their dependents. This is called\\nthe rule of Senatorial Courtesy, implying that it\\nwould be discourteous to a Senator of the admin-\\nistration party to deprive him of the privilege of\\ncontrolling the large federal offices in his territory.\\nFor similar reasons, the Congressmen claim the\\ncontrol of the appointments of the petty federal\\noffices in their districts. The Presidents have\\nfound that the members of both legislative houses\\nwill not do the work necessary to the conduct of\\ngovernment business unless the control of the ap-\\npointments is given to them; and have submitted\\nto the unavoidable evil, to which custom has given\\nits sanction.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 153\\nA remarkable illustration of this custom oc-\\ncurred about 1875. Some federal officials in\\nTexas were found guilty of committing serious\\nfrauds and were dismissed by the head of the de-\\npartment in Washington, and the President nom-\\ninated other men to fill their places. The Texas\\nSenator who had selected the thieves protested\\nagainst their removal and demanded that con-\\nfirmation should be refused to the successors, and\\nthus his friends should be restored to their places.\\nThe majority of the Senate, however, declared that\\nthe gentleman from Texas was overstraining the\\nrule of senatorial courtesy, which did not go to\\nthe length of keeping thieves in office when the\\nproof of their guilt was conclusive and notorious.\\nAs the Senator may designate important ap-\\npointments, so if he should fall into discredit with\\nhis party, his selections are in danger of being\\npunished for his political offenses. Thus when\\nCharles Sumner, though he continued to be an\\nardent republican, refused to follow President\\nGrant in his wild scheme to annex San Domingo,\\nhe was punished by the removal of his friend John\\nLothrop Motley, the historian, from his place as\\nAmbassador to Great Britain.\\nThe federal senatorship is attractive to some\\nmillionaires and bosses because of its large patron-\\nage, its long term, its high political influence and\\nthe ease with which it can be acquired by the help\\nof money or skill in partisan management. He", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "154 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nwho aspires to it is not compelled to make\\nspeeches, to solicit the votes of the multitude, or\\nto ascend laboriously through subordinate offices.\\nIf he is the boss or has the purse, he can take the\\nprize.\\nOf late years the members of minority parties\\nin the Senate have more patronage and plunder\\nthan in earlier times and McOonaghie (Congres-\\nsional Committees 293) makes these remarks about\\nthe change: The key to these increased privi-\\nleges of the minorities, and to this enlargement or\\ninflation of the committee system by one-third, is\\nthe demand of individual Senators for quarters\\nand clerical aid at public expense. This motive\\nwas avowed by Lyman Trumbull twenty-five years\\nago. When a select committee on woman s suf-\\nfrage was created, Dec. 16, 1881, Senators Vest\\nand Morrill intimated that the covert object was\\na room and employes for a Senatorial lord of\\ncreation. What these gentlemen want, to come\\ndown to the real facts of the case said Senator\\nMorgan, is a convenient body servant, a man who\\nwill wait upon them in a quiet and excellent way.\\nIt is not for the public service, it is for private\\nservice, that we are voting these messengers, and\\nfor the accommodation of a few gentlemen. The\\nSenate refused to abolish the Committee on Kevo-\\nlutionary Claims because its room belonged by\\ncustom to the minority caucus. In 1884 Senator\\nVest returned to the charge against the sinecure", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 155\\ncommittees/ affirming that there were six which\\nhad never had a bill or a resolution or a particle\\nof business before them. At that time the But-\\nler House, rented annually for from twenty-five\\nto thirty-five thousand dollars, was being used\\navowedly for committee meetings, really for in-\\ndividual accomodation.\\nSec. 63. Spoils Legislation. With Divided\\nSovereignty and Conflict of Departments, the\\nSpoils System cooperates to demoralize our na-\\ntional, provincial and municipal legislative bodies.\\nBy its rule of rotation, it prevents the retention\\nof experienced men in office, repels the competent,\\nand gives the places to those who have failed in\\nother business. Thus it corrupts the public ser-\\nvice and lays the foundation for numerous, vast\\nand varied frauds.\\nThe members of Congress and of the state legis-\\nlatures number about 7000 in the aggregate, and\\nof these probably one in twenty, is fit for his place;\\nas many others should be in the chain gang; and\\nthe majority are incompetents. The number of\\nstatutes enacted in the average year is at least\\n7000 or more than thirty times as many as the\\nBritish Parliament enacts for a population four\\nfold larger.\\nSec. 64. Judicial Abuses. Many causes contrib-\\nute to make our administration of justice slow,\\ncostly and inefficient. There is a lack of harmony\\nin the federal and state methods of procedure; and", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "156 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nin many cases, the jurisdictions overlap or conflict.\\nMost of the judges hold for brief terms, get small\\nsalaries and obtain their places by popular elec-\\ntion and by playing the demagogue. The deci-\\nsions rendered by unfit judges and the statutes\\nenacted by unfit lawmakers favor the prolonga-\\ntion, and the complication of litigation by post-\\nponements, rehearings, new trials, appeals, and\\ntechnicalities far beyond example in any other\\ncountry, civilized or uncivilized. Oases that would\\nbe dispatched within a few months in Great Brit-\\nain here drag along for years. Criminal proceed-\\nings are especially slow and vexatious, as if the\\nlaws had been devised for the purpose of exhaust-\\ning the witnesses for the prosecution and enabling\\nthe attorneys for the defense to draw the last dol-\\nlar from the criminal and his family. It often hap-\\npens that murderers of whose guilt the proof is\\noverwhelming, are tried repeatedly with a verdict\\nof guilty every time, before punishment is inflict-\\ned; and there is one case on record, of five trials in\\nthe court of original jurisdiction before an able,\\nlearned and honest judge, and four trials on ap-\\npeal, in the state Supreme Court, before the vil-\\nlain s neck was stretched. Although our criminal\\nlaw closely resembles that of England in most of\\nits provisions, many changes have been made for\\nthe apparent purpose of increasing the work, the\\nimportance and the incomes of the lawyers. An\\naverage lawsuit, civil or criminal, lasts about four", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 157\\ntimes as long and costs four times as much as in\\nEngland.\\nMost of the judges, federal as well as state, ob-\\ntain their places by zealous partisan service, and\\nsometimes, as a condition of nomination, must\\npledge themselves to platforms declaring in favor\\nof certain interpretations of the constitutions and\\nlaws, thus promising to render partisan decisions\\nafter reaching the bench. Peter H. Burnett, at\\none time chief justice of California, said (American\\nTheory of Government, 63) that in such a case the\\njudge might properly address the lawyer, on the\\nother side/ on these terms I cannot hear argu-\\nment upon this question, because it would be idle\\nto do so. I have pledged myself in advance, to my\\nconstituents, to decide the question against you\\nand I must keep my pledge to them though it may\\nbe true that you are in the right and could plainly\\nmake it appear. But as the matter now stands,\\nthis court does not in fact, decide cases itself but\\nsimply records the judgments of public opinion\\nfor the time being. I am sorry for you and your\\nclient but I love myself better than I love the law\\nof this case, and I could not have been elected\\nunless I had made the pledge I did and I was\\nbound to be elected.\\nThe high technicality, delay, expense and un-\\ncertainty of our criminal courts are largely to\\nblame for the frequency of lynching. The expense\\nof punishing a villain by a court is great and by a", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "158 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nmob, small. In 1890, perhaps an average year,\\n132 persons were executed under judicial sentence\\nand 190 by mob law in the United States; and not\\none in Great Britain, France, or Germany. Thou-\\nsands of persons participated in these lynch mur-\\nders; not one was legally punished. The Ameri-\\ncans brag they are a law abiding people!\\nSec. 65. Cities. Dr. Albert Shaw who has made\\na study of municipal characters and is a high au-\\nthority on the subject says that those in the\\nUnited States are the very worst in the world.\\nHe might have added that as a natural conse-\\nquence of this defective legislation, the municipal\\nadministrations in our country are, as a class, in-\\nferior in competency, efficiency, economy and in-\\ntegrity to those of every other enlightened country.\\nThe Commissioners appointed by the State of New\\nYork in 1876 to investigate the affairs of its chief\\ncity declared that more than half the total amount\\nof city debts in the United States then outstand-\\ning had been contracted as the result of official\\nfraud. Whether there has been any notable im-\\nprovement in such matters since 1876 is doubtful.\\nThe municipal officers in three-fourths of the large\\ncities are generally unfit for their places; and un-\\nder a sound political system the city work could\\nbe done better and at half the expense by half the\\nnumber of men.\\nThe condition of things in some American cities\\nis such says G. W. Hosmer (The People and Politics,", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 159\\n264) that whatever way the people vote, they can\\nonly choose between alternative conspiracies of\\nadventurers when they have little more control in\\ntheir politics than they have in the choice of the\\nEmperor of China and where the government is\\nliterally and absolutely in the hands of an\\noligarchy of nimble-witted thieves.\\nUnder many administrations, the governments\\nof New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis,\\nSan Francisco, Baltimore, Cincinnati and Cleve-\\nland have been corrupt beyond any example re-\\ncorded in the municipal history of other countries.\\nTwo of the great criminals, W. M. Tweed of New\\nYork and Henry Meiggs of San Francisco achieved\\nworld-wide notoriety; scores of other equally base\\nbut of inferior capacity, lived and died in relative\\nobscurity.\\nThe North American Review of October 1866 said\\nwe have undertaken to write something about\\nthe government of the city of New York and we\\nhave fallen into a discourse upon stealing. The\\nsame periodical in July 1867 lamented that The\\ndisgraceful character of the municipal govern-\\nment of New York is notorious. The absolute ex-\\nclusion of all honest men from any practical con-\\ntrol of affairs in that city and the supremacy in the\\nCommon Council of pick-pockets, prize-fighters,\\nemigrant runners, pimps and the lowest class of\\nliquor dealers are facts which admit of no ques-\\ntion. Mr. Bannatyne a lawyer of that city in", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "160 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\na book published in 1887 said that in this year s\\nboard of aldermen there are five liquor deal-\\ners, eighteen political workers and one honest\\nman. A New York Commission with W. M.\\nEvarts at its head, to investigate municipal abuses\\nreported in 1876 that the principal cities of the\\nstate had been afflicted by elaborate systems of\\ndepredation which passed under the name of city\\ngovernments. In its number for May 1899 the\\nReview of Reviews informs its readers that Chi-\\ncago aldermen were bought by the street railroad\\nmagnates as if they had been so many cattle.\\nBryce (I, 516) observes that the officials of New\\nYork, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago and San\\nFrancisco have not only plundered the city tax-\\npayers outrageously but have done their best to\\ncorrupt the legislatures of their respective states.\\nIn 1848 a society of citizens organized to correct\\nsome of the governmental abuses in New York\\nCity, called the Council of Political Reform, pub-\\nlished an appeal to the people in which among\\nother things it said The active political classes of\\nthe City are found chiefly among its adventurers,\\nidlers and criminals, uneducated, and without\\neither moral or patriotic convictions. If left to\\nthemselves these classes will succeed in giving\\ntheir own character to the administration of the\\ngovernment, and in electing men of their own\\nstamp to office; men who are champions and ex-\\nponents of the very class against which society is", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 161\\norganized to protect itself. This fact is strikingly\\nillustrated in the character of the most of men\\nwho, till within two years, held office in this City.\\nThese men made it their study and effort to per-\\nvert the best provisions of law, to circumvent the\\nmost carefully considered safeguards of the pub-\\nlic interests, to screen criminals, and to commit\\nand cover up frauds upon the Treasury of such\\nproportions and audacity as astounded the world.\\nThey administered their offices very much as a\\ngambler plays his cards, solely with the view to\\nmake all the money out of the people they could,\\nand keep out of jail. The appointed guardians of\\nthe public peace were often the very class from\\nwhom every good interest had most to apprehend,\\nand against whom there was most need of protec-\\ntion.\\nSec. 66. A. D. White.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Without the slightest\\nexaggeration we may assert says Andrew D.\\nWhite (Forum, 1890, 357) that, with very few ex-\\nceptions, the city governments of the United\\nStates are the worst in Christendom, the most\\nexpensive, the most inefficient, and the most cor-\\nrupt. No one who has any considerable knowl-\\nedge of our own country and of other countries\\ncan deny this.\\nAmong our greater municipalities, we natu-\\nrally look first at New York and Philadelphia.\\nBoth are admirably situated; each stands on ris-\\ning ground with water on both sides; each is hap-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "162 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\npy in position, in climate in all advantages to be\\ndesired by a great metropolis. In each, what is\\ndone by individuals is generally well done and\\nsometimes splendidly done; and in each, what is\\ndue from the corporate authorities, in matters\\nmost essential to a proper city government, is\\neither wretchedly done or left utterly undone.\\nOne has but to walk along the streets of these and\\nother great American cities, to notice at once that\\nsome evil principle is at work. Every where are\\nwretched wharves, foul docks, inadequate streets,\\nand inefficient systems of sewerage, paving, and\\nlighting. Pavements which were fairly good at\\nthe beginning, have been replaced with utter care-\\nlessness, and have been prematurely worn out or\\nruined. The stranger, seeking to find his way in\\nthe first of these great cities, is guided by few\\nsigns giving the names of streets; in the most fre-\\nquented quarters there are generally none at all.\\nObstacles of all sorts are allowed; tangled net-\\nworks of wires frequently exist in such masses\\noverhead as to prevent access to buildings in case\\nof fire, and almost to cut off the rays of the sun.\\nHere and there corporations or private persons\\nhave been allowed to use the streets in such man-\\nner as to close them to the general public. In wet\\nweather many of the most important thorough-\\nfares are covered with reeking mud; in dry\\nweather this mud, reduced to an impalpable dust\\ncontaining the germs of almost every disease, is", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 153\\nblown into the houses and into the nostrils of the\\ncitizens.\\nThe city halls of these larger towns are the\\nacknowledged centers of the vilest corruption.\\nThey are absolutely demoralizing, not merely to\\nthose who live under their sway, but to the\\ncountry at large. Such cities, like the decaying\\nspots on ripe fruit, tend to corrupt the whole body\\npolitic. As a rule, the men who sit in the coun-\\ncils of our larger cities, dispensing comfort or dis-\\ncomfort, justice or injustice, beauty or deformity,\\nhealth or disease, to this and to future generations,\\nare men who in no other country would think of\\naspiring to such positions. Some of them, indeed,\\nwould think themselves lucky in keeping outside\\nof the prisons. Officials intrusted with the ex-\\npenditure of the vast wealth of our citizens are\\nfrequently men whom no one would think of en-\\ntrusting with the management of his private af-\\nfairs, or, indeed, of employing in any capacity.\\nFew have gained their positions by fitness or by\\npublic service; many have gained them by scoun-\\ndrelism some by crime.\\nSec. 67. Ttreed\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Between 1866 and 1871 the city\\nof New York was under the rule of Tweed and his\\nassociates who obtaiDed at least $30,000,000 by\\nfraud, and a large additional sum by wasteful\\nmanagement that was perhaps chargeable rather\\nto incompetence and carelessness than to inten-\\ntional dishonesty. Several leading newspapers", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "164 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nof the city were pleased or bribed by advertise-\\nments for which $1,000,000 were paid annually\\nfrom the municipal treasury and most of them had\\nnothing to say against the embezzlers until after\\ntheir share of the plunder had been cut off. The\\nmain facts of these frauds are well told in a chap-\\nter of Bryce s American Commonwealth. Tweed\\nwas convicted of fraud but never properly pun-\\nished.\\nAn interesting feature, of this glorious achieve-\\nment of the Spoils System, was the passage of a\\nstatute by the New York legislature, under\\nTweed s dictation, authorizing the City Comp-\\ntroller, the accomplice of the great Boss, to audit\\nand pay claims against the city with money to be\\nderived from bonds. The claims thus audited\\namounted to $12,500,000, and of this amount sixty-\\nfive per cent or $8,125,000 was divided among five\\nmembers of the King, Tweed taking twenty-five\\nper cent of the whole amount or $3,125,000. If\\nthe effete monarchies of Europe can show any\\nmunicipal financiering equal to that, let them trot\\nit out.\\nIn 1882, John A. Dix who had been federal\\nsenator and governor of New York, in a public\\naddress (Memoirs, II. 401) said It is difficult to\\nfancy a more heinous crime, except the willful de-\\nstruction of human life, than that committed by\\nthe leader of the corrupt combination by which\\nthis city [of New York] was plundered of $20,-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 165\\n000,000 through a deliberate and systematic\\nscheme of fraud extending through a period of\\nyears; and yet, before he was shut up (it cannot\\nbe said imprisoned) six months of the twelve\\nyears to which he was sentenced, he was the sub-\\nject, as he is still, of a somewhat extended sym-\\npathy. A portion of the public press contributed\\nto this morbid and misplaced tenderness of feel-\\ning. One said his custodians were denounced be-\\ncause they allowed him to use his cottage furni-\\nture; another, when it was alleged that he was\\nexempted from the usual rigors in our system of\\nprison discipline to which no criminal ought to\\nbe subjected; and a third suggested that it would\\nbe a merciful act to pardon the old man and let\\nhim go. Now, I believe it may be truly said that\\nhe was never imprisoned in strict accordance with\\nthe sentence of the court by which he was con-\\nvicted, or in the sense in which other criminals,\\nwho have committed, by comparison, the most in-\\nsignificant offenses, undergo their sentences.\\nThe typical divinity who presides over the admin-\\nistration of public justice is always represented\\nas blindfolded. If her bandage had been taken\\noff at Blackwell s Island [where Tweed was im-\\nprisoned nominally] she would have witnessed\\nwhat has never been seen before in the history of\\ncriminal jurisprudence a convict who was al-\\nlowed a private secretary to help him take care\\nof his plunder His escape from custody and", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "166 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthe indulgences extended to him during his de-\\ntention, constitute the most disgraceful chapter\\nin the history of the State, for it cannot be\\ndoubted that they were procured by corrupting\\npublic officials.\\nSec. 68. San Francisco. If report, generally\\ncredited by intelligent citizens at the time, was\\ncorrect, the government of San Francisco during\\nmost of the years between 1880 and 1890 was di-\\nrected by a boss who managed the primaries and\\nconventions, distributed the nominations of his\\nparty, controlled the City Council and Board of\\nEducation, sold most of the fat offices and con-\\ntracts, and in many cases exacted a monthly\\ntribute from teachers in the city schools and\\nclerks in municipal offices ranging from a tenth\\nto a quarter of their salaries, under penalty of dis-\\nmissal in case of refusal.\\nIn the same city, a custom was maintained for\\nmany years that the assessor should have a profit\\nfrom his office much larger than his salary and\\nlegitimate fees. He took advantage of the statu-\\ntory clauses providing that citizens owning taxa-\\nble property should deliver a list of it to the as-\\nsessor on the first day of March in each year, and\\nthat in case of refusal or neglect to do so, he\\nmight fix the amount arbitrarily. These clauses\\nare not drawn wisely; and therefore are generally\\nneglected. The thrifty assessor saw and used his\\nopportunity to levy blackmail. He made extrav-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 167\\nagant assessments of the stocks of many mer-\\nchants, especially of aliens, unpopular men, and\\npersons of no influence in his party, and then\\nsent a note to each, stating the amount and an-\\nnouncing that he would be in his office at a cer-\\ntain hour on a certain day, to hear objections if\\nthere were any to his action. The victim went to\\nsee the assessor, found that he was alone with\\nhim, and that he could have the figure reduced to\\na reasonable amount if he would pay one hundred\\ndollars, f 1,000, or f 5,000 according to circumstan-\\nces. Many of the victims told one another how\\nthey had been fleeced, but each had been fleeced\\nseparately, and the law left them without remedy.\\nEudyard Kipling was in San Francisco once and\\nwrote some of his experiences in his book From\\nSea to Sea. He says (II 3) I went to a\\nsaloon where gentlemen interested in ward poli-\\ntics nightly congregate. They were not pretty\\npersons. Some of them were bloated, and they\\nall swore cheerfully till the heavy gold watch-\\nchains on their fat stomachs rose and fell again;\\nbut they talked over their liquor as men who had\\npower and unquestioned access to places of\\ntrust and profit. They banged their fists on\\nthe table and spoke of political pulls, the vend-\\ning of votes and so forth. Theirs was not the talk\\nof village babblers reconstructing the affairs of\\nthe nation but of strong, coarse, lustful men fight-\\ning for spoil and thoroughly understanding the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "168 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nbest methods of reaching it. Then I began to\\nunderstand why my pleasant and well-educated\\nhosts in San Francisco spoke with a bitter scorn\\nof such duties of citizenship as voting and taking\\nan interest in the distribution of offices. Scores\\nof men have told me with no false pride that\\nthey would as soon concern themselves with the\\npublic affairs of the city or state as rake muck.\\nSec. 69. Cincinnati. The following exposition\\nof the political condition of Cincinnati, in 1892\\ndeserves full credence because it was written by\\nJohn Sherman, a man of high official position, fed-\\neral Senator from Ohio for many years and Secre-\\ntary of the Treasury for eight years, of high char-\\nacter, who had the best opportunity for knowing\\nthe facts and who, years after writing them, pub-\\nlished them in his Recollections (II 1158).\\nAs I understand, the substantial control of all\\nlocal Republican appointments, and nominations\\nto public offices or employments of every grade in\\nHamilton county, is practically in one man; that\\nit is rare that anyone can secure any place on the\\nRepublican ticket, from judge of the highest court\\nin your county, to the least important office, with-\\nout his consent, and this consent is secured in\\nmost cases by the payment of a specific sum of\\nmoney; that the money so collected is appor-\\ntioned between the boss and what is called the\\ngang, and used to control the primaries for the\\nelection of delegates to your county, state, and", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 169\\ncongressional conventions; and that when any\\noffice carries with it patronage it is made the ex-\\npress and implied condition in the nomination of\\nthe candidate that this patronage must be trans-\\nferred to the boss.\\nI understand also that the appointments made\\nby your local boards, and even by some federal\\noffices, are in effect transferred to the same per-\\nson to whom applicants are sent and whose recom-\\nmendation decides the appointment, so that one\\nman controls by corrupt methods nearly all the\\nnominations and appointments in Hamilton\\ncounty, and this rule is only tempered by occa-\\nsional respect to public opinion, when the boss\\nthinks it unsafe to disregard it. These methods\\nwere strikingly exemplified in the last county con-\\nvention, when a decided majority of a delegation\\nof ten representatives and three senators were\\nnominated for the Ohio legislature, pledged be-\\nforehand to vote for the person to be designated\\nby the boss when the time came for the election\\nof the Senator of the United States. His decision\\nwas carefully withheld until the election was over\\nand was then announced. In this way the vote\\nfor United States Senator of the most populous\\ncity and county in Ohio was, during the canvass,\\nheld, as I believe, for sale, not by the persons\\nnominated as Senators and Representatives, who\\nare highly reputable citizens, but by a corrupt or-\\nganization which was able to control the nomi-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "170 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nnations and practically to exercise the power to\\nvote for United States Senator intrusted to its\\nnominees.\\nSec. 70. Scale of Infamy, In proportions as the\\namount of political business done in a state or\\ncity is large and complicated, as its voters include\\nmany ignorant foreigners, as its officials are\\nnumerous, as their terms are short, and their re-\\nsponsibility for abuses is divided in those propor-\\ntions approximately, extravagance and corrup-\\ntion prevail. The county is worse than the town-\\nship, the Union worse than the county; the state\\nworse than the Union; and the large city worst of\\nall.\\nSec. 71. Unfit Presidents. Most of our presi-\\ndents were unfit for their places.\\nJefferson wrote the Kentucky resolutions of\\n1798 declaring that the Union is a compact of the\\nStates, each of which has a right to judge for it-\\nself of infractions of the compact and of the\\nmode of redress, and as nullification and seces-\\nsion are possible modes of redress, both are justi-\\nfied by these resolutions; which were adopted by\\nthe people when they elected him to the presi-\\ndency knowing that he was the advocate of the\\nresolutions. His unconstitutional and injudi-\\ncious embargo inflicted great loss on New Eng-\\nland and made the federal authority odious to\\nmany citizens. His false and malignant char-\\nacter has been concealed in most of our history", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 171\\nbut is partly exposed in Morse s Life of Alex-\\nander Hamilton, and in Hoist s Constitutional His-\\ntory.\\nActing in concert with Jefferson, Madison wrote\\nthe state rights resolutions adopted by the\\nlegislature of Virginia in 1799; so he too was\\na secessionist and unfit for the presidency. He\\ndeclared war against Great Britain long after he\\nshould have declared it and, because of his delay,\\ncame out disgracefully, getting no redress for the\\ngreat wrong that had been done to American\\nmariners.\\nMonroe was a partisan of Jefferson and Madi-\\nson and, like them, a secessionist.\\nAndrew Jackson, a man of narrow mind and in-\\ntense prejudices, was easily managed by base men\\nwho knew how to take advantage of his weak-\\nnesses. By vetoing the bill to renew the charter\\nof the National bank, he threw the currency of\\nthe country into most disastrous confusion.\\nThough he accepted the State Eights resolutions\\nof 1798 and 1799 and therefore was a secessionist,\\nhe bitterly denounced Calhoun s plan of nullifica-\\ntion; but he signed the second Compromise bill\\nwhich granted the substance of South Carolina s\\ndemand. He did more than any other man to in-\\ntroduce the Spoils System into federal office and\\nthus corrupt our government. He refused to en-\\nforce the judgment of the federal Supreme Court;\\nagainst the state of Georgia and thus practically", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "172 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\napplied the State Eights doctrine in federal rela-\\ntions. He owed his election to the fact that he\\nwon the battle of New Orleans more by luck than\\nby generalship.\\nMartin Van Buren obtained the presidency be-\\ncause he was one of Jackson s most assiduous\\nsycophants.\\nWm. H. Harrison was nominated because he\\nhad defeated undisciplined and poorly-armed\\nIndians in two battles, and because he had no\\nprominent political record; and also because\\nJackson s blundering financial measures had\\nthrown the business of the country into confusion.\\nPolk was a secessionist, a demagogue and a\\nman of ordinary capacity. Hoist (II, 533) gives\\na clear account of his discreditable conduct in the\\npresidency.\\nZachary Taylor was unfit for his place, elected\\nbecause he was a military hero.\\nFranklin Pierce was elected on a platform\\nwhich explicitly accepted the resolutions of 1798\\nand 1799, the purpose of the acceptance being to\\nprepare the way for a practical secession. In his\\nterm the Missouri Compromise was repealed for\\nthe purpose of legalizing slavery in all the terri-\\ntories.\\nJames Buchanan was elected on a platform re-\\naffirming the resolutions of 1798 and 1799; and in\\nthe last months of his term, he not only refused\\nto obstruct the secession of the Southern Confed-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 173\\neracy but allowed a member of his cabinet to re-\\ntain his place while he went to Raleigh to urge\\nthe legislature of North Carolina to secede from\\nthe Union.\\nThe last of our presidents grossly unfit for his\\noffice was Ulysses S. Grant. The accounts of his\\npolitical blindness may be read in the orations of\\nCharles Sumner (XIV. 102, XV. 85) and the rec-\\nords of the trials of Belknap and Babcock.\\nSecessionist principles were approved by twelve\\npresidential elections, twice each for Jefferson,\\nMadison, Monroe, and Jackson, and once each for\\nVan Buren, Polk, Pierce and Buchanan; yet the\\nSouth was overwhelmed with fire, blood, confisca-\\ntion and carpet-bag oppression because she under-\\ntook to act on the principles which the majority\\nof the Northern States had repeatedly accepted\\nin the presidential elections. Under our partisan\\nsystem no declaration of the popular will can be\\ntrusted. The control of the platforms is in the\\nhands of professional politicians who have no\\nconscience.\\nThe following story, which came to me from a\\nsource entitled to much credit, deserves a place\\nhere. Late one evening, not more than thirty, nor\\nless than fifteen, years ago, a distinguished lobby-\\nist, familiar in the highest official circle of Wash-\\nington, I style him Mr. Slick, visited a distin-\\nguished millionaire, whom I will style Mr. R. R.\\nPrince, and said he had come with a message", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "174 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nfrom the President of the United States, who was\\nthen at a gambling house, at such a number, in\\nsuch a street, that he must have $10,000 without\\ndelay. Mr. Prince said that the President was a\\ncursed fool to send such a message to him, but he\\nMr. Prince would like to have a chat with Mr.\\nSlick over a glass of whiskey in his dining room.\\nWhile ordering his refreshment, he secretly called\\nfor a carriage, to be ready at a side door, then sat\\ndown with his guest, until he had a signal that the\\nvehicle was ready, when he begged to be excused\\nfor a little while on account of urgent business,\\ndrove rapidly to the gambling house, found the\\nPresident there, took him into a room where they\\nwere alone, learned that Slick s message was au-\\nthorized, and after warning the President never to\\ndo things in that way, with him again, gave the\\n|10,000 in large bills without a receipt, and then\\nhurried away, for he detested gambling houses.\\nThe three personages mentioned in this story\\nare all dead. I knew Mr. Prince and Mr. Slick\\npersonally, and the parts attributed to them, are\\nin keeping with their reputations, with my con-\\nception of their character and with the rela-\\ntions between them as represented by current\\nrumor.\\nThe political managers accuse the plutocrats of\\ncorrupting our high officials, who however are in-\\ncurably corrupt before they obtain positions of\\nmuch influence and, after obtaining them, levy", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 175\\nblack-mail systematically on all the great capital-\\nists whose property is exposed to their depreda-\\ntions. In our political life, the boss and the cor-\\nporation play the parts which were acted by the\\nwolf and the lamb in ^Esop s fable.\\nSec. 72. Presidential Candidates. Financial ca-\\npacity one of the greatest needs of the govern-\\nment has never counted for much in a national\\nconvention, because it is shown only in financial\\nreforms which disturb abuses, make enemies and\\ncost votes. By his services in drafting the resump-\\ntion act of 1875 while in the Senate, and after-\\nwards in resuming specie payment as Secretary\\nof the Treasury, John Sherman deserved but did\\nnot get the presidency. Robert J. Walker and\\nHugh McCullough were able financiers, more\\ncompetent to be at the head of the government\\nthan the men under whom they were secretaries.\\nOther able financiers like Hamilton and Gallatin\\nwere favorites with the educated few but not\\nwith the multitude and therefore were not avail-\\nable.\\nThe characteristics of many presidential candi-\\ndates and the influences that controlled their\\nnomination, imply that neither eminent states-\\nmanship, nor legal learning, nor oratorical genius,\\nnor experience in high political office is an indis-\\npensable qualification. The most available per-\\nson is the one who is the most popular with the\\nignorant class of people. Without the informa-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "176 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ntion or the discriminating judgment needed to\\nmeasure the relative merits of the candidates, the\\nmultitude follow their impressions and prefer the\\nman who has done something to please and noth-\\ning to offend them, whose name and character\\nhave become familiar to them, and has been\\npainted to them, perhaps most erroneously, as a\\nheroic personage. They may elect relatively ob-\\nscure men like Polk, Pierce, Lincoln and Hayes\\nand reject men long eminent as successful and\\nfavorite congressional leaders like Olay, Webster,\\nDouglas, Seward and Blaine. In their tribunal\\nseveral petty mistakes will outweigh a multitude\\nof great public services; and for this reason a\\nlong and prominent official record is more harm-\\nful than helpful to a candidate.\\nFrom 1832 to 1896 inclusive there were seven-\\nteen presidential elections with twice as many\\nleading candidates, among whom twelve had been\\ngenerals in war, and owed their nominations\\nmainly to that fact. These were Jackson, Wm.\\nH. Harrison, Taylor, Pierce, Scott, McGlellan,\\nGrant (twice), Hayes, Hancock, and Benjamin\\nHarrison twice. Garfield is not counted because\\nhe was a leader in Congress as well as a general\\nin the army. If, however, he had not distin-\\nguished himself in the war, he would probably\\nnever have risen to a position of political prom-\\ninence. Of these twelve military candidacies, ten\\nwere successful. Fremont might be added to the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 177\\nlist; for though he had not been a general, when\\nnominated for president, he owed his nomination\\nto his reputation made while in the army.\\nIn these seventeen national campaigns, men,\\nwho had previously held leading positions in Con-\\ngress, were seven times candidates, including\\nClay (three times), Cass, Buchanan, Douglas; and\\nBlaine. Of these none save Buchanan reached the\\npresidency. Webster, Calhoun and Seward,\\nother very eminent politicians, could not obtain\\nnominations. Our political system requires that\\nwe should have a war once in twenty years, with\\nsome weak nation, so that we may have a regular\\nsupply of victorious generals for presidential nom-\\ninees.\\nSec. 73. Purity Promises. The Republican\\nParty in its national platform of 1872 declared\\nthat we therefore favor a reform of the system\\nof laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage\\nand make honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the es-\\nsential qualifications for public positions, without\\npractically creating a life tenure of office. The\\nDemocratic Party in its national platform of the\\nsame year said that We therefore regard a\\nthorough reform of the civil service as one of the\\nmost pressing necessities of the hour; that hon-\\nesty, capacity, and fidelity constitute the only\\nvalid claims to public employment; that the\\noffices of the Government cease to be a matter\\nof arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "178 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nthat public station shall become again a post\\nof honor. To this end it is imperatively re-\\nquired that no President shall be a candidate\\nfor reelection. Many state conventions of\\neach party repeated these pretenses of zeal for\\nthe purification of the Government. In 1871\\nthe Illinois Democrats and the Republicans in\\nMaryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Ohio and\\nWisconsin, and the Democrats in New York, Ohio,\\nPennsylvania, and Wisconsin, and in 1872 the Re-\\npublicans in Delaware, Illinois, Massachusetts,\\nMinnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New\\nYork, and Tennessee, and the Democrats in Con-\\nnecticut, New York, North Carolina, Pennsyl-\\nvania and Texas, all confessed the corruption and\\ndemanded the remedy.\\nThat these denunciations of the spoils system\\nwere insincere and were made for the sole purpose\\nof catching votes is evident from the facts that\\nthe professional politicians, who control all the\\nnational and state conventions of both the great\\nparties, have been and still are bitter enemies of\\ncivil service reform; that they have not given\\ntheir explicit approval of its extension; and that\\nthey have not used their influence to introduce it\\ninto the administrative offices of the States,\\ncounties, and cities under their control.\\nThe Congressional Committee on Civil Service\\nin a report made in 1874 said: There had been\\ndeveloped, mainly within a single generation, and", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 179\\nwas existing with fearful powers of expansion\\nand reproduction, an aggressive and unscrupu-\\nlous spirit of mercenary partisanship, which, pro-\\nmoting and dominating the pursuit of politics as\\na trade, and seeking public office and party and\\ncaucus leadership principally for the spoils of\\nmoney and patronage they could command, was\\ndegrading all party action in popular estimation\\nand impairing alike official integrity, political\\nhonor, and private morality. This spirit de-\\nveloped and animated all over the country large\\nnumbers of little and great partisan combinations,\\nfaithful to no party principles, inspired by no pa-\\ntriotic sentiments, conducting no useful debates,\\ncontributing nothing to public intelligence or pub-\\nlic virtue, but meddlesome and insatiable, every-\\nwhere, whenever any official selection was to be\\nmade or any official authority was to be exercised.\\nMore frequently obstructing, or basely condition-\\ning, than aiding, the large and legitimate move-\\nments of the parties, acting as the henchmen of\\nlocal aspirants and the retainers of unscrupulous\\nmen of fortune, rather than as the friends of\\nstatesmen and the advocates of principles, the\\nactive members of these organizations were be-\\ncoming, especially in the larger cities, the banditti\\nof politics and the pawnbrokers of patronage, by\\nwhom many honest and intelligent members of all\\nthe great parties were kept out of public posi-\\ntions and thousands of worthy voters were dis-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "180 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ncouraged from going to the polls. When, for\\nexample, in 1868, Congress sought information of\\nthe abuses in the Departments, a member de-\\nclared, in a speech in the House, that nothing im-\\npressed me more with the rottenness and corrup-\\ntion of our present want of system than the tears\\nof those old and faithful servants, who begged\\nthat they might not be placed on record as wit-\\nnesses of the faithlessness of their associates, and\\nthat it might not be known that they had been\\ncalled as witnesses. Nothing but the assurance\\nof secrecy could procure us evidence of how the\\npeople were being plundered. It would be\\neasy to show that it has caused great numbers of\\nneedless officials and employes to be foisted upon\\nstate and city treasuries, and has been the main\\ncause of those alarming spoliations of State and\\nmunicipal funds which have so often shocked and\\nalarmed the country. In some particulars, in-\\ndeed, the abuses in these quarters seem to have\\nbeen greater than in the civil service of the na-\\ntion; for, since this report was begun, the judge\\nat the head of an important court in a great city\\nhas stated to a member of this Commission that\\nhe has been compelled to resist, to the uttermost,\\na concerted attempt, by traders in politics in that\\ncity, to substitute their favorites for all the skill-\\ned and faithful officials of his court; and, but a\\nshort time since, the public journals of the city of\\nNew York contained a correspondence, beginning", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 181\\nwith a demand in writing from a similar source,\\nupon a criminal judge of high jurisdiction, that he\\nshould at once give the favorites named from each\\nof several wards in that city, official places in his\\ncourt, though none were vacant.\\nSec. 74. Decline. As the Spoils System has\\nrisen, the character of the government has fallen.\\nFrom 1789 until 1829 the offices created by federal\\nlaw were generally held during good behavior.\\nThere were no conventions, no direct participa-\\ntion of the populace in presidential elections, no\\nextravagant appropriations, no general recogni-\\ntion of the spoils system. The degradation of the\\ngovernment began in 1829 when Andrew Jackson\\nbecame President. In 1874 the Civil Service Com-\\nmittee in the House of Representatives made a re-\\nport in which it said, Only those [officials] of\\nmerit were [in the early years of the Republic]\\nnominated or confirmed, and no removals were\\nmade in the clerical force on account of mere\\nopinions. During eight years, Washington re-\\nmoved but nine persons (except for cause); John\\nAdams, during his term, removed but nine, and\\nnot one on account of opinions; Jefferson re-\\nmoved but thirty-nine; Madison only five; Mon-\\nroe only nine; J. Q. Adams only two. These were\\nofficers confirmed by the Senate. Of what might\\nbe called the clerical force, not one was removed\\nsave for cause, until Andrew Jackson was elected,\\nwhen the era of political proscription began, from", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "182 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nwhich we are now recovering. For partisan rea-\\nsons, that President removed nearly 2,000 persons\\nin a single year. This was the inauguration of\\nthe spoils system. Perhaps no people were ever\\nserved by worthier officers and clerks than those\\nwho served the people of this country for nearly\\nforty years after the adoption of the Constitution.\\nDefalcations were but rarely known, and public\\nopinion would not tolerate official delinquents in\\nthe country.\\nBefore 1828, the same general principles pre-\\nvailed in the political affairs of most of the states\\nas in those of the Union, and then the country\\nlaid the foundation for much of the prosperity\\nwhich it has since enjoyed. The National Conven-\\ntion, the platform adopted by the national con-\\nvention, the primary election, the boss, rotation\\nin office, the lobby, log-rolling, popular elections\\nfor judges and mayors, and the spoils system were\\neither unknown or had little prominence. We\\nhave abandoned much of the political system\\nwhich our grandfathers and great-grandfathers\\nadopted.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 183\\nCHAPTEE IV.\\nPERIL.\\nSection 75. Warnings. The opinions of the\\nnumber, magnitude and peril of our political de-\\nfects, explained in the preceding chapter, are so\\ndifferent from those of many books by distin-\\nguished authors, that the intelligent reader may\\nwonder, why, if they are true, he should now meet\\nthem for the first time explained, in a manner,\\ngiving to them a most significant importance.\\nAfter a little consideration he will not doubt\\ntheir accuracy. They are accredited by the preci-\\nsion of averment requisite in trustworthy docu-\\nments. They are strengthened by their consist-\\nency with one another; and they are proved by\\nnumerous witnesses of the highest character.\\nMany of them are familiar by name to the reader.\\nHe knows something about the frequent threats\\nof secession in Congress before 1861 and of the\\ncompromises adopted in the hope of terminating\\nthe turbulent agitation; he remembers the wide-\\nspread and long-continued strike-rebellions; and\\nhe has not forgotten the vast and numerous cor-\\nruptions in the administrative and legislative de-\\npartments of the Union, the states and the cities.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "184 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThese things, however, did not make much impres-\\nsion on his mind, because some of their significant\\npoints were not brought out distinctly at the time\\nof their occurrence and they were not brought to-\\ngether. That long-neglected work was left for\\nme to do.\\nIntelligent Americans, who imagine that they\\nhave kept up with contemporaneous literature re-\\nlating to our country, may be surprised to read\\nhere that distinguished statesmen and authors\\nhave not only predicted the collapse of our gov-\\nernment, but have even fixed a limit within which\\nthe catastrophe will probably begin. One men-\\ntions 1910 as the year; another, 1925; a third,\\n1930; a fourth, 1999; and others say the disaster\\nmay happen any day. The prophets, who give us\\nthese direful warnings, are not shallow alarmists,\\nbut are among the high political authorities of\\nthe XlXth century, and include James Bryce,\\nHerman von Hoist, John Stuart Mill, T. B. Macau-\\nlay, W. E. H. Lecky, Sheldon Amos, James Kent,\\nJames A. Garfield, George Wm. Curtis, Daniel\\nWebster, Gamaliel Bradford, Kichard Bush, and\\nW. D. McCracken. He who does not know the\\ngreat weight of the opinions of these men, when\\nthey agree upon a single point, understands little\\nof the political literature of our time.\\nSec. 76. Kent and Webster. Chancellor James\\nKent, called attention (Commentaries, I. 234)\\nto the dangerous tendency of such combined", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 185\\nforces as universal [manhood] suffrage, frequent\\nelections, all offices for short periods, all offices\\nelective and an unchecked press. By an un-\\nchecked press he meant newspapers controlled by\\nprofessional politicians and not subject to a\\nproper law of libel. In 1835, Daniel Webster\\nspoke (Works IV. 179) in the Senate of the United\\nStates, against the Spoils System which Jackson\\nhad introduced into the administrative depart-\\nment of the federal government, and demanded a\\nradical change, without which he predicted that\\nour political experiment must inevitably fail.\\nSec. 77. James Bryce. In his American Com-\\nmonwealth (II. 700) written in 1880, James Bryce\\nthus warns us: There is a part of the At-\\nlantic where the westward speeding steam-vessel\\nalways expects to encounter fogs. On the fourth\\nor fifth day of the voyage, while still in the bright\\nsunlight, one sees at a distance a long low dark\\ngray line across the bows, and is told this is the\\nfirst of the fog banks which have to be tra-\\nversed. Presently the vessel is upon the cloud\\nand rushes into its chilling embrace, not knowing\\nwhat perils of icebergs may be shrouded within\\nthe encompassing fog. So America, in her swift\\nonward progress, sees looming on the horizon and\\nnow no longer distant, a time of mists and shad-\\nows, wherein dangers may lie concealed, whose\\nform and magnitude she can scarcely yet conjec-\\nture. High economic authorities pronounce", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "186 REEOEM OK REVOLUTION?\\nthat the beginnings of this time of pressure are\\nnot more than thirty years ahead. It will be\\na time of trial for democratic institutions.\\nIn another place (I. 318) he says with the evi-\\ndent intent of giving a warning to a people who do\\nnot understand their danger, The liability to be\\ncaught by fallacies, the inability to recognize\\nfacts which are not seen but must be inf erentially\\nfound to exist, the incapacity to imagine a future\\nwhich must result from the unchecked operation\\nof present forces are defects of the ordinary citi-\\nzen in all countries not excepting the United\\nStates.\\nSec. 78. Harper. The prediction of Bryce may\\nhave inspired a similar idea in an address deliv-\\nered before the University of California on the\\n23rd of March 1899 by W. R. Harper, President\\nof the University of Chicago. He said Another\\nquarter of a century of deterioration, another\\nquarter of a century without radical modification\\nof the present plan will put popular government\\nin a position which will be embarrassing in the\\nextreme.\\nSec. 79. Hoist. Hoist says that the American\\npeople regard their federal constitution with a\\nmost ruinous idolatry (I. 68); that their officials\\ngenerally are distinguished by half educated\\nmediocrity (I. 203); that Congress habitually\\ntreats important economical questions with\\nfrivolity and incapacity (I. 203); that the politi-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 187\\ncal thought of Americans is much more superfi-\\ncial and immature than that of Europeans\\n(I. 74); and is distinguished by pharisaical self-\\nrighteousness (I. 34); and that It is owing only\\nto the astonishing vitality of the people of the\\nUnited States, and to the altogether unsurpassed\\nand unsurpassable favor of their natural condi-\\ntions that the state has not succumbed under the\\nonerous burden of the curse. Elsewhere (II. 77)\\nhe says The undeniable and sadly plain fact is,\\nthat since that time [1829] the people have be-\\ngun to exchange the leadership of a small number\\nof statesmen and politicians of a higher order for\\nthe rule of an ever increasing crowd of politicians\\nof high and low degree, down even to the pot-\\nhouse politician and the common thief, in the pro-\\ntecting mantle of demagogism. When people from\\nthe region lying between the limits of society and\\nthe house of correction obtained a controlling in-\\nfluence in politics, this at first appeared as the\\nconsequence of an unfortunate condition of local\\naffairs. And that politics became a profession in\\nwhich mediocrity, on an ever descending scale,\\ndominated, and moral laxity became the rule, if\\nnot the requisite, people refused to consider an\\nunfortunate condition so long as a life devoted to\\nacquisition approached nearer to the goal of its\\nsatisfaction. Live and let live had become a\\ngeneral maxim to such an extent, that the politi-\\ncians marvelled at even the uprising in which the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "188 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\npeople tore to pieces the bridle to which they had\\nbeen so long used, when it looked as if they were\\nto be ridden into the abyss to which they had,\\nsince the origin of the republic, in part, been\\ndrawn nearer, and to which, in part, they had\\nnearer and nearer glided.\\nA popular state in which the generality drops\\ninto a dolce far niente in relation to politics, seeing\\nin the election of their legislators, in universal\\nsuffrage and the like, in and of themselves, the\\nguaranties of freedom, is ever on a declivitous\\npath. But when, in a popular state, politics\\nbecome a despised trade, the state is brought face\\nto face with the question of life or death.\\nSec. 80. Mill. One of the best books on modern\\ndemocracy, John Stuart Mill s Representative Gov-\\nernment suggests in many passages the serious de-\\nfects of the American Constitution which he had\\nnot studied in its details, and therefore did not\\ndiscuss, except in a few brief and incidental pas-\\nsages. He took occasion however to express his\\nintense dislike of our constitution, and said that it\\nis a collective despotism, (166) a potent influ-\\nence inconsistent with the spirit of political equal-\\nity. Further he says (160, 171.) It is an admitted\\nfact that in the American democracy, which is\\nconstructed on this faulty model, the highly-cul-\\ntivated members of the community, except such\\nof them as are willing to sacrifice their own\\nopinions and modes of judgment, and become the", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 189\\nservile mouthpieces of their inferiors in knowl-\\nedge, do not even offer themselves for Congress\\nor the State Legislatures, so certain is it that they\\nwould have no chance of being returned.\\nAlmost all travelers are struck by the fact\\nthat every American is in some sense both a\\npatriot and a person of cultivated intelligence;\\nand M. de Tocqueville has shown how close the\\nconnection is between these qualities and their\\ndemocratic institutions. No such wide diffusion\\nof the ideas, tastes, and sentiments of educated\\nminds has ever been seen elsewhere, or even con-\\nceived of as attainable. Yet this is nothing to\\nwhat we might look for in a government equally\\ndemocratic in its unexclusiveness, but better or-\\nganized in other important points. For political\\nlife is indeed in America a most valuable school,\\nbut it is a school from which the ablest teachers\\nare excluded; the first minds in the country being\\nas effectually shut out from the national represen-\\ntation, and from public functions generally, as\\nif they were under a formal disqualification. The\\nDemos, too, being in America, the one source of\\npower, all the selfish ambition of the country\\ngravitates toward it, as it does in despotic coun-\\ntries toward the monarch; the People, like the\\ndespot, is pursued with adulation and syco-\\nphancy, and the corrupting effects of power fully\\nkeep pace with its improving and enobling in-\\nfluences.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "190 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nIn his Discussions (380) he observes that A cen-\\nter of resistance is as necessary when the opinion\\nof the majority is sovereign as when the ruling\\npower is a hierarchy or an aristocracy.\\nWhere no such point d appui exists, there the hu-\\nman race will inevitably degenerate; and the\\nquestion whether the United States for instance\\nwill sink into another China resolves itself, to us,\\ninto the question whether such a center of resist-\\nance will gradually evolve itself or not.\\nSec. 81. Lecky. Lecky is another able foreign\\nauthor who seems to doubt whether our constitu-\\ntion will continue to work well under the in-\\nfluences now dominant. He says (Democracy and\\nLiberty, I. 133) As the country fills up the\\nnecessity of placing the administration, in all its\\nbranches, in trustworthy and honest hands, must\\nbe more felt and the future of America seems to\\nme very largely to depend upon the success with\\nwhich reformers can attain this end.\\nElsewhere he remarks (I, 113.) that There is\\none thing which is worse than corruption [in a\\ngovernment]. It is the acquiescence of a Whole\\npeople in [that] corruption. No feature of Ameri-\\ncan life strikes a stranger so powerfully as the\\nextraordinary indifference, partly cynicism and\\npartly good nature, with which notorious frauds\\nand notorious corruption, in the sphere of politics,\\nare viewed by American public opinion. These\\nremarks are acute and just. The people are not", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 191\\nindifferent to their political evils, but having had\\nno satisfactory remedial plan, and being full of\\nfaith in their national future, they have tried to\\nmake the best of their situation.\\nSec. 82. Burnett. A lawyer, who was the first\\ngovernor of the state of California and after-\\nwards its Chief Justice, Peter H. Burnett, pub-\\nlished a pamphlet advocating a radical reform of\\nthe American constitution (see section 101) and\\nalso an interesting autobiography. In the latter\\nwork (87) he makes the following remarks;\\nWhen the population becomes dense, dependent\\nand suffering, and for that reason more corrupt,\\nthen will come the genuine test of our existing\\ntheory; and I think without a thorough and radi-\\ncal amendment it must fail. The three princi-\\nples of universal [manhood] suffrage, elective\\n[executive and judicial] offices and short terms,\\nwill in due time politically demoralize any people\\nin the world. I am now of the opinion that\\nthe masses will never permit a sound conserva-\\ntive amendment of our theory except by revolu-\\ntion, which I think will occur in the next fifty\\nyears. Thus he wrote in 1880. In 1863 in his\\nAmerican Theortj of Government (77) he said There\\nis no government less worthy of the respect of\\nmankind and of the obedience of those whom it\\nmocks with a farcical rule and protection than\\nthat which is impotent to accomplish the very\\nends for which government is alone instituted.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "192 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 83. McCracken. W. D. McCracken, an\\nAmerican who has written an excellent book en-\\ntitled The Rise of the Stviss Republic, in which he\\ncompares the Helvetian with the American gov-\\nernment, observes (342) that It has become\\nsomewhat of a commonplace assertion that poli-\\ntics in the United States have reached the lowest\\nstage to which they may safely go. There seems\\nto be no longer any necessity to prove this proposi-\\ntion, for the general conviction has gone abroad,\\namply justified by the whole course of history,\\nthat no democracy can hope to withstand the cor-\\nrupting influences now at work in our midst, un-\\nless certain radical reforms are carried to a suc-\\ncessful conclusion.\\nSec. 84. Bradford. Discussing the political\\ncondition of the United States, Gamaliel Brad-\\nford remarks (I. 430) that if the government is\\nloose and capricious; if law as well as adminis-\\ntration is changing and unsteady; if private in-\\nterests get the upper hand, and the people imbibe\\nthe idea that they are being sacrificed though\\nthey do not know how; if the men in public life\\nare believed to be caring much more for the in-\\nterests of themselves and their powerful sup-\\nporters than for those of the people at large; if\\nthe only personalities whom the people can see\\nare regarded by them with distrust and contempt;\\nthen the road is straight, even if more or less\\nlong, to revolution and military despotism.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 193\\nThe ifs in this passage are all intended to suggest\\nprominent features of the political condition of\\nthe United States as Mr. Bradford sees them.\\nWhen he says if private interests get the upper\\nhand he means evidently that he accepts the cry\\nof the demagogues that the trusts and corpora-\\ntions are oppressing the people, an idea which I\\ndo not accept.\\nIn another passage the same author says\\n(I. 56) The future history of this country will de-\\ntermine whether it will be covered with immortal\\nglory, growing brighter as the centuries elapse\\nor whether, the Union being displaced by a mili-\\ntary empire or destroyed and local despotisms es-\\ntablished as the result of bloody civil wars, it will\\nbe banished to the storehouse of political relics.\\nSound organization is the basis and founda-\\ntion stone of permanent success and to it we, in\\nthis country, must turn our attention, if we wish\\nto escape evils which if they are less obvious than\\nthose of a hundred years ago are hardly less dan-\\ngerous to the life of the republic.\\nSec. 85. Hyslop. According to Prof. Hyslop,\\nthough we indulge the pleasing illusion that\\ndemocracy is a paradise our political condition\\nis anarchy not government (33) our financial\\nmanagement is ruinously expensive, our system\\nof national taxation is shameful, our elections\\nand legislatures are controlled by bribery (248)\\nand (117) Neither the legislature nor the electo-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "194 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nrate is qualified to perform the tasks imposed up-\\non it, and the executive is neither permitted nor\\nable to do it. Between the constitutional dis-\\nqualifications of the executive and the moral dis-\\nqualifications of the legislative power the ten-\\ndency seems to be straight toward chaos. He\\nadmits (278) that our institutions are a failure/\\nand complains (179) that our political methods\\nare worthy of pandemonium. He remarks\\nfurther (32) that Machine politics are completely\\nsubversive both of democracy and of the principle\\nof responsibility for which democracy is supposed\\nto stand. It constitutes nothing but a system of\\nself-appointed rulers and the principle of elective\\nrepresentatives of which we boast becomes a\\nfarce. On another page (35) he says A small\\ncountry with a scanty population, few sources and\\nindustries and similar social sentiments may go\\non without much difficulty under democratic in-\\nstitution, [I suppose he means of the present\\nAmerican pattern] But a vast territory with un-\\ntold material wealth, waiting for labor, a growing\\npopulation, and with an increase in the severity\\nof the struggle for existence and the great di-\\nversity of moral, economic, political and social\\nsentiments, must call for government that corre-\\nsponds to this complexity.\\nSec. 86. Rush. Kichard Rush, an American\\neminent in the first half of the XlXth century,\\nsaid in 1853 {Biography of W. W. Seaton, 215) This", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 195\\nnow established practice of universal change\\nevery four years and the terrible contests and\\ncorruptions to which it will give birth in our\\npresidential elections, the ratio of each increasing\\ngeometrically, as offices and emoluments grow\\nmore numerous and tempting, must end in break-\\ning the government to pieces.\\nSec. 87. Wright.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In 1892 John A. Wright a\\nhighly respectable lawyer who had been ap-\\npointed by the Bar Association of San Francisco\\nto a position on its Judiciary Committee, pub-\\nlished a pamphlet in which (14) he said Do we\\nnot present a pitiful, nay, contemptible, aspect to\\nhumanity? This government is part of ourselves.\\nAnd if we are afflicted with a loathsome disease,\\nshould we make an exhibition to the world of our\\nsores? If we proclaim to the world that we are\\nincompetent to create efficient tribunals, or to se-\\nlect just judges, how can we hope to be respected?\\nHow can we expect our children to grow up with\\nlove of country or regard for morality? If a gov-\\nernment can secure to us neither property or\\nhonor, how long shall we endure it? And though\\nwe may be willing to live our lives in cowardly\\nsuspicion and distrust of those to whom we com-\\nmit the sacred trust of administering justice, shall\\nnot a better generation arise to destroy a system\\nof government that debases the soul of man?\\nIf the day is not approaching when we shall\\nput faith in the impartiality of our tribunals, the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "196 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nday is approaching when an end will be put to\\nour present form of civil society. This publica-\\ntion by Mr. Wright provoked no protest, censure,\\nrefutation or denial; its author continues to stand\\nwell in the Bar Association and before the Bench.\\nHis complaint refers almost exclusively to the\\njudiciary and yet that is, as all admit, by far the\\nbest department of our government, and is not\\nworse in California than in the other states gen-\\nerally.\\nSec. 88. Various Croakings. Sheldon Amos who\\nis an eminent living authority on the principles\\nof government expresses the opinion in his\\nScience of Politics (209) that The United States\\nare only beginning to grapple practically and\\nseriously with the constitutional problem and\\nthat the irresponsible and autocratic powers of\\nthe President coupled with his firm tenure of\\noffice, threaten disaster.\\nIn his Psychology of Socialism (337) Gustave Le\\nBon gives a brief account of the Pullman Strike,\\nand then says The United States would seem\\nfated to furnish the Old World with the first ex-\\namples of the struggles which will take place be-\\ntween intelligence, capacity [and] capital [on\\none side] and the terrible army of the unfit [on\\nthe other.] The issue of the struggle in the\\nUnited States will doubtless be their division into\\na number of rival republics. In his Psychology of\\nPeoples (148), he warns his readers that our coun-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 197\\ntry is threatened, in consequence of its recent in-\\nvasion by an immense number of inferior and un-\\nassimilable elements, by a gigantic civil war.\\nIn his English Constitution, Bagehot confesses\\nthat he cannot imagine how any free government\\nis to exist in societies where so many bad ele-\\nments are so much perturbed.\\nTocqueville s Democracy in America, written\\nalbout 1835, was an excellent book for its time, be-\\nfore our Spoils System and our Committee System\\nhad obtained full swing, but is now behind the\\ntimes. In many passages, it indicates its author s\\nopinion that a satisfactory national government\\nis impossible under a federal constitution.\\nIn his Study of the United States, the Marquis de\\nTalleyrand-Perigord laments our unexampled\\npolitical rottenness (223) and asserts that our\\ngovernment is rapidly advancing to certain\\nruin (224).\\nA Congressional Report on Election Frauds sub-\\nmitted to the House of Representatives March\\n3, 1879, and quoted as correct by Eaton, (442)\\nsaid At the end of each four years, the entire\\nfederal patronage is collected into one lot\\nand the people divide themselves into two par-\\nties struggling to control the enormous pa-\\ntronage. A prize so great would jeopard\\nthe peace and safety of any nation. No na-\\ntion can withstand a strife among its own peo-\\nple, so general, so intense and so demoralizing.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "198 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nJames Russell Lowell lamented (Writings VI.\\n99) in 1885 that the political condition of the\\ncountry had been growing worse for the previous\\ntwenty years, and (VI. 210) that the people seem-\\ned to regard corruption of the government as\\nsomething beyond remedy, and (VI. 214) that the\\npublic business of the nation was managed by a\\nsuccession of apprentices, incompetent for any\\nuseful career. As Mr. Lowell had held high of-\\nficial station, his opinion on this subject is en-\\ntitled to much weight.\\nIn a letter written May 23d 1857 to H. J. Ran-\\ndall T. B. Macaulay said Either some Caesar or\\nNapoleon will seize the reins of government with\\na strong hand or your republic will be fearfully\\nplundered and laid waste by barbarians in the\\nXXth century. I am satisfied that this let-\\nter is genuine though it does not appear in Tre-\\nvelyan s Life and Letters of T. B. Macaulay.\\nGeorge William Curtis complains of the Spoils\\nSystem (Orations, II. 4.) that by vitiating the\\nvery character of the people it endangers the per-\\nmanence of the nation. And yet however plain\\nthe peril, because the ship bored by a thousand\\nworms has not yet sunk, there are those who tell\\nus that wormeaten wood is as safe as sound tim-\\nber.\\nIn a speech delivered in Congress on January\\n23, 1872, J. A. Garfield (I. 3) said the great expen-\\nditure of the French government between 1860", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 199\\nand 1869 indicated that it was rushing to certain\\nand inevitable ruin, and then, turning to Ameri-\\ncan affairs, remarked that we have seen in some\\nof our municipal and perhaps in our state govern-\\nments, the same process going on, which if not ar-\\nrested, must inevitably bring them to a fate\\nhardly less deplorable.\\nJohn C. Calhoun says in his Discourse on Gov-\\nernment that the Spoils System is the most cor-\\nrupting, loathsome and dangerous disease that\\ncan infect a popular government.\\nIn The North American Review of July 1878, Fran-\\ncis Parkman remarks that There are prophets of\\nevil who see in the disorders that involve us the\\nprecursors of speedy ruin; but complete disrup-\\ntion and anarchy are, we may hope, still far off.\\nEben G. Scott, author of a book on Reconstruc-\\ntion (187) hears the mutterings of a revolution\\nwhich are ominous of a violent reorganization of\\nsociety.\\nIn his treatise on Municipal Government, Delos F.\\nWilcox says Democracy is on trial in the United\\nStates, evidently meaning that our government\\nis a questionable experiment. He should have\\nsaid that a Sham Democracy, based on federalism,\\nconflicting departments and the Spoils, has been\\ntried and has been proved to be a disgraceful fail-\\nure.\\nIn his Ills of the South (213), Otken writes that\\nMen, who live in the South, familiar with what", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "200 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nhas been going on for twenty-five years, seeing the\\nstrong racial qualities of this people, involving\\nblack and white in ruin and who dare to speak out\\nwithout gloss or varnish and with no selfish mo-\\ntive governing them, are bound to say the situa-\\ntion is full of alarm. On another page (227) he\\ndeclares that the factors of ruin among the black\\npeople are making steady progress.\\nSec. 89. Tropical Colonies. Besides the dangers\\nwhich confronted our country, when most of\\nthe preceding predictions were written, others\\nof later date, and full of serious menace, have\\narisen or shown themselves more distinctly.\\nThe recent acquisition of tropical colonies, Ha-\\nwaii, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, abound\\nwith difficulties and perilous problems. In all\\nof these new possessions the majority of the\\ninhabitants are of the black or yellow race,\\nilliterate, ignorant of the English language, un-\\naccustomed to self-government, heterogeneous in\\nblood, and in many cases different in speech,\\nand barbarous or savage in culture. They are not\\nmore fit for political power than the Jamaican\\nnegroes who, after having the ballot were de-\\nprived of it as the only means of saving the is-\\nlands from anarchy.\\nWe have no stock of men like the officials in the\\nCrown colonies of Great Britain, educated in all\\nthe knowledge needed for the government of such\\npossessions, and, if we had them, we would not", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 201\\nappoint them, because they would not be the ser-\\nvants of the Spoils System; and because, if we\\nshould appoint them, they would not accept the\\nplaces to work for small salaries and be turned\\nout at the end of four years. Integrity, thorough\\ntraining and the safe traditions that can be ac-\\nquired only under a permanent tenure of office,\\ncan never characterize the American administra-\\ntion under the influences that are now in control\\nof Congress. The government of these insular\\npossessions may be marked by plundering^, out-\\nrages, revolts, and wars to find a parallel for\\nwhich we must go back to the Eoman republic in\\nthe times of the Gracchi and of Cicero.\\nSec. 90. Negro Demoralization, The North\\nAmerican Review of June, 1900, contains an im-\\npressive and apparently a truthful article on the\\ncondition of the negroes in the United States\\nby J. R. Straton, professor in the Mercer Uni-\\nversity at Macon, Georgia, who tells us that\\nthe proportion of crime is ten fold greater among\\nthe blacks than among their white neighbors;\\nthat it is twice as great in Tennessee and Mary-\\nland as in Mississippi and Louisiana; greater\\nin Pennsylvania than in Maryland; and greater\\namong the educated than among the illiterate;\\nand that on account of their brutal acts of vio-\\nlence in the cotton states there have been a\\ndozen times within the past year or two, when\\nthe least indiscreet act on either side might have", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "202 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nprecipitated a race war. Without a strong and\\nwise national government this negro problem will\\nnever be solved with credit to the nation.\\nSec. 91. Parallel Predictions. In their number,\\nclearness, authority and significance, the predic-\\ntions quoted, in this chapter, of an approaching\\npolitical convulsion in the United States, are more\\nremarkable than those made by Chesterfield, Vic-\\ntor Mirabeau, Eousseau, Voltaire, Louis XV, and\\nothers of the French Kevolution of 1789. Then\\nthe warnings were disregarded by the people in\\npower and the crash was most frightful; and\\nthough our crash would be different, it too may,\\nbe one of the great calamities of history.\\nIn 1753, thirty-six years before the attack on the\\nBastile, Lord Chesterfield wrote In short all the\\nsymptoms, which I have ever met with in history\\nprevious to great changes and revolutions in gov-\\nernment, now exist and daily increase in France.\\nVictor Mirabeau warned his countrymen that\\nthey were in danger of a general overturn. Louis\\nXV said After us the deluge. Fifteen years af-\\nter his death it came.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 203\\nCHAPTER V.\\nREFORM.\\nSection 92. Remedies. One of the greatest\\nmisfortunes of our country has been the failure of\\nour statesmen and political philosophers to ex-\\nplain, in print, the main defects of our govern-\\nment long since, by their silence and implied ac-\\nquiescence, permitting the people to imagine that\\nthe course of national affairs was satisfactory\\nwhile, in fact, the evils were expanding and mul-\\ntiplying to a highly dangerous degree.\\nWe need a reform which shall give us a consoli-\\ndated nationality with all the attributes of sov-\\nereignty and a harmonious, honest and competent\\nbody of officials. This change is not impossible;\\nit has been achieved in other countries where the\\npeople are less intelligent than they are here.\\nThe national government should be consoli-\\ndated not centralized. Much of the power, now\\nheld by the wire pullers, should be given to the\\npeople. The voters should be made to feel that\\nthey have much more influence in the government\\nthan they have had since 1830. Every town, city,\\ncounty and province or department should have its\\nown elections and control its local affairs, under a", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "204 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nsystem uniform from the Atlantic to the Pacific,\\nand from Canada to Mexico. A proper method of\\nconsolidation will greatly increase the interest of\\ncitizens in their local political affairs and give\\nthem a higher pride in their nation. It will lay\\nthe foundation for a strong and universal patri-\\notic feeling.\\nOur Constitution should give us one country,\\none nation, one flag, one allegiance, one army,\\none navy, one citizenship, one rule of suffrage, one\\nmonetary law, one code of civil right, one code\\nof political rights, and one code of judicial pro-\\ncedure. It should be the product of the wisest\\nstatesmanship, not of the basest demagogism.\\nObjections will, of course, be offered to any\\nproposed reform; those, who profit by ancient\\nabuses, usually make strenuous efforts to main-\\ntain them. The federalists will assert that con-\\nsolidation would centralize political power and\\ndestroy all the local liberties. They will pretend\\nnot to know that the cities, of Great Britain,\\nPrussia and France, have much more independ-\\nence of action than those of the United States.\\nThey will predict that the overthrow of the Spoils\\nSystem would lead to establishment of a Bureau-\\ncracy by which they mean an oppressive and in-\\nsolvent body of public servants; though the fact\\nis that we now have a worse body of officials, a\\ntrue Kakistocracy or government of the worst\\nmen, than can be found in any other enlightened\\nnation.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 205\\nIf this book has any importance its most valua-\\nble part is the explanation of our political condi-\\ntion. When that is generally and clearly under-\\nstood, public opinion will demand and compel the\\nadoption of a remedy. After the people can dis-\\ntinctly see the processes by which they are plun-\\ndered, they will, with great urgency, demand a\\nreform, the character of which is the subject of\\nthis chapter.\\nFor the purpose of assisting my readers to\\nform clear ideas about the best method of reform-\\ning our government, I submit to them a proposed\\nnational constitution, different in form and ex-\\npression from any heretofore drafted, and de-\\nsigned partly in the hope that it will provoke\\nthought and inquiry.\\nSec. 93. My Plan. If the defects of our gov-\\nernment have been truthfully described here, our\\ncitizens should not only demand a reform, but\\nthey should study reformatory plans one of which\\nI now submit to them. All its important fea-\\ntures have been approved by experience, the saf-\\nest guide.\\nThe present federal constitution provides that\\nit may be changed by amendments adopted by\\nCongress or by a constitutional Convention called\\nby Congress at the demand of two-thirds of the\\nstates, and afterwards approved by three-fourths\\nof the states acting either by their legislatures or\\nby special conventions. There is no mention of a", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "206 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nnew constitution, the authorization for which\\nshould be given by an amendment to the fifth ar-\\nticle. I propose such an amendment so that a\\nconvention may draft an entirely new constitu-\\ntion, and that Congress shall afterwards call a\\nconvention, consisting of ninety delegates, to\\nmeet after a lapse of two years in Washington to\\nframe a new constitution, each to receive f 5,000\\nfor his service, including the studies between the\\ntime of appointment and the meeting of the con-\\nvention. The interval of two years would give\\ntime not only for study by the delegates but for\\ndiscussion by all the masters of political science\\nin books and magazines, a discussion that would\\ninterest and instruct the whole world. I would\\nhave forty-five state delegates, one from each\\nstate, appointed by its governor; and as many\\ndelegates at large appointed by the President of\\nthe United States, all to be qualified by having\\nheld some high office in the federal or state gov-\\nernment or a presidency or legal, political or\\nfinancial professorship in a great University.\\nAs suitable persons for membership in this con-\\nvention I suggest, without their permission, Ben-\\njamin .Harrison, Grover Cleveland, Thomas B.\\nReed, John G. Carlisle, Andrew D. White, Seth\\nLow, Prof. Woodrow Wilson, Richard Choate,\\nJames Olney, Prof. Oliver W. Holmes, Dr. Ed-\\nward R. Taylor, Prof. F. J. Goodnow, Prof. J. H.\\nHyslop, Horace Davis, Prof. H. J. Ford, Prof. E.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 207\\nE. A. Seligman, Prof. Henry C. Adams, Gamaliel\\nBradford, Albert Stickney, Albert Shaw, Abbot\\nL. Lowell and Dorman B. Eaton.\\nSec. 94. New Constitution, This is the form of\\nthe new constitution which I propose:\\n1. The people of the country hitherto known\\nas the United States of America, adopt this con-\\nstitution for the purposes of reforming their gov-\\nernment, defining the character and spirit of their\\npolitical institutions, increasing their harmony\\nand prosperity, developing and more precisely\\ndefining their political and civil liberties, and\\nlimiting the power of their national legislature.\\n2. The name of the country shall be\\nand that of the nation, the Eepublic of\\n3. The Senate, the national legislative body,\\nshall provide for the efficient protection of all\\ncitizens, for the maintenance of law and order,\\nfor the prompt and cheap settlement of civil and\\ncriminal litigation, for the enforcement of politi-\\ncal equality, for the promotion of the greatest\\ngood of the greatest number, for the advancement\\nof knowledge and education, for the encourage-\\nment of the useful and ornamental arts, and for\\nthe preservation of harmony between the differ-\\nent classes of society.\\n4. The Senate shall be a single legislative body\\nwith one hundred and ninety members, divided\\ninto three classes. The first class shall number\\none hundred and thirty-five who shall be elected", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "208 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nby the people for full terms of nine years by forty-\\nfive election districts, each of which shall choose\\none senator every third year, except that at the\\nfirst election and at the second election under this\\nconstitution, some shall obtain only parts of full\\nterms, as distributed by lot after the first election.\\nThe second class shall number forty-five, who\\nshall be elected by the Senate itself for full terms\\nof nine years, fifteen every third year, except that\\nat the first election fifteen shall be chosen for\\nthree and fifteen for six years. The third class\\nshall number ten and shall be appointed by the\\nPresident to hold during his pleasure. No one\\nshall be qualified to be a Senator of the second or\\nthird class unless he shall have previously served\\na full congressional term under this constitution\\nor under the constitution of 1787, or has been a\\nmember of the cabinet, or has been judge of a\\ncourt of record for four years, or a colonel, or\\nhigher officer in the army of the country, or cap-\\ntain or higher officer in the navy of the country,\\nor has been the governor of a state or province,\\nor unless he be appointed to the office of Senator\\nby the President for the purpose of making him a\\nminister. By a majority vote Congress may ex-\\npel any of its members, and such expulsion shall\\ndisqualify its object to become a member again\\nuntil after a lapse of eight years. A military or\\nnaval officer appointed or elected Senator may\\nretain his rank, with a right to restoration to", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 209\\nactive service after the close of his senatorial\\nterm, if his age permits.\\n5. The Senate shall have authority without a\\ntrial to remove from office the President; and by\\na two-thirds vote without a trial to remove any\\nofficer appointed by the President; and such re-\\nmoval shall render the persons so removed inca-\\npable of holding any office under presidential ap-\\npointment until after a lapse of five years.\\n6. The Senate shall provide for the organiza-\\ntion and define the jurisdiction of the judicial de-\\npartment of the government including a Supreme\\nCourt and subordinate tribunals.\\n7. The political divisions of the country are\\nsubject to the control of the Senate which shall\\nenact laws for their government, giving to the\\npeople a large influence and an active interest in\\nthe management of their local affairs under a\\nharmonious and a well disciplined official system.\\n8. The head of the government styled the\\nPresident, shall be elected by the Senate to hold\\noffice during its pleasure. He shall appoint the\\nMinisters,the Chief Justice and the Associate Jus-\\ntices of the Supreme Court, and of the provincial\\nCourts, the Governors of the provinces, the am-\\nbassadors to foreign nations, the generals, col-\\nonels and captains of the army; the admirals,\\ncommodores and captains of navy and such other\\nofficers as the Senate may direct, and under such\\nlaws as the Senate may enact. He and his sub-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "210 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nordinate officers under his direction, shall have\\npower to declare martial law, and to suspend the\\nwrit of Habeas Corpus. The judges and other\\nofficers to be appointed by the president under\\nthe authority of this section, and the subordinate\\nadministrative officers shall hold office during\\ngood behavior, and may be dismissed in methods\\nprescribed by the Senate.\\n9. In case of the removal of the President\\nfrom office, or of his death, resignation or ina-\\nbility to discharge the duties of his office, the\\nsenior member of the cabinet shall succeed to his\\noffice and exercise its duties until the Senate\\nshall elect a person to fill the vacancy. The\\nright of succession to presidential authority after\\nthe head of the cabinet shall devolve on the other\\nmembers in regular order, in case of vacancy or\\ninability.\\n10. Xo person shall be President or justice of\\na national court, or member of the cabinet or gov-\\nernor of a province unless he be a native of the\\nterritory that now belongs at the time of his\\nbirth to the United States, nor unless at the time\\nof his election or appointment he be thirty years\\nof age. Eesidence in a congressional district or\\nin a province shall not be a necessary qualifica-\\ntion for any office in the national government.\\n11. The Cabinet shall comprise twelve minis-\\nters, who shall be the administrative Committee\\nof Congress and shall be acceptable to the major-", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 211\\nity of that body. One of them appointed by the\\nPresident shall be Prime Minister and he shall\\nappoint and may dismiss his associates. The\\ntwelve shall each be at the head of one of the ad-\\nministrative divisions first the Interior; second\\nthe Treasury; third the Exterior; fourth the\\nProvinces; fifth Law; sixth Education and the\\nFine Arts; seventh Commerce; eighth Manufac-\\ntures; ninth Agriculture and Mines; tenth Mails;\\neleventh Army; and twelfth Navy. The Prime\\nMinister may have charge of any department.\\nThe jurisdiction of these divisions may be defined\\nand changed by the Senate.\\nSec. 95. Remarks. A legislature organized on\\nmy plan would be superior to any described in\\nhistory. In its single chamber, its long term of\\nmembership, the slow change of its partisan char-\\nacter, and the administrative experience of its\\nmembers, it suggests the Roman Senate, to\\nwhich it would be superior because the majority\\nof its members would be lawyers, scholars and\\nbusiness men, whose ambition it would be to en-\\nrich their country by the arts of peace, and not by\\nthe plunder of hostile countries and subject prov-\\ninces.\\nA serious defect in nearly all the national legis-\\nlatures of our time is that all the members of the\\npopular house, elected by the people, are chosen\\nat the same time, thus facilitating great changes\\nin membership and sudden alterations in policy.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "212 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nThe proper remedy for this evil is the rule, ap-\\nproved by experience in some municipal councils,\\nthat not more than one-third of the members shall\\nbe chosen for full terms at any one general elec-\\ntion, and that every electoral district shall have\\nthree members, each to hold his office for a full\\nterm of six years.\\nAnother principle that has been applied with\\nexcellent results on municipal councils, and\\nwould serve as well on national legislatures is\\nthat of filling one-fourth of the places by ap-\\npointment with persons who have distinguished\\nthemselves in the public service and have ac-\\nquired a large stock of valuable official experi-\\nence. This method of securing a fit man for a\\nlegislature reminds us of the Roman Senate,\\nevery member of which was appointed for life\\nafter he had held the office of Consul or Praetor\\nto which he had been elected by the people after\\nserving creditably in ten campaigns, usually in\\nsome responsible positions of command. Thus\\nthe Senate collected among its members the high-\\nest ability and experience of the republic. It\\nmade Rome the mistress of the world and exerted\\na political influence on mankind inferior only to\\nthat of the English Parliament.\\nIn the British Parliament and in the Congress\\nof the United States, the two legislative houses\\nrepresent separate classes or interests which must\\ncooperate to make the government successful.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 213\\nNo such reason exists for the maintenance of the\\nbicameral system in our state legislatures, but in\\nthem also, two chambers are considered indispen-\\nsable because each falls under the control of a\\nleader or clique, and each corrects many errors\\nand defeats many injudicious or corrupt purposes\\nin the work of the other. The less fit the men for\\ntheir positions, the greater the need of a separa-\\ntion into two houses.\\nThe second chamber and the veto are valuable\\nwhere incompetency and dishonesty are so promi-\\nnent among legislators as they are in the United\\nStates now; but under a Cabinet government,\\nwith a well constituted Congress, a second Cham-\\nber would be an element of danger, by leading to\\nconflicts of polity and compromises of fraud such\\nas are now frequent in Washington.\\nThe number of Senators should not exceed two\\nhundred; as many as could participate actively in\\nlegislative proceedings. They should hold for\\nlong terms so that their places will be coveted by\\nable and successful men; and not more than one-\\nfourth of them should be elected by the people in\\nany one year, so that the partisan character of\\ntheir body should not be subject to frequent and\\nsudden changes.\\nAll the national laws should emanate directly\\nor indirectly from the Senate. It should have\\nexclusive jurisdiction to define all legal rights,\\nprovide for their enforcement, enact civil and", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "214 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ncriminal codes, and direct the methods of judicial\\nprocedure. It should regulate suffrage, and\\nmaintain or control educational, charitable and\\ncorrectional institutions. All the courts should\\nbe organized on a harmonious plan, with strict\\nsubordination of the lower to the higher tribu-\\nnals, the judges to hold for life under administra-\\ntive appointment.\\nThe election of the President by popular vote\\nis a blunder. It brings the legislative and exec-\\nutive departments into frequent conflict and thus\\nbreeds inefficiency and extravagance. It has led\\nto the general adoption and great power of the\\nspoils system and thus corrupted all branches of\\nthe government and brought disgrace on the na-\\ntion.\\nThe independent position of the President and\\nhis cabinet under the constitution of 1787 has\\nrendered it impossible to obtain harmonious man-\\nagement of congressional work. Legislation in-\\nstead of being directed by the cabinet as it should\\nbe, is controlled by thirty or forty committees,\\neach of which tries to get as much money and\\npower as it can, and all of which in their strug-\\ngles have carried the system of logrolling to a\\npernicious prominence not approached in any\\nother great country.\\nInstead of being elected by the people the head\\nof the Administration should be designated by\\nthe legislature and then the administrative and", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 215\\nlegislative departments of the government would\\nnever be discordant as they often are under the\\npresent system. The subordination of the ad-\\nministrative to the legislative authority gives the\\nbest combination of flexibility with strength in\\ngovernment, a fact conclusively established in\\nthe experience of modern Europe; and therefore\\nit is that France, Italy, Belgium, Holland, Den-\\nmark, Sweden and Spain have adopted the Brit-\\nish rule that the Ministry must be a committee of\\nthe national legislature, under the monarch who\\nhas been reduced nominally at least to a position\\nof ceremonial headship with the obligation of\\nacting in harmony with the representatives of the\\npeople. France and Switzerland have presidents\\nand ministers elected by the legislatures and al-\\nways in harmony with them. Germany and\\nAustria have many British and few American\\nideas in their constitutions. The political world\\nis moving in the British not in the American\\ntrack.\\nExcept the President, his ministers and a few\\nothers holding partisan places, the administrative\\nofficers should be admitted by competitive exam-\\nination to the public service between the ages of\\ntwenty and thirty, and should hold during good\\nbehavior and be promoted for merit only. Then\\nwe should have an honest, efficient and economi-\\ncal public service, one very different from that\\nwhich has been maintained since 1830.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "216 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nJudicial power to nullify legislative acts for\\nunconstitutionality is an indispensable part of\\nour present political system. Without it the\\npeace and prosperity of the Union could not have\\nbeen preserved. It has been exercised in hun-\\ndreds of important federal and state cases and in\\nits general influence has been so beneficent that\\nno person of much weight has demanded its aboli-\\ntion. It has been commended by many foreign\\nwriters as the most original and most meritorious\\nfeature of our government and it gives to our\\njudiciary, the best branch of our public service, a\\npeculiar importance and dignity. This power\\nowes all its value to the peculiar unfitness of our\\nnational and state legislatures for the functions\\nentrusted to them. If they were well qualified\\nto make laws, we should not need to entrust the\\nauthority to declare their acts unconstitutional to\\njudicial tribunals. The British Parliament has\\nnot needed such a check, neither did the Eoman\\nSenate; nor will the American Congress when or-\\nganized wisely.\\nThe new constitution should contain a clause\\nin reference to the date or dates when it or part\\nof it are to take effect, but the phraseology of\\nsuch a provision should be controlled by condi-\\ntions to be fixed by the convention.\\nI intentionally omit a declaration of the popu-\\nlar rights of the liberties of person, speech, press,\\nworship and public meeting, the equality of civil", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 217\\nand political rights, the publicity of govern-\\nmental proceedings and records, the prohibitions\\nof perpetuities, long or consecutive entails, arbi-\\ntrary arrests and confiscations, arbitrary arrests\\nand seizures, imprisonment for debt, and the pro-\\nlix administration of justice. Under a well or-\\nganized government, these rights should be left\\nunder the control of the legislature, as they are\\nin Great Britain. Constitutional limitations\\nhave been multiplied and amplified far beyond\\nthe bounds of wisdom, in our country, and by in-\\ncreasing technicalities have often smothered the\\nprinciples of justice.\\nA great nation has urgent need of a national\\nbank, and on this subject I adopt the language of\\nHugh McCulloch who, after having been the Sec-\\nretary of our Federal Treasury, the ablest man,\\nexcept Alexander Hamilton, who ever held the\\nplace, says in his Men and Measures (61) What\\nthe United States needs to-day, and will need\\nstill more when the National Banking System\\nshall cease to exist, is a national bank with capi-\\ntal enough to enable it to act as a regulator of\\nthe rates of interest, and consequently to a large\\nextent of business. Such a bank is the Bank of\\nEngland, which has been of incalculable benefit\\nto Great Britain a bank which, in its manage-\\nment, is outside of -politics, and over which there\\nare never any partisan squabbles; which is inde-\\npendent of the Crown, and practically of Parlia-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "218 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nment; which keeps its fingers on the business\\npulse of the country, and by its wise and prompt\\naction contributes immensely to the stability and\\nhealthiness of trade.\\nThe reformation of our government would en-\\nable us soon to annex Canada, and thus to accom-\\nplish what should be one of the chief objects of\\nour national ambition. Our neighbors on the\\nnorth detest our political abuses, but as soon as\\nwe correct them and give satisfactory assurances\\nof an intention to adopt and maintain a policy of\\nharmony with all the branches of the great\\nAnglo-Saxon family, they will be ready to come\\ninto our Union, and to share the benefits of our\\ngreat national household.\\nAs a name for our country I can find none that\\npleases me better than Yumerica, which suggests\\nour Union and our Continent, and easily adapts\\nitself to all the purposes for which such a word is\\nneeded.\\nSec. 96. Our Present Constitution. For the\\npurpose of assisting the reader to compare the\\npolitical system of our country with that of Great\\nBritain, I here explain the main features of both.\\nThe government of the United States includes the\\nfederal and state authorities.\\nThe supreme authority is divided between the\\nstate and the federation; the former having the\\nhigher attributes of sovereignty, and the latter\\nbeing mainly an agent for foreign and interstate", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 219\\naffairs. The constitution of the State limits and\\nthat of the Union confers power; the State can do\\nall those acts not forbidden, the Union only those\\nfor which permission is given. In this relation,\\nthe State appears as the principal and the Union\\nas the agent. The State defines and protects all\\nthe most precious rights of person and property;\\nit enacts and administers the civil and criminal\\nlaws; it alone can take private property for public\\npurposes; and it opens its courts to the federal\\ngovernment when the latter wants to expropriate\\nsites for fortifications or light houses. It confers\\nthe right of suffrage, and no vote for President or\\nCongressman can be counted except under its di-\\nrections. It creates all the minor political divi-\\nsions, including counties, cities, townships and\\nschool districts. It organizes and directs the\\npublic school. Thus it controls nearly all the\\nmost important political and civil relations of life.\\nThe State has its legislature which consists of\\ntwo chambers and meets once in two years for a\\nsession of three months. The senators are\\nelected for two terms, half of them going out at\\nthe end of each session; the assemblymen are all\\nchosen on the same day for a single term. The\\nheads of the State executive departments, gov-\\nernor, secretary, treasurer, school superintendent,\\nand usually some others, are elected by man-\\nhood suffrage for four (in some states for two)\\nyears; and each appoints the clerks in his office", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "220 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nfor personal or partisan considerations. Each is\\nindependent of the others and independent also\\nof the legislature. There is a state militia which\\nhas no discipline, and its officers are politicians\\nwho are more anxious to catch the votes of riot-\\ners than to maintain the dignity of the law.\\nNo State has exactly copied the constitution\\nand statutes of another, and the country has\\nforty-five different systems of law and legal pro-\\ncedure, of rights and remedies. The deeds, wills,\\nmarriages, divorces and commercial contracts\\nvalid on one side of a small river may be void on\\nthe other bank, and the act criminal in one village\\nmay be permissible in another not a mile distant.\\nEvery State has its supreme appellate court,\\nits district courts, with original jurisdiction in\\nimportant civil and criminal cases, and its petty\\ntribunals for misdemeanors and small civil suits.\\nThe judges are elected for short terms under\\npartisan platforms, the principles of which often\\nrequire specified interpretations of constitutions\\nand laws. The forty-five states comprise nearly\\nthree thousand counties each of which has its leg-\\nislative, executive and judicial officers, elected by\\nthe people for short terms, including a sheriff,\\nclerk, recorder, treasurer, assessor, coroner, and\\npublic administrator, each of whom appoints his\\nclerks and deputies.\\nThe counties are divided into more than 30,000\\ntownships, each of which has its officials and its", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 221\\npolitical jurisdiction. In New England, the con-\\ntrol of the small township is held by the popular\\nassembly or town meeting; in the south and west\\nby an elected council. The large township or city\\nis much more populous than the average county;\\nand one-fourth of the population of the United\\nStates is in three hundred and fifty cities, of\\nwhich twenty-eight had each in 1890 more than\\n100,000 inhabitants. The systems of local gov-\\nernment differ greatly in the various states; and\\nthe rural townships are much more important\\npolitically in New England than in the southern\\nand western states. Superior disciplinary con-\\ntrol is lacking everywhere. There is also a won-\\nderful diversity in the city charters, many of\\nwhich are wonders of complexity and absurdity.\\nThe federal constitution, the supreme law of\\nan indissoluble Union, provides for a federal gov-\\nernment, with legislative, administrative and\\njudicial branches, a treasury, an army and a navy.\\nThe head of the administration is a president who\\nis elected indirectly by the people in every leap\\nyear. He appoints the federal judges, the mili-\\ntary, naval and civil administrative officers, to\\nhold during good behavior. The national legis-\\nlature consists of two houses; the Kepresenta-\\ntives apportioned according to population,\\nelected for a two years term by manhood suffrage\\nand the Senators elected by the state legislatures,\\ntwo for each state for a six years term. Con-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "222 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ngress has control over currency, copyright, pat-\\nents for inventions, naturalization, and foreign\\nand interstate commerce.\\nThe revenue of the federal government is ob-\\ntained, nearly all of it, from import duties and ex-\\ncise taxes. Congress may levy direct taxes on\\nthe states in proportion to their population; but as\\nthe ratio of wealth to inhabitants varies greatly\\nsuch an assessment would be very unfair to some\\nof the states, and besides the Union has no offi-\\ncials and no iegal system for making collections\\nfrom such sources.\\nThe federal judicial system comprises a Su-\\npreme Court, which sits at Washington, and Cir-\\ncuit and District Courts which hold sessions in\\nother cities. The courts have authority to de-\\nclare federal and state statutes void because not\\nauthorized by the Constitution.\\nThe main principles of English liberty guaran-\\nteed in the Great Charter, the Habeas Corpus Act\\nand the Bill of Eights are stated in the Constitu-\\ntion of the United States. Every part of the\\ncountry, except the District of Columbia and the\\nsparsely populated territories, is represented in\\nCongress with a voice in the enactment of laws,\\nthe levying of federal taxes and the appropria-\\ntion of money. The business of the government\\nis conducted in offices and recorded in books\\nopen to the people. The rights of jury trial, of\\nconfronting witnesses, of knowing the accusation", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 223\\nand the name of the accuser in criminal cases,\\nand of having counsel, and the liberties of wor-\\nship, speech, petition, press and public meeting\\nare all held sacred.\\nBy its foreign jurisdiction, the Union controls\\ntreaties, embassies, consulships, foreign com-\\nmerce, shipping, war, peace, army, navy, fortifi-\\ncations, light houses, coast survey and harbor\\nwork. Under its domestic powers, it manages\\nindirect taxation, coinage, postal affairs, patents,\\ncopyrights, weights, measures, interstate com-\\nmerce and interstate litigation. Its two highest\\nexecutive officers, the President and Vice Presi-\\ndent, are elected by the people for quadrennial\\nterms; the others are appointed by the President\\nor his subordinates, most of them to hold for four\\nyears. The federal judges, appointed by the\\nPresident to hold during good behavior, have\\npower to nullify statutes and executive acts for\\nunconstitutionality. This original American\\nidea, is extremely important because of the num-\\nerous blunders committed in the legislative and\\nadministrative departments, and it gives to our\\njudiciary an influence and dignity not equalled\\nelsewhere.\\nSec. 97. British Constitution. The British\\nConstitution is unwritten that is, it consists of\\nprinciples which have never been collected into\\nan authoritative document, and many of them\\nhave never been officially defined. It confers om-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "224 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nnipotent political power on Parliament, the na\\ntional legislature, composed of two Houses, that\\nof the Peers and that of the Commons. The\\nHouse of Peers includes two estates of the realm;\\nthe ecclesiastical Peers or bishops appointed by\\nthe Crown, and the secular Peers, who inherit\\ntheir titles or are appointed by the Crown with\\nthe right of succession in their male heirs. The\\nCrown cannot make a peerage to end with the\\ndeath of the appointee. The Commons the third\\nestate, by a suffrage limited to about one-half\\nthe adult males, elects representatives, who make\\nup the lower House of Parliament and control the\\ngovernment. No law can be enacted without the\\nconsent of the Peers, but they must concur when\\nthe Commons insist. If they should be stubborn,\\nthe Crown must appoint new Peers to out-vote\\nthe obstructionists. Their House is useful to pre-\\nvent inconsiderate action.\\nEvery act of Parliament is constitutional; no\\ncourt has authority to declare it void because it\\ndoes not harmonize with a previous enactment.\\nParliament has made the constitution and can\\nchange it by simple statute. The rights of repre-\\nsentation, of free speech, free press, religious lib-\\nerty, jury trial, habeas corpus, and all the other\\nleading features of political and civil liberty in\\nEngland have had no higher source.\\nRoyalty is not an estate of the realm, nor a po-\\nlitical office; its authority is merely ceremonial.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 225\\nAll its official acts must be done under the guid-\\nance of the ministry, and therefore it is not\\nresponsible and, according to the customary\\nphrase, can do no wrong. The Crown is heredi-\\ntary in the Hanoverian dynasty and may be worn\\nby a woman but not by a Roman Catholic.\\nThe Administration is controlled by the Minis-\\ntry which is a Committee of the House of Com-\\nmons, though none of its members may be in the\\nHouse of Lords. This Ministry is responsible for\\nevery important legislative and executive act,\\nand therefore it must control all taxes, appropria-\\ntion, and measures of domestic or foreign policy.\\nIt must keep the intellectual leadership in Parlia-\\nment; and therefore must triumphantly defend\\nits conduct before the bar of public opinion. It\\nholds its mastery by discussion; it instructs the\\npeople on all the leading questions. Its parlia-\\nmentary debates are the most instructive in the\\nworld.\\nThe political system of England had its main\\nsource in the mediaeval local institutions which\\nhave been maintained, developed and expanded,\\nuntil no other country has better organizations for\\nthe control of local affairs. The parish, the town,\\nthe city and the county are practically independ-\\nent in the management of the public business that\\nshould belong to their respective jurisdictions.\\nThe centralization of all the higher functions of\\ngovernment in London does not interfere in the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "226 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nleast with the liberty of the minor geographical\\ndivisions.\\nThe British Constitution has great merits. It\\nhas surpassed all others in the long period (eight\\ncenturies) of its almost continuous development,\\nin the great number and high value of its origi-\\nnal features, in the adoption of many of its prin-\\nciples by all other enlightened countries, and in\\nits grand influence in raising Great Britain to the\\nfirst place among all the nations of history.\\nSec. 98. Comparisons. Of all national consti-\\ntutions, the British is the best because it works\\nmost smoothly, gives most satisfaction to its in-\\ntelligent citizens and is administered by a people\\nwho have had the longest and the most instruc-\\ntive experience in the methods of governing them-\\nselves through national and local agencies. The\\npoints in which it is decidedly superior to the\\nAmerican constitution are that its central power\\nis greater, it secures a more harmonious work-\\ning of all its parts, the members of its chief legis-\\nlative body have a longer tenure of office (their\\nfull term in the House of Commons being seven\\nyears and many of them being reelected fre-\\nquently), their Executive Committee or Ministry,\\nassisted iby numerous able and experienced spe-\\ncialists control the administration and the legis-\\nlation; and the officials in the judicial and admin-\\nistrative departments do honor to the nation.", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 227\\nThe most serious defect of the British Consti-\\ntution is that the House of Commons is subject to\\nsudden revolutionary changes by the election of\\nall its members at one time. This evil should be\\ncorrected by lengthening the full term to nine\\nyears, giving three members to each parliamen-\\ntary district and electing one every third year,\\nonly the oldest member to go out in case of a dis-\\nsolution.\\nThe French people have neither the long famil-\\niarity with constitutional government nor the\\neducation otherwise needed to make a decided\\nsuccess of republican institutions with manhood\\nsuffrage. They would never be quiet under a\\ndespotism and therefore they will probably worry\\nalong under a disorderly republic until they adopt\\nreforms which will give smoothness to their polit-\\nical movements. They have a great advantage\\nover the people of the United States in the matter\\nof national unity; their central government can\\nprotect its citizens.\\nThe constitutions of Great Britain and Italy\\nwork more smoothly than those of Germany and\\nFrance, partly because they have a limited suf-\\nfrage. If they allowed their large class of very\\nignorant men to vote they would have much more\\ndisorder than they have. Though the British\\nParliamentary Reform of 1832 corrected many\\ngrave abuses directly and indirectly, it has been\\nfollowed by a lowering of the character of the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "228 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nHouse of Commons, which is not so steadfast in\\nits policy nor does it contain so large a propor-\\ntion of very able men as before the change. Then\\nthe average parliamentary term was much longer\\nthan at present and the greater permanence not\\nonly attracted superior talents but gave an ex-\\nperience that was of vast benefit to the public\\nservice.\\nSec. 99. Other Plans. Various inefficient or in-\\nsufficient plans to cure our political evils, plans\\nthat may be called false remedies, will foe men-\\ntioned here.\\nFirst, among these is the suggestion that all\\nthe offices should be given to good men. It is as\\nwise as the scheme of the young rat to put a bell\\non the cat. Under our political system it is as\\nimpossible to keep unfit men out of a large pro-\\nportion of the influential places as it was for the\\nrat to put a bell on the cat.\\nWe have had a Civil Service Reform movement\\nin the United States for the last thirty years, in\\nwhich period its friends have held many meet-\\nings, published many papers, and obtained par-\\ntial recognition in many political conventions,\\nbut they have gained little in the form of legisla-\\ntive enactment, and that little is insecure.\\nTheir plan of action may be compared to that\\nof a company made up to hunt a tiger which has\\ndone immense damage in an extensive region,\\nunder a written agreement that the beast should", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 229\\nnot be killed under any circumstances but should\\nif possible be captured in a cage and then after\\none or two of its claws should be clipped, should\\nbe turned loose without other injury.\\nEvery state is now a stronghold of the Spoils\\nSystem, and the best method, if not the only hope\\nof purifying the government is to consolidate the\\nnation and thus prepare the whole people for the\\noverthrow of the pernicious influences which have\\nbeen corrupting and debasing our public service.\\nSec. 100. Suffrage Restriction, Many intelli-\\ngent men believe, and some distinguished au-\\nthors have said, that one of the greatest political\\nevils of the XlXth century has been the exten-\\nsion of the suffrage, and they find many facts in\\nthe history of the United States, Great Britain\\nand France to support this opinion. H. S.\\nMaine (Popular Government, 98) says It seems to\\nme quite certain that if for four centuries there\\nhad been a very widely extended franchise and a\\nvery large electoral body in this country, there\\nwould have been no reformation of religion, no\\nchange of dynasty, no toleration of dissent, not\\neven an accurate calendar. The threshing ma-\\nchine, the power loom, the spinning jenny and\\npossibly the steam engine would have been pro-\\nhibited. Even in our own day vaccination is in\\nthe utmost danger; and we may say generally\\nthat the gradual establishment of the masses in\\npower is of the blackest omen for all legislation", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "230 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nfounded on scientific opinion which requires ten-\\nsion of mind to understand it and self denial to\\nsubmit to it.\\nMost of the political evils that have risen or\\ngreatly expanded since the suffrage was granted\\nto poor and ignorant men, have been the results\\nnot of that liberality, but of the gross laxity with\\nwhich paupers, professional criminals, nonresi-\\ndents, aliens and the recipients of bribes, have\\nbeen permitted to vote, and of the spoils system,\\nwhich has organized the citizens into large par-\\nties for the purpose of plundering the public\\ntreasury.\\nPoverty should not exclude any American from\\na share in the government; the dignity, attached\\nto the ballot, should be given to all the men who\\nsupport themselves honestly, read English, have\\npermanent homes, and have been adult citizens\\nfor five or ten years. A new constitution might\\nwisely provide that after it had been in force for\\nten years, the suffrage should be limited to men\\nwho had reached the age of twenty-five, and ten\\nyears later to those of thirty years. By such\\nchanges the ballot would obtain a much higher\\nvalue than it now has. Such a restriction of the\\nsuffrage however I do not consider indispensable\\nto a good government.\\nFrank J. Goodnow, Professor of Administra-\\ntive Law in Columbia University, and the author\\nof several good books on his specialty, regards", "height": "3624", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 231\\nuniversal suffrage as our greatest political evil\\nand says (Municipal Problems, p. 150) It must,\\nhowever, be recognized that, as yet, the people\\nare not generally convinced of the impropriety of\\nuniversal suffrage. It will, unquestionably, take\\nlong years of agitation to bring such a conviction\\nhome to them and it will have to be shown that\\nthe present recognized evils of our governmental\\nsystem are, without doubt, due to universal suf-\\nfrage before they will be brought to make any\\nchange. Many others agree on this point with\\nProf. Goodnow, but say nothing about it pub-\\nlicly, and thus indicate that they have little hope\\nof reform. If they were right, the future of our\\ncountry would be very dark.\\nSec. 101. Burnett s Plan.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In 1861, Peter H.\\nBurnett published a pamphlet entitled The Ameri-\\ncan Theory of Government urging a radical reform\\nof the national constitution, the consolidation of\\nthe nation, the conversion of the states into prov-\\ninces, the prolongation of the presidential term\\nto twenty years of the senatorial term to life, of\\nthe term in the House of Representatives to five\\nyears, and of terms in administrative offices gen-\\nerally to good behavior, and the administrative\\nofficials to be appointed not elected. Though this\\nplan is much superior to our present constitution,\\nit has serious defects, of which the most promi-\\nnent are the independent administration, the bi-\\ncameral legislature, and the simultaneous elec-", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "232 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ntion of all the members of the House of Represen-\\ntatives.\\nIn his book entitled Republican Superstitions,\\nMoncure D. Conway demands the consolidation\\nof our government but does not explain, in detail,\\nhis ideas of the needful reform.\\nSec. 102. Stichieifs Plan. Albert Stickney is\\nthe author of three books on American Polity en-\\ntitled A True Republic, The Political Problem and\\nDemocratic Government; and in this last one he de-\\nmands the reorganization and consolidation of the\\nnation on a novel and meritorious plan. He would\\ngive the legislative authority in the township to\\nthe assembly of the adult male citizens, who in\\ntheir meetings, to be held in the day time once a\\nyear or oftener, should levy town taxes, order im-\\nprovements, make appropriations, and elect their\\nmayor, every vote being taken by the voice on a\\nroll call. The mayor should appoint the clerk, as-\\nsessor, collector and other heads of departments;\\nand each of these should have authority to ap-\\npoint and remove his subordinates, and should\\nthus be responsible for the conduct of his office,\\nas the mayor should be for them. The mayor\\nshould hold office until deposed by the township\\nassembly.\\nThe county council should consist of a deputy\\nfrom each township elected in the same manner\\nas the mayor; and the county officials should be\\norganized on the same general plan as those of", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 233\\nthe township, with a similar tenure and similar\\nresponsibility. The city council would be or-\\nganized on the same principles, except that the\\ncouncilors would be elected by precincts, the as-\\nsemblies of which would have no authority to con-\\ntrol their local government that being left to the\\ncity authorities. The county and city councilors\\nwould hold office until removed by the assemblies\\nof their respective precincts.\\nThe state or provincial legislature would con-\\nsist of legislators elected from districts contain-\\ning several precincts each, the election to be by\\nvoice of the precinct assemblies. The legislature\\nwould elect the governor, who would appoint the\\nsecretary, treasurer, controller and so forth, to\\nhold their places till deposed by the appointing\\npower. Many precincts would be combined to\\nchoose a national Congressman, and also a presi-\\ndential elector, and all these would hold till re-\\nmoved by the appointing power. The President\\nwould appoint all the heads of national adminis-\\ntrative departments (each to select his own sub-\\nordinates) and would also appoint the judges.\\nThere would be no popular election except in\\na township or precinct assembly and then by\\nvoice, only one office of a kind to be filled at a\\ntime; there would be no double legislative cham-\\nber; no presidential veto; no division of respon-\\nsibility, no secure tenure of any office in defiance\\nof popular will.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "234 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 103. Moffett s Plan.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The novelty and in-\\ngenuity of this political scheme are unquestion-\\nable but in the fourteen years since it was sub-\\nmitted to publication it has gained no advocates\\nand though it might work better than our present\\nplan, yet within the range of probabilities now\\nperceptible, it has no chance of adoption. S. E.\\nMoffett, another original thinker, in his book en-\\ntitled Suggestions in Government, accepts the main\\nfeatures of Mr. Stickney s plan, but proposes some\\nchanges. He would have the township assembly\\nmeet once a month in the evening, and elect by\\nballot instead of by voice the officials designated\\nby Mr. Stickney. He would also give to the ad-\\nministrative head of the nation, state, city or\\ncounty, or to one-fifth of the precincts, the au-\\nthority to subject any legislative act to a referen-\\ndum, or popular vote to be taken at the township\\nor precinct meetings. He would also require a\\ntwo-thirds vote of the electing body to depose any\\nlegislative or administrative official. He makes\\nsome good suggestions about the method of count-\\ning votes.\\nSec. 104. Hyslop s Plan. In a book entitled\\nDemocracy, Prof. J. H. Hyslop has demanded a\\nreform of our Government, and proposed certain\\nmeasures which however are far from making a\\ncomplete system, and thus he has left the reader\\nin doubt as to his meaning. Not having obtained\\na clear view of the defects, he does not see dis-", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 235\\ntinctly how they should be remedied. Much,\\nhowever, that he says deserves consideration.\\nSec. 105. Ford s Plan. Henry J. Ford demands\\n(American Politics, 365) some amendments to the\\nfederal constitution, for the purposes of convert-\\ning the presidency into a ceremonial office, di-\\nminishing the power of the senate and admitting\\nthe members of the cabinet into the House of Bep-\\nresentatives, but his reformatory ideas are pre-\\nsented in vague terms as if they were not con-\\nceived clearly. His book has much information\\nand implies the urgent need of a great reform.\\nSec. 106. Seaman s Plan.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 In 1870 E. C. Seaman\\npublished a book advocating the adoption in our\\ngovernment of these principles:\\n1. Minority representation.\\n2. Cumulative voting.\\n3. Double elections, the first to make nomina-\\ntions; the second to select officers from the can-\\ndidates thus chosen.\\n4. Prohibition of nominations by caucuses or\\nconventions.\\n5. The appointment of judges and state admin-\\nistrative officers or their election by the legisla-\\nture.\\n6. The limitation of the presidency to one\\nterm.\\n7. A property qualification (two hundred and\\nfifty dollars) to vote for state senator, sheriff, as-\\nsessor and constable.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "236 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nSec. 107. Despair. The reformatory ideas of\\nBurnett, Conway, Stickney, Moffett, Hyslop, Ford\\nand Seaman have been treated with neglect not\\nonly by the literary critics, but also by the high\\nofficials, the lawyers and professors of polit-\\nical philosophy in our universities; and our in-\\ntelligent citizens generally have never even\\nheard of their suggestions. This fact becomes\\nmore noteworthy when we recall to mind the\\nfact that the opinions prevail extensively that our\\npolitical condition is not only unsatisfactory but\\ndangerous, and that therefore there is urgent\\nneed of higher wisdom in the guidance of na-\\ntional affairs than we have had in the XlXth\\ncentury.\\nIn private conversation, the opinion is often ex-\\npressed that no practical remedy for the corrup-\\ntion of our government is within the reach of the\\npresent generation; that in our time the people\\nwill not be able to emancipate themselves from\\nthe dominion of the bosses. In his book on Muni-\\ncipal Home Rule (8) F. J. Goodnow writes of The\\ndespair of the people of ever obtaining good gov-\\nernment through their own efforts. In his Trial\\nof the Constitution, (347) S. G. Fisher laments that\\nEverything has been bought and sold.\\nEvery one deplores them yet cannot think\\nof a remedy. In his Rise and Growth of American\\nPolitics (215) H. J. Ford remarks that Throes of\\nchange rack the state with pain in every limb", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 237\\nand evoke continual groans. A cry for relief is\\nthe burden of public utterance. Lecky tells us\\ntruly in his Democracy and Liberty (I, 113) that In\\nno Teutonic nation of our day is the difference so\\nmarked between the public and private standards\\nof morality as in the United States. In other\\nwords, he means to say that the office holders are\\nmuch more inferior to the educated people gen-\\nerally in character and capacity than in other en-\\nlightened countries, and that we are submitting\\nto a political system that is a disgrace to us, be-\\ncause we have not known how to place our poli-\\ntics on a level with our ethics.\\nIn his book on Municipal Reform (6) T. C. Dev-\\nlin assures his readers that we, the Americans,\\nat least admit our failures and our people are\\nfast learning that there is no reason for the con-\\ntinuance of blundering mismanagement of muni-\\ncipal affairs and (that) the sooner it is replaced\\nwith permanent and systematic methods which\\nwill ensure good government, the brighter will be\\nthe outlook for the perpetuity of our national in-\\nstitutions.\\nProf. Woodrow Wilson (318) complains that\\nthe federal government lacks strength, because\\nits powers are divided, lacks promptness be-\\ncause its authorities are multiplied, lacks wieldi-\\nness because its processes are roundabout, lacks\\nefficiency because its responsibility is indistinct,\\nand its action without competent direction. His", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "238 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nneglect, to propose a plain remedy for these evils,\\nseems to indicate that he is almost hopeless.\\nThe main reason, for the neglect with which\\nthe advocates of reform, in our national constitu-\\ntion, have been treated, is, if I mistake not, that\\nthey did not distinctly explain the evils to be cor-\\nrected, and thus failed to lay the foundation for\\ntheir own argument and for the provocation of\\nindependent thought and subsequent research by\\ntheir readers. Whether this effort of mine is to\\nbe more successful, time will show.\\nSec. 108. Conclusion, The Americans gen-\\nerally have little veneration for most of the\\nopinions and products of past centuries, but there\\nis one notable exception; they blindly venerate\\ntheir federal constitution. Having read that\\nthat document saved their country from the great\\nevil of secession in 1799, 1819, 1830, 1850 and\\n1861, they imagine that it must be highly benefi-\\ncent and almost faultless.\\nPossessing little knowledge of the principles of\\ngovernment, except what they have learned from\\ntheir office-holding and journalistic demagogues,\\nthey imagine that they possess the highest politi-\\ncal wisdom and that the world will soon come to\\nthem for instruction. They do not know that\\nEurope long since studied and rejected most of\\ntheir political ideas, and regards them as mar-\\nvels of folly, ignorance and danger.", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 239\\nWhen it was adopted, the federal constitution\\ndid not satisfy any party. It was the result of a\\ncompromise, in which each side surrendered\\nmuch for the sake of maintaining the Union.\\nThe nationalists, including Hamilton, Washing-\\nton, Jay, Franklin and Gouverneur Morris,\\nwanted a strong nationality; their opponents\\nwanted a very weak federation. Neither party\\ngot what they wanted and yet now our politicians\\nsay their work is nearly perfect.\\nThe political system of the country has been\\ngreatly modified since 1787 though the federal\\nconstitution remains nearly as it was then. At\\nfirst all the judges, mayors, and heads of the ad-\\nministrative offices in the counties and cities\\nwere appointed, not elected by the people, and\\nthey held during good behavior, as did the heads\\nof federal administrative offices generally. Most\\nof the members of the legislative bodies were\\nelected again and again, so that there were ma-\\njorities of experienced members. The Committee\\nSystem had not then taken shape, and the Spoils\\nSystem had not then blossomed out into its na-\\ntional conventions, platforms, bosses and other\\npernicious features.\\nThe changes generally have been for the worse,\\nbut some for the better. Slavery has been\\nabolished; ecclesiastical animosity and privilege\\nhas diminished, and education has greatly ad-\\nvanced. The people of the distant parts of the", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "240 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\ncountry have been brought together by railways,\\nsteamboats, telegraphs, and the intimacies of\\ntravel and traffic, until they have been cured of\\nmany of their local prejudices and animosities.\\nThey have learned to feel and to say that they\\nare a nation.\\nWhen they fully understand what nationality\\nmeans and what blessings it could confer on\\nthem, they will consolidate their government.", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 241\\nCHAPTER VI.\\nBIBLIOGRAPHY.\\nSec. 109. List of Books. This list of books in-\\ncludes all those from which quotations have been\\nmade in the preceding pages, and others that de-\\nserve the attention of the student of our govern-\\nment.\\nAdams, Henry C, [Professor of Political Econ-\\nomy in Michigan University] The Science of Fi-\\nnance, New York, 1898.\\nAdams, John, The Works of, 10 vols., Boston,\\n1851.\\nAmos, Sheldon, The Science of Politics, New\\nYork, 1883.\\nAnonymous; W. W. Seaton, a biographical\\nsketch, Boston, 1871.\\nBagehot, Walter, The English Constitution,\\nBoston, 1873.\\nBannatyne, D. J., Handbook of Bepublican In-\\nstitutions in the United States of America, New\\nYork, 1887.\\nBell, J. and Paton, J., Glasgow, its Municipal\\nOrganization and Administration, Glasgow, 1896.\\nThe best book of its kind known to me.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "242 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nBodley, John E. C., France, New York, 1898.\\nBolles, Albert S., The Financial History of the\\nUnited States from 1861 to 1885, New York, 1886.\\nThe best book on its subject but far from exhaus-\\ntive.\\nBorgeaud, Charles. Adoption and Amend-\\nment of Constitutions, Translated, New York,\\n1895.\\nBradford, Gamaliel, The Lesson of Popular\\nGovernment, 2 vols., New York, 1899. An excel-\\nlent book.\\nBrough, Wm., The Natural Law of Money, New\\nYork, 1894.\\nBrown, J. S., Partisan Politics, Philadelphia,\\n1897.\\nBryce, James, The American Commonwealth,\\n2 vols., London, 1883. This is a truthful picture\\nof the political and social life of the United\\nStates, presented in a form of very high literary\\nmerit.\\nBurnett, Peter H., Recollections and Opinions\\nof an old Pioneer, New York, 1880. Also The\\nAmerican Theory of Government, New York,\\n1863.\\nCaldecott, A., English Colonization, New York,\\n1891. The author quotes the language of Lord\\nDufferin in explanation of the reasons why the\\nCanadians oppose annexation.\\nCalhoun, John CL, A Discourse on the Constitu-\\ntion and Government of the United States,", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 243\\nCharleston, 1851. This is the sacred book of the\\nsecessionists and enemies of a strong federal\\nunion.\\nCarnegie, Andrew, Triumphant Democracy,\\nNew York, 1888.\\nCommons, J. R., [Professor of Sociology in\\nSyracuse University] Proportional Representa-\\ntion, New York, 1896. He attaches dispropor-\\ntionate importance to proportionate representa-\\ntion.\\nConant, Charles A., A History of Modern\\nBanks of Issue, New York, 1896.\\nConkling, Alfred R., City Government in the\\nUnited States, New York, 1894.\\nConway, Moncure D., Republican Supersti-\\ntions, London, 1872.\\nCooley, Thomas M., Constitutional Limitations,\\nBoston, 1878. Judge Cooley was professor of law\\nin the University of Michigan and has a high\\nreputation as a writer on American law, but\\ndoes not seem to have studied the principles of\\ncomparative politics.\\nCurtis, George William, Orations, 3 vols.. New\\nYork, 1894.\\nDallinger, F. W., Nominations for Elective\\nOffice in the United States, New York, 1897.\\nDaniels, Winthrop M., [Professor of Political\\nEconomy in Princeton University] The Elements\\nof Public Finance, New York, 1899. This is\\nnearly all statement with very little discussion", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "244 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nof the principles involved in the different national\\nsystems of finance.\\nDevlin, T. C, Municipal Reform in the United\\nStates, New York, 1896.\\nDewees, F. P., The Mollie Maguires, Phil-\\nadelphia, 1877. An account of the crimes com-\\nmitted by the Mollie Maguires (members of the\\nAncient Order of Hibernians) as organizers and\\nleaders in the great anthracite coal strike of\\nPennsylvania in 1877.\\nDicey, A. V., Introduction to the Law of the\\nConstitution, London, 1893.\\nDix, Morgan. Memoirs of John A. Dix, 2 vols.,\\nNew York, 1883.\\nDolman, F., Municipalities at Work, London,\\n1895.\\nDunning, Wm. A., [Professor of History in\\nColumbia University] Essays on the Civil War\\nand Reconstruction, New York, 1898.\\nDurand, Edward S., The Finances of New York\\nCity, New York, 1898.\\nEaton, Dorman B., Civil Service in Great Brit-\\nain, New York, 1880.\\nEliot, Charles W., [President of Harvard\\nUniversity] American Contributions to Civiliza-\\ntion, New York, 1897.\\nEverett, Edward, Orations and Speeches of, 4\\nvols., Boston, 1868.\\nFederalist, The. New York, 1873.", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 245\\nFisher, Sydney G., The Evolution of the Con-\\nstitution of the United States, Philadelphia, 1897.\\nAlso Trial of the Constitution, Philadelphia, 1862.\\nFiske, John, American Political Ideas, New\\nYork, 1885. Also The Critical Period of Ameri-\\ncan History, 1783-1789, Boston, 1888.\\nFord, Henry J., The Rise and Growth of Ameri-\\ncan Politics, New York, 1898.\\nFord, Paul L., The Honorable Peter Stirling,\\nNew York, 1894. An American novel depicting\\nthe career of an able and upright lawyer who be-\\ncomes a successful manager of ward politics in\\nthe city of New York and is then elected governor\\nof the state. The book shows much familiarity\\nwith the partisan system of the United States,\\nbut conveys grossly false ideas of the influences\\nthat predominate in the ward management of\\nNew York City.\\nFrancisco, M. J., Municipal Ownership vs.\\nPrivate Corporations, Rutland, Vermont, 1898.\\nAs president of the National Electric Light Com-\\npany, the author studied the experience of many\\nAmerican cities and towns with their own electric\\nlight plants, and with detailed reports proves\\nthat the management has in a large proportion\\nof cases, been incompetent, corrupt and ex-\\ntremely expensive.\\nFreeman, Edward A., A History of Federal\\nGovernment in Greece and Italy, London, 1893.\\nThis is the best work on the subject but is prolix", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "246 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nand incomplete. He has also written a book en-\\ntitled Comparative Politics but he has not mas-\\ntered the subject and the work has little value.\\nGarfield, James A., The works of, 2 vols., Bos-\\nton, 1883. In the combination of scholarship\\nwith oratory Garfield is the first of the American\\npresidents, and much that he wrote can be\\nstudied now with interest and profit.\\nGladstone, W. E., Gleanings of Past Years, 7\\nvols., New York, 1899. The article on Kin be-\\nyond the Sea in the first volume is instructive\\nand pleasant to Americans.\\nGodkin, E. L., Unforeseen Tendencies of De-\\nmocracy, New York, 1898.\\nGoodnow, Frank J., [Professor of Administra-\\ntive Law in Columbia University] Comparative\\nAdministrative Law, 2 vols., New York. 1893.\\nAlso Municipal Home Rule, New York, 1895.\\nAlso Municipal Problems, New York, 1899.\\nThese are good books.\\nGreeley, Horace, Recollections of a Busy Life,\\nNew York, 1868.\\nHaliburton, T., Rule and Misrule, New York,\\n1851.\\nHarrison, Benjamin, This Country of Ours, New\\nYork, 1897. This excellent book contains the\\nbest account ever written of many parts of our\\nfederal administration.\\nHart, Albert B., Introduction to the Study of\\nFederal Government, Boston 1891. This book", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 247\\ngives a list of federal governments, describes\\nmany of their notable features, and contains\\nmuch bibliographical information.\\nHoffman, Frank S., [Professor of Philosophy\\nin Union College] The Sphere of the State, New\\nYork, 1893.\\nHoist, H. von, The Constitutional and Political\\nHistory of the United States, Translated by J. J.\\nLalor, 7 vols., Chicago, 1889. One of the best\\npolitical histories ever written.\\nHosmer, G. W., The People and Politics, Bos-\\nton, 1883.\\nHosmer, J. H., A Short History of Anglo Saxon\\nFreedom, New York, 1890.\\nHyslop, James H., [Professor of Logic in Col-\\numbia University] Democracy, New York, 1899.\\nThis work shows ability but was published be-\\nfore the author had systematized and clarified his\\nideas.\\nJennings, L. J., Eighty Years of Republican\\nGovernment in the United States, New York,\\n1868.\\nJulian, George W., Political Recollections, 1840\\nto 1872, Chicago 1884, One of the best auto-\\nbiographies of the American politicians.\\nKansas, Second Annual Report of Bureau of\\nLabor of, Topeka, 1887. This book contains the\\nbest account that I have found of the Missouri\\nRailway Strike of 1886.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "248 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nKent, James, Commentaries on American Law,\\n4 vols., Boston, 1867. As an expositor of a system\\nof national law, Kent has no superior.\\nKinley, David, The Independent Treasury of\\nthe United States, New York, 1893.\\nLamon, Ward H., The Life of Abraham Lincoln,\\nBoston, 1872.\\nLe Bon, Gustave, The Psychology of Socialism,\\nNew York, 1899. Also The Psychology of Peo-\\nples, New York, 1898.\\nLecky, W. E. H., Democracy and Liberty, 2\\nvols., New York, 1896.\\nLowell, Abbot L., Government and Parties in\\nContinental Europe, 2 vols., Boston, 1896.\\nMaine, Henry S., Popular Government, London,\\n1886.\\nMarshall, John, Writings upon the Federal Con-\\nstitution, Washington, 1890.\\nMcClure, A. K., Our Presidents and how we\\nmake them, New York, 1900.\\nMcConachie, L. G., Congressional Committees,\\nNew York, 1898.\\nMcCracken, W. D., The Rise of the Swiss Re-\\npublic, Boston, 1892. The author is an American\\nwho resided long in Switzerland and has in the\\nbook compared its polity with that of his native\\nland, and has admitted that the Swiss have the\\nwiser and purer government.\\nMcCulloch, Hugh, Men and Measures of Half a\\nCentury, New York, 1889. An excellent autobi-\\nography.", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 249\\nMcKnight, D. A., The Electoral System of the\\nUnited States of America, Philadelphia, 1878.\\nMill, John S., Representative Government, New\\nYork, 1874. The best book on modern constitu-\\ntional government; some of the important fea-\\ntures of which have never been so forcibly ex-\\nplained and advocated by any other author. Also\\nDissertations and Discussions, 3 vols., London,\\n1869.\\nMoffett, S. E., Suggestions on Government, Chi-\\ncago, 1899.\\nMorse, John T., Jr., The Life of Alexander\\nHamilton. 2 vols., Boston, 1876.\\nMoses, Bernard, The Federal Government of\\nSwitzerland, Oakland, 1889.\\nMunro, J. E. 0., The Constitution of Canada,\\nCambridge, 1889.\\nOtken, Charles H., The Ills of the South, New\\nYork, 1894.\\nParton, James, Life of Thomas Jefferson, Bos-\\nton, 1889.\\nPike, J. S., The Prostrate State, New York,\\n1874. This work contains an account of the car-\\npet-bag frauds in South Carolina between 1869\\nand 1873.\\nPinkerton, Allan, Strikers, Communists,\\nTramps and Detectives, New York, 1878. This\\nbook is in many respects very unsatisfactory but\\ncontains the best account yet published of the\\ngreat railway riot in 1877 at Baltimore, Pittsburg,", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "250 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nHarrisburg, Buffalo, Chicago and many other\\ncities.\\nRoosevelt, Theodore, Essays on Practical Poli-\\ntics, New York, 1888.\\nSan Francisco, Charter of the City of, Adopted\\nby a Board of Freeholders in 1898, San Fran-\\ncisco, 1898.\\nSavidge, E. C, Life of B. H. Brewster, Philadel-\\nphia, 1891. This work contains a long account of\\nthe trials for great frauds committed in the\\npostal department of the United States the\\nStar Route Cases, in which many officials were\\nengaged.\\nSchuyler, Eugene, American Diplomacy, New\\nYork, 1886. Besides explaining the American\\nconsular and diplomatic systems, this book has\\nsome suggestive remarks about congressional\\nlegislation.\\nScott, Eben G., Reconstruction during the Civil\\nWar in the United States of America, Boston,\\n1895.\\nScott, W. A., Repudiation of State Debts, New\\nYork, 1893.\\nScouler, James, [Professor of Law in Johns\\nHopkins University] Constitutional Studies, New\\nYork, 1897.\\nSeaman, E. C, The American System of Gov-\\nernment, New York, 1870.\\nShaw, Albert, Municipal Government of Great\\nBritain, New York, 1895. Also Municipal Gov-", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "REFORM OR REVOLUTION? 251\\nernment in Continental Europe, New York, 1895.\\nExcellent books.\\nStanwood, Edward, A History of the Presiden-\\ncy, New York, 1898.\\nStickney, Albert, The Political Problem, New\\nYork, 1890. Also Democratic Government, New\\nYork, 1885. Also a True Republic, New York,\\n1879.\\nStory, Joseph, Commentaries on the Constitu-\\ntion, 4 vols., Boston, 1840.\\nStory, Joseph, Life and Letters of, Edited by\\nW. W. Story, London, 1887.\\nSterne, S., Constitutional History and Political\\nDevelopment of the United States, New York,\\n1888. The book is not without merit but is not\\nlarge enough for its title.\\nTalleyrand-Perigord, Marquis de, Etude des\\nEtats-Unis d Amerique, New York, 1876.\\nThompson, Daniel G., Politics in a Democracy,\\nNew York, 1893.\\nTiedeman, C. G., [Professor of Law in Missouri\\nUniversity] The Unwritten Constitution of the\\nUnited States, New York, 1890.\\nTuckerman, Henry T., America, New York,\\n1864.\\nUpton, J. K., Money in Politics, Boston, 1884.\\nWashington, Booker T., The Future of the\\nAmerican Negro, Boston, 1900.\\nWilcox, Delos F., The Study of City Govern-\\nment, New York, 1897.", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "252 REFORM OR REVOLUTION?\\nWilson, Woodrow, [Professor of Jurisprudence\\nin Princeton University] Congressional Govern-\\nment, Boston, 1885. The best exposure of the de-\\nfects of the control of legislation by committees.\\nWright, John A., How to get good judges, San\\nFrancisco, 1892.\\nTHE END.", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3658", "width": "2273", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3740", "width": "2322", "jp2-path": "reformorrevoluti00hitt_0264.jp2"}}