{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4258", "width": "3097", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "jCy", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "Capital Visions:\\nReflections on a Decade of\\nUrban Design Charrettes\\nand a Look Ahead\\nU.S. Capitol Union Station Plazas Vicinity", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "Capital Visions:\\nReflections on a Decade of\\nUrban Design Charrettes and a Look Ahead\\nA Symposium Sponsored by\\nThe Library of Congress, Geography and Map Division\\nand\\nThe Washington Area Architectural Group\\nFriday, March 31, 1995\\nEdited by\\nIris Miller and Ronald Grim\\nLibrary of Congress, Geography and Map Division\\nWashington, D.C.\\n1995", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "This symposium and related events were cosponsored by the Embassy of France; U.S. Capitol\\nHistorical Society; Franz Bader Bookstore; EDAW Landscape Architects; Hartman-Cox Archi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntects; Lehman/Smith/Wiseman 8c Associates; and RTKL Associates.\\nAssistance in selecting and preparing maps and drawings for display following the symposium\\nwas provided by Kristina del Carmen, Archivist, Nancy, France; James Dravillas, Dartmouth Col\u00c2\u00ac\\nlege; Gregory K. Hunt, Washington-Alexandria Center for Architecture, Virginia Polytechnic\\nInstitute; Mark Mclnturff, Architect, Bethesda, MD.; and Russell Knodle, Geography and Map\\nDivision, Library of Congress.\\nThis publication was prepared with the assistance of Judy Marks, American Institute of Archi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntects; and Carla Bussey and Jamella Blocker, Geography and Map Division, Library of Congress.\\n4 I\\nISBN 0-8444-0882-4\\nooa 1 foo(\u00e2\u0080\u009e", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "Program\\nSESSION I: THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS COLLECTIONS\\nRalph Ehrenberg Welcome\u00e2\u0080\u009d v\\nRonald Grim \u00e2\u0080\u009cCharrettes Collection, A Complement to Urban and Architectural Resources\\nin the Geography and Map Division 1\\nC. Ford Peatross \u00e2\u0080\u009cWashingtoniana: Collaboration and Collections\\n(oral presentation only)\\nSESSION H: CHARRETTE PROCESSES AND CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT\\nIris Miller \u00e2\u0080\u009cEn Charrette as a Community and Design Process: A Legacy for\\nUrbanism 4\\nSusan Piedmont-Palladino \u00e2\u0080\u009c1984-1995: From Student to Professional to Teacher\u00e2\u0080\u009d 9\\nGregory K. Hunt From Generic Issues to Speculative Visions: Urban Design Charrettes in\\nWashington, D. C., The Portal and King Street Metro Sites 11\\nCharles Zucker \u00e2\u0080\u009cThe Importance of Interdisciplinary Team Work 15\\nDavid Lewis \u00e2\u0080\u009cMemory of the Future\u00e2\u0080\u009d 20\\nSESSION ID: A VISION OF WASHINGTON\\nSteven Hurtt \u00e2\u0080\u009cGrand Plan, Monument, Grid: A Defense of Washington, D.C.\u00e2\u0080\u009d 24\\nRobert Peck \u00e2\u0080\u009cCentral Vision: The City as a Living and Civic Model\u00e2\u0080\u009d 30\\nT .inda Moody \u00e2\u0080\u009cThe Neighborhood Vision: Raising Community Pride and Student\\nInvolvement\u00e2\u0080\u009d 34\\nHarry Robinson \u00e2\u0080\u009cLearningfrom Georgia Avenue\u00e2\u0080\u009d 35\\nSESSION IV: LEARNING FROM EXPERIENCE\\nJoseph Passonneau \u00e2\u0080\u009cTheFour Street Traditions and Their Consequences\u00e2\u0080\u009d. 36\\nJames Banks \u00e2\u0080\u009cNot by Design: Federally Subsidized Housing The Unplanned\\nConsequence\u00e2\u0080\u009d 40\\nGeorge Latimer \u00e2\u0080\u009cReclaiming the Public Realm Space and Place 42\\nWeiming Lu \u00e2\u0080\u009cReinventing Urban Village: Lowertown, A Response to Edge Cities\\nChallenge\u00e2\u0080\u009d 46\\nStanley Hallet \u00e2\u0080\u009cEnd View\u00e2\u0080\u009d 49\\niii", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PREFACE\\nWith this symposium, the Library of Congress celebrates the gift of the Urban Design\\nCharrettes Collection to the Geography and Map Division. The collection consists of some 1,000\\noriginal architectural sketches, drawings, and maps prepared by students, architects and landscape\\narchitects as part of an educational architectural and urban design program from 1982-1989 to\\nprovide innovative design solutions for the nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s capital based upon historic and social-economic\\nanalysis. Initially associated with the Washington Chapter of the American Institute of Architects\\n(AIA) and the Smithsonian Institution Resident Associates Program, the charrettes program was\\nsubsequently transferred to The Catholic University of America\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Department of Architecture and\\nPlanning. This material was later used by Iris Miller, Director of Landscape Studies and Adjunct\\nAssistant Professor, School of Architecture and Planning, The Catholic University of America, to\\nproduce a comprehensive plan of Washington, D.C., entitled \u00e2\u0080\u009cVisions of Washington.\u00e2\u0080\u009d The\\ncollection was donated by Professor Miller and Gregory Hunt, Associate Professor, Virginia\\nPolytechnic Institute, Washington-Alexandria Center for Architecture. Material from a related\\nprogram in St. Louis, Missouri, was added to the collection by David van Bakergem, Associate\\nProfessor, Department of Urban Design, School of Architecture, Washington University, St Louis,\\nMissouri.\\nThis donation will be maintained as part of the Geography and Map Division holdings, which\\nincludes more than 4.5 million maps and 60,000 atlases, representing one of the largest cartographic\\ncollections in the world. The Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s cartographic resources are comprehensive in scope. Dating\\nfrom the fourteenth century to the present, they provide geographic coverage for most countries,\\nand are particularly rich in large city plan maps.\\nThe addition of the Urban Design Charrettes Collection greatly enhances the Prints and\\nPhotographs Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Washingtoniana Collection and the Geography and Map Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nunrivalled collection of some 3,000 maps and atlases of Washington, D.C., which includes such\\ntreasures as Pierre Charles L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s original plan of the City of Washington, compiled in 1791\\nunder the direction of George Washington and annotated by Thomas Jefferson, and Andrew\\nEllicott\u00e2\u0080\u0099s manuscript topographic map of the Territory of Columbia, which was submitted to\\nPresident Washington on June 25, 1793. Through a generous grant from the National Geographic\\nSociety, all of the Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s maps and atlases of Washington, D.C. have been fully cataloged and are\\navailable for examination in the Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Reading Room.\\nWhile the focus of this symposium is urban planning in Washington, D.C., the participants\\ntouch on a variety of topics relating to urban problems and planning. The sixteen speakers represent\\na wide spectrum of interests and perspectives, including curators, teachers, government planners,\\nand elected officials. In the first session, two curators describe the retrospective map and\\narchitectural resources in the Library of Congress that are available for students of urban design. In\\nsession two, the charrettes process is described from the participant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s viewpoint. In the final two\\nsessions, the broader issues of urban problems and planning are analyzed from the points-of-view of\\nprofessional planners, architects, and community leaders.\\nFinally, I wish to thank Iris Miller and Ronald Grim for their efforts in planning and arranging\\nfor Urban Design Charrettes Collection symposium and for editing this volume.\\nRalph E. Ehrenberg\\nChief, Geography and Map Division\\nv", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CHARRETTES COLLECTION: A COMPLEMENT TO URBAN AND\\nARCHITECTURAL RESOURCES IN THE GEOGRAPHY AND MAP DIVISION\\nRonald E. Grim\\nThe cartographic resources of the Geography and Map Division, which provide comprehensive\\ngeographic coverage of the world from the end of the 15th century to the present, are used primar\u00c2\u00ac\\nily by researchers focusing on the physical, political, social, and cultural geography and history of the\\nworld, with particular emphasis on the United States and Europe. However, among the 4.5 million\\nmaps and approximately 60,000 atlases, there is a wealth of information that is also of potential inter\u00c2\u00ac\\nest to architects, landscape architects, urban planners and architectural historians. My purpose,\\ntoday, is to highlight six major categories of materials that will be useful to this audience and that will\\nprovide the context for the new Urban Design Charrettes collection, which is being acknowledged\\nwith this symposium.\\nOne of the most valuable portions of the Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s holdings is its approximately 2,000 rare\\nadases published from the end of the 15th through the end of the 18th century. Early world adases,\\nwhich attempted to provide comprehensive compendiums of geographical knowledge, often\\nincluded city maps, perspective views, and architectural drawings of prominent buildings, as well as\\ntheir usual contingent of world, country, and regional maps. In addition, compilers of some of these\\nearly adases issued works devoted exclusively to urban geography, which are rich sources for urban\\nviews and architectural drawings of European cities. One of the first such works was Georg Braun\\nand Franz Hogenberg\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Theatre des cites du monde. This six-part work included written descriptions,\\naccompanied by an assortment of over 360 maps and views dated from 1564-1620 primarily of Euro\u00c2\u00ac\\npean cities, but with a few from Africa, Asia, and the Americas. The prominent 17th-century Dutch\\ncartographer Joan Blaeu, who is best known for his Grand Atlas, a twelve-volume encyclopedia of geo\u00c2\u00ac\\ngraphical knowledge, also published town adases for the Low Countries and Italy. The latter two-vol\u00c2\u00ac\\nume work, Theatrum dvitatum et admirandorum ItaUae of 1663, focused on Rome and the construction\\nof its classical monuments. In the 18th century, large-scale perspective engravings were prepared for\\nseveral major European cities including Rome, London, Vienna, and Paris. The perspective view of\\nParis, which was compiled by Louis Bretez during the 1730s, was published on twenty sheets, both in\\na bound adas format and as separate sheets that could be mounted together as a large wall map. This\\nmasterpiece included a remarkable amount of detail for individual buildings throughout the city,\\nnot just the monuments. In addition, the Division holds substantial numbers of city maps and plans\\n(many which are not catalogued) for most European cities. For example, there are 28 drawers, or\\napproximately 600 single maps of Paris dating from the 1500s to the mid-1900s.\\nIn the American context, late 18th to early 20th century rural architecture can be documented\\nby several map sources. While Europeans, especially the British, had the practice of preparing estate\\nmaps of large landholdings, which frequendy showed the mansion house along with associated out\u00c2\u00ac\\nbuildings and gardens, Americans only adopted this format to a limited extent. The few examples\\nthat have survived are usually associated with southern colonial plantations. One interesting example\\nis Nodey Young\u00e2\u0080\u0099s plantation in southwest Washington, D.C., which was mapped in 1796 as part of an\\neffort to determine the relation of existing farmsteads to proposed streets. In this case, the survey\\nplat not only showed the mansion house, but also associated outbuildings including the slave quar\u00c2\u00ac\\nters. Another example is the widely circulated plan of Mt. Vernon, which was prepared by George\\nWashington in 1793.\\nIn the 19th century, mapping of rural land holdings became more egalitarian, as maps were\\ncommonly prepared for entire counties, rather than for individual farms or estates. Initially, these\\npublications were large wall-size maps which were issued primarily for counties in the Mid-Adantic\\nand New England states. Prepared on a subscription basis, these maps showed the names of land\\nowners within the county, as well as illustrations of a few prominent buildings or the wealthiest\\n1", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "farmsteads such as the 1855 map of the Three Earls, a group of adjoining townships in Lancaster\\nCounty, Pennsylvania. After the Civil War, the focus of this mapping endeavor was the Midwest and\\nGreat Plains, as those states became more populous and prosperous. Rather than large wall maps,\\nthe format turned to state and county adases, which included maps of individual coundes or town\u00c2\u00ac\\nships, richly illustrated with views of prominent buildings, numerous farmsteads, and family portraits.\\nOne example of the state adas is Louis H. Everts\u00e2\u0080\u0099 1887 Official State Atlas of Kansas which included\\nlithographed drawings as illustrations. An example of the county adas is George A. Ogle\u00e2\u0080\u0099s 1911 Stan\u00c2\u00ac\\ndard Atlas of York County, Nebraska, which used photographs as illustrations. The Geography and Map\\nDivision holds 1,500 county wall maps published before 1900 and 1,800 county adases published\\nbefore 1920.\\nSimilarly, 19th and 20th century American urban architecture has been documented in two\\nmajor cartographic sources. The first, a collection of approximately 700,000 fire insurance maps,\\nprovides coverage of 12,000 cities and towns in the United States from the 1880s to the 1950s. Pre\u00c2\u00ac\\npared for the specific purpose of assisting fire insurance underwriters in determining the level of risk\\ninvolved in insuring individual properties, these maps provide a block-by-block building inventory of\\nindividual cities. The maps show the footprint of each building and indicate by color its construction\\nmaterial (pink for brick, yellow for wood, and blue for stone). A variety of urban situations are\\ndepicted, including commercial establishments and public buildings, such as those found in the\\nvicinity of the Pennsylvania Avenue Post Office in Washington, D.C.\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Federal Triangle; or industrial\\ncomplexes, such as the Tredegar Iron Works on the James River in Richmond, Virginia; or residen\u00c2\u00ac\\ntial areas, such as the concentration of \u00e2\u0080\u009cshot gun\u00e2\u0080\u009d style houses in the Portland community of\\nLouisville, Kentucky. Also depicted on this Louisville map is a former marine hospital, which was\\nbased on a standard design by Robert Mills.\\nComplementing these fire insurance plans for researching urban structures, are urban pano\u00c2\u00ac\\nramic or bird\u00e2\u0080\u0099s-eye views. These commercial publications became very popular during the last three\\ndecades of the 19th century and the first two decades of the 20th century. Usually drawn as if viewed\\nfrom an elevated perspective of 2,000 or 3,000 feet, they showed not only the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s street pattern but\\nalso individual buildings in perspective. Although these views were often commissioned by city\\nfathers interested in promoting the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s image for commercial, industrial, or residential purposes,\\nthey provided a reasonably accurate portrait of major cities and towns in the United States. The\\nLibrary has a collection of over 1,700 panoramic views, which are exemplified by views of Seattle and\\nTacoma, Washington, both published by Henry Wellge in 1884, and a 1921 view of Washington,\\nD.C., by William Olsen.\\nA final portion of the collection that is particularly useful for urban designers and planners, is\\nthe large number of city maps and plans which are an integral part of the Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s cartographic\\nholdings. A special focus of the urban map component is Washington, D.C., with approximately\\n4,000 map sheets and 140 atlases. The variety of cartographic documents is quite broad, including\\nearly planning maps such as L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s original plan and Latrobe\u00e2\u0080\u0099s 1815 plan of the Capitol\\ngrounds; large-scale topographical maps, such as Albert Boschke\u00e2\u0080\u0099s detailed maps of the city and its\\nenvirons published in the 1850s; general reference and street maps, such as E.G. Arnold\u00e2\u0080\u0099s 1862 topo\u00c2\u00ac\\ngraphic map of the District and J.H. Colton\u00e2\u0080\u0099s atlas map of the city, with insets of the Smithsonian Cas\u00c2\u00ac\\ntle, Capitol, and Washington Monument; more recent planning maps such as the National Capital\\nPark and Planning Commission\u00e2\u0080\u0099s 1941 plan for a monumental east-west axis through the center of\\nthe city; and aerial images, such as these infrared vertical and oblique views of the metropolitan area.\\nMaps and architectural drawings, by definition, share common characteristics, in that they both\\nare scaled, graphic devices, which depict a selection of spatial data. Architectural drawings and urban\\nplans, on the one hand, are generally very large-scale depictions of individual buildings or selected\\nportions of a city. Maps, on the other hand are large-, moderate-, or small-scale representations of\\nlarger geographic areas, such as a city, county, state, country, or continent. Architectural plans gener\u00c2\u00ac\\nally show the ideal, providing the plan for what is to be constructed, while maps show the real, docu\u00c2\u00ac\\nmenting what exists in the physical landscape or what has been added as part of the cultural\\n2", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "landscape. The charrette collection will add to the architectural resources in the Geography and\\nMap Division, finding a context among the early European town atlases and maps, large-scale estate\\nplans, county land ownership maps and atlases, fire insurance maps, panoramic views, and American\\ncity maps and plans. Certainly, these urban design studies will complement the architectural and\\nurban cartographic resources that are already a vital part of the Geography and Map Division\u00e2\u0080\u0099s hold\u00c2\u00ac\\nings.\\n3", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "EN CHARRETTE AS A COMMUNITY AND DESIGN PROCESS:\\nA LEGACY FOR URBANISM\\nIris Miller\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cHow can I tell you about zen in one hour?\u00e2\u0080\u009d the zen priest began his lecture, \u00e2\u0080\u009cinstead I will tell\\nyou about my recent trip to India, the sites, sounds, colors, the wind. The poetics of these words,\\nfollowed by his vivid descriptions, have remained in my memory along with the extraordinary\\nimagery of a country I had not yet seen. Instandy, I gained new insight into the wonder, meaning\\nand ritual of \u00e2\u0080\u0098place-making.\u00e2\u0080\u0099 I sensed that urbanism speaks to us about beauty, sensory perception,\\nand the iconography with which we identify and which represents a \u00e2\u0080\u0098spirit of place.\u00e2\u0080\u0099 The excitement\\nof continuous discovery is fundamental to our need for order and fantasy.\\nThis symposium at the Library of Congress is devoted to a subject of great national impor\u00c2\u00ac\\ntance\u00e2\u0080\u0094urbanism, its means and impact upon citizens and cities. Design of the public realm is inte\u00c2\u00ac\\ngral to the economic, socio-political, and cultural life of communities. Together the papers being\\npresented will highlight these critical issues.\\nMy paper will concentrate on urban landscape and the charrette process as a method to facili\u00c2\u00ac\\ntate urban design. I will discuss the citizen participation and design studio charrette strategies which\\nevolved in Washington, and in cities such as Dallas, St. Louis, and Cleveland, during the 1980s. With\\ntheir many permutations, they became models for similar intensive programs all across the country.\\nMy concluding remarks will return to their legacy for urbanism. I will offer my personal observations\\nabout the shifting nature of urban design, touching upon new versions of promenade, the emerging\\ndiscourse on cultural landscapes, the benefits of management tools to maintain and attract people to\\nour parks and open spaces, the need for housing at all income levels to create stable vital city centers,\\nand lastly, the quintessential element in our perception and appreciation of our environments,\\nbeauty.\\nUrban Design Charrette Pedagogy\\nThe Washington urban design charrettes were created as something totally new. Based in the\\npedagogy of architectural education, the organizers, members of the Washington, DC Chapter/\\nAmerican Institute of Architects (ALA), set out to develop a new model for urban study and problem\u00c2\u00ac\\nsolving. It was a bold experiment to introduce the urban design process to non-designers\u00e2\u0080\u0094city offi\u00c2\u00ac\\ncials and interested citizens\u00e2\u0080\u0094working along with practicing professionals, students and their faculty.\\nThe goals were two-fold: (1) to provide a program for professionals and the community which\\nexplores salient issues about our urban environment integrating design and policy opportunities,\\nand (2) to offer an educational situation which simulates a real-world work experience. Further, the\\nprogram organizers believed that design projects executed with students working on multi\u00c2\u00ac\\ndisciplinary teams could be advantageous to \u00e2\u0080\u009cthe community as client\u00e2\u0080\u009d for the following reasons.\\nFirst, the benefit of producing a number of concepts may help a community to understand alternate\\napproaches to a problem, and to become a more decisive decision-maker. Second, a powerful vision\u00c2\u00ac\\nary idea can galvanize public opinion and eventually bring about significant change.\\nOne year in the planning, beginning in 1981, with advice from 175 professionals throughout\\nthe country, the charrette programs were composed of lectures, site visits, community meetings and\\non-site interviews, and intensive rapid work by the multidisciplinary teams to develop design and pol\u00c2\u00ac\\nicy proposals. The charrette paradigm was derived from a combination of prototypes: (1) the univer\u00c2\u00ac\\nsity studio/theory course, (2) the multi-disciplinary process of design in the public realm, (3) a\\nteaching seminar employing similar team tactics (held at Cranbrook Academy the previous year by\\nthe Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture) for professors of architecture to hone their\\ndesign teaching skills. Informed in part by citizen involvement in community issues of the late 1960s,\\n4", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "a community participation process to focus design decisions preceded the lectures and design ses\u00c2\u00ac\\nsions.\\nEach team had autonomy to extend site boundaries to expose place linkages. It was a fast means\\nto elicit intuitive and inventive responses to a host of situations. It was a rare chance to see eminent\\ndesigners at work. The brevity of the charrettes intensified the need to work rapidly, to muster ideas\\nand test for group acceptance or rejection, to set time limits for each phase, to make decisions, and to\\ncooperate. The spontaneity and informality surfaced a gamut of wild hunches, an impromptu explo\u00c2\u00ac\\nsion of ideas, a set of site-specific drawings and descriptive works for comparison. With four to six\\nteams examining the same site (or as in 1985, five related sites) under the able leadership of talented\\narchitects and landscape architects, we participants were positioned to compare and contrast our\\nideas\u00e2\u0080\u0094to debate, occasionally vehemendy,\u00e2\u0080\u0094and to hone our views about how we want to live.\\nCommunity Participation Processes\\nAt the outset, beginning with the first Washington charrette in 1982, with a grant from the\\nNadonal Endowment for the Arts, a community participation process was developed. This process\\nenabled the charrette design teams to be better informed about citizen interests and considerations\\nwhen they went about the task of developing design schemes.\\nIn addition to presentations by representatives of divergent community interests, two formats\\nwere devised to elicit citizen opinions and concerns. The first was a community town meeting. The\\nsecond was on-site interviews. In both formats, large bright-colored markers recorded questions and\\nresponses on butcher or flip-chart paper posted on black boards, walls, or set on long tables. Occa\u00c2\u00ac\\nsionally citizens drew their design proposals on standard size paper photocopied with site plans.\\nCogent ideas about their environments were set down by both the skilled and the unskilled\u00e2\u0080\u0094custo\u00c2\u00ac\\ndians, travel agents, lawyers, secretaries, city officials, and architects. The results were collated and\\nmade available for use by the teams.\\nIn both circumstances, at community meetings and on-site interviews, a set of four or five ques\u00c2\u00ac\\ntions about place invariably produces useful answers.\\n1. What are the ASSETS? (what do you like about the placet}\\n2. What are the PROBLEMS? (what don t you like about the placet)\\n3. What should be done?\\n4. Who should do it?\\n5. Where did you come here from (trip length) and by what means? (at on-site interviews)\\nThe first two questions are easy. They never fail to invite answers. Dreams and aspirations, needs\\nand desires begin to emerge. At Kiener Plaza in St. Louis, a sales clerk drew a park with clustered\\ntrees and flowers, benches and fountains, people strolling and children playing. It is the third and\\nfourth questions that pose the greatest dilemmas. How do those responsible for decision-making\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthe designer, the planning officer, the developer, the mayor\u00e2\u0080\u0094resolve disputes arising from differing\\nphilosophies and self-interests? A recent Washington Post article by David Broder noted that Ohio\\nGovernor George Voinovich (Mayor of Cleveland during the 1983 charrette) rephrased these ques\u00c2\u00ac\\ntions, asking what should government do and at what level.\\nThis is where the hard choices must be made about use requirements, public space amenities,\\nand form\u00e2\u0080\u0094style, height limits, density, set backs. The hope is that the process of bringing the com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmunity to the table with designers will result in an informed constituent group, able to synthesize\\nideas from problem to solution and more able to resolve conflicts. Producing answers is difficult at\\nbest, but usually the process works exceedingly well. Nonetheless, I have yet to find a simple way to\\nsettle complex issues where passions and large amounts of money are at stake.\\nCitizen participation broadens the community-building process, becoming valuable for infor\u00c2\u00ac\\nmation-gathering, a means to ascertain priorities of people. In our rapidly changing times, informed\\ncitizen input can guide the dialectic between dogma and practice.\\n5", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "Beyond Process, A Legacy for Urbanism\\nLooking back at the work that was created, the classical urban landscape idiom, rather than\\nmodernism, was the preferred design model of the charrette teams. Replete with linear tree-lined\\nstreets and recurrent public squares, a universal vocabulary portrayed a hierarchical spatial articu\u00c2\u00ac\\nlation. Rejecting anti-urban ideology (undifferentiated incomprehensible spatial composition), the\\ndesigns invariably were layered with symbolic meaning reflecting ordered contextual continuity.\\nUrban fabric was constructed of mediation devices of discrete imagery, modulated views, focal\\npoints, and clear volumetric relationships of building and artifice to open space. The richness of\\nurban form as a complete organism of accumulated fragments and set pieces affirmed the vision of\\nan emotive \u00e2\u0080\u0098place.\u00e2\u0080\u0099 Washington, D.C., because of its character, especially elicited the use of classical\\nmodels. Respect for history was the link in the legacy for urbanism.\\nInvolvement in these programs was so thoroughly exciting, so profoundly meaningful. People\\nof diverse backgrounds, perspectives, and ages came together (gratis) because they shared a genuine\\nconcern about the relationship between architecture, the historical experience of community/at ztas,\\nand the city. This shared commitment engendered a lasting dedication to promoting quality of life\\nand the enhancement of our urban environments. Moreover, new important professional friend\u00c2\u00ac\\nships were formed that enabled colleagues to network and spread the message. For some, we were\\nyoung, rather new in the field. For others, we were testing our own values, culled from our education\\nand experiences. Generally, we were questioning modern urban form as a panacea for urban ills.\\nMany wanted to be on the cutting edge, yet knew that the traditional city and town had much to\\nteach. For others, asserting traditional urban values was the cutting edge. Inevitably, our designs,\\nwhile distinctive from team to team, sprang from a regard for images which blend memory and cul\u00c2\u00ac\\nture. We did not rely solely on our architectural education, but rather we went to the community to\\nsolicit ideas about how people envisioned their public space.\\nIt did not stop here. We became an ad hoc dedicated group of urbanists. We taught and lectured\\nin universities and other forums. We advanced our ideas in publications to communities and profes\u00c2\u00ac\\nsional groups. We utilized the charrette/citizen process in our offices, our schools, our cities. Others\\nadapted these programs to their own visions.\\nPerceptions of the Changing Nature of Urban Design\\nCities do not remain static. New urban issues arise. Public-private partnerships and non-profit\\ndevelopment corporations have assumed new roles in urban development. As urbanists, we must be\\nready to address changing situations with the verve and commitment which we brought to the char-\\nre ttes.\\nNew versions of promenade. Historically cities were designed to accommodate promenade\u00e2\u0080\u0094a cus\u00c2\u00ac\\ntom reinvented at a different scale in the contemporary city. The significance of urban walks in Euro\u00c2\u00ac\\npean town planning as a tradition of fashion and routine became less consequential in North\\nAmerican urbanism while the relationship between city and nature increased. Although the ritual of\\npromenade as a daily event has been all but erased from our experience, transposed streetscape\\nimagery has exerted powerful associations. As a mode of urban life, reclaimed waterfronts, rail line\\nrights-of-way, and trails along drainage culverts, creeks, and canals are providing new versions of\\npromenade \u00e2\u0080\u0094for jogging, biking, blading, hiking and other physical fitness activities in sustainable\\nenvironments. Crossing arbitrary boundaries beyond jurisdictional confines, these park and trail sys\u00c2\u00ac\\ntems connect regional and cultural centers. From Manhattan to upstate New York, along the length\\nof the Los Angeles River and waterfront, from suburban Maryland to National Airport (Virginia)\\nnew links bear the imprint of contemporary socialization.\\nCultural landscapes. In the past two decades a new field of concerns has emerged which could\\nhave broad implications for decision-making about urbanism, that of cultural landscapes and preser\u00c2\u00ac\\nvation. Historic land which meets set criteria and typology categories (designed and intentionally\\n6", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "X\\nCD\\n___\\nT3\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0O\\nO\\n0\\nCD\\ncn\\np 4*\\n00\\n-vj\\n0\\n5\u00e2\u0080\u0099\\n5\u00e2\u0080\u0099\\n5\u00e2\u0080\u0099\\n0\\n0\\n0\\nro\\nro\\ncn\\nro\\no\\no\\nD\\no\\nCD\\n3\\nn\u00e2\u0080\u0098\\n0^\\n0\\n=7\\nO\\nc_\\nCl\\n0\\nCD\\nCl\\no\\no\\nD\\nO\\n0\\nr+\\nn\u00e2\u0080\u0098\\n0\\nf\\n0\\n3\\n0\\n0\\nD\\n3\\nD\\n0\\n0\\nCQ\\n0\\n=7\\nO\\n5\\nC\\nc\\nCL\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00941\\n0\\n0\\nc\\n0\\n0\\nQ.\\nc_\\nCL\\n0\\n0\\n0\\n0\\nD\\nCL\\nD", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "created; organically evolved; continuing) may be designated as a cultural landscape by the U.S.\\nNational Park Service. The narrative of \u00e2\u0080\u0098place-making\u00e2\u0080\u0099 derives from the collage of personal and col\u00c2\u00ac\\nlective experience. The urban settings that people create tell much about their values, attitudes, and\\nsensitivities. Every street or open space belongs to a public realm which merges history and tradition,\\nimages and events.\\nThe world over, designed urban landscapes are the heart of our cultural heritage riverfronts,\\nplazas and squares, meandering parks and axial malls, linear open space. While cultural survival is\\ndependent upon a willingness to preserve its resources, new perspectives are necessary to clarify and\\nidentify landscapes of transient obsolescence from the profoundly unique. Hence, timelessness and\\nsignificance must be balanced in the continuous struggle between nature and structure, urban vital\u00c2\u00ac\\nity and decay. The challenge for the professional is to provide guidance to communities in determin\u00c2\u00ac\\ning generic and specific priorities regarding cultural landscapes.\\nConsider such questions. Should an industrial waterfront be preserved intact if the industrial\\nuse is no longer viable, or should it be redesigned as a promenade, perhaps with mixed commercial\\nand residential use in accordance with recent trends? From what context should a new design derive\\nits imagery? What role might public-private partnerships take in funding, altering or effecting possi\u00c2\u00ac\\nbilities for preservation or reuse? The \u00e2\u0080\u0098funky\u00e2\u0080\u0099 treatment of Granville Island, British Columbia stands\\nin stark contrast to the urbane refinement of lower Manhattan Battery Park City or Charleston,\\nSouth Carolina waterfronts.\\nManagement tools. A relatively new phenomenon in the development of cultural urban land\u00c2\u00ac\\nscapes are parks employing effective management tools. Typified by Paley, Greenacres and Bryant\\nParks (behind the old Library) in New York, Baltimore Inner Harbor, Meers Park in St. Paul, Persh\u00c2\u00ac\\ning Square and Biddie Mason Park in Los Angeles, Yerba Buena Center in San Francisco, and Seatde\\nPike Place Market, these places reflect their cultural context. Following successful European models,\\nthey utilize management strategies by either the public or private sectors. They are clean, safe, attrac\u00c2\u00ac\\ntive, fun and popular. Management associations organized by business and neighborhood groups\\nhave had similar impact, evenin such dense urban fabric as Times Square in New York.\\nThe critical role of housing. The cyclical nature in the evolution of cities usually necessitates a cata\u00c2\u00ac\\nlyst to revitalize center cities. Predictive data now exists regarding the potential variables which\\nimpinge upon each other to foster pride and active, pleasurable urbanism. According to a study pre\u00c2\u00ac\\nsented at the Congress for New Urbanism by Christopher Leinberger (of Robert Charles Lesser 8c\\nCompany, February 1995), the most stable vital downtowns are those with a critical mass of upper-\\nmiddle to up-scale housing in or near the center, along with other factors such as vibrant retail,\\nemployment, and tourists. Washington needs to take heed. Teetering between stability and decline,\\nwith a declining retail, it is urgent that potential and designated areas for upper level housing not be\\ntraded away for \u00e2\u0080\u009clinkages\u00e2\u0080\u009d (agreements to set aside housing requirements in one area in order to\\ntransfer funds for low-cost housing to another location). This practice was a mistake. That Pennsylva\u00c2\u00ac\\nnia Avenue Development Corporation stood firm and refused to relinquish its housing requirement\\nunder pressure testifies to its vision of new vitality in the Avenue Corridor.\\nAesthetics and perceptions. As an urban paradigm, the masterplan of Washington, DC offers an\\nordered traditional urban landscape with open spaces as near and distant focal points at regular\\ncomfortable walking distances, linked by orthagonal and diagonal streets, which divide the city into\\nsectors allowing for the formation of cohesive neighborhoods, as envisioned by the designer, Pierre\\nCharles L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant. Designed at one point in time at the center, the city grew by accretion, from the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cin-town\u00e2\u0080\u009d suburbs to the boundaries of the ten-mile square and beyond. The grandeur of the plan\\nand the monumental buildings can reinforce an understanding of the city as the stately national\\ncapital. However, magnificence and dignity alone cannot insure, but rather merely facilitate the pos\u00c2\u00ac\\nsibility of active urban life and socially safe places.\\nA comparison of two similarly configured squares, each two blocks from the White House, Far-\\nragut and McPherson Squares, illustrates that design is simply the armature of a landscape upon\\nwhich a culture might flourish. Historically, these two squares have attracted quite different popula-\\n7", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "tions and occupancy levels. Disparities have existed by time of day and weekend/weekday use, and by\\nadjacent neighborhood factors. Farragut Square has been filled with a mix of people from lawyers\\nand bankers to students, shop keepers and clerks to messengers. In contrast, the under-utilized\\nMcPherson Square has been home to the homeless, hippies and druggies. New construction and\\nimprovements sweeping eastward have begun to reduce these population differences.\\nCivic design, a prevailing early 20th century notion, is critical to quality of life in the 21st cen\u00c2\u00ac\\ntury. It is the common denominator of our societal mix. It is the confirmation of our emotional com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmunal experience\u00e2\u0080\u0094young or old, poor or wealthy. Splendid places offer the poetics of urban\\nlandscape, the essence of collective memory of a culture\u00e2\u0080\u0094the marketplace of inspiration. In search\u00c2\u00ac\\ning for value, it is the public realm to which people attach special meaning. As our ideas are subject\\nto constant reinterpretation, our identification with a place reflects the improvisation of the\\nmoment, the Zeitgeist, and the history of a larger society.\\nWe need to bring aesthetics back into the dialogue about cities and suburbs. This indispensable\\nconcept signifies how we visualize community\u00e2\u0080\u0094and it makes good bottom-line economic sense. Yet,\\nwe hesitate to acknowledge its necessity. Because of concern about the needy and less affluent in\\nsociety, we tend to be too timid to address aesthetics as design requisites although beauty is equally\\nessential for people of all income levels.\\nThe legacy for urbanism is multifaceted, beyond any individual program, site, or design. It\\nargues for a commitment to strive for excellence, in harmony with commonly held values. The\\nvisual, aesthetic and tactile context in consort with socio-economic consequences, intellectual\\nmetaphors and functional factors holds the promise and inspiration for urbanism and avoids the\\ndilemma of city-building pictorially frozen in time negating reality in the urban equation.\\nVisions of Washington, Composite Plan of Urban Interventions, published in 1991 as a summary of\\nthe urbanistic ideas raised by community participants and the multidisciplinary charrette teams,\\nreflects the continuity of an urban tradition and a vision for a livable community for the next cen\u00c2\u00ac\\ntury, reinforcing the principles of classical urbanism.\\n8", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "1984-1995: FROM STUDENT TO PROFESSIONAL TO TEACHER\\nSusan Piedmont-Palladino\\nEleven years ago this March, I was a student participant in the Urban Design Charrette on the\\nso-called Portal Site, at the time ten acres of nothingness in the southwest quadrant of Washington.\\nHemmed in by freeway spaghetti and bisected by the railroad, the site served as the first image of\\nWashington for myriad automobile travellers on the 14th Street bridge and rail passengers on\\nAmtrak. The site now greets Metro Yellow line passengers, myself among them, and Virginia Rail\\nExpress commuters, which suggests that the original identification of the site as exceptionally promi\u00c2\u00ac\\nnent was accurate and forward thinking. It has yet, however, to realize its full potential the very defi\u00c2\u00ac\\nnition of which formed the basis for the most provocative debates and proposals during the\\nthree-day event. This charrette and those that preceded and followed it did set an example for col\u00c2\u00ac\\nlaborations among students, professionals, critics and civic institutions which lives on in the form of\\nthe Washington Area Architecture Group.\\nWAAG, as the group has come to be known, was founded in 1986 and originally included the\\nfour schools of architecture in the Washington area and the American Institute of Architects. Its orig\u00c2\u00ac\\ninal mission was directed toward reaping the benefits of collaborations among academia and the\\nprofession, facilitating better communications among the design community, and expanding the\\npublic\u00e2\u0080\u0099s awareness of architecture and design. WAAG\u00e2\u0080\u0099s core membership is now comprised of five\\nschools of architecture, (the University of the District of Columbia has recently joined the four origi\u00c2\u00ac\\nnal schools, the Catholic University, Howard University, the University of Maryland at College Park,\\nand Virginia Tech\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Washington/Alexandria Architecture Consortium), the three area American\\nInstitute of Architecture chapters, the national ALA, and the National Building Museum, our host\\norganization. In the last two years, WAAG has opened membership to include professional organiza\u00c2\u00ac\\ntions such as Architects/Designers/Planners for Social Responsibility, the American Institute of\\nArchitecture Students, as well as at-large members.\\nIn the last eleven years since the charrette, I have been a student, a practicing architect, and an\\neducator, and now as out-going Chair of WAAG for the year 1994, I have the opportunity through\\nthis symposium to reflect on these charrette experiences and how they affected my views on the city\\nand on education. At the time, I was in my final year of a three-year Masters of Architecture program\\nat Virginia Tech. I had come to the Alexandria campus with the express purpose of acquiring an\\nunderstanding of the urban condition. I was a member of Team IV, led by Susanna Torre, then of\\nColumbia University, now of Cranbrook, and assisted by a group of young practitioners and faculty\\nfrom New York and Charlottesville.\\nThe question of where the site\u00e2\u0080\u0099s real potential lay was the design teams\u00e2\u0080\u0099 first challenge. The\\ncharrette intentionally focused on the site as a place in search of a purpose, rather than the more\\nconventional design problem of a program and site in search of a form. This lack of programmatic\\nspecificity raised fundamental philosophical issues regarding the city for the groups. The effective\\nisolation of the Portal Site begged questions of whether to treat it as an autonomous urban enclave,\\nas several of the teams did, or recognize it as a fragment of a larger whole. This latter position then\\nchallenged the designers to overcome the infrastructural barriers to the site\u00e2\u0080\u0099s integration into the\\ncity.\\nOur group took the latter position, and proposed a subtle, imperceptible to some, criticism of\\nthe homogenization of the city. Torre choose to reveal the topography and the train tracks, anticipat\u00c2\u00ac\\ning a rail stop in the future. Looking back at that proposal with the recent VRE connection in mind,\\nI\u00e2\u0080\u0099m struck by how sensible it seems. The project also took a critical position toward the tendency to\\ntreat the site as a single entity, one that must be unified by form, infrastructure and purpose. Our\\nteam re-established 13th Street, re-defined and pedestrianized Maryland Avenue, and thereby\\ndivided the site effectively into four \u00e2\u0080\u009cnormal\u00e2\u0080\u009d city blocks.\\n9", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "All of the solutions, or more appropriately, proposals\u00e2\u0080\u0094for none could really be called a solu\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion\u00e2\u0080\u0094stretched between the two extremes of the visionary and the pragmatic. The most pragmatic,\\nperhaps, was represented by the port authority/transportation hub proposal. The most visionary was\\nsurely Antoine Predock\u00e2\u0080\u0099s agrarian crevasse and \u00e2\u0080\u009cMuseum of the World.\u00e2\u0080\u009d In a sense these two\\nextremes represent the inherent ambiguity of a charrette of this kind. The brief time frame pre\u00c2\u00ac\\nscribes a real solution, even if the realities of the site and its imminent development are understood.\\nAmbiguous also is the nature of the participants; students like myself, professionals, educators, citi\u00c2\u00ac\\nzens, government officials, and critics attacking a complex urban design situation which has con\u00c2\u00ac\\nfounded others for some time.\\nThat the results cannot really be described, then or now, as solutions should not be understood\\nas a failure. Rather the responsibility was not necessarily to solve a problem, but to define what the\\nproblem was. A design charrette begins with a \u00e2\u0080\u009cmess\u00e2\u0080\u009d, the somewhat amusing term used by Donald\\nSchon in his book, The Reflective Practitioner, to describe the complex soup out of which problems\\narise and are identified. The process of simmering, stirring and straining the soup, to belabor the\\nmetaphor, constitutes the charrette. The concept of a mess is particularly evocative in describing the\\nnon-linear, interdisciplinary, chaotic regimes characteristic of urban design conditions. Charrette\\nefforts such as these discussed here can be frustrating if they are seen as problem-solving strategies\\nrather than problem-defining.\\nThere are in my view two significant legacies of these efforts, both deriving from the edu\u00c2\u00ac\\ncational mission of the charrettes. The first legacy is the value of intergenerational, cross-disciplinary\\ncollaboration, a premise which is embodied in the Washington Area Architect Group. The second is\\nthe educational value of the experience for once and future designers, planners, urbanists and oth\u00c2\u00ac\\ners, of being immersed in a complex mess with a group of strangers. This was a truly multi-disci\u00c2\u00ac\\nplinary process which welcomed not only current professionals but retirees and citizen-activist with a\\nhistory of community involvement. A seminar/charrette such as the Portal Site Charrette really has\\ntwo lives; its potentials and its problems arise from this duality. On the one hand, it is an educational\\nexperience for the individual; on the other, it is a public event devoted to a significant urban prob\u00c2\u00ac\\nlem. The actual resulting design proposals, remain as memories, alternate futures, potentials But,\\nthe fact that we cure here talking about urban issues through the lens of these charrettes indicates\\nthat their educational value has not yet been exhausted.\\n10", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "FROM GENERIC ISSUES TO SPECULATIVE VISIONS:\\nURBAN DESIGN CHARRETTES IN WASHINGTON, D.C.,\\nTHE PORTAL AND KING STREET METRO SITES\\nGregory K Hunt\\nThe eight urban design charrettes that took place in Washington, D.C., from 1982 to 1989 dif\u00c2\u00ac\\nfered in their locations, issues, and scope, yet each followed an overall three-part structure enabling\\nparticipants (a) to focus on the major design issues associated with each site; (b) to produce\\ninformed collaboratively-prepared design proposals; and (c) to participate in a critique of these pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nposals in a meaningful professional forum. In turn each aspect of this structure was carefully\\nplanned to be an integral facet of a total learning experience for all charrette participants\u00e2\u0080\u0094an expe\u00c2\u00ac\\nrience that promoted the creative interdependence of collaborative thought and design.\\nThe significant urban design issues associated with each selected project site were initially iden\u00c2\u00ac\\ntified through discussions with a number of program consultants and planning agencies, along with\\nextensive site analysis. These major issues were then translated into a series of charrette objectives\\nwhich served as the basis for the generation of the design proposals prepared by each team.\\nThe King Street Metro Area charrette held in Alexandria, Virginia, in 1983 investigated one of\\nthe more complex urban design issues of the modern city: the impact of a contemporary mass-tran\u00c2\u00ac\\nsit system on the outlying areas of an urban center. As the modern counterpart of the rail and street\u00c2\u00ac\\ncar systems that so significantly extended the American city during the nineteenth century, the\\nconstruction of present-day mass-transit lines tends to impact urban areas with even greater scale and\\ndensity of development. When the development that inevitably accompanies the construction of new\\nand/or extended urban transit lines in city centers and peripheral areas is based principally on the\\nprimacy of urban land economics, short-term, speculative financial gain often rules. If, on the other\\nhand, these developments are viewed as major design initiatives that can play an important role in\\nexpanding the public realm of our cities while fostering private investment, long-term planning strate\u00c2\u00ac\\ngies focusing on larger urban design objectives must prevail.\\nWashington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Metropolitan Area Metrorail system represented (and still represents) a major\\ninvestment in urban infrastructure, and it is considered by many to be one of the most significant\\npublic works in the country. Having been planned as an efficient means of transportation, but also\\ndesigned and built with a notable design eloquence befitting such an important means of public\\ntransport, how might such an urban intervention affect specific locations along its route? How might\\na city deal with development controls in the areas immediately surrounding the Metrorail stations?\\nWhat appropriate design visions might such construction generate? It was these and similar generic\\nquestions related to contemporary mass-transit systems that the King Street Metro Area charrette was\\nundertaken.\\nThe area surrounding Alexandria\u00e2\u0080\u0099s then recently-completed Metro station\u00e2\u0080\u0094an elevated struc\u00c2\u00ac\\nture positioned at the west end of King Street, the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s major east-west axis\u00e2\u0080\u0094was selected as an\\nappropriate site to explore ways by which one Metrorail station in the system could serve as a catalyst\\nfor urban revitalization. More specifically, design teams were asked to prepare conceptual design\\nproposals for a project area of approximately forty acres, with an emphasis on mixed-use develop\u00c2\u00ac\\nment, including provision for new higher density housing, office, and retail space near the Metro sta\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion. Given the scale of buildings on the neighboring blocks, proposals also had to consider the\\nheight, massing, and overall architectural character of any new development, as well as the impact of\\nincreased traffic circulation and the need for the clear, accessible pedestrian routes to the station\\nitself. It was also suggested that teams investigate the use of air rights over the adjacent Richmond,\\nFredericksburg and Potomac/Metrorail tracks as a possible development strategy\u00e2\u0080\u0094one that recog\u00c2\u00ac\\nnizes the potential value of such rights-of-way as viable building sites. Although the teams were asked\\nto include the entire area in their preliminary assessment, each was free to choose the scope, con-\\n11", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "tent, and physical context of their proposals due to the short time available for the charrette itself.\\nThe Portal Site charrette of 1984, on the other hand, examined two general urban conditions\\nthat characterize many American cities: the \u00e2\u0080\u009curban leftover\u00e2\u0080\u009d and the \u00e2\u0080\u009curban gateway\u00e2\u0080\u009d. Urban left\u00c2\u00ac\\novers\u00e2\u0080\u0094those areas of the city that are characteristically isolated, under-utilized areas usually caused\\nby myopic land planning efforts\u00e2\u0080\u0094are usually circumstantial and unintended, not purposeful and\\ndesired. From those areas circumscribed by the complex highway cloverleafs to the remote urban\\nparcels isolated by on-grade highway construction or railroad lines, urban leftovers frequently exist\\nas the remote and often forgotten offspring of transportation infrastructure.\\nAs such, they may occupy important sites within the city and may thus possess high develop\u00c2\u00ac\\nment potential. In size, these properties may range from the small triangular parcels resulting from\\nthe intersection of three streets to entire waterfront areas removed from more active urban land\\nareas by intervening interstate highways. The configuration and character of the Portal Site, for\\nexample, was the result of short-term planning decisions involving highway routes and railroad\\nrights-of-way. Split by an active Conrail line that aligns with the extended axis of Maryland Avenue\\nand cut off from the Washington Channel by major roadways, this approximately ten-acre land par\u00c2\u00ac\\ncel represented a major \u00e2\u0080\u009curban leftover\u00e2\u0080\u009d that languished in persistent underdevelopment and isola\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion.\\nGiven its position at one of the major vehicular entrances to Washington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Monumental Core,\\nthis site also represented a major \u00e2\u0080\u009curban gateway\u00e2\u0080\u009d along Fourteenth Street (hence the name \u00e2\u0080\u009cPortal\\nSite\u00e2\u0080\u009d). Although today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s gateways are not as symbolically meaningful as were the triumphal arches of\\nancient Rome (when they honored imperial visits or passage), they may still serve an important role\\nin contemporary civic design. When viewed as places in which one is physically introduced to a city,\\nthese points of entry function as key places of orientation. They may, therefore, be considered as\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009curban thresholds,\u00e2\u0080\u009d both upon arrival and departure, and they are thus capable of performing a pri\u00c2\u00ac\\nmary function in the choreography of urban vehicular movement. Even for the daily commuter who\\nexperiences these points from the isolation of the moving automobile, urban gateways can act as\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cwelcoming zones\u00e2\u0080\u009d\u00e2\u0080\u0094and when they exhibit the aspects of \u00e2\u0080\u009cvisibility, coherence, and clarity\u00e2\u0080\u009d that\\nKevin Lynch associates with the idea of the \u00e2\u0080\u009cimageable landscape\u00e2\u0080\u009d, their contribution to good city\\nform is reaffirmed.\\nBecause the Portal Site represented both the \u00e2\u0080\u009curban leftover\u00e2\u0080\u009d and the \u00e2\u0080\u009curban gateway,\u00e2\u0080\u009d char\u00c2\u00ac\\nrette participants were confronted with a number of varied, but interrelated, issues. In addition to\\nexamining ways to improve accessibility to this large, essentially inactive land parcel while trans\u00c2\u00ac\\nforming it into a site supporting a high density of mixed-use development, design teams were also\\nrequired to study ways in which to enhance the Maryland Avenue vista extending from the Capitol to\\nthe nearby Jefferson Memorial. The charrette also necessitated consideration of the active role of an\\nurban gateway at this strategically-positioned entrance to the city.\\nBoth the King Street Metro Area Site and the Portal Site were characterized by urban design\\nissues which, in their identifiable commonalities, could only be termed \u00e2\u0080\u009cgeneric.\u00e2\u0080\u009d Based on an\\nunderstanding of these broader concerns of contemporary urbanism, participating design charrette\\nteams would then generate specific design proposals related to local physical, economic, political,\\nand social factors. Both charrette study areas thus represented fertile ground for thoughtful urban\\ndesign explorations.\\nIn order to initially expose charrette participants to the urban design issues (both general and\\nparticular) associated with each site, nationally and internationally recognized architects, educators,\\nplanners, landscape architects, and authors were invited to give a series of introductory lectures at\\nthe Smithsonian Institution. These preliminary lectures often discussed relevant historical, eco\u00c2\u00ac\\nnomic, legal, financial, zoning, and political concerns and were thus descriptive and/or analytical in\\nnature; others, however, questioned conventional approaches and provoked thoughts of new urban\\nvisions. With speakers that included Edmund Bacon, Alvin Boyarsky, Joseph Brown, Robert Camp\u00c2\u00ac\\nbell, M. Paul Friedberg, Eugene Kohn, Kevin Lynch, Joseph Passonneau, and Raquel Ramati, among\\nothers, this phase of the charrette structure generated a number of diverse observations and per-\\n12", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "spectives, and it played a very important role in establishing a conceptual framework within which\\nsubsequent design proposals could then be produced. In addition, each charrette included prefa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntory panel discussions at which additional viewpoints were presented by representatives of city gov\u00c2\u00ac\\nernment, planning and community development agencies, and developers. Held at the American\\nInstitute of Architects national headquarters, these sessions gave all participants the opportunity to\\nbecome more acquainted with the complex forces associated with the actual development of these\\nparticular urban parcels. Citizen town meetings were also organized as an integral part of some char-\\nrettes. These information sessions brought together community members and elected and govern\u00c2\u00ac\\nment officials to discuss specific goals for the design and revitalization of certain study sites.\\nCollective design always requires adroit stewardship to achieve any meaningful common prod\u00c2\u00ac\\nuct. For these charrettes, recognized design professionals were invited to come to Washington to\\nproduce exploratory design proposals working with teams of registered architects, landscape archi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntects, planners, students, and lay people interested in urban design and architecture. Team leaders\\nfor the King Street Metro Area charrette included Peter Bohlin (Philadelphia), Peter Cook (Lon\u00c2\u00ac\\ndon), Louis Sauer (Pittsburgh), and Taft Architects (Robert Time, Danny Samuels, and John Casbar-\\nian, Houston), among others; team leaders participating in the Portal Site charrette included Gerald\\nAllen (New York), Ulrich Franzen (New York), Donlyn Lyndon (Berkeley), Laurie Olin (Philadel\u00c2\u00ac\\nphia), Antoine Predock (Albuquerque), Peter Roland (Rye), and Susanna Torre (New York).\\nSince charrette teams consisted of ten to sixteen individuals of diverse background, age, educa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion, professional experience, and design expertise, most team leaders invariably orchestrated the\\ngeneration and production of their team\u00e2\u0080\u0099s designs by quickly establishing an educational atmo\u00c2\u00ac\\nsphere involving joint participation and fertile discussions of design ideas. Assisting the various team\\nleaders were faculty members from area schools of architecture who served as assistant team leaders\\nand organized team site visits, photographic documentation and overall graphic production during\\nthe two-day weekend charrette. Given that nearly all team leaders were also educators and were\\njoined by faculty, team members worked within a stimulating \u00e2\u0080\u009ceducational\u00e2\u0080\u009d environment wherein\\nconceptual urban design ideas were developed in accordance with pragmatic frameworks established\\nby zoning ordinances, development policies, contextual constraints, etc.\\nWithin an intensive eight-hour period (some charrettes extended over a twelve-hour period),\\nindividual teams produced design proposals that most frequendy included analytic drawings, master\\nplans, site sections, and perspective views. Although these group efforts usually resulted in \u00e2\u0080\u009cbroad\u00c2\u00ac\\nbrush\u00e2\u0080\u009d designs owing to the very compressed time schedule of the charrette itself, more detailed\\nschematic building designs and sections occasionally emerged from these exercises in collaborative\\ncreativity.\\nFrom the poetic use of water as a primary urban amenity in the King Street Metro area pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nposed by the Cook/Hawley team and Taft Architects\u00e2\u0080\u0099 terraced design for integrating the raised\\nMetro station with the city floor to Antoine Predock\u00e2\u0080\u0099s ideas for including large areas of varied\\nregional plantings along the extensive verdant balconies of his terraced housing and Allen/Ollin\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nand Lyndon/Griffith\u00e2\u0080\u0099s schemes for a major public square proposed for the Portal Site, teams pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nduced designs that exemplified the full range of design inquiry that is possible in such a two-day\\ndesign charrette. Energized by group dynamics and capitalizing on their disparate design and\\ngraphic presentation talents, team leaders, assistants, and members pursued their respective urban\\ndesign explorations with creative agility, enthusiasm, and professional commitment.\\nWhen completed, the design proposals were presented by the team leaders and then critiqued\\nby a panel of architects, educators, and journalists (Peter Blake, Donald Canty, Colden Florance,\\nBenjamin Forgey, Francis Lethbridge, Joseph Passonneau, Wolf von Eckardt, and Randall Vosbeck,\\namong others, participated in these two charrettes). This particular phase of the program often gen\u00c2\u00ac\\nerated spirited discussion and debate, as it focused on the primary issues associated with each project\\nsite and their resolution in the design proposals generated by the various charrette teams.\\nThese urban design charrettes were optimistic endeavors conceived and implemented to\\ninform, enlighten, and enthuse. From the introductory lectures to the preparation of the design\\n13", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "proposals and the final critique, each program was intended to provide a unique educational experi\u00c2\u00ac\\nence for all participants. By presenting and exploring a wide range of practical and theoretical\\naspects of urban design, they investigated the appropriateness of fundamental principles and the\\npromise of the speculative idea. Finally, these structured exercises in collaborative design sought to\\nelicit meaningful urban proposals wherein the resolutions of pragmatic needs were always guided by\\na poetic vision\u00e2\u0080\u0094the kind of vision that is clearly required if the contemporary city is to once again\\npossess meaningful civic spaces that truly serve the public realm.\\n14", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE IMPORTANCE OF INTERDISCIPLINARY TEAM WORK\\nCharles B. Zucker\\nA growing need exists for interdisciplinary problem-solving approaches to help weed through\\ncomplex urban problems. The vision of public agencies, isolated in separate offices and rarely talk\u00c2\u00ac\\ning to one another, producing plans that reduce citizen input to formal public hearings is giving way\\nto a collaborative process that mirrors organizational management trends in private industry. This\\nchange is not happening easily although its results can be seen in cities as diverse as San Francisco,\\nHouston, and Chattanooga. The catalyst for this change comes from a number of sources and is\\noften driven by architects and urban design professionals working locally.\\nTrend Toward Strategic Planning\\nNearly every city and town is engaged in one or more strategic planning efforts at the local,\\ncounty, or state levels. For example, the Department of Housing and Urban Development\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Consoli\u00c2\u00ac\\ndated Strategic Planning Process, and its Empowerment Zone/Enterprise Community program;\\nDepartment of Transportation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act (ISTEA) process;\\nDepartment of Defense\u00e2\u0080\u0099s base closing process; and Department of Energy\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Disaster Relief Planning;\\nrequire communities to produce a strategic plan of some form. Strategic planning is also gaining\\nfavor in Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) and Economic Development Administration (EDA)\\nactivities as well as local comprehensive planning activities. In most cases the strategic planning pro\u00c2\u00ac\\ncess requires that a partnership be formed among public, private, and nonprofit sectors. Communi\u00c2\u00ac\\nties such as Louisville, New Haven, Kansas City, and Seattle, among numerous others, are engaging\\narchitects and planners to facilitate interdisciplinary \u00e2\u0080\u009cvisioning\u00e2\u0080\u009d programs that are a basis for the\\ndevelopment of strategic plans.\\nTrend Toward Interactive Citizen Participation\u00e2\u0080\u0094Planning with People, not for People\\nGovernmental planning guidelines have increasingly emphasized the need for citizen participa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion throughout the entire planning process, not only at the beginning and end. Citizens have become\\npowerful advocates expertly using planning data and community organizing to monitor and change\\npublic policy. Their demand for ongoing participation has dramatically changed the way in which\\ncities schedule and manage their planning programs. Interdisciplinary techniques are proving to be\\neffective tools for integrating citizen ideas into the creative planning process, as well as the monitor\u00c2\u00ac\\ning and evaluation process.\\nTrend Toward \u00e2\u0080\u009cDesigning\u00e2\u0080\u009d the Public Decision-making Process\\nMatching the appropriate interdisciplinary planning tool to the local issues and conditions is a\\ndesign problem in itself. Not all techniques apply to all community situations. For example, although\\nthe concept is to work intensely under a tight time-frame, a design \u00e2\u0080\u009ccharrette\u00e2\u0080\u009d requires careful pro\u00c2\u00ac\\ncess planning and implementation. The process design is critical in determining how citizens par\u00c2\u00ac\\nticipate and who \u00e2\u0080\u009cowns\u00e2\u0080\u009d ideas and recommendations. It is also important in determining the\\ninterdisciplinary nature of the charrette team members. Some charrettes are single purpose activi\u00c2\u00ac\\nties, while others can address a variety of issues at one time. Although a charrette can be altered to fit\\nmost local situations, they generally fall into four broad categories:\\nEducational Charrettes. Educational charrettes can last from one-day to several weeks. In general,\\nthey address a well defined architectural or urban design problem resulting in schematic, illustrated\\nideas. The process usually incorporates a university architecture design class and instructors. Such\\n15", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "programs often include community participation and serve community issues. They are often tied to\\nan academic calendar and student resources.\\nLeadership Forums, Retreats, Focus Group. A one- or two-day forum for citizen activists, elected lead\u00c2\u00ac\\ners, and nonprofit developers, among others, can be a useful tool to help local leaders define prob\u00c2\u00ac\\nlems, list issues, and test alternative strategies in an informal setting. Such programs have been\\nimplemented as a series of events lasting several months.\\nTraditional Problem-Solving Charrettes. A traditional design charrette is a one- or two-day program,\\nalthough they may run from four days to two weeks, that focuses on a clearly defined problem and\\nspecific solutions produced by practicing professionals. Results usually include a design plan for a\\nspecific building such as a homeless shelter, a streetscape or urban park, or a multiple-building proj\u00c2\u00ac\\nect on a defined site. Such programs are often invited by citizens who participate in the overall pro\u00c2\u00ac\\ncess.\\nInterdisciplinary Team Charrette. An interdisciplinary team process takes a holistic approach to\\ncommunity issues and emphasizes citizen participation during an intense three- to four-day process.\\nTeams of 8 to 12 practicing professionals are drawn from the disciplines of economic development,\\npublic works and infrastructure, industrial development, land use law, real estate development, trans\u00c2\u00ac\\nportation planning, public policy and management, private and public finance, sustainable develop\u00c2\u00ac\\nment, and architecture and urban design among others. Teams address micro and macro issues such\\nas economic development, affordable housing, neighborhood crime, and transportation.\\nTrend Toward Neighborhood Design and Design Quality\\nInterdisciplinary problem-solving techniques allow communities to integrate solutions at the\\nscale of the neighborhood\u00e2\u0080\u0094the next most important social building block outside the home. It is at\\nthe neighborhood scale that many of America\u00e2\u0080\u0099s urban ills can best be addressed. For example, most\\nsuccessful low-income housing providers and activists understand that low-income housing delivered on a\\nproject-by-project basis, without regard for neighborhood-wide planning and quality design, can perpetuate poverty,\\nprolong blight, and provide little incentive for increasing equity and value.\\nInterdisciplinary approaches to neighborhood design may have other far reaching effects such\\nas increasing home ownership, especially in high-risk areas. When one project after another fails to\\nmandate design quality as an investment condition, the result is an area of limited collateral with lit\u00c2\u00ac\\ntle potential for adding value. Such areas become a collection of undesirable properties with too lit\u00c2\u00ac\\ntle value to leverage loans. Because home ownership most often becomes possible due to\\ngovernment tax policies and commercial loan policies, it could be said that home-ownership levels\\ncould be increased if greater attention was paid by these institutions to the issue of quality control in\\nthe design and development of projects and neighborhoods.\\nTrend Toward Making Connections and Mixed-use Neighborhoods\\nInterdisciplinary problem-solving allows communities to make connections among diverse\\nissues that would otherwise be impossible to make within the confines of traditional city planning.\\nThis idea has recently been discussed in a book produced by HUD in partnership with the AIA, and\\nthe American Planning Association among others. Entitled Vision/Reality: Strategies for Community\\nChange, the book makes a case for\\nreestablishing lost connections between people; connections within com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmunities; connections across neighborhoods, cities and regions; and connec\u00c2\u00ac\\ntions among formerly unrelated government programs. It is about supporting\\nindividuals by supporting their communities and integrating the wide range of\\nservices that reinforce a sense of community. These connections must be\\ngrounded in neighborhoods that nurture cultural diversity and regional links\\n16", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "while maintaining local character and human scale... The idea is to invest in\\nneighborhoods and people, rather than in programs and institutions At the\\nheart of these concepts is Neighborhood and Community; it is the place and the\\nscale at which the other three organizing principles\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Human Scale and Human\\nDevelopment; Diversity and Balance; and, Sustainability, Conservation, and\\nRestoration \u00e2\u0080\u0094take on meaning and social power.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nThe book offers four organizing principles as a basis for creating a community\u00e2\u0080\u0099s vision of its\\nfuture through the integration of economic, social, and physical development activities. Following\\nare excerpts:\\nNeighborhood and Community. Communities are defined in social and cultural terms, creating ties\\nthat support individuals and families while encouraging personal responsibility. Neighborhoods are\\ndefined in physical terms. One can live in a strong community without living in a neighborhood and\\nvice versa. A principle of successful development is to bring the two together and make them mutu\u00c2\u00ac\\nally supportive.\\nDiversity and Balance. Diversity as a key concept for creating resilient economies and rich local\\ncultures. Heterogeneous communities have qualities that can generate opportunities for individuals\\nand families. For example, urban designers through interdisciplinary programs can illustrate that\\nbalance\u00e2\u0080\u0094providing a mix of facility types, ownership opportunities, and costs for a diverse popula\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion gives neighborhoods the ability to attract newcomers and retain traditional residents.\\nHuman Development and Human Scale. The individual and the family\u00e2\u0080\u0094not remote institutions or\\ngovernment\u00e2\u0080\u0094are the measure of community. A sound urban strategy should seek to establish\\nhuman scale in the physical design of neighborhoods, in economies by enhancing local businesses,\\nand in institutions by decentralizing and personalizing services. The focus on human development\\nand human scale represents a shift away from top-down social programs, from characterless housing\\nprojects, and from remote institutions. This shift is central to the idea of effective planning, because\\nonly when programs are scaled to the individual and neighborhood can they be integrated easily.\\nSustainability, Conservation, and Restoration. The fourth and by no means least important of the\\norganizing principles is the ability of neighborhoods and communities to build on their existing\\nassets and opportunities and, through this process, perpetuate their renewal into the future. The\\nconcepts of sustainability, conservation, and restoration must be integrated and applied to the built\\nenvironment as well as to the natural environment; to building stock as well as to neighborhood insti\u00c2\u00ac\\ntutions; to human resources as well as to human history; to job development and retention; and to\\ncreeks and bays as well as to energy and materials.\\nIdeas for Advancing Interdisciplinary Problem-solving Strategies\\nAs federal efforts tend to shift toward block granting programs and state and local flexibility,\\ngreater emphasis will be placed on the private sector\u00e2\u0080\u0099s ability to compete for dollars that will be dis\u00c2\u00ac\\npensed by low- and moderate-income people through, for example, housing vouchers and education\\nvouchers. In this new political environment, linking issues that interconnect economic, social, and\\nphysical development activities at the community and neighborhood scale will become ever more\\ncritical. Following are four issue areas that create opportunities for interdisciplinary strategies:\\nLink urban design and economic development. We need to focus interdisciplinary strategies on the\\nissues that drive public policy, not only the internal issues that drive the architecture and urban\\ndesign profession. For example, we need to better understand the relationship of neighborhood\\ndesign to job creation, municipal operations, marketplace competitiveness, and growth and decline\\nin the local tax base, among other issues.\\nLink regional and neighborhood places and economies. Hard data is needed that demonstrates the\\nrelationship between the physical form of regions and the physical form of neighborhood-scale eco\u00c2\u00ac\\nnomic and social development, especially in underserved areas.\\n17", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "Link urban design and the need to plan with people not for people. Practical examples would be useful\\nthat illustrate how interdisciplinary approaches improve collaboration and consensus within and\\nbetween the public, private, and nonprofit sectors.\\nLink urban design and the need to visualize results. Demonstrations are needed that use computer\\nbased visual illustrations and mapping techniques for creative planning and design activities as well as\\nfor statistical analysis and monitoring activities.\\nConclusion\\nIn a recently published book by HUD entitled Cityscape: A Journal of Policy Development and\\nResearch, several papers describe an apparent public policy dilemma over placed-based revitalization\\nstrategies versus people-based revitalization strategies. Place-based strategies favor providing\\nneighborhoods with life support. [based on] the premise that urban communities should be pre\u00c2\u00ac\\nserved as viable places to live and work.\u00e2\u0080\u009d And, people-based strategies favor helping those threat\u00c2\u00ac\\nened with social isolation or displacement [to] relocate, upgrade their skills, and so on, and allowing\\nmarket-oriented competition among places to determine the winners and losers.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nWhile these strategies are not exclusive of one another, the dichotomy tends to separate the\\nissues and thus the solutions. When taken together, however, they offer a profound challenge for\\nurban designers, and those of us who support interdisciplinary problem-solving: To what degree\\ndoes the quality of our neighborhood and project designs help or hinder opportunities for low-\\nincome people to make their own economic and social choices about where they live and work?\\nOne answer is that without interdisciplinary collaborative citizen-based problem solving, we may\\nnever find out. For example, an argument that has been made is that by not connecting neighbor\u00c2\u00ac\\nhood quality issues such as appearance and walkability with access to jobs, shops, and schools, the\\npublic sector limits its ability to leverage private investments. Further, without such quality control,\\nthe investment risk that is contained in middle- and upper-income communities cannot be similarly\\ncontained in low-income communities. Often the reply to this argument is \u00e2\u0080\u009cprove it.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nThere are certain things we know: For example, in many communities residents and newcom\u00c2\u00ac\\ners seeking modest wage jobs that are critical to a healthy regional economy are often unable to find\\nsuitable housing at prices they can afford within reasonable access to work. On this point, a report,\\nJobs and Housing: The Dual Crisis, published by the Greater Washington Research Center in Washing\u00c2\u00ac\\nton, D.C., warns:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cThe shortage of affordable housing is of concern not only for charitable rea\u00c2\u00ac\\nsons. It is not merely an abstract group called the poor who are hurt. We must\\nnow be concerned for the entire community The growing shortage of low-\\nincome housing has unmistakably been joined by a growing shortage of hous\u00c2\u00ac\\ning for the moderate-income newcomers on whom the future vitality of the\\nregion\u00e2\u0080\u0099s economy is heavily dependent.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nWe also know that urban designers and architects have applied their interdisciplinary problem\u00c2\u00ac\\nsolving talents to these issues and produced creative ideas that blend livable environments and work\\nplaces in neighborhoods in which people desire to live rather than feel compelled to live. For exam\u00c2\u00ac\\nple, I would like to quote an American architect, Michael Pyatok, AIA, who has implemented a num\u00c2\u00ac\\nber of creative solutions while working in low-income areas:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cCreatively reintegrating manufacturing and related uses into our cities, educa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntional institutions, residential neighborhoods, and dwellings themselves, which\\nthe middle classes and their professionals see as grungy and \u00e2\u0080\u0098polluting,\u00e2\u0080\u0099 is a key\\nto the economic development of the underclasses. This approach has a some\u00c2\u00ac\\nwhat different agenda than simply re-establishing the defensibly correct and\\n18", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "quaint character of sanitized, neo-traditional neighborhoods and streetscapes,\\nlinked by light rail, which have politically correct densities above appropriate\\nretail and offices. The concepts of appropriate \u00e2\u0080\u0098mixed-use\u00e2\u0080\u0099 and \u00e2\u0080\u0098diversity\u00e2\u0080\u0099 can\\ngenerate very different images of the cityscape depending upon which class\\ninterest is using the term.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nSuch \u00e2\u0080\u009cbootstrap\u00e2\u0080\u009d neighborhood ideas are not new, but they are innovative and controversial\\neven by today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s standards. The challenge for urban designers, architects, landscape architects, plan\u00c2\u00ac\\nners, and allied professionals, is to address the quality of the environment in terms that are mean\u00c2\u00ac\\ningful in the public policy arena\u00e2\u0080\u0094to create bridges among professional disciplines, to make\\nconnections between solutions, and to link the quality of the environment to economic and social\\ndevelopment concerns. We know that what works in public policy debates at the national level are\\nsuccess stories at the local level. If architects and urban designers are to remain relevant in national\\nlegislative, regulatory, and public advocacy efforts they need to demonstrate how their efforts make a\\ndifference locally and they need to communicate their success.\\nPostscript\\nInterdisciplinary design assistance teams can be managed locally, through AIA chapters, or they\\ncan be national programs such as the American Institute of Architects Regional/Urban Design Assis\u00c2\u00ac\\ntance Team Program (R/UDAT). Other national organizations conducting similar programs include\\nthe Urban Land Institute, the American Society of Landscape Architects, the American Planning\\nAssociation, Partners for Livable Communities, and the International Downtown Association. A\\nnumber of urban design professional firms, universities, and community design centers also special\u00c2\u00ac\\nize in such charrette process techniques.\\n19", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "MEMORY OF THE FUTURE\\nDavid Lewis\\nA Public Meeting\\nThe scene is a public meeting in a mid-Western town. It could just as easily have been in any city\\nin the United States, mid-size and up. The subject of the meeting is the decline of the downtown. A\\nperipheral highway, built in the sixties, has spawned this town\u00e2\u0080\u0099s version of all those things we know so\\nwell about modern urban America, suburban estates on curving roads meandering like eels into\\nagriculture land, a shopping center anchored by Sears and K-Mart, and strip commercial below a for\u00c2\u00ac\\nest of plastic signs on poles.\\nThe high school gymnasium where the meeting is held is crowded. The Mayor is in the chair. A\\nlocal historian talks about the historic buildings on Main Street, particularly the Victorian Gothic\\ncourthouse which closed the vista at the northern end with its imposing clock tower and dome, and\\nthe old department store at the southern end, abandoned five years ago and inhabited now only by\\nflocks of pigeons which roost in its elaborate bracketed eaves. A young housewife, married to a local\\nteacher, talks about how important it is to preserve the old neighborhood she lives in\u00e2\u0080\u0094a privileged\\nneighborhood on the east side\u00e2\u0080\u0094not just the old houses, but the brick sidewalks, shade trees,\\nchurches and the school.\\nThen an elderly woman gets up from her metal chair. She clambers across knees to reach the\\nmicrophone. She is clearly unused to speaking in public. When she was a little girl, she tells the\\nmeeting, she lived in the same neighborhood as the teacher\u00e2\u0080\u0099s wife. But her mother would not ever\\npermit the children to go to Main Street unless they were in their best clothes. In those days, she\\nsays, every merchant knew her mother\u00e2\u0080\u0099s name and the name of each of the kids. They would sweep\\ntheir bit of the sidewalk every morning, adjust their awnings, and polish their windows. One of the\\nshops the old lady focuses on particularly seems to symbolize all the others in her mind, Schinkel\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\ndrug store, long since destroyed in a fire, but located right there on the corner of Main and\\nSycamore where that Texaco station is now.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cI can see it all as clear as yesterday, just as it was seventy years ago. On a hot summer afternoon\\nmy mother would take us to Mr. Schinkel\u00e2\u0080\u0099s soda fountain, and we would sit on tall wire-backed\\nchairs, and under my hand I can still feel the cool smooth surface of the marble counter, and see the\\nmahogany back bar and how we would play hide and seek with our reflections between its rows of\\npolished glasses, and the terrazzo floor with its patterns of red hibiscus flowers, and my o my, Mr.\\nSchinkel would come out of the back room with his white apron on and make us the best ice cream\\nsodas you\u00e2\u0080\u0099ve ever tasted.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nA middle-aged African American tells the meeting that his family came from Tennessee two\\ngenerations ago to work in the flour mill, but the mill has closed now and there are no jobs for the\\nyoung people. He describes how debilitating it is to live on welfare, and how dysfunctional families\\nare the threshold to drugs and gangs. \u00e2\u0080\u009cWe need to find ways to break the cycle of discrimination and\\npoverty.\u00e2\u0080\u009d A secretary asks for more police downtown because downtown is separated now from the\\nneighborhoods by parking lots, and since \u00e2\u0080\u009cno one lives downtown any more, who would hear me\\nshout for help if I were to be accosted on the way to my car after working late on a winter\u00e2\u0080\u0099s evening?\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nAnd so the meeting goes on. Issue after issue comes up. Behind the mayor are three young peo\u00c2\u00ac\\nple, students from a university forty miles away, who record the issues with flow pens on huge sheets\\nof butcher paper. After an hour and a half and many speeches the mayor calls for Task Forces to be\\nformed to work on groups of issues\u00e2\u0080\u0094historic preservation, inner city neighborhoods, traffic and\\nparking, alternative futures for Main Street, and employment.\\n20", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "Public Meetings Reinvent Tradition\\nOpen public meetings of this kind have been held in cities all across America since the late six\u00c2\u00ac\\nties. Town meetings are an old tradition in New England, particularly in Vermont and New Hamp\u00c2\u00ac\\nshire. But what in the late sixties suddenly made town meetings a prevalent form for enfranchising\\ncitizens in cities all across the nation? Two events were of critical importance. One was the civil rights\\nmovement, particularly the urban unrest following the assassination of Martin Luther King. The sec\u00c2\u00ac\\nond was the Bicentennial, when America discovered that it too had history.\\nThese two events may seem at first to be remote from one another, but they are not. The civil\\nrights movement had at its core a militant minority\u00e2\u0080\u0099s insistence on democratic rights for all citizens,\\ncome hell or high water. Combined with the Bicentennial, this insistence that the public had a\\ndemocratic right to organize and push for minority agendas encouraged communities and neigh\u00c2\u00ac\\nborhoods to set up action groups, define their local traditions, and become articulate, even aggres\u00c2\u00ac\\nsive, in striving for common goals.\\nThis town meeting I have just described tells us a number of things. First off, why would the\\nMayor call a public meeting at all? After all, does he not have a staff to work on these issues? Was he\\nnot elected to be strong and to go into his smoke-filled back room and make decisions? The answer\\nof course is that before the late sixties, mayoral planning powers such as eminent domain, urban\\nrenewal, and public/private partnerships, were far more concentrated \u00e2\u0080\u009cbehind closed doors\u00e2\u0080\u009d than\\nthey are now, and mayors rarely enfranchised citizens in open public meetings to elicit opinions on\\nwhat policies to pursue; indeed most of the big urban renewal programs which scare so many of our\\ninner cities date from this period. But after the late sixties, politics at the local level changed, and city\\nmayors across the nation were wise to enfranchise the historians, and the blacks, the folk in the\\nneighborhoods, and the previously scorned \u00e2\u0080\u009clitde old ladies in tennis shoes.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nAt first it was not easy. My partner, Ray Gindroz, and I at Urban Design Associates first at\u00c2\u00ac\\ntempted to involve citizens in urban designing at the neighborhood level in the mid-sixties. Unfortu\u00c2\u00ac\\nnately we were a bit too early. Cities at that time were still not prepared to delegate centralized power\\nto neighborhood groups. As in the civil rights movement, confrontation was sometimes a necessary\\ntool\u00e2\u0080\u0094although I and my associates did not go along this route. Some citizen action groups even\\nstudied the tactics of Alinsky. \u00e2\u0080\u009cPower,\u00e2\u0080\u009d the saying went, \u00e2\u0080\u009cis never given. It has to be seized.\u00e2\u0080\u009d In my city,\\nPittsburgh, a neighborhood group, the Shadyside Action Coalition, employed as its executive direc\u00c2\u00ac\\ntor a planner who trained under Alinsky. A segment of the planning profession called itself \u00e2\u0080\u009cadvo\u00c2\u00ac\\ncate planners.\u00e2\u0080\u009d They offered services nationwide to any local groups wishing to develop plans in\\ncontrast with the official policies of the city, and to have planning professionals at their side to pre\u00c2\u00ac\\nsent their cause in much the same way as having legal representation.\\nCharrettes\\nIt soon became clear that confrontation as a technique had more drawbacks than advantages,\\nand that consensus building was more rewarding. Planning processes began to emerge in which\\nelected officials, public agencies, the private sector, and citizens could meet together in working sesr\\nsions, to hammer out differences and arrive at mutually agreed and prioritized public policies, com\u00c2\u00ac\\nplete with action-oriented timetables. To us, this was a more rewarding direction. It defused\\nconfrontation, and infused power-sharing through mutual policy-making.\\nAmong the earliest of these was the American Institute of Architect\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Regional/Urban Design\\nAssistance Program (R/UDAT), which started in 1967. Although in a sense R/UDATs resembled\\nadvocate planning, I was attracted to it because the program was designed to engage the city as\\nwhole rather than to represent one group or interest. A volunteer team of experts drawn from vari\u00c2\u00ac\\nous disciplines nationwide would visit a city for four days, meet with the citizens, government and the\\nprivate sector, and before leaving would participate in an open public meeting and issue a report\\ncontaining action-oriented recommendations.\\n21", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "It was not long before citizens were invited to become more direcdy and actively involved than\\nthey were under the R/UDAT format. In Jim Burns\u00e2\u0080\u0099 \u00e2\u0080\u009cTake Part\u00e2\u0080\u009d process in California, citizens, pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nfessionals, and representatives of public agencies worked on plans at the same table, everyone free to\\ntalk and encouraged to draw. Parallel with these efforts, Evan Woollen and Jules Gregory opened\\nstorefront studies in two different cities and engaged passerby to participate and draw. Although at\\nthe time, we at Urban Design Associates had not heard of \u00e2\u0080\u009cTake Part,\u00e2\u0080\u009d we used similar processes to\\ninvolve teachers and their pupils in the design of schools, and to involve citizens and public agency\\npeople in urban revitalization projects.\\nAt the town meeting I described above, the Mayor called for the issues and ideas brought up by\\nthe citizens to be grouped, and then to be handed over to Task Forces. Each Task Force would con\u00c2\u00ac\\ntain citizens, representatives of public agencies, and private sector people. They would meet in work\u00c2\u00ac\\ning sessions somewhat like \u00e2\u0080\u009cTake Part,\u00e2\u0080\u009d to consider the issues in their \u00e2\u0080\u009cfocus of interest,\u00e2\u0080\u009d and then\\ndraw up a series of recommendations before presenting their findings to a second public meeting,\\nwhich would then be called upon to vote on them.\\nIn effect what the Mayor was suggesting was the organization of a public creative process along\\na time line in which creative work performed by task forces was punctuated by a series of public\\nmeetings representing public accountability. The Mayor was sufficiently astute to know that public\\naccountability would usually turn out to be good politics.\\nThe term \u00e2\u0080\u009ccharrette\u00e2\u0080\u009d came into wide use to describe such interdisciplinary working sessions\\nwhich involved the public. Many variants were devised. Some were conducted by organizations, such\\nas the Institute for Urban Design or the AIA; others were originated by professional firms, such as\\nthe \u00e2\u0080\u009csquatter\u00e2\u0080\u009d program of Caudill, Rowland Scott. Others were conducted by universities such as\\nthe small towns program in Indiana organized by Ball State; and yet others used the media as a\\nmeans of enfranchising a larger audience, as in the case of Charles Moore who conducted his char\u00c2\u00ac\\nrette for the Indianapolis White River project by setting up a drawing board in a television studio and\\nencouraging citizens to make inputs by telephone hook-up in response to what they watched him\\ndrawing on their screens.\\nDemocracy and Urban Form\\nThe town meetings in New England lie at the root of democracy, American style. What many of\\nus do not realize, perhaps, is that American style democracy also lies at the basis of the physical form\\nof our towns and cities. When we fly across the North American continent, we can see from our win\u00c2\u00ac\\ndow seat a geometric mesh of land division flung over the mid-West from horizon to horizon, leap\u00c2\u00ac\\ning rivers, overlaying hills, encompassing towns. When we look at an urban property map, we see\\ntowns similarly subdivided into grids of blocks; and then we see, yet smaller the subdivisions of lots\\nwithin the blocks; and finally, we see the location of buildings set within the lots in terms of setbacks,\\nheight regulations, and percentages of lot coverage.\\nYet once these geometric requirements are met, every building is potentially a unique self-\\nexpression. In other words the vitality of the American city is its endless capacity for individual self-\\nexpression\u00e2\u0080\u0094its endless variety and richness of visual surface\u00e2\u0080\u0094within the invisible unity of an\\nunderlying geometry. Possibly the clearest and most persuasive expression of this uniquely American\\nurban form is to be found in those residential areas where buildings seem to be located on a carpet\\nof endless lawn, and where the underlying geometry is truly unseen.\\nAs a metaphor of American democracy this implicit urban form is exact. Just as, within these\\ngrids, every front door is geometrically linked to every other front door, so are the rights of every citi\u00c2\u00ac\\nzen linked to every other citizen within the framework of law. Yet, as in the urban form, every citizen\\nis expected to be free within the framework to exercise and express his uniqueness. In the public\\nmeeting, the old lady, the young neighborhood teacher\u00e2\u0080\u0099s wife, and the unemployed African Ameri\u00c2\u00ac\\ncan, are linked by legal rights, by economic and social forces, and by urban form so immutably that\\nevery issue they raised separately could be seen to impact immediately on all the others.\\n22", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "Memories of the Future\\nAs architects and urban designers we flatter ourselves if we believe that we are designing the\\nfuture. The underlying force of what we are designing is a projection into the future of memories.\\nImplicit within the statement of the old lady in the public meeting was not turning the clock back to\\na world without telephones, air conditioning or automobiles, but rather a recognition of scale,\\nhuman values, and environmental quality. Indeed it is not beyond us as urban designers to draw\\nwhat she was talking about in contemporary terms.\\nIn much the same way the preservation of the higher income neighborhood which the school\\nteacher\u00e2\u0080\u0099s wife called for provides us with lessons about street widths, shade trees, sidewalks, and den-\\nsides which in turn provide keys to the reconstruction of the vacant urban renewal land, now used\\nfor those parking lots the secretary was afraid of after the dark, which have cut off Main Street from\\nthe residential areas that once surrounded and perforated the commercial core of the city, and with\\nfurther insights about diversifying and humanizing the segregated neighborhood the unemployed\\nAfrican American lives in.\\nIndeed the most obdurate issues of that evening were brought out without bitterness but firmly\\nby the African-American speaker\u00e2\u0080\u0094the issues of poverty, the lack of opportunities for low-income and\\nsegregated people, the widening gap between the \u00e2\u0080\u009chaves\u00e2\u0080\u009d and \u00e2\u0080\u009chave nots\u00e2\u0080\u009d in our cities, and the\\ndespair of the young. To find ways to bring opportunity and the breath of new open-ended futures\\ninto our inner cities is perhaps the greatest challenge facing urban designers and public-policy makers\\ntoday.\\nAs an urban designer one has to learn to listen, and to hear and see within the word of local cit\u00c2\u00ac\\nizens the metaphors of future form and action. After all, it is their city. In my experience of thirty\\nyears of public processes in urban design, it has always been thus: people can only visualize the future\\nby speaking about the best and the worst of the past, and most particularly their own personal expe\u00c2\u00ac\\nrience of the past. Indeed one\u00e2\u0080\u0099s most exciting moments are when, after several tries, one draws an\\nimage which can be backed up by implementable public policy, and citizens stand up\u00e2\u0080\u0094and if you\\nare really lucky, clap\u00e2\u0080\u0094and exclaim, now that is more like it, now you are really getting there! It is at\\nmoments such as this that one realizes the power of urban design to act as the bridge between the\\ncontexts we inherit and the horizons we strive for.\\nMuch has been said recently about false or sentimental historicism. This is absolutely justified\\nwhen gingerbread historicism is referred to, and there has been a lot of that. But the historicism I\\nam referring to is neither false nor sentimental. It is the utterance, in three dimensional drawings\\nand models, of traditional local urban language struggling to give form to aspiration.\\nOnce this language is set out on paper its accountability to agency regulations, engineering re\u00c2\u00ac\\nquirements, fiscal policy, market economics, social programs, and public policy can be defined. Through\\nnegotiation each will impact on the design; and each has to be accommodated if the design is to be ac\u00c2\u00ac\\ncountable in the fullest sense, and indeed is to gain in strength as it moves toward being implemented.\\nThe public meeting in our mid-Western town focused on several of the major problems that\\nbeset our cities, the decline of downtowns, the isolation of older neighborhoods, segregation and\\ninner city poverty, and the dematerialization of urban form. But even on that first evening it became\\nclear that all of these things were linked one to the other, and that a holistic urban policy would be\\nthe only one to ultimately make sense.\\nWhen we revisit the ancient cities of the world we most admire, we inevitably sense each time a\\ndeepening of the layers and the details of the common language which, generation upon genera\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion, was spoken unselfconsciously in their streets and riverfronts and plazas, from the macro urban\\nform of scales and vistas and densities to the micro forms of floorspace, arcades, steps, rails, and tex\u00c2\u00ac\\ntures in sunlight and shadow. America too has its local languages. They are different from the urban\\nlanguages of Europe, Africa or Asia. They also differ within America from city to city and town to\\ntown. We have to learn to speak them in urban design, and to be able to project their local dialect\\nand the aspirations of their people unbroken into our urban futures.\\n23", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "GRAND PLAN, MONUMENT, GRID: A DEFENSE OF WASHINGTON, D.C.\\nSteven W. Hurtt\\nThe archiving of these drawings and related material is of great significance. The people who\\nhave participated in these charrettes are among those who have made important contributions to\\nthe theoretical and practical development of urban design in this half century. Future historians will\\nfind the thoughts on the design of the nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s capital city represented by these documents of partic\u00c2\u00ac\\nular interest. This publication, combined with the archive of the charrette collection, describes\\nmuch of our understanding of the urban problems of our day.\\nMost of you know that Iris Miller was the prime mover in promoting and organizing the Wash\u00c2\u00ac\\nington, D.C., charrettes that took place each year between 1982 and 1989. The 1982, 1983, and 1984\\ncharrettes were facilitated through the Washington, D.C. Chapter of the American Institute of Archi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntects and the Smithsonian, with the Smithsonian hosting the event. In the late spring of 1985, when\\nthe Smithsonian decided that it would not continue as cosponsor of the program, I agreed to host\\nthe 1985 charrette at the Catholic University of America Summer Session in Architecture, a program\\nfor which I was the academic director. It was a great success. I have always been pleased that my suc\u00c2\u00ac\\ncessors, Max Underwood in 1986, and Neal Payton in 1987, 1988, and 1989 continued them.\\nWhen Iris Miller asked me to make a presentation for this event she suggested that I focus on\\nsome comments I made during the final summation of our 1985 charrette. Iris described my\\nremarks as \u00e2\u0080\u009can impassioned statement about the symbolic form of Washington, D.C.\u00e2\u0080\u009d I cannot recall\\nexactly what I said that day. But probing my memory, I first bumped into the emotions I had felt. I\\nwas surprised at how strong they were. Then I began to recall the thematic issues. In reconstructing\\nthe issues I realized that three strands of experience had been braided together in my mind to pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nduce the feelings and remarks I had made. Explaining those braided strands will help to illustrate\\nthe points I made then and want to reaffirm now.\\nThe first strand was one of circumstance emerging from the experience of the charrette itself\\nand the state of architecture in the mid 1980s. The second strand is related to my childhood memo\u00c2\u00ac\\nries of Washington, D.C. And the third strand is my adult and professional knowledge of our urban\\nand architectural history and the meanings that I have derived from it.\\nThe strand represented by the charrette was this: a lot of terrific ideas had been generated and\\npresented. Spirited and hopeful discussion had ensued. But in the closing hour certain anti-urban,\\nanti-monumental, anti-neo-classical, and anti-grid sentiments suddenly surfaced. Part of this was just\\nfrustration with the status quo and the particularities of Washington, D.C., but much of it also\\nreflected general views found in our architecture and urban literature.\\nI listened to the complaints. They were familiar. But I could not reconcile them with my child\u00c2\u00ac\\nhood experience. It was an experience like that of my early architecture education when I had not\\nbeen able to reconcile those childhood experiences with the polemics and paradigms of Modern\\nArchitecture which then held sway. Subsequent adult experience and an increased knowledge of our\\nhistory had aided a reconciliation of that childhood experience with our urban-architectural history,\\nand my interpretation of it. While I do not think Washington, D.C. is perfect, or that it has lived up\\nto its potential as the great city that it could be, I found myself defending it.\\nI was born here. I spent much of my childhood and teenage years growing up in and around\\nD.C. To the eyes of the child that I was, Washington, D.C. between 1940 and 1960, presented a won\u00c2\u00ac\\nderful and magnificent diagram of life, from life in the neighborhood to life in the city and the\\nworld at large.\\nThe neighborhoods where the people lived were all red brick, and the buildings where most\\npeople worked were white stone. In the brick neighborhoods individual houses, row houses, or\\napartment buildings of various types and sizes made up a cohesive fabric. Even the schools were red\\nbrick, like real big houses. The usual convenience stores were just that, convenient. Everybody\\n24", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "seemed to work somewhere in that magnificent place called \u00e2\u0080\u009cdowntown.\u00e2\u0080\u009d Downtown was also a place\\nto go on special occasions. My earliest memory of the Mall is being scared to death by fireworks on\\nthe Fourth of July.\\nWe lived just off North Capital Street. A ride downtown on the bus was a ride on axis with the cos\u00c2\u00ac\\nmic center of a larger universe, symbolized by the Capitol dome. The Capitol, Union Station, and the\\ngrand buildings of the Mall and the Federal Triangle were evidendy as ancient and permanent as any\u00c2\u00ac\\nthing on the earth. When I got a litde older, I must have imagined that they were all built just after the\\nRevolutionary War. Education is full of surprises. I also remember the vast hall of the National Gallery\\nof Art with its massive black columns, bigger in girth than any tree I had ever seen. I was awed.\\nI liked nothing better than to greet arriving relatives at Union Station, cool in the summer,\\nwarm in the winter, its vast hall filled with large wood benches and teeming with people coming and\\ngoing to places far beyond my imagination. This had to be the center of a vast and exciting world of\\nwhich I wanted to be a part.\\nI remember one hot summer day emerging from Union Station, and there in that great foun\u00c2\u00ac\\ntain in front of it were a host of kids splashing about beneath the tolerant and watchful eyes of the\\npolice. It was the early 1950s. We had moved out of the city to the suburbs. Lots of lawn, and a neigh\u00c2\u00ac\\nborhood playground with a sandbox, jungle gym and swings surrounded by a chain link fence, room\\nfor bike riding, and a creek near by you could not swim in for fear of polio. No pool, no beach,\\nnobody came around and turned on the fire hydrant. I envied those kids their fountain, their city\\nplayground. I envied their lives.\\nThe first time I read the Gettysburg address I was facing the wall on which it is inscribed in the\\nLincoln Memorial. I was probably eleven years old. I felt Lincoln watching me. I have never been in a\\nbetter classroom.\\nYou can see a number of things in my childhood experience of Washington, D.C. First, that\\nthere was a reassuring clarity about the man-made world. I thought I understood how the world was\\norganized both spatially and socially. Second, it gave me a sense of how my world, my house, was\\nlinked to the rest of the world, to the government, and to the transportation system that linked\\neveryone to everyone else. Third, it was a place in which I had important experiences of community.\\nFourth, I was awed by it, not intimidated, but awed by its majesty and apparent immutability. Lastly, I\\nwas inspired by it.\\nGrand Plan\\nNone of the experiences I have described would have been possible without Washington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\ngrand plan, and more specifically the Parks Movement and the City Beautiful Movement that were\\nthe impetus for the aggrandizement and embellishment of our cities circa 1850 to 1940. There is lit\u00c2\u00ac\\ntle or nothing today in our courses of study in architecture, planning, or public policy that focuses\\non these movements or in any way promotes the essential ideas represented by them. It is primarily\\non these ideas that I want to focus, on the idea of the monumental city.\\nOur knowledge of the Parks and City Beautiful movements creates a ready image of the idea of\\nthe monumental city. But more precisely, I mean a city that is conceived to manifest the idea of good\\nand accessible government, a well ordered and commodious environment, a city that is conceived as\\nan instrument of education, socialization, spiritual renewal, and an inspiration to good citizenship.\\nSuch was the program of these movements. The names of the movements unfortunately belie\\ntheir serious purpose. They give the impression of cosmetic effect. In fact, the movements were\\nbegun and sustained by people who saw the need to address a complex set of social and technical\\nconcerns not wholly unlike our own: the rapidly expanding 19th century industrial city and atten\u00c2\u00ac\\ndant problems of traffic, pollution, health, and hygiene; a major shift from an agrarian to an urban\\npopulation; illiteracy; no access to education; a fitful economy; and an increasingly large number of\\nimmigrants from cultures without democratic traditions which might pose a threat to our nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\ndemocratic experiment.\\n25", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "The City Beautiful was to deliver hygiene through a clean water supply and sewage system;\\nimprove public transit including subway systems and centralized rail stations; make the government\\nevident and accessible; provide opportunities of self education and acculturation to American and\\ndemocratic values through access and availability of neighborhood cultural centers, city wide muse\u00c2\u00ac\\nums, libraries, symphony halls, zoos, botanical gardens, exhibition halls, and conservatories; provide\\nplaces for healthy social interaction through parks and recreational facilities; spiritual renewal\\nthrough contact with the restorative powers of nature; and the opportunity for exercise in the out\u00c2\u00ac\\ndoors. Taken together, the Parks Movement and the City Beautifiil Movement largely succeeded in\\ndoing all of this.\\nWashington, D.C. is just one such city. We all know that L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant designed the basic plan for\\nWashington, that it was based on Versailles, that the McMillan Commission was responsible for a new\\nimpetus that built upon the L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant plan and has given us much of the monumental core as we\\nknow it, the Tidal Basin, Memorial Bridge, the Jefferson and Lincoln Memorials, and the develop\u00c2\u00ac\\nment of most of the museums along the mall. Taken together, it is these which distinguish Washing\u00c2\u00ac\\nton.\\nHas there been a more effective and tangible program of city making since the City Beautiful?\\nToday, despite our focus on systemic functional, social, and economic problems, our proportionately\\ngreater resources, and our overt avoidance of aggrandizement, beauty, embellishment, and symbolism\\nwe seem unable to achieve environments that are as holistic, as functional, as inspired, or as beautiful.\\nOne reason that the City Beautiful is no longer to be considered as a serious proposition seems\\nto be the matter of style. For the City Beautiful was manifest primarily in the style of neo-classicism.\\nThis deserves examination. There are two related problems. One is that the classical style is some\u00c2\u00ac\\ntimes presumed to be symbolic of the autocratic and therefore not appropriate to a democracy. The\\nother is that we have been convinced that every age manifests a particular style, and therefore past\\nstyles can not be relevant to contemporary concerns.\\nEver since architectural historians began to use architecture as an index of culture and to say\\nthat specific styles embodied or reflected their age, there has been a great self-consciousness about\\narchitectural style. From that self-consciousness emerged the rationale for Modern Architecture as\\nexpressive of our time. While the very diversity of Modern Architecture belies the unity of that theo\u00c2\u00ac\\nretical notion, questions of appropriate style continue to plague us, nevertheless.\\nThe proposition that the classical style represents autocracy rather than democracy can likely be\\ntraced to the period during which the L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant plan was adopted. Questions of symbolic form were\\nparticularly acute in French architectural theory of the time. As most grand Baroque and Neo-Classi\u00c2\u00ac\\ncal plans emerged and were developed in autocracies, the possibility that they might be seen as\\nemblems of the politics of autocracy has an element of historical accuracy. But there is not a causal\\nrelation. With the French Revolution and the opening of the estate gardens of the autocracy to the\\npeople, the value of grand planning for the general populace became evident. The plan of Washing\u00c2\u00ac\\nton was created just a few years later and under political conditions that allowed the form to be con\u00c2\u00ac\\nceived as democratic. L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant, Washington, and the Congress are unambiguous on this point Nor\\nis there ambiguity in the intentions of the McMillan Commission. Neo-classicism and Baroque plan\u00c2\u00ac\\nning alluded far more generally to humanistic values, and to ideas of permanency, stability, and uni\u00c2\u00ac\\nversal order than to autocracy.\\nMore specifically for our forefathers the classical language was no doubt deemed appropriate\\nfor the capital\u00e2\u0080\u0099s buildings because it made reference to the ideals of Greek democracy and Roman\\nrepublicanism, the ideals on which our society and its government were founded.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0098That was then, this is now,\u00e2\u0080\u009d you might say. And it is easiest to sustain such debates on trivial\\nprojects where theory can loom larger than reality. But what would we do if the United States Capi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntol building burned to the ground. Certainly we would replace it, but how, and in what style? It is\\neasy to imagine a circumstance like that when the Tower in St. Mark\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Square in Venice collapsed. A\\ncompetition was held. Many interesting entries were promulgated. Much controversy ensued. And\\nthe Mayor finally said, \u00e2\u0080\u009cDov\u00e2\u0080\u0099 era, com era. Where it was, as it was.\\n26", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "There are certain issues of symbolism, meaning, and style, that seem transcendent. While the\\ngeneral meaning of form may remain more or less fixed, its specific meaning can be far more fluid and\\nthus subject to context, much like words. The dome of the Capitol is based on the dome of St.\\nPeter\u00e2\u0080\u0099s in Rome, but the Capitol dome has never been controverted as a symbol of Catholicism. Nor\\nfor that matter has the fact that domes have historically been religious symbols been a problem for\\nus despite our sensitivity to issues of separation of church and state. The reason is simple enough.\\nThe general meaning of dome denotes a sense of the sacred, rather than the religious, that is a place\\nof great importance to the society. The more specific associations, like St. Peter\u00e2\u0080\u0099s and Catholicism,\\nfall away, and are indeed replaced by associations resulting from the new use and the new context\\nThe particular disposition of the dome of the U.S. Capitol contributes to its meaning. It does\\nnot preside over a space that is a pantheon of our political and cultural leaders. It does not preside\\nover the tomb of one of our founders or first president It does not mark either the House or the\\nSenate. Instead it marks and shelters a great lobby space accessible to all the people of the nation.\\nAny one individual can come stand in that space, any group can assemble there, anyone can speak\\nfreely there to someone else. It is those rights of the individual, of assembly, of speech, and ultimately\\nof access to the Congress that the Capitol symbolizes and makes sacred.\\nSimultaneously we can associate the dome and all the neo-classical buildings of Washington\\nwith antiquity, with Greek democracy and Roman republicanism, and of republican virtue under\u00c2\u00ac\\nstood as a devotion to the common good. In the history of the United States, this idea of republican\\nvirtue, of acting for the common good, was embodied in the idea of the grand plan for the city.\\nMonument\\nOne component of the idea of the monumental city is that it instructs and inspires. On the sur\u00c2\u00ac\\nface of it, historical events and civic leadership are commemorated. Social leadership is honored,\\nwhether it be civic, military, or intellectual. In other cases it is the virtues themselves that are pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nmoted: honesty, duty, loyalty, friendship, tolerance, courage, justice, and so on. The broader pro\u00c2\u00ac\\ngram is that these inscriptions and depictions teach a dedication to the public good. Do such\\nprograms work? I think they do. I remember when I first read the Gettysburg address. I remember\\nthe inscription at the entrance to my junior high school, \u00e2\u0080\u009cKnowledge Is Power,\u00e2\u0080\u009d and over the choir at\\nmy high school\u00e2\u0080\u0099s chapel, \u00e2\u0080\u0098Whatsoever Things Are True.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nI also remember stopping one day in Angola, Indiana, on a car trip across the state. In the cen\u00c2\u00ac\\ntral square of that small town is an obelisk that commemorates the contribution of that town to sev-\\neral wars. I have read a lot of such inscriptions. Something about this one stood out. Each of the four\\nsides bore plaques of dedication. One was dedicated to the women who sacrificed and suffered in\\nthe many ways that war imposes, replacing men in fields and factories, and losing fathers, husbands,\\nsons, and other loved ones. That lesson was never more clear to me than it was that summer day in\\nthe middle of that small town in the Midwest.\\nGrid\\nAs part of the traditional city, the grid, long venerated by urbanists for its flexible, workable, and\\nrational ordering of the landscape and the cityscape, has been much maligned in this century\u00e2\u0080\u0099s liter\u00c2\u00ac\\nature. We can analyze that bias metaphorically, functionally and historically.\\nMetaphorically, the grid is commonly used to symbolize all that is contrary to the American val\u00c2\u00ac\\nues of individualism, pastoralism, and nature. Rightly or wrongly, the city is seen as contrary to those\\nvalues. As a symbol of the city, the grid metaphorically evokes anonymity, relentlessness, monotony,\\nand insensitivity to the individual and particular in man, society, and nature. Some authors have seen\\nit differently. Wolfgang Langewiesche, observing the rural American grid from the air and from the\\nperspective of our sociopolitical history, has described it as a \u00e2\u0080\u009cdiagram of the social contract\u00e2\u0080\u009d John\\nKouwenhoven has compared the American grid to jazz and the U.S. Constitution finding that they\\n27", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "share the common characteristic of establishing a framework for individual acdon and improvisa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion, a characteristic of American culture. Jean Paul Sartre, visiting the United States just at the end\\nof World War II, was struck by one manifestation of the grid city, the open vista of the street. This\\nopen vista frustrates urbanists because it is contrary to spatial definition and enclosure. Sartre cele\u00c2\u00ac\\nbrated this effect. Contrasting the American city to the European city he said, \u00e2\u0080\u009cThe long straight\\nstreets and avenues of a gridiron city do not permit the buildings to cluster like sheep and protect\\none against the sense of space. They are not somber little walks closed in between houses, but\\nnational highways. The moment you set foot on one of them, you understand that it has to go on to\\nBoston or Chicago.\u00e2\u0080\u009d Langewiesche, Kouwenhoven, and Sartre, all use the grid as a metaphor for\\nAmerican sociopolitical ideals, seeing it as expressive of a free society, connecting each of us to a\\nlimitless horizon of opportunity, and enabling our freedom of movement, communication, associa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion, and assembly.\\nFunctionally, it may be sufficient here to point out that the idea of the city exists in conflict with\\nthe idea of the neighborhood. One of the attributes of the grid is that of continuity and connection,\\none of the essential aspects of the very idea of the city. In contrast, neighborhood and locale beg for\\ndefinition and boundary, discontinuity and disconnection. We know, of course, that there are sec\u00c2\u00ac\\ntions of the grid city that work well as both city and neighborhood. We need to study such places with\\ncare in order to apply their lessons elsewhere.\\nHistorically, the grid is endemic to both American cities and the American landscape. How did\\nthis come about? Is there anything in our history that gives special validation to the grid? I think so.\\nWhen the Continental Congress adopted the Land Ordinance of 1785 which established the form of\\nsurvey, land subdivision, and settlement of the new nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s western lands, it did far more than adopt\\na convenient pattern of land survey to transform the wilderness into a rural landscape. It adopted\\nthe primary and preferred form of community settlement of the time, the township, and idealized it\\ninto a six-mile-square pattern.\\nTwo things about this six-mile-square township pattern are important. First, these were urban-\\nrural units, units of civic community that were the common pattern of settlement in the New Eng\u00c2\u00ac\\nland and Mid Atlantic colonies as far south as Pennsylvania. Settlement was projected not as a matter\\nof rugged individuals only, but also of fully formed communities, splintering off from overcrowded\\ntownships in the east. Second, the township was the key to political franchise, to the right to vote, a\\nright for which the Revolutionary War had just been fought. We forget that for our forefathers the\\nright to vote was linked to property ownership. Settlement of the western lands essentially ensured\\nthat everyone in the growing nation would have the opportunity of land ownership, and conse\u00c2\u00ac\\nquently the right to vote.\\nThe formation of Washington, D.C. was concurrent with the discussions of the Land Ordinance\\nof 1785. In those discussions the ideal size for the township was debated. How many miles on a side?\\nFive, six, seven, ten? The largest of these, the ten mile square, was selected for Washington, D.C.\\nThus, Washington, D.C. represented the agrarian ideal, and the ideals of citizenship and franchise.\\nFor much of our history descriptions of Washington, D.C., chided that it was scarcely more than\\na town. Wasn\u00e2\u0080\u0099t that the point? Washington was conceived as the nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s archetypal town. Where oth\u00c2\u00ac\\ners see a Mall that is too large and grandiose, I see the national common, a space appropriately\\nscaled to handle the immense crowds that have assembled here in celebration, protest and com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmemoration: Fourth of July; Poor People\u00e2\u0080\u0099s March; Viet Nam war protest; Martin Luther King\u00e2\u0080\u0099s, \u00e2\u0080\u009cI\\nhave a dream\u00e2\u0080\u009d speech; J.F.K.\u00e2\u0080\u0099s funeral cortege. Where others see wasteful embellishment, I see an\\neffective program of education and inspiration, a program dedicated to the idea of citizenship in a\\ndemocracy, a manifestation of the Parks and City Beautiful movements, our first nation-wide environ\u00c2\u00ac\\nmental programs devoted to the civic welfare. Where others see Washington, D.C.\u00e2\u0080\u0099s grand plan and\\nneo-classical monumental core as symbols of dominance and tyranny, I see them as symbols of the\\nlongest enduring, democratically based, representative constitutional government the world has ever\\nknown. Where others see a grid that is boring, relentless, or monotonous, and repressive of individ\u00c2\u00ac\\nuality and particularity, I see an historical symbol of the ideal form of settlement for our nation, a\\n28", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "diagram of the social contract, a spatial manifestation of equality before the law, a framework for\\ndemocracy, a symbol of the open society, freedom of movement and the right to assemble.\\nSo the Washington of my childhood has fused with the Washington of my adult understanding.\\nImperfect as it remains, it is nonetheless a worthy urban model. I believe that the best of our char-\\nrette projects understood these things, and attempted to build upon that understanding.\\n29", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "CENTRAL VISION: THE CITY AS A LIVING AND CIVIC MODEL\\nRobert A. Peck\\nThe problem of planning for Washington as a real-life city, a city for people, is hidden in the\\ntide of this talk: \u00e2\u0080\u009cCentral Vision: the City as a Living and Civic Model.\u00e2\u0080\u009d Throughout Washington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s his\u00c2\u00ac\\ntory, planning for it as a living city has been at odds with its role as national civic planning model.\\nI do not mean to go into the often-remarked general tension between Washington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s function as\\nthe nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s capital and Washington as a place where people try to live. The fact that this is the\\nnation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s capital has everything to do with the development of the city, of course, from the form\u00e2\u0080\u0094or\\nnon-form\u00e2\u0080\u0094of city government, to the make-up of its population, its economic base, its social life,\\nand so on. There has always been commentary about the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s strange existence as a company town,\\nparticularly in periods such as this when the city government\u00e2\u0080\u0099s finances seem to be in dire straits.\\nWell over a hundred years ago, historians and civic observers were commenting on Washington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nuniqueness among world capitals in its existence as a political capital exclusively, without any claim to\\nbeing a cultural or commercial capital of its country.\\nI want to focus more on the planning efforts that have shaped the image of central Washington\\nand their effect on the vitality of the center city as a central business and residential district. What we\\nfind here is a tension between the physical planning for Washington as a national capital and\\nnational civic model on the one hand, and on the other hand, the development of a conventional,\\nliving downtown.\\nPlanning for the monumental, symbolic capital city of Washington has always taken precedence\\nover planning for the residential and commercial city. If anything, that tilt toward the monumental\\nhas been more pronounced in the 20th century than it was during the previous 110 years of the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nplanning and development. Worse, it appears that the long legacy of monumental planning by the\\nfederal government so fixed the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s planning culture, not to mention its physical development,\\nthat the advent of home rule has done little to change it. Perhaps this symposium can help spark a\\nturnabout.\\nWe should be fair to the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s founding fathers. At least one of them\u00e2\u0080\u0094L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0094had in mind a\\nfull-service, organic city. For all that we credit him with expressing in abstract physical plan the con\u00c2\u00ac\\nstitutional separation of powers between the executive and legislative branches, he also brought to\\nthe task an European\u00e2\u0080\u0099s urban sense. Although he is in many ways most responsible for the justifiable\\nrenown of Washington as an abstract planning model, he is not responsible for the fixation on that\\nmonumental planning model which has had the effect of stultifying planning for a real downtown.\\nL\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant, it seems, tried to temper Jefferson\u00e2\u0080\u0099s too-rational ideas. Jefferson, left to his own\\nthoughts, might well have imposed a rigid grid as the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s plan. L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant took topography into\\naccount and overlaid an ordered, but quirky diagonal street system over the grid. In his enthusiasm\\nfor Enlightenment order and belief in the democratizing power of a landed yeomanry, Jefferson was\\nhardly what we would call today a city person. His ideas about residential development on the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nlots appear to have been informed by an almost suburban vision. It is possible to imagine Jefferson\\nbeing perfectly content with the separation of uses, Congress in its precinct, the executive branch in\\nits precinct, residents and commerce somewhere else but who cares where, that the McMillan Com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmission so successfully imposed more than a hundred years later.\\nThat was not L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s vision, as far as we can tell. L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant proposed dispersing the public\\nbuildings around his city. We should remember, of course, that his city was the compact old City of\\nWashington, perhaps not one-quarter of the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s area now, but all of our current monumental area,\\ndowntown, and inner neighborhoods. L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s idea was to use this dispersal of buildings to stimu\u00c2\u00ac\\nlate development more or less evenly throughout the city. Interestingly, it even appears that for some\\nof the round or rectangular open spaces created by the intersection of the diagonal avenues, he\\nintended buildings to be erected in the spaces, and not just around them. In other words, he\\n30", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "intended development something like the Carnegie Library in Mount Vernon Square rather than,\\nsay, the park-only space we have at Farragut Square.\\nMore interesting in considering Washington as a civic and living model, is L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s proposed\\ntreatment of the Mall and how that vision was transformed. L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s plan was generally short on\\ndescription of the sort of buildings he expected to see filling out the plan. But as to the Mall,\\nL\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s vision was pretty clear. His plan shows a wide avenue, lined by buildings which he sug\u00c2\u00ac\\ngested might be foreign embassies.\\nL\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant must have thought that embassies would impart to this instant city in a newly post\u00c2\u00ac\\ncolonial nadon whatever elegant society there was going to be. In fact, toward the end of the 19th\\ncentury, when Washington became for a short period the social place to be for the wealthy barons of\\nthe industrial age, it was because of the international flavor lent by the foreign embassies. So it is\\nintriguing to imagine what it would have meant to the city if Embassy Row had been on the Mall\\ninstead of Dupont Circle and Massachusetts Avenue.\\nL\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s vision of the Mall disappeared with his dismissal, of course. In fact, the Mall itself\\nalmost disappeared during the 19th century. For a period, it was transformed into Downing\u00e2\u0080\u0099s roman\u00c2\u00ac\\ntic, curvy garden. By the turn of this century, however, it had hardly any form at all. Into that breach\\nstrode the McMillan Commission, which laid down the vast greensward that we now know, lined by\\nbuildings to be sure, but so wide and so sylvan that there is no mistaking it for the urbane boulevard\\nthat L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant intended.\\nMany commentators have noted that the McMillan Commission members, on their famous\\nfact-finding tour of Europe, took as their model for the Mall not European boulevards but the gar\u00c2\u00ac\\ndens of great estates and palaces. As Elbert Peets, still the most trenchant observer of Washington\\nplanning, put it in 1935: \u00e2\u0080\u009cL\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant, when the site of Washington was a forest, dreamed of the Mall as\\na fashionable Parisian avenue, while the Commission of 1901, with a big city spreading all about\\nthem, dreamed of the Mall as a quiet sanctuary from the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s noise and bustle.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nIf the Mall became untidy in the 19th century, and if Pennsylvania Avenue and the other major\\navenues were subject to ridicule by Charles Dickens as \u00e2\u0080\u009cspacious avenues that begin in nothing, and\\nlead nowhere,\u00e2\u0080\u009d still, what we now know as only the monumental area was the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s downtown and it\\nhad its vitality.\\nYou need only consider that in 1835 Congress found it necessary to ban the sale of liquor in the\\nCapitol rotunda to know that there was an integration of the governmental and commercial life of\\nthe city that we have not seen since. The rotunda until that time was a general gathering and market\\nplace, a fact in keeping with the tradition back to medieval times of combining town or guild hall\\nand market functions in one building.\\nPennsylvania Avenue in the 19th century became the \u00e2\u0080\u009cnation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s main street\u00e2\u0080\u009d but it was also the\\ncity\u00e2\u0080\u0099s. It was a residential and commercial street, although by the end of the century residences had\\nmostly migrated elsewhere. The site of the Federal Triangle building now going up at Pennsylvania\\nAvenue and 13th Street was the location of the infamous \u00e2\u0080\u009cHooker\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Division,\u00e2\u0080\u009d the red-light district\\ncatering to the soldiers of Union General Hooker\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Army of the Potomac. The numbered streets\\nrunning north from the Avenue were commercial and residential for many blocks. F Street devel\u00c2\u00ac\\noped as a parallel commercial street because it is on the first ridge up from the Avenue and, until\\nBoss Shepherd fixed things, low-lying Pennsylvania Avenue was subject to flooding.\\nPennsylvania Avenue had several hotels and not just the Willard. Significantly, at 8th Street was\\nthe Central Market, an imposing Victorian public building that gave that section of the Avenue the\\nfeeling of a bazaar every day. The building commanded a space called Market Space, the name\\nreflecting the fact, unlike today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Market Square development which overlooks the Market\u00e2\u0080\u0099s former\\nsite. I wonder how many people who work or live near Market Square today have any idea how the\\nname was derived.\\nThen came the McMillan Commission, born in the City Beautiful movement, to clean up all\\nthis disorder in the monumental core of the city. The eventual result was the wide-open Mall and the\\ngargantuan order of the Federal Triangle on the south side of Pennsylvania Avenue. This was surely\\n31", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "one of the most comprehensive plans to emerge from the City Beautiful movement and certainly\\none of the most thoroughly carried through. Nowhere else, I think, did City Beautiful planning\\ntransform as large a proportion of the downtown of a city.\\nIt was the McMillan plan that actually made federal monumentalism the overriding image of\\nWashington. Before that, federal architecture, with the notable exception of the Capitol, was in the\\ncity\u00e2\u0080\u0099s background; after that, the city was a backdrop to the federal presence. To go back to the tide\\nof this talk, the McMillan Plan marked the triumph of the civic planning vision over the existence of\\na living city, the triumph of visual order over organic development, of architectural space over peo\u00c2\u00ac\\nple space.\\nThe 1974 Pennsylvania Avenue Plan formally noted that the Federal Triangle had made Penn\u00c2\u00ac\\nsylvania Avenue a barrier between the government area and downtown. Ironically, by that date, the\\nPennsylvania Avenue planning begun under President Kennedy had itself embraced monumentality\\nin the name of renewal. With one notable exception, to which I will return, the plan\u00e2\u0080\u0099s monumental\u00c2\u00ac\\nity erased the last remaining vestiges of downtown from Pennsylvania Avenue.\\nWashington does have great spaces in the Mall, the Triangle and Pennsylvania Avenue. You\\nhave to hand that to us. We have room for huge crowds of protesters and masses of marchers, and we\\ncan accommodate them with little disruption to what is left of downtown.\\nWhat we cannot seem to do is provide more intimate or engaging urban spaces that welcome\\nshoppers, lunchtime strollers, and residents. We don\u00e2\u0080\u0099t have vest-pocket parks; we give little or no\\nattention to planning our commercial streets and sidewalks.\\nWhen we do attempt to plan them, we tend to apply our monumental planning mindset. I cite\\nas evidence the truly inhuman pedestrian way\u00e2\u0080\u0094Streets for People, I think it was called\u00e2\u0080\u0094to which F\\nStreet was converted in front of the Portrait Gallery in the late 60s and early 70s. It has since been\\ndemolished, since the people shunned it. Or take the inaccessible and underused F Street median\\nstrip of the same period. It was also removed a few years ago, after several years of pathetic and\\nexpensive planning efforts by the city could not produce a credible replacement.\\nWe are still making no little plans, unfortunately. We have the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Comprehensive Plan, which\\nsubstitutes legal and sociological posturing for physical planning, and NCPC is working on a new\\nmegaplan for the monumental core. What we do not have is anything like the heated debate in New\\nYork on how to create zoning incentives for building plazas that will attract people or the debates in\\nSeattle or San Francisco over plans to create urbanistic neighborhoods.\\nFor the past forty years, there has been a concern in the city over the decline of downtown. Yet\\nthere has been no physical planning for it. If it is not a monumental space like the Mall or Pennsylva\u00c2\u00ac\\nnia Avenue, an urban space in this town is an afterthought. I am not ignoring the fact that Dupont\\nCircle, Farragut Square, and their kin are wonderful urban places. However, a city needs some hard-\\nedged urban spaces that are cheek-by-jowl with buildings and street-level shops and cafes.\\nIronically, the best urban space in the city of the kind I am thinking of, is on Pennsylvania\\nAvenue. Even more ironically, it is the Market Square/Navy Memorial space, almost bringing those\\ntwo blocks of Pennsylvania Avenue full circle to the urban vitality they had before the Federal Trian\u00c2\u00ac\\ngle was built. Developed under PADC authority, its shape, sitting ledges, and water features are\\nalmost a compendium of the people-oriented lessons taught by William H. Whyte and the Project for\\nPublic Spaces that he founded. Of course, it is a semi-monumental space, but it does work. I have\\nseen it crowded on scorching mid-summer days.\\nThat 7th to 9th Street corridor almost became an exemplary urban laboratory for the city. Sev\u00c2\u00ac\\neral years ago, a consortium of developers hired Iris Miller and EDAW to prepare a design and con\u00c2\u00ac\\ncept plan for 7th, 8th and 9th Street streetscapes. The effort was a public-private partnership and\\nconcentrated on small-scale urban design and public amenities. Recession and the 1990 mayoral\\nelection seem to have brought it to a halt.\\nWhat was the city thinking when it built a concrete bunker down the center of New York\\nAvenue in front of the Greyhound Bus building? The intersection of 13th and H Streets and New\\nYork Avenue creates an intriguing space that one can easily visualize as a piazza. The city rebuilt the\\n32", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "intersection\u00e2\u0080\u0099s streets, traffic islands, and sidewalks without any thought to encouraging that kind of\\noutcome.\\nI mention both of those street spaces because both were singled out as potentially significant\\ndowntown features some six years ago by architectural teams participating in an all-day charrette\\nsponsored by the late, lamented D.C. Downtown Partnership. In 1986, the New York Avenue char\u00c2\u00ac\\nrette at Catholic University also produced schemes for the 13th and H and New York space, includ\u00c2\u00ac\\ning one featuring a small fountain and respectful of L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s original design.\\nThere is some sense in the city today of starting over. Perhaps this is the right time to stand on\\nits head the vaunted planning tradition of Washington, to say \u00e2\u0080\u009cenough already\u00e2\u0080\u009d with the monu\u00c2\u00ac\\nments, let\u00e2\u0080\u0099s focus our design attention on commercial strips, building plazas, shopping streets, and\\nintersections, not just in downtown, but in Cleveland Park, Capitol Hill and Anacostia, on Georgia\\nAvenue, H Street Northeast, and the like.\\nAgain, Elbert Peets said it best. He wrote in 1937:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u0098This concentration of monuments, memorials, museums, and endless depart\u00c2\u00ac\\nment office buildings in the central area of the city is destroying the city, as a\\nwork of art and as a social entity. [P]eople who do not love the life of a\\ncity obviously cannot see how far we are getting from L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s conception.\\nFor he dreamed, not of a beautiful court of honor, but of a beautiful city.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\n33", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "THE NEIGHBORHOOD VISION:\\nRAISING COMMUNITY PRIDE AND STUDENT INVOLVEMENT\\nLinda Hillard Moody\\nRaising Community Pride! As the representative to the District of Columbia Board of Education\\nfor the eighth ward, I chose as a theme \u00e2\u0080\u009cChanging Attitudes and Improving the Image of Our Com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmunity.\u00e2\u0080\u009d How little did I know that my theme would be so closely related to a topic four years later.\\nIn the District of Columbia, where eyes and ears from across this world watch us every day on\\nthe evening news, we have an image problem based upon other people\u00e2\u0080\u0099s perception of us. Percep\u00c2\u00ac\\ntions are key in understanding and believing what you hear. They are key in our developing a posi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntive image. They are key in our developing a vision, and ultimately important to an individual\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nability to raise the level of pride in his or her community. Truly, an individual must develop pride\\nand self-respect within himself before assisting a neighborhood develop its vision. You must have a\\nvision of your own.\\nHowever, I believe there are several factors which help individuals develop a vision and instill\\npride. Globally speaking, the environment serves as the overlying factor, encompassing several\\nsmaller factors, such as air quality, streets, highways, housing, office buildings, landscaping, the econ\u00c2\u00ac\\nomy, jobs, health care, and architecture, to name a few.\\nRecognizing that the D.C. Public Schools cannot provide all of these experiences to our stu\u00c2\u00ac\\ndents, I do believe we provide an abundance. I believe we can provide a significant contribution to\\nthe Nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Capital and continue to look ahead in order to make sure we do not destroy existing\\nbuildings with beautiful architecture, by teaching respect for our built heritage and by taking action.\\nOne of the greatest contributions to the architectural archives in this city was the restoration of\\nthe Sumner School. It was the first high school for \u00e2\u0080\u009ccolored\u00e2\u0080\u009d children in this city, built in the late\\n1800s. In the 1980s, the D.C. Board of Education entered into a creative partnership with Siegal and\\nCompany to restore Sumner. Today, it is used as a museum exhibiting art of all kinds, providing a\\nmeeting and wedding hall, and generating revenue to the D.C. Public Schools. The Board of Educa\u00c2\u00ac\\ntion and the city take great pride in this accomplishment.\\nIn 1994, we entered into another creative venture with the H Street Development Corporation\\nto rehabilitate the interior of the first D.C. Board of Education Office building, the Franklin School.\\nSiegal and Company restored the exterior of Franklin School in 1991 at no cost to us. We have\\noffered the Franklin School building to the city, as our contribution to the Bicentennial in year 2000.\\nThe D.C. Board of Education also recognized the importance of students taking pride in their\\nrespective neighborhoods and reaching out to other parts of this city. In 1992 we made it mandatory\\nfor our 9th-12th graders to perform 100 hours of community service in order to graduate from high\\nschool. Community involvement broadens knowledge of one\u00e2\u0080\u0099s surroundings, and places the individ\u00c2\u00ac\\nual in an environment in which he or she never thought he could become interested. Community\\nservice instills a sense of pride in your community, and makes you want to be involved in making\\nyour community better.\\nThrough a public-private partnership and the Outreach Scholarship Inner City High School\\nProgram at Catholic University\u00e2\u0080\u0099s School of Architecture and Planning, a number of our students\\nhave participated in these Urban Design Charrettes. Thus, they have had an introduction to commu\u00c2\u00ac\\nnity design and public policy and in turn, will be better able to be leaders and decision-makers as citi\u00c2\u00ac\\nzens of their communities.\\nThrough the many services provided in this city, a restructuring of priorities, and changing\\nnegative attitudes to \u00e2\u0080\u009cyes we can attitudes,\u00e2\u0080\u009d we will successfully raise community pride through stu\u00c2\u00ac\\ndent involvement.\\n34", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "LEARNING FROM GEORGIA AVENUE:\\nBEFORE LEARNING FROM LAS VEGAS\\nHarry G. Robinson III\\nThough not \u00e2\u0080\u009cprofessionally informed\u00e2\u0080\u0094perversely brillant\u00e2\u0080\u009d as Learning from Las Vegas was\\ndescribed by the Yale Review, the lessons that my father taught me about reading the City were bril\u00c2\u00ac\\nlant and directed me to a relationship with the language of human interaction and urban places.\\nNowhere were the lessons more transparent, though layered, than in the Nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Capital of my\\nyouth. (Discussion of how his father transferred an understanding of the City, which provided a life\u00c2\u00ac\\nlong relationship with urbanism; the experiences of traveling with his father around Washington in\\nhis moving company and his work in the Main Post Office, which provided an indelible recall of the\\nCity\u00e2\u0080\u0099s streets and neighborhoods.)\\nThough the intersecting grand avenues of L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant\u00e2\u0080\u0099s plan were dominant elements in the\\nCity\u00e2\u0080\u0099s structure, it was the fine grain residential areas and their attached neighborhood retail areas\\nthat started my romance with the corner stores, which generated a very special interaction between\\ntheir activity and the City\u00e2\u0080\u0099s streetscape. Of course this was before the opaque, steel-screened store\u00c2\u00ac\\nfronts that became vogue after the 1968 civil disorders. It was a time of openness when the relation\u00c2\u00ac\\nship between the street and the store interiors was an essential marketing strategy and an important\\nlink in the social chain of a blockfront. Like the African marketplace, the corner-store tradition pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nvided a formal system of communication\u00e2\u0080\u0094\u00e2\u0080\u009cthe drum\u00e2\u0080\u009d\u00e2\u0080\u0094and the backbone of a merchant class.\\nFrom litde stores great enterprises grew. (Discussion of corner stores that stabilized communities,\\ngave them their character, and evolved into other enterprises; the difference between the resident\\nshopkeepers and absentee merchants.)\\nIt was not by chance that neighborhood retail facilities laced the City in a defined pattern. A\\nreview of the City\u00e2\u0080\u0099s zoning ordinances reveals continous systems of commercial land uses. (Discus\u00c2\u00ac\\nsion of City\u00e2\u0080\u0099s organization; how neighborhood commericial frontage creates extended nodes that\\nsupport and bring life to their contexts; the evolution of Georgia Avenue, which was generated by\\nthe dynamics of regional change.)\\nGeorgia Avenue\u00e2\u0080\u0099s pattern language was loosely directed by government regulation. With that\\nfreedom evolved a vernacular advertising idiom and tempo, absent from the intervention of Madi\u00c2\u00ac\\nson Avenue. Goods, not a proliferation of words, advanced the meaning of each store and through\\nthe transparency of the front, unfolded the layers of visual expression. Where housing interrupted\\nthe commercial pattern, the front porch continued the tradition of communication. (Discussion of\\nneighborhood communication and the socio-spatial structure it generates and supports; detailed\\ndescription of the pattern language; generational transitions and evolution of place(s).)\\nThis statement asserts the dominance of intimate pedestrian-scale experiences as the cultural\\nand socio-spatial memory of Washington, D.C. It does not negate the importance of the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s plan\\norganization; however, it places plan organization in the larger context of way finding. (Compare\\nwayfinding, how the plan organizes that exercise, and how fine grain texture creates those memo\u00c2\u00ac\\nrable qualities).\\n35", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "THE FOUR STREET TRADITIONS AND THEIR CONSEQUENCES\\nJoseph Passonneau\\nStreet Patterns in History\\nThe Medieval City\\nIn the earliest cities, streets were the spaces left over between buildings. The earliest cities grew\\nso slowly that their citizens did not anticipate growth and streets were not planned. The Greeks and\\nthe Romans changed that. When Rome collapsed, however, western civilization collapsed with it.\\nMedieval cities, like earlier cities, developed slowly and illustrate the ancient tradition. Gallipoli, an\\nancient Italian seaport, is one example.\\nThe Grid City\\nThe rectilinear grid, the simplest street pattern, is the mark of the colonial city. One of the earli\u00c2\u00ac\\nest planned cities was Priene, a Greek colony on the Anatolian coast, laid out on an easily subdivided\\ngrid. The grid was interrupted by open spaces for public gatherings: market places, a ceremonial\\ncenter for governmental and religious buildings, theaters, and arenas for sporting events. Beyond\\nthese public spaces, the grid was undifferentiated; urban densities were constant from center to\\nouter edge.\\nAn example is the plan of Lucca, in Tuscany, which shows the Roman camp, the medieval\\nwalled town, and the Renaissance fortified city. The Romans were the great colonizers, as they laid\\nout military camps throughout the western world. The Roman camp was a walled rectangle, with\\nnorth, south, east, and west entrances opening to a main north/south street and a main east/west\\nstreet. The camps became towns, and the form of the Roman camp persists in cities throughout the\\nformer Roman Empire.\\nWith the industrial revolution cities began to grow rapidly. Because the rectilinear grid is that\\npattern most easily divided into a variety of developable lots, it was the preferred pattern during the\\nlate 19th and early 20th centuries. Manhattan and Barcelona, when they expanded beyond their\\nmedieval walls, were typical.\\nThe Baroque City\\nBroad avenues, and the public open spaces and public buildings they connect, are the mark of\\nthe Baroque city. The Roman emperors cut large forums into their capital city, but Pope Sixtus V was\\nthe first person to carve a ceremonial structure into a city in a pattern of avenues and public places\\nthat persists today. While Nero wrote no environmental impact statements, and Baron Hausman\u00e2\u0080\u0099s\\nmethods in 19th-century Paris were ruthless, Sixtus reshaped Rome following rules more demanding\\nthan those followed by urban planners and highway builders today.\\nBut retrofitting existing cities to Baroque patterns was not easy. Baroque planning was best\\napplied to expanding cities, such as Edinborough New Town, and to new cities such as Washington,\\nD.C., as planned by Pierre L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant. The practice of lining pathways with rows of closely spaced trees\\ngoes back at least to the Renaissance and, perhaps, to pre-Christian Rome. The tree-lined edges of\\nthe late 19th-century and early 20th-century Baroque avenues create elegant and efficient urban\\nspaces.\\n36", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "The Automobile City\\nThe streets in the automobile city are differentiated, with design dependent on speed, capacity\\nand function of the traffic that the streets are to handle. Each of the early street patterns\u00e2\u0080\u0094Medieval,\\ngrid, Baroque\u00e2\u0080\u0094was arranged to provide pathways for people walking and for buggies and carts. The\\nprivate automobile changed the demands on streets, dramatically.\\nBecause auto traffic is dangerous, menacing, modern neighborhood streets are circuitous, mak\u00c2\u00ac\\ning through travel difficult. Radburn, New Jersey sets the best pattern. Because other modes (walk\u00c2\u00ac\\ning, bicycles, street cars) do not mix well with autos and trucks, high speed, high volume roads are\\ngrade separated and allow only limited access from local streets.\\nThe early parkways were the first streets designed expressly in response to the demands of auto\u00c2\u00ac\\nmobile travel. The early American parkways are the 20th-century equivalent to the 19th-century tree-\\nlined avenues, with edges landscaped to protect adjoining neighborhoods and to provide pleasure to\\nauto drivers and their passengers.\\nConsequences: The Problems of Fitting Ancient Streets to Modern Traffic\\nThe Medieval City\\nThe tortured alignments of streets in the heart of cities dating to the Middle Ages defied easy\\nadaptation to automobiles. Amsterdam, shordy after World War II, banned automobiles from its\\nprincipal shopping street, and later extended the ban. Munich, in anticipation of the Olympic\\nGames, has most elaborately tailored the design and management of the streets in its ancient center\\nto the automobile age. The principal shopping streets are reserved for exclusive pedestrian use.\\nThere are also auto/street car streets, pedestrian/street car streets, exclusive transit ways and exclu\u00c2\u00ac\\nsive bikeways. There are also neighborhood streets for autos and pedestrians, called \u00e2\u0080\u009cwoonorfs,\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nwhere the pedestrian has absolute right-of-way.\\nExcept for Boston and several others, few American cities have Munich\u00e2\u0080\u0099s problems. Bostonians\\nare reputed to have laid out their streets on patterns established by their ancestors\u00e2\u0080\u0099 cows. Streets in\\nold Boston are resistant to through traffic, and this resistance is gradually being institutionalized by\\nexcluding auto traffic.\\nThe cities of Western Europe have shown how early street patterns can be modified to tame the\\nautomobile, where there is enough political pressure to force this change. In summary, Medieval\\nstreet patterns are so ill-adapted to auto traffic that these cities have been forced to discipline auto\\nand truck traffic, drastically. The Germans call this a long, unpronounceable name, translated as\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cAutomobile Taming.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nThe Grid City\\nFew grid cities have made much progress in auto-taming. While the procedures and technolo\u00c2\u00ac\\ngies are available, the political will is not Chicago is typical. The city streets, laid out on the grid\\nestablished by the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, are easily adaptable to traffic modification, and an\\nelaborate plan was instituted by the Planning Office shortly after World War II. However, these plans\\nmodified the streets in such a way that neighborhood travel, as well as through travel, was con\u00c2\u00ac\\nstrained, and citizens rejected the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s proposals.\\nFew Americans are ready to give up their right to drive their automobiles at high speed in all\\ndirections. This is too bad. Practically all neighborhoods laid out in the late 19th century were\\nplanned on closely spaced grids. These neighborhoods are typically located immediately surround\u00c2\u00ac\\ning the centers of the modern city. Pinned between massive trip origins in the suburbs, and identi\u00c2\u00ac\\ncally massive trip destinations in the center, they are inundated with commuter traffic, morning and\\n37", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "evening. Their streets were laid out for two- and four-legged pedestrians and carts; it would be a mir\u00c2\u00ac\\nacle if they could handle large volumes of large, armor plated containers traveling at very high\\nspeed. This miracle has not come to pass.\\nProtected now by historic preservation statutes, many of these late 19th-century neighborhoods\\nhave become fashionable and expensive. Large private investments have modernized homes, while\\nretaining their earlier architectural qualities. No similar public investment has been made in the\\nstreets. By following Western European models, grid streets can be arranged to inhibit through traf\u00c2\u00ac\\nfic while affecting local traffic only marginally, increasing local parking and making the streets more\\nattractive. The street becomes a forecourt bordering homes along the street.\\nThe grid, incidentally, is a fashionable part of \u00e2\u0080\u009cneo-traditional\u00e2\u0080\u009d town design. The closely spaced\\ngrid is a fine residential development pattern and a fine pedestrian network, but in the automobile\\ncity, it must be detached and insulated from the rest of the network. A grid has a lot of latent capac\u00c2\u00ac\\nity, and if it is not isolated, it can be a magnet for large volumes of through automobile traffic.\\nThe Baroque City\\nThe Baroque street pattern is, typically, a grid with wide often diagonal avenues cut through the\\ngrid. There is enough space in these rights-of-way so that the entire street need not be abandoned to\\nauto travel. By reserving exclusive rights-of-way for various means of transit, streets can be managed\\nto improve their efficiency. Streets in Madrid, for instance, have transit rights-of-way along the edges\\nof the street, with space reserved for transit, taxis, and right turning vehicles. There is a problem\\nwhere transit headways are not short enough to discourage auto drivers from entering the transit\\nlane. The problem is resolved in Paris by \u00e2\u0080\u009ccontra-flow\u00e2\u0080\u009d bus lanes\u00e2\u0080\u0094by running the buses in the oppo\u00c2\u00ac\\nsite direction from auto traffic.\\nThe most completely realized Baroque street pattern is the L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant Plan, which still after two\\ncenturies still shapes the center of the National Capital. However, the automobile age has not been\\nkind to the L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant avenues. For example, K Street, which was lined with mature trees in 1915 is\\nnow bordered by stark office buildings.\\nThere is a lot of space in those Baroque streets. The tragedy is that we could have it both ways,\\nbut we do not. We could have streets that are both efficient and lovely. The statement below is on the\\ncover and introduction to an analysis of the streets of central Washington:\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cThere are ways to modify Washington\u00e2\u0080\u0099s streets that would build on the 18th\\ncentury structure of the city, restore space in the public rights-of-way to their\\noriginal pedestrian uses, increase the capacity of the streets while increasing the\\nspeed and reducing the cost of travel to and within the downtown.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cThese objectives can be realized through the application of comparatively sim\u00c2\u00ac\\nple principles of traffic management and urban design, with a limited amount\\nof hardware, at manageable cost, one step at a time with little disruption during\\nimplementation, with the condition that long term curbside parking\\nbe drastically curtailed.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nThe Automobile City\\nAfter World War I and during the rest of the century, increasingly large numbers of Americans\\nacquired automobiles. Cities expanded rapidly as their citizens moved further and further into low\\ndensity suburbs, and as goods were increasingly carried by trucks replacing freight cars.\\nIn 1956 the Interstate and Defense Highways Act accelerated suburban expansion by providing\\nan armature of grade separated, limited access roadways, paid for largely by the Federal government.\\nIn Washington, a 450-mile network was laid out, made up of seven radial and four circumferential\\n38", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "highways. After the first circumferential, the Beltway, was completed, the reaction to its appearance\\nand performance was so violendy negative that most of the rest of the network was stricken from the\\nregion\u00e2\u0080\u0099s plans. Citizen opposition stopped expressway building in Boston, Chicago, Baltimore, St.\\nPaul, New Orleans, Philadelphia and many other American cities.\\nLack of highways has slowed but not prevented suburban expansion. No matter how many\\nroads have been built, congestion has increased faster than road building. There is a simple reason\\nfor this. Congestion can be described, mathematically, as a simple relationship with the amount of\\ntravel in the numerator and the amount of road in the denominator. (That is, Congestion Vehicle\\nMiles Traveled/Miles of Travel Lanes). In lay terms, as the suburbs expand, both the number and the\\nlength of trips increases faster than streets can be built to serve them\u00e2\u0080\u0094like a dog chasing its tail.\\nConsider the Washington region, which is typical of many American cities. The Washington\\nsuburbs do not work. It is a curious fact that the American suburb, that development pattern created\\nby and for automobile travel, is that part of the American city that does not work well as a transport\\nnetwork.\\nIn contrast, in Washington at least, the center works. More cars enter the center of Washington\\nduring rush hour (for better or worse) than enter any other American downtown, largely congestion\\nfree until they reach the very center. They travel primarily on a transport network laid out by a\\nFrench architect in 1791.\\nIt is not clear whether there is any solution to suburban congestion that would be acceptable to\\nsuburban citizens. If such a solution is found to exist, it will combine clusters of development much\\ndenser than existing suburban development, connected by a network of closely spaced parkways (not\\nexpressways!) and exclusive transit ways.\\n39", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "NOT BY DESIGN: FEDERALLY SUBSIDIZED HOUSING,\\nTHE UNPLANNED CONSEQUENCE\\nJames G. Banks\\nDecades after the escalation of central city social problems began reaching crisis proportions\\nfor both fiscal and political concerns, an agonized nation continues, in vain, to search for solutions.\\nDuring the great depression, the physical needs of the poor were much more desperate than those\\nof today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s poor. Anti-social behavior among yesterday\u00e2\u0080\u0099s poor was neither as frequent nor as violent as-\\nit is today. The question seldom posed, but desperately seeking answers is; \u00e2\u0080\u009cWhat is so different about\\ntoday\u00e2\u0080\u0099s impoverished citizens that they exhibit extreme anti-social behavior patterns far more serious\\nand widespread than found among those who lived in more extreme deprivations over sixty years\\nago?\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nMy observations over the past five decades of work in central cities lead me to conclude that\\nthere are at least four compelling differences between yesterday\u00e2\u0080\u0099s urban poor and today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s isolated\\nurban areas.\\n1. Never before have so many of our most troubled families been clustered in such limited\\nareas, isolated without community.\\n2. Never have our poor consisted of predominantly single parent families, most of them\\nwomen.\\n3. Never have so many of our poor been unemployed.\\n4. Communication technology has brought to most American homes, including the poorest\\namong us, portrayals of all of the extremes of wealth and violence. The poor have more time\\nto watch and are most vulnerable to its influence.\\nToday\u00e2\u0080\u0099s urban poor are confined to limited geographical areas in large clusters because of Fed\u00c2\u00ac\\neral and local policy. Government has been a major force in isolating today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s poor from the rest of us\\nand, at least indirectly, for the emergence of seemingly incurable crisis in our cities.\\nWhen it began in 1937, public housing was envisioned as a stepping stone to help poor families\\nattain independent living. Applicants were carefully screened to assure they had reached a state of\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009creadiness\u00e2\u0080\u009d for this significant new opportunity. Good credit, creditable housekeeping, and stable\\nfamily relations were all basic requirements for admission.\\nMore than fifty years later, public housing has been enlarged in many cities because it is now\\nsurrounded by large numbers of privately owned but subsidized dwellings. Many of the privately\\nowned developments began as 20% subsidized, 80% market rate rentals. As the public housing pop\u00c2\u00ac\\nulation became poorer and more problem ridden, surrounding streets became more unsafe and\\nneighborhood commercial centers less attractive. The market rate renters began to move out, and\\nnew renters at market rates were impossible to find. Soon the owners appealed to HUD for more\\nsubsidy. The mortgage payments were in jeopardy and new subsidies were approved. Gradually, large\\nareas became totally subsidized. The profiles of families in privately owned subsidized developments\\nare much like those in public housing. Thus, the isolated clusters became larger and larger.\\nThe constant increase in single parent families is not confined to, but is most intense in our iso\u00c2\u00ac\\nlated clusters of impoverished families. Because most single parent families are headed by women of\\nchild-bearing age, the need for male companionship is constant. Thus, the daily parade of uncom\u00c2\u00ac\\nmitted males is a constant reminder to mothers and children alike of the uncertainty of tomorrow.\\nClusters of poor, single-parent families produce:\\n1. more crime than other areas;\\n2. more health problems than other areas;\\n40", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "3. less educational achievement than other areas;\\n4. a near absence of a sense of community;\\n5. an ever increasing cadre of public and private organizations, some for profit, some non\u00c2\u00ac\\nprofit, engaged in intense competition for funds and authority to ply their trade.\\nWe must find ways to:\\n1. de-cluster our urban poor and help them gain entrance to the social and economic\\nmainstream of our society;\\n2. avoid future policy, including land planning and housing design, that predisposes the\\nurban poor to further deprivation;\\n3. correct the social distentions of the past three decades.\\nCity planners and architectural designers must embrace \u00e2\u0080\u009csocial livability\u00e2\u0080\u009d as key professional\\nmandates. The urban poor must be protected from armies of well-meaning \u00e2\u0080\u009cdoers-of-good\u00e2\u0080\u009d who\\nmeasure success on the increasing numbers of poor they see rather than the number of poor who\\nbecome self sufficient Wherever they live, the urban poor must be helped to become a part of \u00e2\u0080\u009ccom\u00c2\u00ac\\nmunity.\u00e2\u0080\u009d They must come to know that when they try, the community will help and success can be\\nmade possible.\\n41", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "RECLAIMING THE PUBLIC REALM\u00e2\u0080\u0094SPACE AND PLACE\\nGeorge Latimer\\nWhen I became mayor, the City of Saint Paul had experienced an unbroken line of decline in\\nthe real value of property, and the bonded indebtedness of the city was very high. The downtown was\\nin serious decline. There were huge holes in the ground, and they had been there so long they were\\ncompeting for historic designation. Faced with these problems, my job was clear. I was to lead the\\nway to reducing debt and increasing real property values.\\nMy earliest definition of what was good economic development was simple: get something built\\nand create jobs, jobs, jobs! My more mature view is that economic development is not an end in itself\\nand must be measured by its ultimate contribution to community development. The idea of \u00e2\u0080\u009csense\\nof community\u00e2\u0080\u009d led me to ask questions about the connection between economic activity and com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmunity or social good. The issue was no longer simply jobs, but jobs for whom, of what value, and at\\nwhat cost.\\nThis is not to dismiss the way the whole community is buoyed by physical improvement and new\\ninvestment. There is a real connection, and this was especially true in Saint Paul. The putting up of\\nbuildings of any kind in the city represents half the fun of being mayor. If you are lucky, as I was, a lot\\nof that happens. As a result, I found myself invited to stand in the picture whenever one brick was\\nplaced upon another or ground was broken. People begin to see their city as a growing, thriving\\nplace. The result of all this activity is that the community has the impression that you have caused\\njobs to be created. If you do enough of it, you start believing that you did indeed cause that develop\u00c2\u00ac\\nment to occur.\\nFurther, in 1989jobs in Saint Paul were about evenly divided between residents and people who\\nlived outside the city limits. In addition, one-third of the people who lived in Saint Paul traveled to\\nthe suburbs or Minneapolis to work. That is a very healthy mix of activity, which is not a usual charac\u00c2\u00ac\\nteristic of older, central cities. Traditionally, such cities have job centers where people who do not live\\nin the city work. In Saint Paul, we had about one and a half jobs per household. Moreover, the most\\nrecent evidence suggested that the value of the jobs in Saint Paul was somewhat higher than the jobs\\nin Minneapolis and significantly higher than those in the suburbs.\\nThus, there has been much balance in the ecomonic development picture of Saint Paul. This is\\nespecially true when that economic development is combined with the massive reinvestment in\\naffordable housing. What had driven me in the latter years was the need to link development with\\nthose people who have historically been left out in prosperous times. John F. Kennedy notwithstand\u00c2\u00ac\\ning, a rising tide does not lift all boats unless we take care that all boats be included in the ocean.\\nThus, from 1981 forward, a good deal of my effort, sometimes unsuccessful, had been aimed at con\u00c2\u00ac\\nnecting growth with opportunity: opportunity for the poor, the young, people of color, and the dis\u00c2\u00ac\\nenfranchised. The BOSS Program, the displaced workers program, and the Transitions Program for\\nthe homeless were all part of the effort. The HHH Job Corps, which was established before 1981, was\\nanother program Saint Paul promoted in an effort to ensure that all people would have a stake in\\nthe future. (Or, as I sometimes say, that all God\u00e2\u0080\u0099s children get to sing in the choir.)\\nThe Southeast Asian Initiative, conceived in the mid-1980s, was an attempt to bring to our\\nnewest Americans opportunity for self-sufficiency. The program called Prepare Saint Paul was con\u00c2\u00ac\\nceived in 1986, to be launched in 1990. It attempted to reach the youngest of our people, those in\\nschool, and to prepare them so that they would have the same opportunity others enjoyed. In Saint\\nPaul today, efforts are underway at every level to ensure that the youngest, poorest, and the newest\\nAmericans will have hope. How well we succeed will be the ultimate moral test of the success of the\\nefforts that we call economic development.\\nSaint Paul is also a city of the kind of special places that all of our favorite cities have. Yi-fu Tuan,\\na geographer, has suggested that while people view \u00e2\u0080\u009cspace\u00e2\u0080\u009d as unknown, \u00e2\u0080\u009cplace\u00e2\u0080\u009d is what is created\\n42", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "when people add history and human experience to their environment. The generations of people\\nwho lived in Saint Paul imbued the city with a robust \u00e2\u0080\u009csense of place.\u00e2\u0080\u009d One of my favorite features of\\nthis sense of place is a result of the arts community.\\nIf you believe, as I do, that the arts and artist are essential to a great city, then you will agree\\n1985 was a good year for Saint Paul. Consider the way the year started: In January of 1985, the $45\\nmillion Ordway Music Theater opened. The Ordway is home for the rapidly growing Minnesota\\nOpera Company, the Minnesota Orchestra, the Schubert Club Series (which happens to be the old\u00c2\u00ac\\nest, continuing music series west of New York City), and the internationally renowned Saint Paul\\nChamber Orchestra. The dream of Sally Ordway Irvine, this magnificent hall was built by Saint Paul\\nborn Ben Thompson, a highly regarded architect It was built in a way that respected the historic\\nLandmark Square where it resides. The interior of the hall has the look and feel of a very elegant liv\u00c2\u00ac\\ning room for all the people of the city of Saint Paul. If I were pressed to name one single building\\nwhich most altered the downtown\u00e2\u0080\u0094or the whole city\u00e2\u0080\u0094of Saint Paul more than any other, it would\\nsurely be the Ordway. Best of all, it was built entirely with private funds. When I was asked to open\\nthe theater and asked to give a few comments, I said that the city had litde or nothing to do with the\\nbuilding of Ordway. The mayor\u00e2\u0080\u0099s contribution had been to get out of the way \u00e2\u0080\u009cso the rich people\\ncould build a beautiful music hall.\u00e2\u0080\u009d The rich people, bless them, hate to be called that)\\nThe World Theater also opened. This was the home of American Public Radio\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Prairie Home\\nCompanion hosted by Garrison Keillor, a show heard throughout the whole country every Saturday.\\nIn addition, Minnesota Public Radio, the producers of the show, built their headquarters and studio\\nnear the World. The Actor\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Theater, home of a great professional repertory theater, opened. In this\\ncase, although most of the money was raised privately, the city of Saint Paul did assist by the use of\\nrevenue bonds, and the state legislature contributed funds. We also completed and occupied the\\nLowertown Lofts, a 29-unit artist studio and housing cooperative for Lowertown artists. And if all that\\nwas not enough, the television station KTCA committed to building its telecenter in Saint Paul. This\\nbrought the home of one of nation\u00e2\u0080\u0099s premier public television stations to Lowertown.\\nFinally, the Jerome Hill Film Theater was opened in the old Burlington Northern building, now\\ncalled the First Trust Center. This brought the total to five, an astonishing number of new places to\\nopen in one year. But remember, these were additions to a considerable collection of interesting\\nbuildings and places. The Cathedral and the State Capital frame the skyline of a city that has saved\\nvaluable historic buildings, including the Landmark Center, the Depot, the J.J. Hill mansion and the\\nHistorical Society building. In addition, Saint Paul is the home of the Science Museum and Omni\\nTheater, and the more recently completed projects such as the State Historical Museum. The renais\u00c2\u00ac\\nsance of the arts in Saint Paul is clearly in full bloom. Historic Saint Paul has been assured of a strong\\npresence for the arts well into the 21st century.\\nSkeptics might argue that a good bowling alley would be a more helpful contribution to down\u00c2\u00ac\\ntown life than the flourishing of the arts. These are the same people that contend that arts are a frill,\\nsomehow unconnected with what they see as \u00e2\u0080\u009creal life.\u00e2\u0080\u009d My response to that is that I think it would be\\ngreat to have a bowling alley or two in downtown. Indeed, a great city should have many nights of the\\ntype I observed a number of years ago when Pinky Zukerman was playing the fiddle at one end of\\narts\u00e2\u0080\u0099 strip one hour after Garrison Keillor had completed his immensely popular radio show at the\\nother end of the strip, and All-Star Wrestling was drawing its fans at the Civic Center behind the Ord\u00c2\u00ac\\nway Theater. All-Star Wrestling and great chamber orchestra music, cheek-by-jowl, so to speak, at the\\ncenter of our city\u00e2\u0080\u0094that\u00e2\u0080\u0099s good stuff. That diversity is what urban centers have represented to mil\u00c2\u00ac\\nlions of people all over the world for centuries. It is the very reason people want to be a part of a city.\\nEconomists can demonstrate the ripple effect of dollars invested in the arts. Clearly, the con\u00c2\u00ac\\nstruction w ork alone represented millions of dollars of payroll. In addition, the tourists who come\\ninto town for the arts number more than a million per year in Saint Paul. Tourists tend to spend\\nmore money on lodging, food, and retail sales than do our residents. I persist in the belief, however,\\nthat more important than the construction or tourism dollars, is the spirit which the arts and artists\\nbring to urban centers.\\n43", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "The arts touch all of us. I have seen history theater productions at the F.T. Weyerhouser Audito\u00c2\u00ac\\nrium which dramatized the hard lives and enduring qualities of farm women in Minnesota. I have\\nseen the conflicts between the Italian and the Swedish immigrants in the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s historic Swede Hollow\\ndramatized to the intense enjoyment and involvement of their descendants. The arts, at their best,\\ntouch every corner of our lives and every part of our city. The artists touch the sense of wonder that\\nis in every one of us; they give words to our grief, and expression to our joy. Children learn what life\\nis about through the arts. The rest of us experience life in deeper and more complex ways because\\nof the insights of the artist. To put it plainly, life without art would be a barren, sterile experience.\\nAnd that is the ultimate justification for promoting the arts in the heart of our city.\\nIn different ways, the natural architecture of the river valley and the 19th-century environment\\nof Lowertown touches and expands our sense of humanity just as the arts do. There is a certain irony\\nin our riverfront development efforts, in that we needed to suffer the loss of one of our oldest indus\u00c2\u00ac\\ntries\u00e2\u0080\u0094American Hoist and Derrrick\u00e2\u0080\u0094before the full potential of the riverfront area could be pur\u00c2\u00ac\\nsued. Similarly, across the river from where Amhoist was located, we had to suffer the closing of the\\nHarvest States grain terminals in order to clear the land. After that, we were able to recapture the\\nspecial historic quality of the riverfront, which pictures from the middle of the 1800s clearly show.\\nThe way was cleared to connect the Saint Paul downtown riverfront with Hidden Falls and\\nCrosby on one side of the river, and to Lilydale on the other\u00e2\u0080\u0094to extend the natural environment\\ninto the built-up and highly commercialized environment of the downtown in a way few cities enjoy.\\nAt the outset, our objective was to avoid the models used in other cities, such as Baltimore\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Harbor\\nPlace, because, although they are admirable prototypes, they do not match the history or economy\\nof Saint Paul. It seemed to me that for Saint Paul, we would want a more natural and publicly accessi\u00c2\u00ac\\nble riverfront.\\nThis same impulse to redevelop an historic but nearly abandoned feature of Saint Paul\u00e2\u0080\u0099s land\u00c2\u00ac\\nscape drove our efforts in Lowertown. The dream was to revitalize this historic warehouse section of\\nthe downtown that used to bustle with the activity of shipping and river barges. The area presented a\\nclassic architectural base on which to achieve a meld of the historic with modern urban environ\u00c2\u00ac\\nment. Among the ways we hoped to be faithful to the history was to keep demolition to a minimum,\\nrestoring buildings whenever possible. At the same time, we wanted to provide living, working, recre\u00c2\u00ac\\nation, and other facilities for a whole human family, not just one socio-economic group. We suc\u00c2\u00ac\\nceeded, at least in part. It is little noted, but much of the housing in Lowertown is subsidized.\\nIndeed, the city\u00e2\u0080\u0099s first major project for the homeless is in an historic building in Lowertown. I am\\nvery proud of that\\nLowertown was intended to be the link with the past and the promise of the future. It was Saint\\nPaul\u00e2\u0080\u0099s unpolished gem. In the plans for redevelopment, we saw the vision for a new way of urban life.\\nWe approached the foundations to ask for funds to help us revitalize, with the goals of meeting the\\nneeds of the people, not the needs of the buildings. Much of that vision is now realized.\\nLowertown is one example of an attempt to celebrate and reaffirm one of the special places in\\nSaint Paul. How well has Saint Paul done with that kind of celebration? Have we used our spaces to\\nimaginative and harmonious ways? I think we have done marvelously well. There are, however,\\nplaces I would definitely do over differently if I had the chance, such as the gray monolith exterior of\\nTown Square. But I am not alone in thinking that Saint Paul has done especially well with the cele\u00c2\u00ac\\nbration of special places. Surely the several million people who visit our theaters or science museum\\nthink so too. So does Ralph Burgard.\\nRalph Burgard moved to Saint Paul in 1956 to head the Council of Arts and Sciences. In 1961,\\nnot long before he left Saint Paul to move to New York City, Burgard wrote his vision of what Saint\\nPaul could be like in the 21st century. He imagined a beautiful and exciting city could grow from the\\ndrab, colorless place he knew. He wanted flowers and new street lamps, parks with festivals, and\\nmany more fountains. He wrote the 1961 memo, he said, because he loved Saint Paul enough to\\nwant to improve it. The chief purpose of his suggestions were \u00e2\u0080\u009cto stimulate the use of two essential\\ningredients in the rebuilding of our city; imagination and good taste. At one time, only scholars, kings,\\n44", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "and the aristocracy concerned themselves with these matters. Within the last 20 years, it has become\\nobvious that they are essential to the social and economic survival of our American cities. Without\\nthem, we lose our money and whatever hope we may have had in the future of an urban civilization.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nSome years later he also envisoned more citizens involved in policy-making and in downtown devel\u00c2\u00ac\\nopment, private corporations funding the arts and culture, and finally, a town fool who would convey\\nhumor and irreverence into a city life.\\n45", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "REINVENTING URBAN VILLAGE:\\nLOWERTOWN, A RESPONSE TO EDGE CITIES\u00e2\u0080\u0099 CHALLENGE\\nWeiming Lu\\nThe Challenges\\nFifteen years ago, Lowertown, the historic heart of St. Paul, was a hodge-podge of warehouses,\\nparking lots, and railroad yards, with a beautiful but poorly utilized riverfront and a number of run\u00c2\u00ac\\ndown historic buildings. George Latimer, our former mayor, and the McKnight Foundation together\\nvisualized rebuilding the district for new jobs, tax base, and housing. The foundation set aside $10\\nmillion to be used in a program to attract $100 million of investment, our original goal.\\nIn late 1978, a private nonprofit corporation was created, headed by a blue-ribbon board and\\nsupported by a small staff, to administer the program. The resulting Lowertown Redevelopment Cor\u00c2\u00ac\\nporation (LRC), is a design center for generating ideas, a development bank offering gap financing in the\\nform of loans and loan guarantees, and a marketing office for the 180 acre area. In partnership with\\nthe city and the private sector, LRC has planned and executed a development strategy for the area.\\nReinventing Urban Village\\nThe redevelopment program envisions Lowertown becoming a viable \u00e2\u0080\u009curban village,\u00e2\u0080\u009d a desir\u00c2\u00ac\\nable place to live and work. The urban village we are advocating is not another new town or experi\u00c2\u00ac\\nmental city. It is not a way to reorganize their spread city, as Phoenix is attempting to do. It is not a\\n\u00e2\u0080\u009cpedestrian pocket,\u00e2\u0080\u009d even though there is equal emphasis on pedestrian amenities. Furthermore,\\nthere is a separation of pedestrians and vehicles through the extension of the downtown skyway sys\u00c2\u00ac\\ntem to the area. Light rail transit has been included in our plan, and a new downtown shuttle is now\\na reality. It is not a \u00e2\u0080\u009csocial engineering\u00e2\u0080\u009d effort to create a Utopian city. However, there is a deliberate\\nattempt to generate a diverse mix of incomes, families, and housing types as geography and finances\\npermit. It also strives to provide the needed neighborhood amenities. It attempts to create more jobs\\nin the central city, which will be accessible to all; it attempts to create jobs with a future. It does not\\ndepend upon a mega-project, although we do have one large project completed in the early phase of\\nthe program. It depends more upon effective linking of incremental growth over a period of time to\\nachieve the larger vision.\\nEnergy conservation is one of our basic goals for the urban village. Old warehouses have been\\nrehabilitated according to energy codes to save energy. District heating has been extended through\u00c2\u00ac\\nout the district. A study was also made on solar accesses. The arts have been an important piece of\\nthe \u00e2\u0080\u009curban village.\u00e2\u0080\u009d Thus, artists\u00e2\u0080\u0099 housing at affordable rent levels and purchase prices were pro\u00c2\u00ac\\nvided. Galleries were encouraged. Art and music festivals were held. Extra effort was made to encour\u00c2\u00ac\\nage public television and independent film makers to locate here. Many of these efforts have\\nbrought solid results. Rediscovering our waterfront along the Mississippi is also our objective. Here\\nwe are above all interested in making the river corridor more open, more green, and more accessi\u00c2\u00ac\\nble to all.\\nMarketing Program\\nLRC marketed Lowertown\u00e2\u0080\u0099s possibilities aggressively, with a broad program including market\\nresearch, marketing brochures, investment seminars, tours, and newsletters. Above all, face-to-face\\nmeetings were held with prospective individual investors to arouse their interest. Today, a real neigh\u00c2\u00ac\\nborhood is emerging, offering a wide range of housing choices and such desirable amenities as a\\nFarmer\u00e2\u0080\u0099s Market, YMCA, new park, restaurants, cinemas, shops, skyways, and district heating.\\n46", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "The Arts\\nLRC and city leaders have taken great care to support and expand Lowertown\u00e2\u0080\u0099s attractiveness as\\na haven for artists, photographers, and writers. Today the area has a number of art galleries, as well\\nas arts, crafts and music festivals, and one of the largest communities of working artists in the nation.\\nHaving attracted public television station KTCA and Independent Television Services (ITVS), a cre\u00c2\u00ac\\nation of PBS, to locate in the district, Lowertown has also become an important new regional center\\nfor video, film, communications, architectural, graphic design, advertising, and related creative\\nindustry firms.\\nEconomic Impacts\\nLowertown is a good location for businesses of all sizes. With two business incubators, low cost\\nunique space, and historic charm, it also attracts many small businesses, while giant office buildings\\nbeautifully restored like the First Trust also attract large firms to stay or to move here. The are a\\nbeing at the fringe of downtown has ample parking. The city and developers, in response to needs,\\nhave also constructed large garages, linked by skyways to businesses. Total investment in Lowertown\\nover the past 15 years now exceeds $400 million, four times our original goal, and has brought 2,900\\nconstruction jobs and 4,600 permanent jobs to the neighborhood. Property taxes generated in the\\narea have increased fivefold.\\nGap Financing\\nLRC\u00e2\u0080\u0099s role as gap financier has made the critical difference in Lowertown\u00e2\u0080\u0099s redevelopment. For\\nexample, an investment of $120,000 each from LCR and the city made the $3 million Heritage\\nHouse, a 60-unit senior citizen housing development, a reality. A $210,000 loan and loan guarantee\\nfrom LCR, and a $540,000 loan from the city, helped to make a $1.7 millon artist loft project feasible.\\nA $2.2 million LRC loan plus a $4.4 million UDAG launched the development of the $33 million\\nGal tier Plaza (which has since grown to $128 million), a stylish residential office and retail complex\\nthat includes a YMCA and movie theaters. To date, LRC has committed a total of $7.7 million in\\nloans and loan guarantees for 11 projects. Conservatively estimating, we have achieved a leveraging\\nratio of 1 to 13 for our gap financing in these projects. This compares most favorably with the\\nnational average of 1 to 5 for UDAG in projects across the United States.\\nHistoric rehabilitation and low-income housing tax credits, and some LCR and city gap financ\u00c2\u00ac\\ning have helped this area\u00e2\u0080\u0099s housing market thrive. More than 1,500 rental and for sale housing units\\nhave been built, making Lowertown one of St. Paul\u00e2\u0080\u0099s fastest growing neighborhoods. Our residents\\nare a diverse group, with 25% of the housing units designed for low and moderate income families.\\nUrban Design\\nAn important part of Lowertown\u00e2\u0080\u0099s appeal is its distinctive look and historic sense of place. From\\nits inception, LRC sought historic designation for the warehouse section, even though there was\\nopposition at the beginning. LRC has emphasized the role that amenities, good design, and historic\\npreservation can play in creating and maintaining a vital neighborhood. In addition, LRC sets design\\nguidelines for selected blocks as needed. Then working with the Mayor\u00e2\u0080\u0099s office, city agencies, and\\nprivate owners, we encourage owners to improve projects through the design review process.\\nWe strive to preserve what we already have, and to make certain that the new blends well with\\nthe old. We do not attempt to adhere to any specific style, but rather to search for compatibility of\\nmaterials, colors, rhythm, and proportion. Based upon historic research, reproduced old street\\nlamps were brought back, which helps to revive the neighborhood\u00e2\u0080\u0099s historic identity. Historical mark\u00c2\u00ac\\ners on buildings and in the park make the visitors more aware of its sense of place. Simple brochures\\n47", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "help visitors to rediscover the historic past. The new Farmers Market in the heart of the residential\\nneighborhood recalls the old, while the old railroad depot and the two historic churches remain as\\nthe area\u00e2\u0080\u0099s important landmarks. Mears Park is the real heart of Lowertown, and is its \u00e2\u0080\u009cvillage com\u00c2\u00ac\\nmon.\u00e2\u0080\u009d It recently underwent a five-year, $1.5 million design and reconstruction. It illustrates well the\\nactive citizen participadon in our design process. The result of this collaboration was the creation of\\na park for all seasons.\\nA few projects in Lowertown, for a variety of reasons, have failed. Fortunately, most of them\\nhave since recovered after they were sold and refinanced, and new market niches were found. There\\nis still much to be accomplished. Renovation of the riverfront to include parks, museums, housing,\\nand other development is being planned. A technology park for medical, biotechnology, software\\nand other high technology industries is also planned for the northern section of Lowertown. Over\u00c2\u00ac\\nall, Lowertown holds out the promise of an additional $400 million in development in the next\\ndecade or two.\\nConclusion\\nIn conclusion, let me make several additional points. First, besides vision and money, in the end\\nit is the people and the quality of leadership which ultimately makes the difference in the success or\\nfailure of revitalization efforts. In St. Paul, it was the vision and able leadership of our former Mayor\\nGeorge Latimer and the former head of the McKnight Foundation, which got the Lowertown Rede\u00c2\u00ac\\nvelopment Corporation established and funded. Latimer is one of those rare persons with a deep\\nsocial commitment and strong implementation skills. The generous and continuing support of the\\nMcKnight Foundation has been equally important. The second factor in our success is that we are an\\nindependent corporation. The strong, stable leadership provided by LRC\u00e2\u0080\u0099s board, its past and pres\u00c2\u00ac\\nent presidents and the continuing support of the Foundation, under its present director, helped to\\nfight off political interference and bureaucracy, as well as bring the necessary pressure to push for\\nneeded funds and projects. The third reason for our success is our effective use of a variety of financ\u00c2\u00ac\\ning resources. The fourth element is our commitment to a larger vision and to design excellence.\\nFifth, there is our ability to market the area. And sixth, we have maximized and leveraged our\\nresources by keeping our office small, by carefully managing our funds, and by aggressively recover\u00c2\u00ac\\ning our expenses from our developers.\\nIn his book Edge City, author Joel Garreau wrote there is a deep divide in the American charac\u00c2\u00ac\\nter between our reverence for \u00e2\u0080\u009cunspoiled nature\u00e2\u0080\u009d and our enduring devotion to \u00e2\u0080\u009cprogress\u00e2\u0080\u009d. Cultural\\nhistorian Leo Marx, author of Machine in the Garden, observed that Edge City represents \u00e2\u0080\u009can escape\\nfrom the negative aspects of civilization. Too much restraint, oppression, hierarchy\u00e2\u0080\u0094you justify\\nbuilding out there in order to start again and have another garden.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nGarreau concluded that \u00e2\u0080\u009cEdge City may be the result of Americans striving once again for a\\nnew, restorative synthesis. Perhaps Edge City represents Americans taking the function of the City\\n(the machine) and bringing them to the physical edge of the landscape (the frontier). There, we try\\nagain to merge the two in a new-found union of nature and art (the garden), albeit in which the\\ntreeline is punctuated incongruously by office towers.\u00e2\u0080\u009d\\nBased on our experience in Lowertown, I believe we could also perceive the downtown core\\nand inner city as another frontier. If we can take the city (the machine) to the physical edge of the\\ncity, why can we not also take nature back to the city, making a new synthesis of nature and art (the\\ngarden or an urban village) in the heart of the city as well?\\n48", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "END VIEW\\nStanley Ira Hallet\\nI am most pleased to be invited here to the Library of Congress to share with you some\\nthoughts regarding an ambitious decade of urban design charrettes. Although the Summer Institute\\nof the Catholic University of America played a major role in these charrettes, providing both the\\nplace and impetus for the many charrettes delivered, I must confess that I was very much an outsider.\\nArriving late on the scene in 1986,1 was engrossed in the pressing problems encountered during my\\nfirst years at CUA and was relegated to playing the role of a concerned if not completely oblivious\\ncheerleader to urban design \u00e2\u0080\u009cgames\u00e2\u0080\u009d that were far too sophisticated for me to appreciate at that\\nmoment. However, looking back makes experts of us all, and it is in this insular if not isolated pers\u00c2\u00ac\\npective that I offer some observations.\\nAt the turn of the 80s there was litde question that the draconian remedies proposed and often\\nimplemented by the planners of an earlier generation had caused ruptures in our city fabric, an\\nunfortunate fact that today leaves parts of the Capital lacking certain characteristics that define\\nurban life in the fullest sense of the word. Out of respect for brevity, I will not go into a long list of\\ncomplaints that marred if not destroyed once healthy urban places.\\nIn spite of these frustrations, it seemed that much of the energy left among those urban inhabi\u00c2\u00ac\\ntants who did not flee to the suburbs, were spent either fighting additional urban interventions, that\\nwere threatening to tear apart the remaining urban fabric or merely trying to save a few historical\\nset-pieces facing the wrecking ball of changing market conditions. Given the impressive political as\\nwell as urban history of our capital city, much of it still intact in the form of architecture, landscape\\nand urban fabric, there was plenty of rich territory to defend. When I speak to the urban hisory of\\nour capital city, I am not only referring to concepts of spatial organization that trace their roots to\\nthe 17th century French Landscapes or even earlier Italian City Plans, I am also paying homage to a\\nsplendid history of planning and building that to this day continues to grace our city with splendid\\nparks, esplanades, neighborhoods and monuments, the envy of others.\\nHowever, as we still find today, at the time these charrettes took place, parts of our city were in\\ndecay, both physically and spiritually, the result of neglect and inappropriate interventions. The call\\nto revisit this torn urban fabric was shrill, and the need to repair the fabric was long overdue.\\nImpassioned were those who took up the call. Many of the individuals who mustered their\\nforces in the series of charrettes were not drawn from the traditional planning discipline. Although a\\nnumber of the charrette team-leaders are well known today, 15 years ago they were just beginning to\\nmake their presence felt. There was the landscape architect Lauri Olin from Philadelphia, and for\u00c2\u00ac\\nmer Dean and New York architect Frances Halsband. There was Jaquelin Robertson, then Dean of\\nArchitecture and Planning at the University of Virginia and architect/professors Tom Beeby, Davis\\nLewis, David Lee and Jean Paul Carlhian. They were driven by the many other faculty and practition\u00c2\u00ac\\ners that not only contributed enormous energies and talents to give form to these charrettes but\\nthrough their personal perseverance and commitment managed to sustain these vital encounters\\nand save the original drawings that are now archived in the Library of Congress. Finally, they were\\nfollowed by many others trained in architecture, landscape design, and history and theory. As a\\ngroup, they appeared to be on the whole a bit academic. If not actually housed in the academy, they\\nwere all enamored by the idea of challenging the status quo of urban design theory and envisioned\\nthe charrettes as a wonderful opportunity to expand the dialogue concerning urban design and\\neffectuate change in our capital city.\\nFor the most part, the participants were educated in the allied fields of architecture and land\u00c2\u00ac\\nscape, and their courses, proposals and professional work focused on urban issues with a penchant\\n49", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "for remaking and redefining physical space. To reach this objective they were anxious to make use of\\nthe traditional tools of their respective professionals, that is, to define the built environment with the\\nequally traditional materials of their trade.\\nIn addition, the concept of working as a team of professionals representing multiple urban per\u00c2\u00ac\\nspectives, was integral to their vision of solving problems. Plant and brick, tree and column, hedge\\nand wall became but a growing palette of materials to be used by all of them to shape street and pub\u00c2\u00ac\\nlic space. Their most fundamental interests in architecture, landscape and urban design were thus\\nfused into one modus operandi to better define public urban space. For these new athletes of the\\ncityscape, history provided plenty of examples, numerous precedents. Only careful observation,\\nstudy, and the patient application of their formulae were needed.\\nTheir heros were Vetruvius, the French paysagist Le Notre, and urbanist Haussmann and Alp-\\nhand, as well as President Jefferson and the artist designer Pierre Charles L\u00e2\u0080\u0099Enfant. They studied the\\n1902 Senate Park Commission Plan by Burnam, McKim, Olmstead Jr., and St. Gaudins and followed\\nthe latest theories of Leon Krier as well as his brother Rob. They were inspired by the writings of\\nChristian Norberg Schultz, Jonathan Barnett and the recently published urban plans and sketches of\\nthe Ecole des Beaux Arts.\\nWhat also made them unique was that, although they had already mastered the nuts and bolts\\nof urban development, the economics of floor area ratios and user-occupancy densities, and the real\u00c2\u00ac\\nities of transportation systems and public safety, their visceral goals were to make urban place tactile,\\nexperiential, understandable and ultimately liveable. This, I am convinced, they did achieve. Perhaps\\nmore so on paper since only a few of these charrettes were actually realized, but also by example. I\\nalso believe that these charrettes and the subsequent works of these players continues to inform new\\nlandscape projects, recent architectural proposals, and urban interventions that occur every day, not\\nonly in our own capital city, but across the American urban landscape. The principles, rule systems,\\ngoals and objectives explored and tested through citizen participation in these charrettes have now\\nbecome part of today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s lexicon. They are now part of our design language, spoken over design tables\\nin our studios, over the desks in city and federal agencies, and in the town halls of an increasingly\\nconcerned citizenry.\\nWhat concerns me now, is that the challenges to our city that still remain continue to produce\\nan equally strong shrill. In response, we urban planners, architects, landscape architects need to dig\\neven deeper. Look around. Our city, similar to cities across our country, has been transformed. It is\\nno longer the home of a principally privileged class of white Europeans who first conceived of this\\ncapital city and watched it grow into a strikingly monumental and symbolic city that appears on our\\ntravel posters.\\nToday, Washington, D.C. is a multicultural home to growing numbers of less than privileged\\npeople. Increasingly they make demands upon this city, testing its urban fabric and redefining its\\ncondition. If I have any reservation to share with you today, it is that the traditional partnerships of\\nyesteryear will no longer suffice. Traditional proposals will no longer do. New charrettes are needed\\nand new mixture of players must again revisit the same problems. Other approaches, strategies and\\nideas must be invited to the design table and become part of an expanded debate. Today\u00e2\u0080\u0099s charrettes\\nmust also address complex economic, housing, and socio-cultural issues along side of design.\\nAs architect, I remain stubbornly convinced that the redefinition of both the urban fabric\\nand \u00e2\u0080\u009cthe ubiquitous suburban fabric\u00e2\u0080\u009d that promises to swallow us up, must be addressed and\\nchampioned by physical designers. However, this time the strategies that need to be proposed\\nand developed could bear resemblance to the European precedents to which we have become so\\naccustomed.\\nThe challenging problems for our city continue to grow in complexity. Future proposals must\\nbe given room to explore other alternatives. As the strategies presented in St. Paul, Minnesota illus\u00c2\u00ac\\ntrate, we must learn to intervene, recognizing an ever changing urban and cultural history, fully con\u00c2\u00ac\\nscious that new communities will demand new responses. Our job is to help our citizenry realize\\nthem, to concertize the aspirations of a changing populace and give form to an equally changing\\n50", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "capital city, where national monuments and humble houses can still find a way to live side by side,\\nwhere gaping tourists and struggling urban natives can both enjoy the urban fruit of our civilization.\\nHowever, in spite of these reservations, I am helplessly convinced that most peoples, regardless\\nof culture, varied background or origin, want the same opportunities and comforts shared by our\\nfounding fathers. In the broad spectrum of alternatives that can be offered, Urban Living must ulti\u00c2\u00ac\\nmately provide a safe as well as vital haven for culture and commerce, for education and recreation,\\nor simply put, for just going out or staying in. I am sure that planted tree and constructed park\\nbench, well defined street and lively public plaza, will remain critical tools for making healthy urban\\nplaces. In looking back, these charrettes of the 80s only confirmed their timeless importance.\\n51", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "SPEAKERS\\nRalph E. Ehrenberg, Chief, Geography 8c Map Division, Library of Congress\\nRonald E. Grim, Specialist in Cartographic History, Geography Map Division, Library of Congress\\nC. Ford Peatross, Curator of Architecture, Design 8c Engineering Collections, Prints 8c Photographs\\nDivision, Library of Congress\\nIris Miller, Co-founder, Urban Design Charrettes, 1982; Adjunct Assistant Professor and Director,\\nLandscape Studies, School of Architecture and Planning, The Catholic University of America\\nSusan Piedmont-Palladino, Washington Area Architectural Group; Associate Professor, Virginia Poly\u00c2\u00ac\\ntechnic Institute, Washington-Alexandria Center for Architecture\\nGregory\u00e2\u0080\u0099 K Hunt, Co-Director, Urban Design Charrettes, 1983-84; Professor, Virginia Polytechnic\\nInstitute, Washington-Alexandria Center for Architecture\\nCharles Zucker, American Institute of Architects, Community Assistance, Washington, D.C., and for\u00c2\u00ac\\nmer Assistant Chairman, Design Arts Program, National Endowment for the Arts\\nDavid Lewis, Architect, Planner, and Distinguished Professor of Urban Studies, Carnegie Mellon\\nUniversity, Pittsburgh\\nSteven Hurtt, Dean, School of Architecture, University of Maryland\\nRobert Peck, Deputy Director, Office of Legislative Affairs, Federal Communications Commission;\\nMember, Fine Arts Commission\\nLinda Moody, Former President and Ward 8 Representative, D.C. Board of Education\\nHarry Robinson, Dean, School of Architecture, Howard University; Member, Fine Arts Commission\\nJoseph Passonneau, .Architect, Engineer, Planner, Washington, D.C., and former Dean, School of\\nArchitecture, Washington University, St. Louis\\nJames Banks, Consultant to Fannie Mae, former housing and community development official for\\nD.C. and federal government agencies including consultant to Secretary of Housing and Urban\\nDevelopment\\nGeorge Latimer, Director, Special Actions Office, Office of the Secretary, Housing and Urban Devel\u00c2\u00ac\\nopment; former Mayor, St. Paul, Minnesota\\nWeiming Lu, Executive Director, Lowertown Redevelopment Corporation, St. Paul, Minnesota\\nStanley Hallet, Dean, School of Architecture and Planning, The Catholic University of America\\n52", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "t\\nf", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "V I", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4204", "width": "3075", "jp2-path": "capitalvisionsre00mill_0074.jp2"}}