{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3597", "width": "2330", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Gass t 4.-:\\nBook .Cz2,\\n:!i!", "height": "3503", "width": "2283", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "i i", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3503", "width": "2283", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "THE REPUBLIC\\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA:\\nITS DUTIES TO ITSELF, SYS\\nITS RESPONSIBLE RELATIONS TO OTHER COUNTRIES.\\nEMBRACING ALSO A\\nREVIEW OE THE LATE WAR\\nBETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO\\nITS CAUSES AND RESULTS;\\nAND OF THOSE\\nMEASURES OF GOVERNMENT WHICH HAVE CHARACTERIZED THE\\nDEMOCRACY OF THE UNION.\\nNEW YORK:\\nD. APPLETON AND CO., 200 BROADWAY.\\nPHILADELPHIA:\\nGEO. S. APPLETON, 164 CHESNUT ST.\\n1848.", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "^^o\\nr.^^\\nEntered, according to Act of Congress, m the year 1848, by\\nD. APPLETON AND COMPANY,\\nIn the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States for\\nthe Southern District of New York.\\nSTEREOTYPED AT THE\\nBOSTON TYPE AND STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY.", "height": "3483", "width": "1972", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "TO THE\\n^0n. 3atne0 J8ucl)anaii,\\nOF PENNSYLVANIA:\\nn^ea,6 la^ienld a?id exien^tve aUa{^?vm,enld o/ Aid\\ndeivccCii ad a dlcd\u00e2\u0082\u00ac4?7KZ7i o/ Acd eneiaced a7id\\ncnle^iUu a4 a cUl^e7i, and o/ ntd ineiilt^^ia^le\\natia/tlced ad a nia-n, Intd t^ tu^ne cd cndciwedj\\nrri^i condulezalwnd o/ ^ne\\n9L \u00c2\u00a7(a.tPi^u", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nIn preparing this volume for the press, the author\\nhas been encouraged by others in the belief that his\\nhumble labors might prove useful to his fellow-citi-\\nzens, in leading them to contemplate the institutions\\nof their country as sacred trusts, to be honored by\\nduty, and protected by patriotism. It has been his\\naim to invest citizenship with those traits of character\\nwhich give dignity to man, and to illustrate those\\ngreat and eternal truths which give growth, power,\\nand glory to nations. He has endeavored to define\\nman, in his relations to external objects and to Deity,\\nas a being of accountability and improvement and\\nnations, as the mighty aggregates of the conven-\\ntional powers of humanity, which are combined,\\nshaped, and directed by the hand of that Providence\\nvhich marks its way only in harmony with the\\naniversal principles of truth and of progress. How\\nfar he has succeeded in his design he leaves for others\\nO judge. He claims no favor but the admission of\\n(lis sincerity, and no merit but in the purity of his\\nnotives.", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "VI PREFACE.\\nHaving designed an extended history of the late\\nwar between the United States and Mexico, and\\nbeing engaged in collecting materials in view of its\\nexecution, the author was induced, by the superior\\njudgment of others, to give form to the present\\nvolume, briefly treating of important subjects within\\na compass that should be available to the great mass\\nof the people. The suggestion was a recent one,\\nand the work has been prepared with a rapidity,\\nwhich, though prudence might not approve, necessity\\nmade requisite and imperative.\\nThe author makes his grateful acknowledgments\\nto the Hon. Robert J. Walker, to the Hon. R. H.\\nGillet, and to other distinguished gentlemen, for\\ntheir aid, counsel, and encouragement in the prose-\\ncution of the humble undertaking. If he has accom-\\nplished any good purpose, it is but just that the\\npublic should know the source of its indebtedness.\\nOctober, 1848.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS.\\nPa?e\\nDedication, iii\\nFkeface, V\\nIntroductory, 1\\nFormation of nations, 1\\nChristian nations, 4\\nPopulation of the earth, 4\\nGrowth of nations, force of example, 5\\nRESrONSIBLE DUTIES AND RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, 7\\nThe pioneer, 7\\nColumbus and the Puritans, great pioneers of the fifteenth and\\nseventeenth centuries, 8\\nThe Puritans and the Indians, 10\\nCivilization w^hat, 13\\nllcsponsibility involves a knowledge of the conditions of growth, 15\\nAmerican colonies their different forms of government, 16\\nOrganization of a national government,. 19\\nConstitution of the United States, 21\\nThe indissoluble nature of the Union, 23\\nThe Constitution of United States, ...24\\nOur government the rule of the people, 26\\nThe destiny of our nation, 28\\nReview of the late war with Mexico, 30\\nWhat is the nature of war 31\\nView of Christian nations of war, 31, 39\\nWhat we may learn from analogy, 33\\nThe cause of peace, 37\\nThe causes of the war,. 43\\nCause and effect, 43\\nAncient Mexico, 45", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "Vlll CONTENTS.\\nPage\\nModern Mexico, 47\\nIturbide, character of Plan of Iguala, 49\\nMr. Webster s opinion of Mexico note, 50\\nPresident Madison s view of the war with Great Britain in 1812, 53\\nJohn Quincy Adams s opinion of the causes of the Chinese war, 54\\nIndependence and annexation of Texas annexation no cause of war,. .55\\nLetter of Hon. R. J. Walker to the people of Kentucky, 1844, 58\\nAssumed position and national relations of Mexico, 60\\nViews of Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, R. Johnson, 60, 61,62\\nMarch to the Rio Grande, no cause, 63\\nComparative view of the acts of the two governments, 64\\nOregon question England, France, Mexico, Texas, and United\\nStates, Qo\\nRelations between the United States and Texas, 65\\nAssurance of the United States of protection to Texas, 67\\nOrders of United States for protection of Texas to army and navy,. 67\\nThe Rio Grande to be occupied by our troops,, 68\\nUnited States squadron ordered to cooperate in the defence of Texas,. ..69\\nTerms of annexation accepted by government and people of Texas, 70\\nGeneral Taylor advised of annexation, 71\\nThe choice of the Texans, 71\\nFree action of the Texans annexation a bloodless achievement, 72\\nForeign interference prompt action necessary, 73\\nPositions of United States and Mexico, after annexation, 74\\nDispositions of Mexico, as manifested towards United States,.. 76\\nChagrin of Mexico her mode of warfare, 78\\nAddresses of Arista and Paredes to Mexican army, 79\\nCommunication across the frontier forbidden by Mexicans, 81\\nHostility of the Mexicans notorious, 81\\nVote of Congress for annexation, 81\\nUnited States army required to retire beyond the Nueces, 82\\nPrevailing spirit of United States towards Mexico, 82\\nPledge of amity of the United States government, 83\\nActs of hostility forbidden by the United States government, 83\\nOrder for defence not invasion, 83\\nOrder to spare Mexican establishments, 84\\nOrder to avoid aggression to protect Texas, 84\\nAssurance of General Taylor that friendly relations should not be\\ninterrupted, 85\\nGovernment of United States proposes to negotiate appointment\\nof Mr. Slidell, 85\\nProposal of the United States government, to restore friendly rela-\\ntions, to Mr. Black, 87\\nHow the proposition was received apprehensions of Mexican gov-\\nernment, 88", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. IX\\nPage\\nMexico assents to the proposition to negotiate, 89\\nWithdrawal of the naval forces of United States from before Vera\\nCruz, 90\\nSingular and unexpected reception of Mr. Slidell, 91\\nEmbarrassing position of United States minister Mexican diplomacy,.. 92\\nMexico refuses to fulfil its engagements, 96\\nFolly of Mexico prudence and patience advised by United States\\ngovernment, 97\\nHonorable effort and perseverance still advised by United States\\ngovernment, 98\\nRevolution in Mexico Paredes in power, 100\\nUnited States and Great Britain duplicity of the Mexican govern-\\nment, 100\\nWeakness of Paredes approval of General Taylor s advance, 101\\nSolicitations for negotiation renewed by Mr. Slidell, 101\\nMr. Slidell instructed still to persevere, 103\\nUnited States minister again refused by Mexico, 104\\nLetters of Mr. Castillo y Lanzas, 105\\nMexican government without excuse or defence, 106\\nThe rejected mission of peace, 106\\nWas the United States government just to Mexico on the subject of\\nboundary, 112\\nHow is Texas bounded 113\\nHas Texas a just claim to make the Rio Grande her boundary, 116\\nRecognition of new governments principles involved, 118\\nTreaty of Santa Anna, 118\\nImportance and sacredness of treaties, 120\\nTreaty of Santa Anna on the side of humanity, 121\\nPosition of the United States in relation to boundary, 121\\nPrecautionary acts of the United States goverrment, 122\\nOccupation on the Rio Grande advised by Mr. Donelson,. 123\\nTroops requested for the protection of Texas, 123\\nSolicitude of Texas in regard to means of defence, 123\\nDefence of Texas ordered by the government of the United States,.... 124\\nPosts suggested on the Rio Grande by Mr. Donelson, 124\\nRio Grande recognized by United States as the boundary of Texas,. .124\\nRio Grande question anticipated, 125\\nPosts on the Rio Grande advised by Texas, 125\\nPrudential suggestions in regard to the use of force, 126\\nIf peace measures fail, war justifiable, 126\\nEntire protection to Texas enforced by the United States government,. 126\\nMexicans to be driven beyond the Rio Grande in case of invasion, 127\\nFrontier posts to be established by General Taylor aided by Texas,... .127\\nVigilance of General Taylor in protecting boundary to Rio Grande,.... 127\\nCrossing Rio Grande by Mexicans commencement of hostilities, ....127\\nSolicitude of the United States government that Texas should be\\nprotected to the Rio Grande, 128", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "X CONTENTS.\\nPage\\nNo boundary thought of by General Taylor but the Rio Grande, 128\\nLetter of advice of General Taylor to advance to the Rio Grande, 129\\nDiscretionary power given to General Taylor, 131\\nGeneral Taylor ordered to advance to the Rio Grande, 132\\nJpinion of General Taylor approving the order, 132\\nOpinion of Mr. Slidell approving the order, 133\\nGeneral Taylor anticipates no resistance, 133\\nRio Grande not to be crossed by United States troops unless attacked,.. 133\\nDecided hostility on the part of the Mexicans, 134\\nOccupation of left bank of Rio Grande, 134\\nHostile attitude of the Mexicans battery erected by General Taylor,. 135\\nGeneral Taylor summoned by Ampudia to withdraw, 136\\nCommencement of hostilities by Mexico, 136\\nViews of General Taylor in respect to first acts of hostility, 137\\nProsecution of the war military power, 139\\nMilitary power of the United States, 141\\nAchievements of the army government of the United States\\nGeneral Cass quoted, 144\\nReturn of Santa Anna, 148\\nPositions of opponents to the war considered, 148\\nThe soldier s position the fallen soldier, 148\\nLet the soldier s grave be honored, 149\\nJirSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS, 150\\nJustice, what it is to nations, 150\\nDuties of nations elements of national existence, 150\\nEscape of Mexico from a war in 1837, 155\\nMexico saved by the war gain, what, to the United States, 162\\nThe war one of justice and humanity, 164\\nParty views and party principles, 166\\nParties either permanent or transient, 167\\nThe two great parties in this country, 169\\nTheir features, history of, 169\\nConstitutional treasury the currency, 175\\nWhig party Webster, Clay tiote, 171\\nSuccess of the constitutional treasury, its importance, 180\\nFree trade tariff of 1846, 181\\nPrinciples of free trade industry national prosperity, 182\\nIndebtedness of the country to the secretary of the treasury, Hon.\\nR.J.Walker, 187", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. Xl\\nAPPENDIX.\\nPage\\nDeclaration of rights, 189\\nThe press, railroad, and telegraph, 192\\nExtract from a speech of Hon. H. V. Johnson,... 193\\nExtract from a speech of Hon. Mr. Hunter, 194\\nExtract from a speech of Hon. R. Johnson, 195\\nPlan of Iguala, 195\\nMexican aggressions, 197\\nTreaty between Texas and Santa Anna, 218\\nExtract from Hon. R. J. Walker s letter (of 1844), 221\\nTexas once a part of the Union, 221\\nReports of Adams and Clay, 221\\nResolutions of Congress annexing Texas, 226\\nActs of Texas annexation, 228\\nTexas, England, and France, .231\\nMexican circulars, 236\\nMr. Slidell s letter of credence, 238\\nLetter of Mr. Peiia y PeSa, 239\\nMr. Slidellto Mr. Peiia y Pena, 240\\nMr. Pena y Peiia to the council, 252\\nMr. Black to Mr. Slidell, 255\\nExtract from President Polk s message boundary of Texas, 258\\nProclamation of General Woll, 260\\nExtract from General Rusk s speech, 261\\nActs of Texas defining boundary, 267\\nMinutes of an interview between General Worth and General Vega,. .269\\nCorrespondence between Generals Taylor and Ampudia, 274\\nExtract from Mr. Buchanan s letter on the prosecution of the war,.... 279\\nNumber of troops in the war, losses, deaths, c. 281\\nJohn Quincy Adams and the Chinese war, 285\\nTreaty of peace 286\\nExtract from President Polk s message in regard to New Mexico and\\nUpper California, 302\\nExtract from the letter of acceptance of General Cass, 303\\nBaltimore Convention, 305\\nA statement of the receipts of the United States from the 4th March,\\n1789, to 30th June, 1844, 310\\nA statement of expenditures of the United States from the 4th March,\\n1789, to 30th June, 1844, 314\\nDefalcations of the United States treasury, from 1789 to 1837, 318\\nReceipts in specie, from 1st January, 1847, to 30th June, 1848 319\\nStatement of the amount of coinage at the United States mint and\\nbranches, from 1st January, 1847, to 30th June, 1848, 319", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "M\\nXll\\nCONTENTS.\\nPage\\nExtract from an address by Judge Woodbury, on the remedies for\\ncertain defects in American education, 319\\nComparative view of the receipts into the treasury from customs\\nunder the tariffs of 1842 and 1846 322", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTORY.\\nFORMATION OF NATIONS.\\nA CIVILIZED nation is a momentous combination of parts,\\nof countless powers and influences that encircle the globe,\\nand extend from the equator to the poles. It is an individual\\nbeing, and yet it is the imbodiment of millions of the human\\nrace. Its boundaries are marked upon the earth, its resources\\nupon the page, but its myriads of eyes look with an illim-\\nited vision into the unmeasured regions of space and of time.\\nIt is single in its organization, and yet its capacity is as multi-\\nform as the subjects and objects of the universe, extending\\nout from itself active causes of progress to the world, and\\nstanding as its own conservator. It is circumscribed in its\\nterritory, but it is infinite in its relations and influences. Its\\ninterests are as diversified as the blessings of creation, embra-\\ncing all that is within the pebble and the mountain, the mite\\nand the man.\\nThe divine faculties of the soul, in their highest conceptions\\nof truth, beauty, and wisdom, make up its existence, and\\nconstitute the elements of its growth. The natural world in\\nits grandeur and life-yielding fruits the living creatures of\\nthe earth, air, and water man, whether as an individual, or as\\na member of a family, a neighborhood, or state whether as\\na citizen or a ruler as an exponent of natural or conventional\\nlaw, all are made to subserve the nation, and through the\\nnation the world, and through the world its Maker.\\nIt is a beautiful truth that all may see who have surveyed\\nthe unbounded scheme of things,", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "2 FOKMATION OF NATIONS.\\nthat every existence, however great or small, that comes from\\ncreative wisdom, is perfect in itself, and made for admirable\\nends. Nothing is left to accident. All is made for progress.\\nIf we look to the beginning of things, our reason leads to\\nthe belief in the gradual development of the powers of\\nnature, and in the adaptation of living beings to the progress\\nof that development.\\nThe earth, from a mass of inert matter, has become what\\nwe behold it. Endowed with inherent power, vegetation soon\\ncovered its surface with herbs, and fruits, and flowers beauti-\\nfying its valleys, and clothing its mountains with stately trees\\nand fragrant shrubs. The rocks with rude features walled up\\nthe fearful precipices, and lined the subterraneous caverns.\\nThe elements were soon iTiled in order, surrounding and filling\\nit with their mysterious life and agency. The springs and\\nrivers were opened the waters of the mighty deep were\\nplaced, and the tides were made to ebb and flow invisible air\\nmoved the rising vapor and the yielding tree and heat\\nwarmed all into growth and being. Then came the\\npowerful king of day,\\nRejoicing- in the east.\\nAnd in its absence, the modest moon lighted up the earth with\\nits milder rays, while unnumbered stars shone from the vaulted\\nsky, and filled all space with gems of light. Seasons were\\nmeasured, and time Avas marked by days and nights.\\nThus was the earth prepared for man, and for every living\\ncreature after his kind. It is not within our province, in this\\nconnection, to note the successive growths of ages of the\\nnatural world, or to trace the physical and mental causes which\\nproduced them. It is a study, however, fraught with beauty\\nand instruction, an\\nEffusive source of evidence and truth..\\nSo far as analogical examples will aid us in understanding\\nman in his relations of destiny and duty, we shall avail our-\\nselves of this source of truth, speaking as it does the language\\nof divinity.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "FORMATION OF NATIONS. 3\\nIn discussing the important topics wliich we have chosen\\nfor consideration, it is our purpose to observe those rules of\\nevidence which have been sanctioned by science. Our\\nobjects are those of truth and duty, and if we err, the reader\\nmust measure to us that favor which he would ask for himself,\\nascribing whatever may seem amiss to that weakness which is\\ncommon to us all.\\nIt has been a source of regret in all ages of inquiiy, that no\\nrecords of the early condition of man were made, or, if made,\\npreserved. It is an obvious truth, that reconciles us to this\\nwant, that prescience was not given to man in his ignorance,\\nand that we have no just reason to look for a record of knowl-\\nedge from those who did not recognize its power, or foresee\\nits uses.\\nIt is quite true, as is stated by the learned Dr. Tytler, that\\nall accounts of the early history of single nations trace them\\nback to a state of rudeness and barbarism, which argues a new\\nand infant establishment and we must conclude that to be\\ntrue with respect to the whole, which we find to be true with\\nrespect to all its parts. But to delineate the characters of this\\nearly state of society, to trace distinctly the steps by which\\npopulation extended over the whole surface of the habitable\\nglobe the separation of mankind into tribes and nations the\\ncauses which led to the formation of the first kingdoms and\\nthe precise times when they were formed are matters of in-\\nquiry for which neither sacred nor profane history affords us\\nthat amplitude of information which is necessary for giving\\nclear and positive ideas. But while we travel through those\\nremote periods of the history of an infant world, making the\\nbest of those lights we can procure, we have the comfort of\\nthinking that, in proportion as man advances from barbarism\\nto civilization, in proportion as history becomes useful or in-\\nstructive, its certainty increases, and its materials become more\\nauthentic and more abundant.\\nSociety, as originally formed, was made up of families, each\\nhaving its parental head. As man was fitted to associate with", "height": "3518", "width": "2267", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "4 FORMATION OF NATIONS.\\nhis kind, the next development was the social circle friend\\nwith friend, and neighbor with neighbor. Increase of numbers\\nled to diversity of interests, and tribes were formed, each as-\\nsenting to conventional rules, and yielding certain rights to all,\\nthat they were unwilling to yield to each other. As it was\\nwith individual and family interests, there soon arose the greater\\ninterests of the separate tribes, and the nation was the result,\\neach tribe surrendering to all the tribes what none would\\nyield to its neighbor. Every change opened to new wants\\nand to new conditions. The mind naturally looked forward to\\nprovide for the advancement of society to its ultimate forma-\\ntion. Its progress was onward and upward. Nations were\\nmultiplied upon nations, rising or falling in their might or\\ngreatness, in the same degree that they were true or false to\\ntheir trusts.\\nAt the present period, a large portion of the earth is con-\\ntrolled by the conventional powers of nations and yet, of a\\npopulation of a thousand millions, the Christians can claim\\nbut about one fifth of that inconceivable number.*\\nNations have advanced in growth as independent existences,\\neach having its own laws and institutions, according to its dis-\\ntinctive power and genius. They have become the conserva-\\ntors of commerce, science, and religion, throughout the world,\\nand the subject of international l,aw, though still in its infancy,\\nis in rapid process of advancement. The individual is lost in\\nthe races, and the races make up the great question of man s\\ndestiny universal humanity.\\nIt has become the true province of science to investigate not\\nThe population of the earth, has been recently stated thus\\nAsia,\\nEurope,\\nAfrica,\\nAmerica,\\nOceanica,\\n.585,000,000^\\n,235,000,000 I\\n110,000,000\\n50,000,000\\n20,000,000\\nI\\nTotal, 1,000,000,000 J\\nOf\\nwhich\\nare\\nr Heathen, 600,000,000\\nMahometans, 140,000,000\\nJews, 10,000,000\\nRomish Church, ..130,000,000\\nGreek Church,.... 55,000,000\\nProtestant Denomi-\\nnations, 65,000,000", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "FORMATION OF NATIONS. 5\\nonly the laws of inanimate matter, of the unmeasured regions\\nof space, but of the immortal soul itself, in the recesses of its\\nintellectual, moral, and religious nature. Man is studied as\\nman, as father, husband, brother, friend, citizen, magistrate,\\nlegislator, and soldier. He is viewed as an element of the\\ntown, state, nation, world, and universe. Unlimited and un-\\nwearied, the spirit of inquiry seeks to know the rights of\\nmen in masses, as parts of a nation and the rights of nations,\\nas parts of the world and our relations to the world, as the\\nchildren of God.*\\nIn all ages, the influence of example has been acknowledged\\nand inculcated. It is an incitement to sincerity, an encourage-\\nment to duty. The only legacy which the rude savage leaves\\nto his children, or to his tribe, is a recital of his deeds, that\\nthey may be followed as the highest examples of good of\\nwhich their nature is capable. The good man of the civilized\\nworld, in his parting blessing to those whom he loves best,\\nspeaks of examples of goodness as more precious to the form-\\ning man, than all the visible treasures of the earth. It is so\\nwith nations. The examples of nations influence nations, and\\neach is held responsible, not only to its own subjects or citizens,\\nbut to the world, and to those eternal laws of right, which, in\\nthe process of moral change, will give equal freedom to the\\nprince and to the slave.\\nHaving made these remarks as introductory to the subjects\\ntreated of in the following pages, it is now our purpose to\\nspeak briefly of our own countiy, of the Republic of the United\\nEvery generous emotion, says an interesting writer, is in its\\nnature elastic, and naturally labors to widen the sphere of its influ-\\nence the first impulse\\nserves the virtuous mind to wake.\\nAs the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake\\nThe centre moved, a circle straight succeeds\\nAnother still, and still another spreads\\nFriend, parent, neighbor, first it will embrace,\\nHis country next, and next all human race.\\nTaylor s Natural History of Society.\\n1*", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "b FORMATION OF NATIONS.\\nStates of America of its duties to itself, and its responsible\\nrelations to other countries.\\nIt is not the design of the author, however, to illustrate this\\ngreat subject by a statement of abstract propositions, for this is\\nforbidden by his limits but rather to lead the reader into that\\natmosphere of thought which shall best prepare him to follow us\\nin the investigation of those realities, those actual conditions\\nof our country, as a matter of duty to ourselves, and to the\\nnation and age in which we live.\\nI", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE RESPONSIBLE DUTIES AND RELATIONS\\nOF THE UNITED STATES.\\nTHE PIONEEE.\\nWe honor the pioneer We reverence him as the early agent\\nof Providence in all those great changes of life which constitute\\nthe improvement of the world. We speak of the pioneer in\\nan enlarged sense, as the discoverer of new regions, new\\nagents, new laws, new beauties, and new combinations in the\\nnatural world, as well as new truths in the moral world. He\\nseems to be endowed with an instinct superior to reason, a gift\\nfrom his Maker to extend the limits of knowledge, and the\\ngreat purposes of divine beneficence.\\nWe find him in the wilderness, self-exiled from the refine-\\nments of civilization, inviting labor, enduring hardships, incur-\\nring dangers, a willing neighbor to the savage. We find\\nhim upon the ocean, in the frail constructed bark, without\\ninstructions from man, ploughing the trackless deep, with no\\nchart of his destined shores but that of faith. We find him in\\nthe icy regions of the poles, though aided by the light of sci-\\nence, but still the same unyielding and self-sacrificing spirit,\\nreaching forward to burst the boundaries of his view. We\\nfind him in the laboratoiy and in the workshop, in the halls of\\nlegislation and in the observatory. We find him in the caverns\\nof the earth, in the depths of the sea, in the vaults of the an-\\ncients, in the crater of the volcano, on the summit of the high-\\nest mountain, and borne by the chariot of science above and", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "8 COLUMBUS AND THE PURITANS.\\nbeyond the tempests of the sky. We find him, too, in the\\nmissions of the gospel to distant lands we find him struggling\\nin the cause of freedom earnest and bold in all reforms, and\\na ministering angel of sympathy in the cause of suffering\\nhumanity.\\nCOLUMBUS AND THE PURITANS, THE GREAT PIONEERS\\nOF THE FIFTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES.\\nIt was an extraordinary period in the histoiy of the world,\\nwhen the western voyages of Columbus were projected, and\\nwhich led to the discovery of the American continent.* His\\naim was dignity, rank, and wealth, and these were sought with\\nthe noblest motives. The vast gains that he anticipated from\\nhis discoveries, he intended to appropriate to princely purposes\\nto institutions for the relief of the poor of his native city, to the\\nfoundation of churches, and, above all, to crusades for the re-\\ncovery of the holy sepulchre.t Endowed with talents of a high\\norder, with a poetical temperament, a fervent piety, and, with-\\nal, a bigot s zeal, he was eminently fitted for such a mission.\\nAn unparalleled impulse was given, about this period, to tlie prog-\\nress of European civilization, by the simultaneous invention, or at\\nleast introduction from the East, of the mariner s compass, gunpow-\\nder and artillery, an improved system of arithmetic, and the art of\\nprinting. Combined with these were a renewed study of the Roman\\nlaw, the cultivation of Greek literature, the restoration of the fine\\narts, and the opening of new paths of industry and commercial enter-\\nprise. See Taylor s Ahttural Histo.ry of Society.\\nThe state of geographical knowledge at the period when the conti-\\nnent of America was discovered, may be inferred from the treaty of\\nTordesillas, made June 7, 1494, in which were determined the prin-\\nciples on which the vast extent of unappropriated empire, in the east-\\nern and western hemispheres, was ultimately divided between two\\npetty states of Europe. See Pt^scott s Ferdmand mid Imbella, Vol.\\nII. p. 181.\\nt Irving s Columbus.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "COLUMBUS AND THE PURITANS. 9\\nAli was done in the name of the Holy Trinity, and through\\nhis sovereigns, he owned no master but his God.\\nSuch was the character of Columbus. He discovered the\\ncontinent of America, but it was left to other pioneers to people\\nand to subdue it. His was the zeal of the Holy Catholic\\nchurch, theirs was the zeal of reform. He carried the ban-\\nner of St. Peter, they were the followers of Martin Luther.\\nThey were all inquirers after truth, but the declarations of the\\npope, and the protest of the sons of Britain, were alike the\\nsources of zeal, faith, and sacrifice all were prepared for\\nmartyrdom, each for his own form of faith. Columbus died\\nignorant of the extent of his own discovery,* and the Puritans\\ndied without a knowledge of the freedom which they had se-\\ncured for their children and the world.\\nThe Puritans filled with a self-respect that knew no laws\\nbut those of duty, moved by a sense of accountability that ac-\\nknowledged no ruler but God preferred the foreign wilder-\\nness with the rights of conscience, with unrestrained devotion,\\nto the firesides of home made bitter by oppression. They\\nwere the pioneers of the moral world they were the defend-\\ners of the mind s integrity, of the soul s best good, of man s\\nhigh destiny. t We have no occasion to refer the reader to\\nthe well-known history of the Puritans it would be as useless\\nas an artist s chart to find the noonday sun in a cloudless sky.\\nWe point him to our countiy as it is, with the proud conviction\\nthat all who read our pages have knowledge of what it was.\\nHe supposed Ilispaniola to be the ancient Ophir, which had been\\nvisited by the ships of King Solomon, and that Cuba and Terra Firma\\nwere but remote parts of Asia.\\nt It is well remarked by an intelligent author, (De Tocqueville,)\\nthat the emigrants who fixed themselves on the shores of Ameri-\\nca, in the beginning of the 17th century, severed the democratic prin-\\nciple from all the principles which repressed it in the old communi-\\nties of Europe, and transplanted it unalloyed to the New World. It\\nhas there been allowed to spread in perfect freedom, and to put forth\\nits consequences in the laws, by influencing the manners of the\\ncountry.", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "10 THE PURITANS AND THE INDIANS.\\nTHE PURITANS AND THE INDIANS.\\nAs colonists of Great Britain, our fathers were permitted to\\nenjoy a new world in its freedom and freshness. They had\\nthe aid of the wisdom of the parent country, without its con-\\ncomitant evils and follies the health and energies of its ma-\\nturity without the infirmities of age. Separated by a vast\\nocean, and thrown upon their own resources, they acquired\\nhabits and views peculiar to themselves. The cold climate\\nand rock-bound soil of New England were circumstances\\nfavorable to physical strength and industiy. The wily Indian\\nsoon taught them the necessity of self-protection, and their dan-\\ngers and hardships gave them those stern and hardy virtues\\nwhich still bless their children s children.\\nIt has often been the theme of the orator and poet, to speak\\nof the great injustice done by the Puritans to the sons of the\\nforest to assert that the Indian was the lawful possessor of\\nthe soil, and to lament that our fathers were guilty of stupen-\\ndous wrong to a simple-hearted and ignorant race, by assuming\\nthe control of the land and gradually displacing the native from\\nthe home of his fathers.\\nWithout pausing here to speak particularly of the principles\\nof the subject, the remark may be made, that these views,\\nprobably, have been expressed without that examination which\\nis always and imperatively required in matters involving charges\\nof such magnitude. It is maintained by persons eminent for\\ntheir learning and integrity, that the records bear evidence that\\nthe Puritans were scrupulously honest in their transactions with\\nthe Indians. That there were no exceptions, we are not pre-\\npared to say, for, in truth, such an assertion cannot properly\\nbe made of any people. But it is our humble opinion, based\\nupon some examination of the subject, and yet more confident-\\nly relying upon the views of others than our own, that the\\nPuritans were true to their standard of integrity, which involved\\nthe interests of two and widely different races. The Indian\\nwas ferocious, sensual, and superstitious. Knowledge confound-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "THE PURITANS AND THE INDIANS. 11\\ned him, and the conventional distinctions of society were noth-\\ning to him but chaos. He could see no objects of life above\\nthe existence of the body no property, but in the implements\\nof destruction, or in the extent of his hunting-grounds. He\\ncoveted nothing so much as the strange novelties of the white\\nman, and when he consented to sell a small lot of land, it was\\ndoubtless his belief that he had made a gain without decreasing\\nhis privileges, and that the loss, if any, was on the part of those\\nwho gave away their wonders without an equivalent. That the\\nstandard of knowledge and duty of the Puritans was a very\\ndiiferent one, all will admit but it was their necessity that led\\nthem to the adoption of particular modes of deahng adapted to\\nthe condition, views, and capacities of the barbarian. Besides,\\nthey could have had no definitive belief in what their own lot was\\nto be in this new land. Religious freedom was paramount to\\nall other considerations. Physical subsistence was admitted to\\nbe necessary, even indispensable and it was important, too,\\nthat conventional laws should be observed in regard to proper-\\nty but, as they viewed this world of but little consequence,\\nthe mere temporary dwelling-place of the soul, a place of pro-\\nbation to fit them for another existence, they doubtless felt that\\ntheir relation to the savage, in the providence of God, was one\\nof a spiritual nature, rather than one of temporal interests,\\nand, in making bargains with the natives, they were influenced\\nby none of those selfish motives which are so often manifested\\nand condemned in civilized countries. According to our pres-\\nent standard of knowledge, the Puritans were ignorant and big-\\noted. This cannot be said of them as true in their own times.\\nThe predominating element in their character, the spirit of re-\\nligious freedom^ was the same, whether it concerned the rights\\nof the Catholic, or of the Protestant. It was not the mode of be-\\nlief, it was not the standard of knowledge, but it was in this\\ngreat principle, that the individual had an inalienable right\\nto worship his Maker according to the desires of his own soul,\\naccording to the convictions of his own mind, however pecu-\\nliar, however different from established systems, his form", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "12 THE PURITANS AND THE INDIANS.\\nof faith. This element of character, of actual freedom in\\nany things is the life-spring of liberty. As the acorn has within\\nits narrow compass the elemental growth of ages, so this prin-\\nciple of freedom in the mind, at first applied to one subject,\\nwill in coming time be applied to all. As knowledge is ad-\\nvanced, its sphere of action will be enlarged, until freedom\\ngladdens eveiy people, and erects its monuments in every\\nclime.\\nIt is a proposition but few will deny, that the features and\\nexternal aspects of a countiy have an influence in the\\nformation of the character of its people. We would not lead\\nthe reader, by this remark, to adopt the common error of\\nblending cause and effect together by attributing an absolute\\nagency to external things, without regard to the character of\\nthe mind standing in relation to them but rather to speak of\\nthat mutual relation existing between mind and matter which\\nis to be appreciated only as it is found to be marked by the\\nenergies of the soul.* This continent was long in the posses-\\nLocke, in speaking of the fitness of man for knowledge and im-\\nprovement, makes use of the following remarkable passage\\nOf what consequence the discovery of one natural body, and its\\nproperties, may be to human life, the whole great continent of\\nAmerica is a convincing instance whose ignorance in useful arts,\\nand want of the greatest part of the conveniences of life, in a country\\nthat abounded with all sorts of natural plenty, I think may be\\nattributed to their ignorance of what was to be found in a very ordi-\\nnary despicable stone, I mean the mineral of iron. And whatever\\nwe think of our parts or improvements in this part of the world,\\nwhere knowledge and plenty seem to vie with each other, yet, to\\nany one who will seriously reflect on it, I suppose it will appear past\\ndoubt, that were the use of iron lost among us, we should in a few\\nages be unavoidably reduced to the wants and ignorance of the\\nancient savage Americans, whose natiu al endowments come no way\\nshort of those of the most flourishing and polite nations.\\nWe do not quote this passage with a view to refute it, but to show\\nthe opinion of a grave philosopher, who, having written one of the\\nablest works extant on the nature of the mind, and having asserted\\nits immateriality and immortality, should so far forget himseK as to", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE PURITANS AND THE INDIANS. 13\\nsion of the barbarian and yet his feeble powers of apprehen-\\nsion were not equal to comprehending the beauty and magnifi-\\ncence of its scenery, much less to manifest traits of character\\nas the result of any contemplation of its features.\\nIn considering the rights and duties of nations, it becomes\\nthe spirit of inquiry, that while a just and uncompromising\\nregard should be observed in reference to humanity on the one\\nhand, we should, on the other, elevate our views in the endeavor\\nto comprehend the relations existing between man and exter-\\nnal objects, in reverence to Him who looks upon all things\\nas parts of a great whole, and destined to infinite progression\\nas an integrant of the system of the universe itself. We often\\nspeak of\\nCIVILIZATION,\\nof what it is, of its laws, of its progress, of its blessings, of\\nits refinements. Are we sure that we have just conceptions\\nof the subject of what we mean of the duties which it\\ninvolves of the truths encompassed by our language, and of\\nthe responsibility of our professions in connection with the\\nsubject We fear not. We will not arrogate to ourselves an\\nmake its best energies and refinement dependent on the presence and\\nuse of iron ore Since this ore was made kno^^^a to the savage,\\nseven generations have passed away and what the condition of the\\nsavage now is need not be stated. Locke had studied the results of\\nthe mental capacities, rather than the capacities themselves, in rela-\\ntion to external objects. The natural instrument of the mind was\\noverlooked, and he sought the means of its manifestation in the rifle,\\nchisel, and spade, forgetting that the mind invented and manufac-\\ntured them, and therefore must have preceded them all.\\nMr. Thompson, in his interesting work on Mexico, loses sight of\\nthis distinction. He says, They have no fireplaces in Mexico, and\\nI think this circumstance has a great influence on their character.\\nThe fireplace is one of the necessities of climate, and its connection\\nwith character is one of the results of social co?idition, but not the\\ncause of it. It may be that this able writer simply intended to\\nlament the want of the necessity, and even this must be regarded as\\nan incidental influence.\\n2", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "14 CIVILIZATION.\\nability to answer these questions above that, which, in all\\nhumility, we are willing to believe is possessed by our fellow-\\nmen but we may be permitted to express an earnest hope\\nthat the reader will pursue with us the inquiry with an honest\\nheart and careful mind.\\nCivilization, in that enlarged sense in which it is used when\\napplied to nations, is a comprehensive term, which embraces\\nthose relations, and which cannot be enumerated, that exist\\nbetween man and all external things. Man is a sentient being,\\nplaced in the midst of objects to be studied and to be known.\\nHe stands in relation to them all as ruler, and they to him as\\nsubjects. He stands in relation even to himself, and the oracle\\nof Delphi, K710W thyself^ was indeed the first step in knowl-\\nedge worthy to be pointed out as of divine origin. The\\ndegrees of civilization correspond with those of knowledge,\\ncomprehending its applications and uses. Its highest state\\nwould imply a knowledge of our physical system, of its parts,\\nof its functions, of the conditions of health, the causes of dis-\\nease, the principles of true temperance, and the penalties of\\nviolation and abuse. It implies a knowledge of mind, of the\\nnature of its faculties, sentiments, and propensities. It em-\\nbraces all that can be comprehended by the intellect, and all that\\ncan be realized by the soul. It extends from the circle of the\\nindividual to that of the nation, and of the world, comprising\\nall duties due to ourselves, to our country, to the world, and to\\nGod. The sphere of man is infinite, embracing all that is\\nsmall, and all that is great all that is good, and all that is\\nbeautiful his destiny is infinite progression.\\nThe natural world is filled with causes which man is fitted\\nto develop and to know. The secret springs of vegetation\\nthe healthful condition of vegetable life the uses of things\\nthat grow, and of inanimate substances the objects of beauty,\\nand enjoyments of sense the numberless purposes of animal\\nlife the laws of matter, and the elements of mechanical\\npower in fine, whatever exists upon, within, around, above,\\nand beyond the globe, and the globe itself, are subjects", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "KNOWLEDGE OF GROWTH. 15\\nenjoined upon man for him to master, to control without abuse,\\nand to advance in the great scale of perfection.\\nWith these views, can we adopt the belief that the red man\\nwas the true inheritor of this continent that such a mag-\\nnificent country, with its vast capabilities, should be destined\\nto the mere objects of animal life that it was to be the\\ndestiny of the savage to grovel v/ith the beasts to study de-\\nstruction instead of life and growth to roam over the land\\nwithout a knowledge of its beauties, or of its latent treasures\\nWas this earth clothed in matchless beauty, and endowed with\\nrich treasures adapted to humanity, forever to revolve in its\\norbit without development Was it created without design,\\nwithout destiny To argue such questions would be subject-\\ning reason to the trial of reason, judgment to the rule of doubt,\\nand it would imply a total want of that awe and reverence which\\nshould ever characterize the spirit of our inquiries when we\\nstudy the works of Infinite Wisdom.\\nThis course of thought leads us next to notice the fact\\nthat our\\nRESPONSIBILITY INVOLVES A KNOWLEDGE OF THE CONDITIONS\\nOF GROWTH.\\nJust conceptions of individual or national responsibility in-\\nvolve a knowledge of the conditions of moral and physical\\ngrowth. Having glanced at the motives and circumstances\\nwhich led to the discovery and settlement of this continent, it\\nremains for us briefly to consider the origin, changes, and\\npresent character of the government, and of those sources of\\npower with which we have been so abundantly blessed. The\\nmotives which actuated the first emigrants were those of enter-\\nprise, personal ambition, religious zeal, and the true spirit of\\nfreedom, really embracing those primary elements necessary\\nto the formation of a new and energetic national character.\\nEven a rapid view of these elements will enable us to judge\\nhow favorable they were to results of strength and prosperity.\\nThe gradual development of interests of new wants of new", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "16 AMERICAN COLONIES AND FORMS OF GOVERNMENT.\\nsources of comfort, profit, and power of difficulties and dan-\\ngers, were incidental causes favorable to habits of industiy,\\nvirtue, and independence.\\nLet us review, for a moment, the early formation of the\\nAMERICAN COLONIES AND THEIR DIFFERENT FORMS OF GOV-\\nERNMENT.\\nAlthough the colonies were subjected to the sovereignty of\\nGreat Britain, yet most of the early influences, privileges,\\nrestraints, and institutions established around them, were of\\ntheir own choice and making. While they were willing to\\navail themselves of whatever advantages the mother country\\ncould extend to them, they did not hesitate to reject what their\\njudgment could not approve when proposed for their adoption\\nand their distance from, all civilized nations was a circumstance\\nfavoring exemption from home rule, and stimulating that free\\nexercise of all the faculties of the mind in the discussion of\\ntheir rights which soon began to give them new traits of char-\\nacter, and which have been continued to their descendants.\\nDiversity of privileges, of interests, and of experience, were\\nsecured to them in the different forms in which Great Britain\\nextended her laws and protection to the different colonies.\\nThe form of each became the study of all the others, and the\\nresults of each were separate, exhibiting the true causes of\\nsuccess or of failure.\\nThe governments originally formed in the different colonies\\nwere of three kinds, viz. the provincial^ the proprietary^\\nand the charter.*\\n1. The provincial governments had no fixed constitution,\\nIn noticing the different forms of the colonial governments, and\\nthe organization of the general government, we liave made free use\\nof the able Avork of Judge Story on the Constitution of the United\\nStates. As we have slightly modified his phraseology in some pas-\\nsages, to adapt the matter to our purpose, we have not given the\\nusual marks of quotation. These brief passages, however, alluded to,\\nare merely historical.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN COLONIES AND FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. 17\\nbut derived all their authority from commissions, issued from\\ntime to time, by the crown. They were subject to the pleasure\\nof the king. A governor and council were appointed, and\\nthese were invested with general executive powers, and were\\nauthorized to convene a general assembly of the representatives\\nof the freeholders and planters of the province. The assembly\\nwas the lower, and the council was the upper house. The\\ngovernor was invested with a veto power upon all their pro-\\nceedings, and had the power to prorogue and dissolve them.\\nThe legislature had power to make all local laws and ordinances\\nnot repugnant to the laws of England. Under this form of\\ngovernment. New Hampshire, New York, Virginia, North\\nCarolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, were governed, as\\nprovinces, at the commencement of the American revolution\\nand some of them had been so governed from an early period\\nof their settlement.\\n2. The proprietary governments were gi-ants by letters\\npatent from the crown to one or more persons, as proprietary\\nor proprietaries, conveying to them not only^the rights of the\\nsoil, but also the general powers of government within the\\nterritory so granted, in the nature of feudatory principalities,\\nor dependent royalties possessing within their own domains\\nnearly the same authority which the crown possessed in the\\nprovincial governments, subject, however, to the control of the\\nking. The governor was appointed by the proprietary, or\\nproprietaries, and the legislature was organized and convened\\naccording to his or their pleasure. The executive functions\\nand prerogatives were exercised by him or them, either per-\\nsonally or by the governor for the time being. At the time\\nof the revolution, only three governments existed in this form,\\nnamely, Maiyland, held by Lord Baltimore, as proprietary,\\nand Pennsylvania and Delaware, held by William Penn, as\\nproprietary.\\n3. Charter govei^nments were political corporations, created\\nby letters patent, which conferred on the grantees and their\\nassociates the soil within their territorial limits, and all the high\\n2*", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "18 AMERICAN COLONIES AND FORMS OF GOVERNMENT.\\npowers of legislative government. The charters contained a\\nfundamental constitution for the colony, distributing the powers\\nof government into three great departments, legislative, exec-\\nutive, and judicial providing for the mode in which these\\npowers should be vested and exercised. The charter govern-\\nments existing at the time of the revolution, were Massachu-\\nsetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut.\\nIt is a remark of the late Judge Story, that, notwithstanding\\nthese differences in their original and actual political organiza-\\ntion, the colonies, at the time of the American revolution, in\\nmost respects, enjoyed the same general rights and privileges.\\nAlthough we may not dissent from this general remark, still it\\nmust be admitted that these differences are sufficiently marked\\nto be noticed as distinct and separate causes and though their\\neffects may have been somewhat blended in a common experi-\\nence, we cannot but regard them as sources of different\\nresults, and, as such, leading in some degree to diversity of\\ncharacter.\\nThe provincial government was the absolute sovereignty\\nof the crown, transferred, at pleasure, from an island to the\\ncontinent, without any guaranty as to favor or permanency.\\nThe proprietary government gave an interest in the soil,\\nbut that interest was secured to individuals, and the relations\\nbetween the people and the proprietaries were those of\\ndependence.\\nThe charter government was a division of powers between\\ntwo great parties, according to fixed conditions, each party\\nhaving certain defined and reserved rights, the subordinate\\ngovernment being independent only under a constitution.\\nIt will be perceived that in these forms of government there\\nare three distinct degrees of liberty and yet the scale is\\ngraduated to a common head, the British crown, and to which\\nall acknowledo-ed their alle2;iance.\\nIn all of these, says Judge Story, express provision\\nwas made, that all subjects and their children, inhabiting in the\\ncolonies, should be deemed natural born subjects, and should", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "ORGANIZATION OP A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. 19\\nenjoy all the privileges and immunities thereof. In all of\\nthem, the common law of England, as far as it was applicable\\nto their situation, was made the basis of their jurisprudence.\\nNot that the entire system was introduced into any one\\ncolony, but only such portions of it as each found adapted to\\nits own wants, and were applicable to its own situation. Of\\nthis, each colony judged for itself.\\nIt is further remarked by the same author, that although\\nthe colonies had a common origin, and common right, and\\nowed a common allegiance, and the inhabitants of all of them\\nwere British subjects, they had no direct political connection\\nwith each other. Each colony was independent of the others,\\nand there was no confederacy or alliance between them.\\nThey were excluded from all political connection with foreign\\nnations, and they followed the fate and fortunes of the parent\\ncountry in peace and war. Still the colonists were not wholly\\nalien to each other. On the contrary, they were fellow-sub-\\njects, and, for many purposes, one people. Every colonist had\\na right to inhabit, if he pleased, in any other colony, to trade\\ntherewith, and to inherit and hold lands there.\\nWe now come to the first step towards the\\nORGANIZATION OF A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.\\nWhen the British Parliament asserted the right to legislate\\nover the colonies in all cases whatsoever, and made a system-\\natic effort to execute this right by acts of internal legislation\\nand taxation, it was boldly resisted by them, and a contro-\\nversy was commenced which terminated in their independ-\\nence. This new power was manifested in the Continental\\nCongress of 1774, which adopted unanimously a declaration\\nof the rights of the colonies.* These were disregarded by\\nthe British government, and the American revolution was the\\nresult. In the exigencies of the times, union of the colonies\\nbecame a paramount measure, indeed, it v/as an absolute\\nSee Appendix A.", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "20 ORGANIZATION OF A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.\\nnecessity as a means of common defence. It was recom-\\nmended to each colony to reorganize its government as that\\nof a sovereign state, and to enact such new laws as the times\\nseemed to require.\\nThis voluntary association of the states for purposes of mere\\nprotection was not designed to be permanent, and, although\\nevery measure was adopted which nations usually adopt in\\nseasons of apprehended danger from a foreign enemy, still\\nthe removal of the occasion left each state to recede from or\\nto continue in the alliance. Besides, it could but be seen how\\ngreat would be the dangers of the separation of the confed-\\nerated states into independent communities, acknowledging no\\ncommon head, and acting upon no common system. Rival-\\nries, jealousies, real or imaginary wrongs, diversities of local\\ninterests and institutions, would soon sever the ties of a com-\\nmon attachment, which bound them together, and bring on a\\nstate of hostile operations dangerous to their peace and sub-\\nversive of their permanent interests.*\\nOne of their first objects, therefore, beyond that of their\\nimmediate safety, which engaged the attention of the Conti-\\nnental Congress, was to provide the means of a permanent\\nunion of all the colonies under a general government. Certain\\nArticles of Confederation were agreed upon in November, 1777,\\nbut were not accepted by all the states until March, 1781. As\\nthe government was not to go into effect until the consent of\\nall the states should be obtained, this delay of more than three\\nIf these states should either be wholly disunited, says Alexan-\\nder Hamilton, or only united in partial confederacies, a man must\\nbe far gone in ITtopian speculations, who can seriously doubt that the\\nsubdivisions into which they might be throv/n Avould have frequent\\nand violent contests v/ith each other. To presume a want of motives\\nfor such contests, as an argument against their existence, would be\\nto forget that men are ambitious, vindictive, and rapacious. To look\\nfor a continuation of harmony between a number of independent,\\nunconnected sovereignties, situated in the same neighborhood, would\\nbe to disregard the uniform course of human events, and to set at\\ndefiance the accumulated experience of ages.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "ORGANIZATION OF A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT. 21\\nyears gave good opportunity for deliberation and discussion.\\nIt was soon found, however, that the Articles adopted were\\ndefective, not being sufficiently comprehensive and efficient\\nfor the government of a nation. The states were exceedingly\\njealous of their own rights, and, having realized a bitter expe-\\nrience in their former relations with the parent country, they\\ndoubtless entertained fears, and raised doubts not justified by\\nenlightened views.\\nIt soon became evident, from a gradual development of the\\nsubject by discussion, and from actual experience, that a new\\nconstitution was highly important, and, after several partial\\nmeetings in convention of a portion of the states, a general\\nconvention of commissioners was called from all the states,\\nand met in Philadelphia in May, 1787. After very protracted\\ndeliberations, and great diversities of opinion, they finally, on\\nthe 17th of September, 1787, framed the present Constitution\\nof the United States, and recommended it to be laid by the\\nCongress before the several states, to be by them considered\\nand ratified in conventions of the representatives of the peo-\\nple, to be called for that purpose. Conventions were accord-\\ningly called in all the states, except Rhode Island, and after\\nmany warm discussions, the Constitution was ratified by all of\\nthem, except North Carolina. and Rhode Island. It was sub-\\nsequently adopted by North Carolina in November, 1789, and\\nby Rhode Island in May, 1790. Vermont was admitted Feb-\\nruaiy 18, 1791.\\nAs the Preamble of the Constitution adopted imbodies the\\nmotives of those who framed and accepted it, we copy it as a\\nlesson of instruction.\\nWe, the people of the United States, in order to form a\\nmore perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquil-\\nlity, provide for the common defence, promote the general\\nwelfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and\\nour posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution of the\\nUnited States of America.\\nIn making this brief and hasty recital of the events con-", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "22 ORGANIZATION OF A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.\\nnected with the growtli of our state and general governments,\\nwe are compelled to confine ourselves to mere outline. We\\nhave deemed it pertinent to our suhject to notice these few\\ndetails, as illustrating the different trials and processes through\\nwhich these forms of government were passed before the\\nresults were reached, and which now bless our states and our\\ngeneral country. The work is one bearing all the marks of\\nscrupulous care, of ability and integrity. Three different forms\\nof government were tried by the different colonies, and three\\nconventions were held by them, each convention performing\\nits degree of labor, before the collected wisdom of the people\\ncould be imbodied and detailed in a shape that should at the\\nsame time practically meet the wants of the nation, and do\\njustice to the cause of universal freedom.*\\nThe Constitution of the United States, says De Tocqueville,\\nis like those exquisite productions of human industry which insure\\nwealth and renoAvn to then- inventors, but which are profitless in\\nother hands. This truth is exemplified by the condition of Mexico\\nat the present time. We should be sorry to admit that this remark\\nneeded no qualification. The bare desire for a free government is a\\nstep towards it. The successful administration of it requires the wis-\\ndom and experience of age, and these must be preceded by a certain\\namount of mental capacity.\\nA great equity lawyer, says Mr. SVcbster,* had truly said that,\\never since the revolution of 168S, law had been the basis of public\\nliberty. He held it to be undoubted that the state of society depends\\nmore on elementary law, and the principles and rules that control\\nthe transmission, distribution, and free alienation of property, than\\non positive institutions. Written constitutions sanctify and confirm\\ngreat principles, but the latter were prior in existence to the former.\\nHabeas Corpus Act, the Bill of Rights, Trial by Jury, -were surer bul-\\nwarks of right and liberty than written constitutions. The gradual\\nestablishment of our free institutions was the work of time and ex-\\nperience, not the immediate result of any written instrument.\\nEnglish and our colonial history were full of those experiments in\\nrepresentative government which heralded and led to our more per-\\nfect system. When our revolution made us independent, we had not\\nIn his speech delivered at Charleston, S. C, at a dinner given him by\\nthe Charleston Bar.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE INDISSOLUBLE NATURE OF THE UNION. 23\\nIn this instrument and in the Declaration of Independence,\\nare to be- found the fundamental principles of our national gov-\\nernment, and in which centre all those great sources of duty\\nwhich involve justice and accountability.\\nEvery true friend of liberty finds a subject of congratula-\\ntion in\\nTHE INDISSOLUBLE NATURE OF THE UNION.\\nThis indissoluble combination of sovereignties of a gradual\\nand similar formation is one of those extraordinaiy events of\\ntime, in which all may recognize the ruling hand of Provi-\\ndence. Such a union is one of inconceivable strength and\\npermanency. We can see the elements of its growth, but we\\ncannot even predict the beginning of the causes of its decay.\\nIt is enveloped in almost numberless circles of sovereignty.\\nIts heart cannot be reached by danger. Towns, counties,\\nstates, and their unnumbered institutions, have each their own\\nindependent sphere of action, and their growing and diversi-\\nfied ^rength is a perpetual source of power to the Union.*\\nto frame government for ourselves to h.ew it out of the original\\nblock of marble our history and experience presented it ready made\\nand proportioned to our hands.\\nThe causes of progress may be found in the nature of man the\\nmeans for their development in the nature of things and the re-\\nsults appear in our character, laws, and institutions. These, as they\\nare recorded, become important aids to new and further developments.\\nLocal assemblies of citizens, says De Tocqueville, constitute\\nthe strength of free nations. Town-meetings are to liberty what\\nprimary schools are to science they bring it within the people s\\nreach, they teach men how to use and how to enjoy it. The same\\nauthor says, in another place, In the American states power has\\nbeen disseminated with admirable skill, for the purpose of interest-\\ning the greatest possible number of persons in the common weal.\\nIndependently of the electors, who are from time to time called into\\naction, the body politic is divided into innumerable functionaries and\\nofficers, who all, in their several spheres, represent the same power-\\nful whole, in whose name they act. The local administration thus\\naiFords an unfailing source of profit and interest to a vast number of\\nindividuals.", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "24 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nThey are limbs of the great body pohtic. Their various\\nmodes of action, and the manifestation of their different views,\\nsentiments, interests, and prejudices, are but the exercise\\nnecessary to their own growth, and to the healthy condition of\\nthat great body of which they are members. Its duration\\ncannot be measured by man. The combined action of ene-\\nmies without, and the assaults of party spirit within, can have\\nno tendency, but to develop new energies, and to add new\\nstrength. It may rise in its grandeur and might for centuries\\nto come have its periods of growth and decay, its blessings\\nand its troubles but its changes can only be those of progress.\\nDissolution may be discussed, threatened, and, possibly, even\\nattempted but every discussion will increase the knowledge\\nof the indispensable necessity of union, every threat will add\\nto the zeal of its friends, and every attempt to subvert it will\\ncreate new safeguards for its protection and perpetuity. The\\nphysical world in its variety, and the mental world in its\\nunity, encircle its boundaries and centralize its interests.\\nThe DISSOLUTION of such a UNION IS A MORAL iivrpossi-\\nBILITY.*\\nTHE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES\\nis a sacred instrument, not only to the people of this country,\\nbut to the world. It is not a charter to bless a particular peo-\\nple, but the race. Our relation to the soil of this continent is\\nWe find tlie following eloquent passage in the able report of the\\nsecretary of the treasury, December, 1847\\nUpon this point, sectional fanatics, few in number at home, and\\ndespots abroad concurring with them, may hope or menace but the\\nAmerican Union is a moral and physical, a political and commercial\\nnecessity, and never can, or will, be dissolved. As well might we\\nattempt to decompose the great element of nature which holds to-\\ngether the planets, suns, and systems of the universe, as hope to sever\\nthe links of mighty lakes and rivers, of ever- extending telegraphs,\\nrailroads, and canals, of free trade, of intercourse, of interest, of love\\nand affection, of the glories of the past, the present, and future, which", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 25\\nbut a temporary one. Though citizen transfers to citizen his\\ndeeds of pecuniary interest, his moral relation to the soil is\\none of sacred trust. All governments are commissions of trust,\\nand prosperity and true glory await them only as they are\\nfaithfully executed.\\nThe Indian, the steward of one talent, buried it, and made\\nno interest. From him that hath not shall be taken away\\neven that which he hath. We are endowed with more talents,\\nand they involve corresponding responsibilities. If our work\\nis of any account, it makes a part of that Providence which\\nnumbers the hairs of our heads, and directs the destiny of\\nnations. If it be any thing, it is one of vast concern and strict\\naccountability.\\nPlaced upon a continent of great extent, we are favored with\\nthat variety of climate and soil necessary to the countless\\nproducts suited to the condition of man. Watered by mighty\\nrivers and lakes, commerce moves its wealth upon them to\\nevery region of our land. The mountains meet the clouds in\\ntheir heights, and send to our fields and valleys their fertilizing\\nstreams. Bound on every side with coasts and harbors, the\\nproducts of our country are carried to every clime, and those\\nof other nations are brought to ours. Enlivened and enriched\\nby the spirit of enterprise, the valleys are exalted, the moun-\\ntains are made low, and roads of iron radiate from every city,\\nand are traversed with stupendous freights with the speed of\\nthe wind and with the speed of lightning, intelligence is\\nmust forever bind together the American Union. Indeed, when we\\nlook upon the American revolution, the framing of our Constitution,\\nthe addition of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and Oregon, our ever-\\nextending area, products, and population, our triumi)hs in war and\\npeace, we must be blind to the past, and close our eyes upon the ful-\\nfilling realities of the future, if we cannot perceive and gratefully\\nacknowledge that a higher than an eartlaly power still guards and\\ndirects our destiny, impels us onward, and has selected our great and\\nhappy country as a model and ultimate centre of attraction for all the\\nnations of the world.\\n3", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "26 OUR GOVERNMENT THE RULE OF THE PEOPLE.\\ntransmitted from boundary to boundary of the entire continent.\\nSteamships plough every ocean, and, with the aid of the\\nmighty press, report all our acts to other nations, and they in\\nreturn report to us. Experiments of governments, of sci-\\nence, and reform, are closely watched and studied by every\\npeople.*\\nOUR GOVERNMENT IS THE RULE OF THE PEOPLE.\\nIt is a republic that secures, as from a common centre to its\\nentire circumference, equal rights and freedom to all. It\\ngives freedom to mind, security to body, and protection to\\ninterests.\\nThe democracy of the republic is in process of develop-\\nment.t The people are sovereign. Man stands alone, in his\\ndignity, representing both government and subject. He acts\\nfor himself and for the greatest good of the whole people.\\nThe virtue of the masses is blended in action, and conscience\\nis beginning to rule. Every man being made to feel that he\\nis accountable to his God for the acts of his country, he is ever\\nready to serve her with unyielding integrity. He lives and\\nrejoices in her gloiy, and suffers in her shame. Early taught\\nat the district school, he knows the power of knowledge, and\\nSee Appendix B.\\nt If the men of our time were led by attentive observation, and by-\\nsincere reflection, to acknowledge that the gradual and progressive\\ndevelopment of sociaf equality is at once the past and future of their\\nhistory, this solitary truth would confer the sacred character of a\\ndivine decree upon the change. To attempt to check democracy,\\nwould he, in that case, to resist the will of God and the nations\\nwould then be constrained to make the best of the social lot awarded\\nto them by Providence. Christianity, which has declared that all\\nmen are equal in the sight of God, will not refuse to acknowledge\\nthat all citizens are equal in the eye of the law. But, by a singular\\nconcourse of events, religion is entangled in those institutions which\\ndemocracy assails, and it is not unfrequently brought to reject the\\nequality it loves, and to curse that cause of liberty as a foe, which it\\nmight hallow by its alliance. De Tocqueville.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "OUR GOVERNMENT THE RULE OF THE PEOPLE. 27\\nthe sad penalties of ignorance. He fears nothing but wrong,\\nand claims nothing but right.\\nOriginating in millions of moral and intelligent beings, what\\na fearful aggregate of power to be delegated to rulers And\\nwith its privileges, what duties of fearful magnitude are imposed\\nupon them What trusts from the nation, from the world, and\\nfrom God\\nAn independent child of one of the greatest powers upon\\nearth, our nation is looked upon as the great beacon of liberty\\nand self-government throughout the world. The cause of\\ndemocracy is the universal cause of equal rights and freedom,\\nand it is placed with us, more than with any other people, to\\nbe protected, preserved, and advanced. It is not the cause of\\na day, but of all coming time not of a people, but of a\\nworld.*\\nOur national charities, our educational and religious missions,\\nour constant commercial intercourse with all countries, serve to con-\\nciliate differences which separate the people of different nations from\\nour o^vn, and to impose upon us those additional duties, which grati-\\ntude in others, and success in ourselves, are sure to originate, as the\\nhigh reward for the j)rivileges of doing good.\\nNothing can be more desirable, says a sensible writer, than\\nto raise the minds of the American people to a level with their sta-\\ntion, and to call off theu- thoughts from the narrow pursuits of per-\\nsonal or national aggrandizement. A nobler object is set before them\\nin the great moral enterprise to which this nation is called. Our\\nfield is the world. It is our influence on the whole human race that\\nprincipally constitutes, it may be hoped, the peculiarity of American\\ndestiny.\\nIt was long ago said, respecting the leader of our revolution, the\\ngreat and good Washington, that he had filled the world with his\\nown and his country s glory that the Arab and the Tartar conversed\\nabout him in their tents. This was rhetorically uttered, but with\\nsufficiently near approach to the truth to redeem the remark from\\nmere declamation.\\nOur opinions have been embraced, and our example has been\\nfollowed, in too many instances, not to indicate the general estimation\\nin which the country is held abroad. Wherever revolutions in gov-", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "28 THE DESTINY OF OUR NATION.\\nWe can utter, with a cheerful heart and fearless spirit,\\nOur country, Jwwever hounded our country, right or\\nwrongy Not to be continued in error but to be sustained\\nwhen right, and to be righted when wrong. We have an\\nindividuaUty, as a nation, as we have personal identity as citi-\\nzens. There should be a national consciousness, a national\\nidentity. Ail that makes the man helps make the nation, and\\nall that makes the nation helps make the world.\\nTHE DESTINY OF OUR NATION\\nhas been alluded to by some of our public men with an elo-\\nquence befitting the cause of truth, and with a judgment indic-\\native of rare attainments. Others, we regret to observe, have\\nspoken of the subject as one of frivolous assumption, and as\\nthe forced conviction of party, and for party purposes.\\nWe can understand and respect a man who honestly con-\\ntends against our faith, for we are equally concerned in all the\\ngreat objects of existence. Truth is our common friend but\\nthere is a withering levity in the spirit that would ponder\\nlightly the solemn convictions of any one who believes in a\\ndestiny, whether concerning his own soul or his own country.\\nIt is an inspiration of high sentiment, if not of logical deduc-\\ntion and the faith, whether from instinct or knowledge, is\\nentitled to be reverenced and honored. We are not beings of\\nchance our country is not an accident in the providence of\\nGod. If we have evil, it is the legitimate fruit of sin, a\\nwarning to men and nations doing wrong. If we are blessed\\neminent have been attempted, or realized, in modern times, the model\\nhas evidently been America, the encouragement America s success.\\nFrance, Greece, Belgium, Mexico, and the republics of South Amer-\\nica, each strove to change thou* condition, in the expectation of secur-\\ning somewhat of the freedom and happiness of these United States.\\nChristian Spectator, March, 1834.\\nThese remarks were published in 1834. What a chapter of national\\nevents, which have transpired since that time, might be made up, our\\nreaders have no occasion to be advised.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE DESTINY OF OUR NATION. 29\\nwith goodness, the examples endure forever, as encourage-\\nments to. those doing right. Every person and every nation\\nhas a destiny marked by an Almighty hand. What that has\\nbeen to us and to our country in past time, is a matter of his-\\ntory, the beginning of its being but what it is to be, no human\\nwisdom can predict, affirm, or deny. If we believe in a God\\nof infinite power and love, our aspirations in sentiment should\\nelevate us to that condition of confident hope unknown to the\\natheist, the anchor to the soul that is true to its divine\\nintegrity. (See Appendix.)", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "REVIEW OF THE LATE WAR WITH MEXICO.\\nREVIEW OF THE LATE WAR\\nBETWEEN THE REPUBLICS OF THE UNITED STATES\\nAND MEXICO.\\nIn proceeding to execute our plan, in leaving general\\ntopics for specific ones, in discussing measures of govern-\\nment which have been, or which are, the reader must not\\ndeem us officious if we ask him to accompany us in the in-\\nvestigations which are to follow, with a spirit of candor and\\ndivested of all prejudice.\\nThe subjects which we propose to discuss are of great con-\\ncern, though generations have passed away, each leaving its\\nown mark of wisdom upon them. They are among the high-\\nest and holiest which can claim the attention of man, and the\\ncommon interest, in which all are sharers, should be a defence\\nagainst selfish views or disguised positions. Let us remember\\nthe injunction of Tacitus, Veritas visu et mora, falsafesti-\\nnatione et incertis valescunt. Let us bring to our aid those\\nviews and fundamental principles which have already re-\\nceived our attention, and endeavor to place ourselves in that\\nrelation of duty which shall be in harmony with their requi-\\nsitions.\\nIn considering the subject of. this chapter, the late loar\\nbetween the United States and Mexico we are almost\\nnecessarily led first to the great and yet unsettled question\\nof war itself.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR 31.\\nWHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR\\nWhat is its design What may it accomplish in the provi-\\ndence of God Is it necessary, is it justifiable, under any cir-\\ncumstances What have nations done to avert it W^hat can\\nthey do What ought they to do These are questions re-\\npeatedly asked, and with a sincerity of purpose which is ever\\nentitled to consideration.\\nMen have courage boldly to make war, to sanction it, to\\nprovide means for its prosecution, to acknowledge its good re-\\nsults but they do not seem to be persuaded that it admits of\\nthat unquestionable moral defence which challenges all contro-\\nversy, as a settled provision of nature. All nations admit its\\nnecessity, by providing for it and all nations are professedly\\nin favor of peace. It is fostered by all nations as a defence,\\nand dreaded by all as a calamity. It is viewed by the same\\npeople as the protecting power of substantial blessings, and as\\na curse entailed upon the race by the wickedness of man.* If\\nit be a curse, its failure should prove a blessing and yet\\nthere can be no failure in war without disgrace, no success\\nwithout glory. Hundreds of generations have been born to\\nlife, and have returned to dust nations have risen to splendor\\nA recent writer, of ability and eloquence, alludes to th.e term\\nlaws of tear as an absurdity. Laws in that, he says, which is\\nlawless order in disorder rules of wrong He is inconsistent\\nwith himself. The acknowledgment of law in what has been laioless\\nis a step towards conventional control. The absvirdity appears only in.\\nthe assumption and use of false premises. See an oration delivered\\nby Charles Sumner, (Boston, 1845,) entitled The True Grandeur of\\nNations. We admire the spirit of this author it is xwxr against toar\\nbut he is in advance of the age. He is not practical. He should study\\nmore the nature of man the nature of things. He has pictured to us\\nthe splendors of space without an acknowledgment of the forces that\\nmove the bodies which fill it. He has given the rainbow in its beau-\\nty, but has forgotten the cloud and its thunders which produced it.\\nHe has given us the grandeur of nations, but he has detached it from\\nthe conditions of mortality.", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "32 WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR\\nand power, and have fallen to decay even a world of being\\nhas been swept from the earth by deluge, and war has been\\nthe common lot of all and yet but few seem willing to ac-\\nknowledge the hand of Providence in the recognition of its\\nmighty movements, or its mighty aims.\\nMan has become an apologist for his Maker, rather than the\\nstudent of his laws. He admits his rule, but practically denies\\nhis wisdom. The events of war are unqualifiedly condemned\\nas sinful, and yet they are said to be overruled by Providence\\nfor the ultimate good of all as if man s errors were necessa-\\nry to Omnipotence as if infinite wisdom was in eternal con-\\nflict with its own designs as if infinite power were forced to\\nconditions of compromise as if infinite love had failed in its\\nmission to nations as if infinite justice had proved impracti-\\ncable and infinite mercy an unappreciable blessing\\nIn his infinite goodness may God help us to be faithful, not\\nonly in belief, but in our professions of duty. Let us be true\\nto the highest standard that is within us, or about us, and exe-\\ncute our convictions according to our best knowledge but,\\nin whatever we thinlc or do, may our entire being submit to\\nthe sublimest of truths, that there is a God infinite in all his\\nattributes, whose will is reality, and whose nature is universal\\ngood. The existence of evil proves the necessity of reform in\\nthe moral, religious, and physical nature of man. We can dis-\\ncover no defect in this necessity, but rather the only condition\\nof being that admits of progress the only process which\\nadmits of accountability, and of that ever-increasing purity of\\ncharacter which comes from a growing knowledge of God and\\nall his works. We\\ncannot go\\nWhere universal love not smiles around,\\nSustaining all yon orbs and all their suns\\nFrom seeming evil still educing good,\\nAnd better thence again, and better still,\\nIn infinite progression.\\nWe can doubt the existence of all external things we can\\ndoubt even our own being, and find relief in the reflection that", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR? 33\\nour reason has become a wreck but the doubt that would lessen\\nthe rule of Omnipotence in the least of all things, would open\\nupon us that dreadful and withering alternative, that he who\\nfails in the least of things may fail in the greatest. With us,\\nsuch a doubt can have no place.\\nWhat is war War is a form of national death or suffer-\\ning. It is the conflict of arms between two nations to sustain\\nright, or in attempts to continue wrong. Or, in the language\\nof the Hon. Mr. Rhett, of S. C.,* In its effects it is not con-\\nfined to those engaged in military operations. It is not with\\nthe army and navy merely. War is a state of hostility and\\nenmity between every man, woman, and child, of one nation,\\nwith every man, woman, and child, of another nation. All\\nproperty, as well as life, is subject between the belligerents to\\nthe law of violence every where on sea or land. But this\\nquestion leads us to first principles, and to ask lohat are the prin\\nciples of war, the fundamental principles of war, as developed\\nin man and in nature.\\nWe may learn much from analogy. All nature is made elo-\\nquent by the power of God, and speaks the language of truth\\nitself. Let us study what we can see, what we can know,\\nwithout arrogating those impious assumptions that would make\\nus wise above our Maker.\\nWe find the principle of war in all things, even in peace\\nsocieties against war. It may be seen in the elements,\\nas displayed in the tempests of the sky and upon the bil-\\nlows of the mighty deep. It may be found in the earth,\\nin its soils and substances t in the countless forais of\\nvegetable growth, in their processes of decay and reproduc-\\ntion. J It may be seen in the insect v/orld, as illustrated by\\nSee Speech, of Mr. Rhett, delivered in the U. S. House of Repre-\\nsentatives.\\nt As developed in chemistry. The term. jjoisoti is but another word\\nfor loar, the war of matter.\\nX Plants are poisonous and antidotal. Many of them, and shrubs,\\nhave means of defence. These means are the prickles and thorns", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "34 WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR i\\nits systems of defence, conquest, and destruction.* It may-\\nbe seen in the viper s fang,t in the heron s claw,| and in the\\nwoodpecker s tongue.\u00c2\u00a7 It may be seen in the Hon s tooth, and\\nwith, whicli we find them armed. The euphorbia, the cactus, and\\nother similar plants, are in a good degree preserved by theh thorns from\\nviolence. The gardener may protect the rose in the greenhouse, but it\\nrelies upon its OAvn means of protection in the field. We have a sin-\\ngular example in the dloncea muscipula. Its leaves are jointed, and\\nfurnished with two rows of strong prickles their surfaces covered\\nwith a number of minute glands, c. When these parts are touched\\nby the legs of flies, the two lobes of the leaf instantly spring up, the\\nrows of prickles lock themselves fast together, and squeeze the unwa-\\nry animal to death. In this description of Smellie, we have omitted\\nany allusion to a sweet liquor which he supposes was secreted by\\nthe glands to allure the flies. Such is not the fact.\\nThe reader must be familiar with numerous examples illustrat-\\ning this remark. Some of the most interesting may be found in the\\nhistory of the ant and the bee.\\nt Th.efang of a viper is a clear and curious example of mechanical\\ncontrivance. It is a perforated tooth, loose at the root in its quiet\\nstate lying down flat upon the jaw, but furnished with a muscle,\\nwhich, with a jerk, and by the pluck, as it were, of a string, sudden-\\nly erects it. Under the tooth, close to its root, and communicating\\nwith the perforation, lies a small bag containing the venom. When\\nthe fang is raised, the closing of the jaw presses its root against the\\nbag underneath, and the force of this compression sends out the fluid,\\nwith a considerable impetus, through the tube in the middle of the\\ntooth Paley s Natural Theology. That the venom of the serpent has\\nits use in nature, there can be no question. That there are exempts\\nfrom its dangers may be inferred from the warning which the rattle-\\nsnake gives when about to bite, and from the shining qualities of the\\ncencoatl in the dark, (a poisonous snake of Mexico,) to notify the\\ntraveller of its presence, and of his danger.\\nX The middle claw of the heron and cormorant is toothed and\\nnotched like a saw. These birds are great fishers, and these notches\\nassist them in holding their slippery prey.\\nThe woodpecker lives chiefly upon insects lodged in the bodies\\nof decayed or decaying trees. For the purpose of boring into the\\nwood, it is furnished with a bill, straight, hard, angular, and sharp.\\nWhen, by means of this piercer, it has reached the cells of the insects,\\nthen comes the ofiice of its tongue which tongue, first, is of such a", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR 35\\nin the eye of the monarch of the sea.* It may be seen m all\\nthings which have life or growth in the means of defence with\\nwhich they are supplied, implying power of attack or resistance.\\nIf we look into society, we find the elements of war in the\\ndefence which is given to liberty of person, of property, and of\\nlife. In violation of law, all are taken by common consent of\\nsociety. The vagrant is fined, the criminal punished, and the\\nmurderer hanged. t Here we find violence to meet violence,\\neven between individuals, where a milder course is practica-\\nble, and would prove more efficient and yet before this step\\nis taken, nations are called upon to denounce war, when all\\nother remedies, in the present condition of the world, are im-\\npracticable. All reforms commence with the individual, and,\\nafter passing through the various conventional circles, reach\\nthe nation. Let the commencement be seen before the end is\\ndemanded.\\nlength, that the bu d can dart it out three or four inches from the bill,\\nin this respect differing greatly from every other species of bird; in\\nthe second place, it is tipped with a stiff, sharp, bony thorn and in\\nthe third place, this tip is dentated on both sides, like the beard of an.\\narrow or the barb of a hook. Paley s Natural Theology.\\nIn vicAving the structure of the eye, as adjusted to the condition\\nof fishes, we may remark the peculiar thickness of the sclerotic coat\\nin the whale. Although he breathes the atmosphere, and lies out ob.\\nthe surface of the water, to escape his enemies he will plunge sc M1\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb\\nhundi-ed fathoms deep. The pressure therefore must be very great upon\\nhis surface, and on the surface of the eye. De la Beche. When we\\nmake a section of the whole eye, cutting through the cornea, the\\nsclerotic coat, which is dense as tanned leather, increases in thick-\\nness towards the back part, and is fu.ll five times the thickness be-\\nhind that it is at the anterior part. The natural enemies of the whale\\nare the sword-fish and the shark and it is stated, that this huge\\ncreature, being without means of defence of any kind, carries his ene-\\nmies, that have fixed vipon him, to a depth of water, and consequently\\nto a pressui c, which subdues them, as their bodies are not constituted\\nfor such depths. It is under this instinct that when the whale\\nreceives the harpoon, he dives to the bottom.\\nt Many of the most respectable citizens of Massachusetts, exempli\\ngratia, have for many years opposed, with all their ability and influ-", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "36 WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR\\nIf we turn to man, we find him a being of thought and pas-\\nsions, a Hving example of conflict within himself, and with\\nothers his mind endowed with powers to discover, and his\\nlimbs with aptitudes for destruction and defence. We find his\\nphysical system guarded by numberless laws, as by a soldiery,\\ninflicting pains for all acts of violation and neglect. Pain is\\nthe body s protector, its scourge and friend. If we follow\\nhim to the world of thought, there science and religion are\\nfound to be contests for truth and all the elements of right\\nand wrong, in that eternal conflict of which no man can pre-\\ndict the end. We find him at the head of nations, with his\\narmies of attack and defence, and with a magnitude of means\\ncorresponding to the magnitude of his power. Man meets\\nman, nations meet nations. Instinct points out the enemy of an\\ninsect, reason discovers the enemy of man. What is this but\\na system of divine beneficence a beautiful system of progres-\\nsive growth in the forms of matter and of mind. It gives\\neven to death a feature of beauty, inasmuch as it makes an in-\\ndispensable element of life. It is but the steps between the\\ngreat changes in the ceaseless progress of all created things.\\nThere are forms of death to every form of life. There are\\nconditions of life to every form of being. Even the immortal-\\nity of the soul itself is based upon this principle it cannot live\\nexcept the body die. And with what awe and submission should\\nwe speak it, the infinite love of the Father of all is made\\nknown to his children by the blood of His only Son stream-\\ning from the cross What is it, then, that we would ask are\\nwe wise above God, that we should blindly regard his works\\nAre nations without the pale of God s laws and protection\\nence, the abolition of capital punishment and yet they are violent in\\ntheir opposition to war. They are willing to put a population of\\nmore than 700,000 people against a single unarmed man to the death,\\nand still they cannot see the necessity of war Some of the other\\nStates are in the same position. Some have made a glorious begin-\\nning in the cause of reform, by abolishing capital punishment.\\nSt. Paul s Epistle to the Romans, chap. vii.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR? ^S?\\nHave we no faith in his ways, no beUef in his providence\\nRather let us confess ignorance, than profess knowledge that\\nis impious. War at all times is a power of fearful respon-\\nsibility. Let us study its principle, and learn its conditions,\\nthat peace may come from knowledge.* Let us point\\nout its terrible penalties, that wisdom may realize the great\\nprivilege of avoiding them. Let us find the value of life by\\nknowing its conditions its objects, by understanding its laws.\\nOur position is one of ignorance and imperfection and men-\\ntal darkness is a state of suffering. Our destiny is one of prog-\\nress a gradual increase of mental light. A state of ignorance\\nand imperfection is a state of war, implying all the causes\\nnecessary to produce it. A state of knowledge and obedience\\nto God s laws, is a state of peace, implying all the causes\\nnecessary to preserve it.\\nBecause we find in war an important element of reform,\\nbecause we find it in the constitution of God s providence, we\\nwould not withhold our admiration from the friends of peace.\\nThe mission of Christ was one of peace, and we honor all who\\nWhere a high state of civilization is found, there also the arts of\\nwar will be fully understood. But the axiom, that inferiority of war-\\nlike implements proves an unwarlike nation, is false for wars have\\nbeen as numerous, as bitter, and as continuing, when waged by bar-\\nbarians with no better weapons than clubs and arrows, as when we\\nhave laid all the powers of chemistry and mechanism under contribu-\\ntion, to do that scientifically in the mass, that the savage is forced to\\ndo, like a butcher, with his own hand, in detail. Indeed, the more\\ncertain the efficiency of the destructive engines, the more certain is\\nthe reign of peace. Revieio of Hoivison s Eurojiean Colonies. Metrop.\\nMag. Lond. Vol. XI. p. 181. The patents taken out in the United\\nStates for the invention of firearms and implements of war, aiid parts\\nthereof including the manufacture of shot atid gimpoioder, stand as\\nbelonging to the citizens of the several States as follows Maine, 7\\nN. H., 6 Vt., 5 Mass., 40 R. I., 1 Conn., 20 N. Y., 50 N. J.,\\n3 Penn., 46 Del., 2 Md., 10 Va., 10 S. C, 2 Ga., 1 Ala., 1\\nLa., 1 Ky., 3 Ohio, 9 Mich., 1 Ind., 2 Mo., 1 all other\\nStates, none. See the valuable reports of the Hon. Edmund Burke,\\nCommissioner of the IT. S. Patent Office.\\n4", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "38\u00c2\u00bb WHAT IS THE NATURE OF WAR\\nfollow in the glory of his teachings. Their standard is in the\\nbow of the cloud, reflecting beauty to a world. Their mission\\ncomes after war, and without war their mission had not been\\nknown.* War, like a storm in its dark masses, moves over\\nthe fair face of nature, spreading dismay and destruction in its\\npath; while peace, with its benignant smiles, like the sunshine,\\nfollows and lights up the scenes of its past fuiy, and gains new\\nfeatures of beauty, and new joys by contrast. War destroys\\nbut to renovate, and it is the province of peace to exalt and\\nbeautify. The soldier and the friend of peace can exist only\\ntogether.! The friend of peace is the friend of man, the phi-\\nIn a discourse recently delivered by the Rev. Dr. Dewey, before\\nthe American Peace Society, he manifests a candor that is hardly in\\nkeeping with his views. He says, In past years I have often thought\\nand said, that the cause of peace languished for the want of antago-\\nnism. The case seemed too plain. The cause was too good. There\\nwas not opposition enough to stir up the requisite zeal in its friends.\\nBut within a year past a spirit has sprung up in this very country\\nthat offers antagonism enough. We see that the war spirit has not\\ndied out of the human heart. Dr. Dewey is not an ultra partisan in\\nrespect to war. He says, for I do not contend that h\\\\ every possi-\\nble case it is wnrong to take the sword.\\nt AVe hear much (not too much, certainly) concerning the hor-\\nrors of war. The picture which is drawn of those horrors is not over-\\ncharged. It is all true to fact and reality. The catalogue of atroci-\\nties which war occasions is easily filled up, because those atrocities\\nare public, notorious transactions, enacted in the open face of Heav-\\nen. The passions that lead to them are such as may be indulged,\\nthrough the license of the world s opinion, without scruple. But\\ncan any reflecting man doubt, that as large, if not a still larger cata-\\nlogue of what may be called the horrors of peace, such, I mean, as\\nbelong exclusively to a time of peace, such as war banishes, and\\nmay perhaps be regarded as a remedy for in Providence, might be\\nmade out Take, for example, the times that preceded the first\\nFrench revolution consider the state of society in that country, the\\nmorals of the people in all classes, the monstrous abuses which were\\nnot only tolerated but consecrated by the insane delusion which left,\\nunburied and chained to the living body of society, the dead and\\ncorrupt past and if our horror at the bloody scenes Avhich followed\\ni", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "CHRISTIAN NATIONS AND WAR. 39\\nlanthropist that would lift him to duty and to happiness. The\\nsoldier is the fearless pioneer who gives him opportunity to\\nmake known and to execute his beneficent purposes, and to\\naccomplish his ends. The soldier strikes down the barriers of\\nwickedness which claim no defence but in physical strength,\\nand which reason and intelligence would require long ages to\\novercome and it is the friend of peace who follows in his\\nmildness, but in his power, to establish harmony, and to make\\nknown the moral laws of God, where ignorance, sin, and mis-\\nery only were known before.\\nAll Christian nations agree that war is a calamity pregnant\\nwith inherent evils, and fraught with consequences which every\\npatriot who is true to the noblest attributes of his nature sin-\\ncerely strives to avert. On this momentous subject the civilized\\nworld stands united in theory, and every consideration of a moral\\nnature seems to confirm and strengthen this proposition as one\\nof ultimate adoption. The entire voice of two hundred mil-\\nlions of Catholics and Protestants responds amen to the uni-\\nversal prayer for peace among all nations. No man in his heart,\\nno nation in its councils, no league in its policy, demands war.\\nis not diminished, is not our amazement less, when we trace those\\nscenes to their true cause We can see what the contem-\\nporaries of the great tragedy were too near to discern, that the\\ninterests of humanity required that there should be a violent social\\nconvulsion, and an overthrow of existing institutions. The soil of\\nsociety must be broken up by the ploughshare of revolution and war,\\nbefore it could be prepared to produce what humanity craved. Con-\\nsider the thirty years of peace with which the nations of the first\\nclass in Christendom have been blessed since the career of Napoleon\\nwas terminated on the decisive field of Waterloo. And is there any\\nthinking man among us, so blindly wedded to theory, or so afraid of\\nbetraying a good cause by acknowledging a plain truth, who believes\\nor will assert that such a peace could have been enjoyed for so long\\na period, had it not been preceded by the desolating but purifying\\nflame of war, which was allowed to pass over the earth, and to burn\\nup the corrupt noxious materials that had been accumulating for\\ncenturies Rev. Mr. hunt s Artillery Election Discourse. (Boston,\\n1847.)", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "40 STANDARD OF THE CHRISTIAN WORLD.\\nThe statesman who gives direction to the destiny of his coun-\\ntry by internal measures of economy, and who frames treaties\\nwith foreign powers for the protection of rights and the just\\ninterests of men, admits of no principle which would justify\\nwar in preference to an honorable peace, or predicate the\\nwelfare of a nation upon the magnitude of its power. All\\nrest upon the illimitable basis of Christian principle, which\\nhas its origin in the will of the Almighty, and its develop-\\nment in the deeds of good men, and in the just measures of\\nnations. This is the acknowledged standard of the Christian\\nworld.\\nWith this standard before us, it becomes a serious question\\nhow far war has been or may be made the instrument of power\\nin advancing the cause of human freedom, and of securing to\\nthe citizen of every clime a just and permanent government.\\nThe progress of nations is as unequal as that of individuals\\nand as the freedom and prosperity of the latter always stand\\nin relation to the stability of the former, all temporary,\\nminor considerations of individual interest, or of comfort,\\nshould be made to yield to the ultimate good of all. The\\nwant of principle in a nation which denies to its citizens that\\nprotection to which they are entitled the weakness of a gov-\\nernment which is continually subjecting its citizens to changes\\ndestructive of all those privileges which render existence a\\nblessing the subserviency of a nation professing to be free\\nand independent, and which fails to take care of itself; its\\nsubmission to degrading terms of stronger powers, are causes\\nsufficient to produce not only revolutions at home, but to\\nundermine and absolutely to destroy all confidence in the sta-\\nbility and integrity of its government abroad. Such a people\\nand such a nation becomes a living reproach to the form of\\ngovernment which it has adopted, and a legitimate prey to all\\nenemies of free institutions. The penalty for all violation of\\nprinciple, if continued and persisted in, whether done by an\\nindividual or a nation, is inevitable it is uncompromising de-\\nstruction. The individual loses his liberty, but the nation its", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "WAR INCIDENT TO HUMANITY. 41\\nexistence. The law secures the former, while the strong\\npower of the sword ends the latter. The former is a measure\\nto protect society, the latter for the protection and advance-\\nment of nations. Any nation that submits to insult and wrong,\\nloses the measure of its own influence in advancing her true\\ninterests, and is false to posterity. The fact of yielding to\\nanother power, where justice forbids it, is a double wrong\\nit favors neither party as a measure of policy, and impairs the\\npower of both to promote the universal cause of humanity.\\nIn this view, war to the nation is what justice is to the individ\\nual. It is a result, in the nature of things, which becomes in\\nits turn a most powerful cause in the correction of evils of the\\ngreatest magnitude. Thus it has ever been, and thus it will\\never continue, until nations shall be prepared for a different\\ncourse.\\nIn the deep and mighty current of all past time, war has\\nbeen incident to humanity, a part of the destiny of all nations,\\nof all ages and it is with a feeling of awe and reverence that\\nwe are forced to admit that it is yet to be the mysterious and\\nterrible instrument of good, in the ruling of that Providence\\nwhich governs and controls the world of worlds, and all appa-\\nrent differences adjust in final harmony. So soon as Chris-\\ntianity shall gain a full ascendency in the world, says Dr.\\nChalmers, from that moment war is to disappear.\\nThere is no power which is fundamental or permanent but\\nmoral power and that endures forever. All physical power, all\\nforms of existence, whether conventional or national, are tem-\\nporary, and are incidental to the great ends of life. Nothing\\ncan preserve a nation but moral power, and if physical power\\nbe employed to sustain any other principle, it destroys its own\\nmeans. Ultimate success, in a just loar^ is inevitable. Ulti-\\nmate success, in an unjust icar, is impossible. Injustice can-\\nnot be successful in the very nature of things. It may appear\\nto be so, but this appearance is utterly deceptive. To admit\\nsuch a proposition would be atheistical.\\nThe great evils of war, such as the loss of life, violence,\\n4*", "height": "3518", "width": "2205", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "43 SUBJECTS PKOPOSED.\\nexpenditure of means, are entirely of a transient nature. They\\nappear very formidable as the events of time, but in relation\\nto eternity, utterly insignificant. Death is the lot of all, but\\nthe death of a soldier should be signalized as a sacrifice in the\\ngreat cause of humanity.\\nMost of the great expenditures of government in war are\\nmade among its own people, and the evils usually attributed to\\nthem are doubtless oftentimes much exaggerated. The checks\\nlo trade and industry, the absorption of time and talents for a\\nsingle object to the neglect of others, are evils which all\\ndeplore but they are temporary. Temporary evils, or pri-\\nvate sufferings, are of no account whatever in determining the\\nsolenm duty of a nation when called upon to prosecute a war\\nthat is just.* When justice requires it, war becomes a national\\nduty. Let it be so regarded, let it be so understood, and wars\\nwill be lessened. Let the penalties of a. nation s wrong be as\\nterrible as its power is mighty. Let its might be on the side of\\nright and freedom let its decrees protect the good, and be a\\nsource of terror to the wicked. Let a nation s glory be a\\nnation s righteousness, and its wars will be few and victorious.\\nThe war that is just closed has been with a sister Republic, a\\nnation professedly of free institutions, and claiming to stand\\nupon the same platform as our own. In her prosperity Mexico\\nhad our congratulations, and in her misfortunes she had our\\nsympathy. And while it is to be lamented that, her first war\\nof any duration with another nation has been with the United\\nStates, it must be regarded as a singular truth, that by no other\\nforeign power could she have been chastised and saved.\\nOur inquiries with respect to this war will embrace, 1st, Its\\ncauses 2d, A comparative view of the acts of the two govern-\\nments 3d, The prosecution of the war and 4th, Its justice\\nand results.\\nSee Appendix D.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE CAUSES OF THE WAR. 43\\nTHE CAUSES OF THE WAR.\\nIn analyzing causes of national acts, it is a common error to\\nconfound the fundamental with the casual, and thus to lose that\\nliteral order of cause and effect which alone exhibits events in\\ntheir true relation. The process of cause and effect in the\\nformation of national character, though not always obvious to\\nthe student, is subjected to undeviating laws. The success or\\nfailure of a nation is no accident. The virtue or vice of a\\npeople come not from chance. Chance may have its meaning\\nwith man, but it has no place in Providence. National growth\\nor decay, national strength or weakness, national glory or deg-\\nradation, may be traced by a faithful hand to a series of causes\\nas exact and certain, could they be pictured to the eye, as the\\ndevelopment of a flower from the seed, or an oak from the\\nacorn. The moral world without laws would be a nullity.\\nThe moral world without certainty would be a mockery. The\\nmoral world without growth and progress would be an ab-\\nsurdity.\\nWe would not be understood as making the assertion, that\\nall events may be clearly traced to their legitimate causes, for\\nthe mind of man is not yet equal to the task time and knowl-\\nedge may lead to this but we confidently state our belief in that\\nconstitution of things which is governed by eternal and unal-\\nterable laws, and which would prove to us the greatest source\\nof evidence, if we would but patiently study its parts and solve\\nits beautiful harmony. All philosophy is but a knowledge of\\ncause and effect, and all success, the result of correct applica-\\ntion of its principles.\\nIn proceeding, therefore, to investigate the causes of the war\\nbetween the United States and Mexico, we shall endeavor to\\navoid the errors which have appeared to characterize the dis-\\ncussions of Congress and the views of journalists. With all\\ndeference to abler minds, it has seemed to us that ultimate\\neffects have been placed as primary causes, and that the casual", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "44 THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.\\nhas been mistaken for the fundamental.* Not that any event\\nshould be excluded, in the examination, which is calculated to\\nenlighten but that we should not deceive ourselves by de-\\nrangement of evidence. We need not warn the reader against\\nthe fallacy of the ancient metaphysicians, in the adoption of\\nsyllogisms to prove the truth of a proposition and yet, if a\\nparallel were wanting, there is much in modern logic that\\nwould furnish it without violence or injustice.!\\nThe Peace Society of Massachusetts near 1825 instituted an\\ninquiry into the actual causes of war, and, besides a multitude of\\npetty ancient wars, and of those waged by Christian nations with\\ntribes of savages, ascertained 286 wars of magnitude to have had the\\nfollowing origin 22 for plunder or tribute 44 for the extension of\\nterritory 24 for retaliation or revenge 6 about disputed boundaries\\n8 respecting points of honor or prerogative 5 for the protection or\\nexteuoion of comnerce 55 civil wars 41 about contested titles to\\ncrowns 30 under pretence of assisting allies 23 from mere jealousy\\nof rival greatness 28 religious wars, including the crusades not one\\nfor defence alone. Peace Society Tracts No. LVII.\\nAVhat a commentary on divine Providence If we are permitted\\nto finish our more extended work on the late war, it is our purpose\\nto enlarge upon this topic.\\nt The ancient metaphysicians conceived that most questions could\\nbe settled by syllogisms. It was certainly very convenient. They\\nalways had logical truth in their o v\\\\ti keeping. The following prop-\\nositions, which we give firom memory, ex gr., were clearly proved\\nsyllor/ istically\\nA glass of wine fuddles a man.\\nA kernel of grain makes a bushel.\\nA feather breaks a camel s back.\\nThe process is quite irresistible. The question is repeated for each\\nglass of wine given to the man, for each kernel of grain put into the\\nmeasure, and for each feather put upon the camel s back. Will the\\nfrsf produce the result? No. WUl the second? No; and so forth,\\nuntil the negative is changed to the affirmative. It is the last glass,\\nthe last kernel, the last feather, that produces the result. The proof\\nis complete and what was considered remarkable by the ancients,\\nit is complete by consent of parties. By this process, the march to\\nthe Pio Grande may be placed methodically as the cause of the war.\\nWas there war before the march r No. Was there war after the\\nmarch and so forth.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "ANCIENT MEXICO. 45\\nIn order to judge correctly of the causes of this war, it is\\nnecessary thsLt we should understand the present and past con-\\ndition of the two nations. What has Mexico been, and what\\nhas she done What have been the acts of the United States\\nwith regard to Mexico These are questions which, if properly\\nanswered, will give us some insight into the true causes of\\nthe war.\\nOur prescribed limits will not pei mit us to give many details\\nof history, further than mere outlines that may enable the\\nreader to understand our views. If we would fully understand\\nthe Mexican character, we must study the Aztec race before\\nthe conquest of Cortes. It is quite true the changes since that\\nperiod have been many and great still, without some knowl-\\nedge of the causes which have produced them, we cannot\\nhope to avoid errors of opinion in respect to the Mexicans as\\nthey are. Let us turn for a moment to\\nANCIENT MEXICO.\\nThe following quotations from Prescott s Conquest of\\nMexico, and we cannot quote from this author without\\ncommending him for his ability and faithfulness, may be\\nhere introduced with great propriety, as affording in a few\\nwords his reflections upon the fall of that ancient empire, and\\nparticularly as they embrace the elements of the causes which\\nproduced that fall.\\nAfter speaking of the wonders of the conquest, of its romantic\\nand legendary features, he says,\\nYet we cannot regret the fall of an empire which did so\\nlittle to promote the happiness of its subjects, or the real inter-\\nests of humanity. Notwithstanding the lustre thrown over its\\nlatter days by the glorious defence of its capital, by the mild\\nmunificence of Montezuma, by the dauntless heroism of\\nGuatemozin, the Aztecs were emphatically a fierce and brutal\\nrace, little calculated, in their best aspects, to excite our sym-\\npathy and regard. Their civilization, such as it was, was not", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "46 ANCIENT MEXICO.\\ntheir own, but reflected, perhaps imperfectly, from a race\\nwhom they had succeeded in the land. It was in respect to\\nthe Aztecs, a generous graft on a vicious stock, and could have\\nbrought no fruit to perfection. They ruled over their wide\\ndomains with a sv/ord, instead of a sceptre. They did nothing\\nto ameliorate the condition or in any way promote the progress\\nof their vassals. Their vassals were serfs, used only to min-\\nister to their pleasm-e, held in awe by armed garrisons, ground\\nto the dust by imposts in peace, by military conscriptions in\\nwar. They did not, like the Romans, whom they resembled\\nin the nature of their conquests, extend the rights of citizenship\\nto the conquered. They did not amalgamate them into one\\ngreat nation, with common rights and interests. They held\\nthem as aliens, even those who, in the valley, were gathered\\nround the very walls of the capital. The Aztec metropolis,\\nthe heart of the monarchy, had not a sympathy, not a pulsation,\\nin common with the rest of the body politic. It was a stranger\\nin its own land.\\nThe Aztecs not only did not advance the condition of their\\nvassals, but, morally speaking, they did much to degrade it.\\nHow can a nation, where human sacrifices prevail, and espe-\\ncially when combined with cannibalism, further the march of\\ncivilization How can the interests of humanity be consulted,\\nwhere man is levelled to the ranks of the brutes that perish\\nThe influence of the Aztecs introduced their superstition into\\nlands before unacquainted with it, or where, at least, it was\\nnot established in any great strength. The example of the\\ncapital was contagious. As the latter increased in opulence,\\nthe religious celebrations were conducted with still more terrible\\nmagnificence in the same manner as the gladiatorial shows\\nof the Romans increased in pomp with the increasing splendor\\nof the capital. Men became famihar with scenes of horror\\nand the most loathsome abominations women and children\\nthe whole nation became familiar with and assisted at them.\\nThe heart was hardened, the manners were made ferocious,\\nthe feeble light of civilization, transmitted from a milder race,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "MODERN MEXICO. 47\\nwas growing fainter and fainter, as thousands and thousands\\nof miserable victims, throughout the empire, w^ere yearly fat-\\ntened in its cages, sacrificed on its altars, dressed and served\\nat its banquets The whole land was converted into a vast\\nhuman shambles The empire of the Aztecs did not fall\\nbefore its time.\\nIn another place, comparing the ancient with the modern\\nMexicans, the same accomplished historian remarks,\\nThe American Indian has something peculiarly sensitive\\nin his nature. He shrinks instinctively from the rude touch of\\na foreign hand. Even when this foreign influence comes in\\nthe form of civilization, he seems to sink and pine away\\nbeneath it. It has been so with the Mexicans. Under the\\nSpanish domination, their numbers have silently melted away.\\nTheir energies are broken. They no longer tread their moun-\\ntain plains with the conscious independence of their ancestors.\\nIn their faltering step, and meek and melancholy aspect, we\\nread the sad characters of the conquered race. The cause of\\nhumanity, indeed, has gained. They live under a better sys-\\ntem of laws, a more assured tranquillity, a purer faith. But\\nall does not avail. Their civilization was of the hardy char-\\nacter which belongs to wilderness. The fierce virtues of the\\nAztec were all his own.\\nFor our present purpose it is unnecessary to add to the lan-\\nguage of Prescott, in regard to ancient Mexico, as it is of\\ngreater importance that we should give a more particular atten-\\ntion to\\nMODERN MEXICO.\\nUnder the most favorable circumstances, a colonial govern-\\nment labors under numerous disadvantages. Detached and\\nisolated from the sources of its own power, it cannot realize\\nthat individuality necessary to energy and advancement. Genius\\ncan have no encouragement to give birth to enlightened\\nsystems of national polity, which, to be developed, requires\\nnational concentration and individual pride lies dormant", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "48 MODERN MEXICO.\\nwhere the ultimate objects of ambition centre in powers of\\nforeign origin and foreign control. Such evils increase with\\nthe increase of population.\\nThis was true of the British American colonies, where the\\npeople were of common origin and of one blood. But if we\\nlook to the condition of the Spanish colonies of North America,\\nbefore the separation of the viceroyalty of Mexico from the\\ncrown of Spain, we shall find the blighting influences of hate,\\njealousy, and revenge giving character to the motives and acts\\nof the different races, castes, and orders, and rendering gov-\\nernment a military rule, and necessarily destructive to the\\nrights and well-being of the people. The outrages of the\\nSpaniards in the overthrow of the Montezumas make the real\\nand traditionary history of the mixed castes and native inhabit-\\nants of Mexico and their hate has been continued for centu-\\nries, and but little unabated even to the time of Iturbide. Most\\nof the honors and emoluments of government were given to\\nEuropeans, and what was first deemed a system of outrage,\\nwas resolved into a system of settled injustice. It was the\\nreign of royalty and ignorance, of selfishness and wrong.\\nIn this condition of things, was it strange that the first revo-\\nlutionists of Mexico should prove to be robbers and murderers,\\nand that the first efforts of the masses of the people to act for\\nthemselves should develop ignorance, intrigues, corruption,\\ncriminal frauds, debasing servility, indecision, imbecility, and\\nall that variety of causes which end in anarchy In the adop-\\nThe first abortive effort, which, was commenced in 1809, by\\nHidalgo and AUende, had not for its object the establishment of a\\nrepublic or of free institutions; if, indeed, fi-ee institutions can exist\\nunder any other form of government. That movement had its origin\\nin feelings of enthusiastic and devoted loyalty, which, up to that\\ntime, was the ruling passion in the heart of every Spaniard. The\\nabdication of the legitimate monarch of Spain, the atrocious perfidy\\nby which it was obtained, and the transference of the sovereignty of\\nthe country to the emperor of France, which country had for cen-\\nturies been regarded as the hereditary enemy of Spain, were the true\\ncauses of the insurrection in Mexico in 1809. It was begun under", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "MODERN MEXICO. 49\\ntion and execution of the plan of Iguala and treaty of\\nCordova, all these fearful developments were made.\\nAn ignorant race is jealous, cowardly, and cruel. It can\\nneither protect the interests of others or conceive of its own.\\nThere is nothing in nature more terrific than the rising of an\\nignorant people, who have been chained down by an unrighteous\\npower. All desire comfort and consideration, and most fail\\nin their wishes, because they have no faith in integrity. Their\\nexperience has taught them a most bitter selfishness, and it is\\nthe work of time alone that can convey to their benighted\\nminds even the ordinary knowledge of what is due to them-\\nselves and to others.\\nBy the third article of the plan of Iguala, all distinction of\\ncastes was abolished, so that all individuals, whether Spaniards,\\nAmericans, Indians, or Africans, were placed on equal footing.\\nAt this time, the republican form of government was proposed\\nand urged by several members of the Junta, but the proposition\\nwas successfully opposed by Iturbide and others. The views\\nof Iturbide were expressed with an honest manliness highly\\ncreditable to him. Nature, said he, produces nothing by\\nsudden leaps she operates by intermediate degrees. The\\nmoral world follows the laws of the physical. To think that\\nwe could emerge all at once from a state of debasement such\\nas that of slavery, and from a state of ignorance such as has\\nbeen inflicted on us for three hundred years, during which we\\nhad neither books nor instructors, and the possession of knowl-\\nedge had been thought a sufficient cause for persecution to\\nthink that we could gain information and refinement in a\\nmoment, as if by enchantment that we could acquire every\\nvirtue, forget prejudices, and give up false pretensions, was a\\nvain expectation, and could only have entered into the visions\\nof an enthusiast.\\nIn 1822, Iturbide was declared emperor by the people but\\nthe auspices of the Spanish, viceroy, and had for its object, real as\\nwell as professed, the saving of that portion of his dominions for\\nFerdinand VII. Thompson s Recollections of Mexico.\\nSee Appendix E.\\n5", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "50 MODERN MEXICO.\\nbefore the new government could be fully organized, he was\\ndeposed by factionists and banished.* In 1824, Mexico\\nbecame a republic, and a federal constitution was adopted.\\nGeneral Victoria was elected the first president, and he has\\nbeen succeeded by such men as Pedraza, Guerrero, Busta-\\nmente, Santa Anna, Herrera, and Paredes, as presidents or\\ndictfitors, at best, with scarcely an exception, rival military\\nadventurers. Actuated by no higher motives than those of\\npersonal aggrandizement, they manifested no patriotism above\\nparty purposes, and but little conscience above self-interest.\\nHaving no hold upon the affections of the people, they relied\\nupon no security except military rule, and this was made sub-\\nject to the greatest treachery, or to the greatest cunning.\\nWithout any settled principles of self-respect above egotism\\nwithout independence not subject to an army f without honesty\\nnot subject to bribery and duplicity without knowledge not neu-\\ntralized by superstition without religion not subject to vanity\\nThere are diversity of views with, respect to the character of\\nIturbide. We shall not attempt to reconcile them in this place.\\nIn speaking of the congress of this time, Mr. Thompson says, No\\nsimilai- body, under like circumstances, has evinced more virtue,\\nfirmness, and constancy, than did the congress of Mexico iir resist-\\ning the usurpation and tyranny of Iturbide, surrounded as he was by\\nhis pretorian band.\\nt In his speech at Charleston, S. C, Mr. Webster says, Our\\nneighbor, the unfortunate, miserably governed Mexico, when she\\nemerged from her revolution, had in her history nothing of repre-\\nsentative government, habeas corpus, or trial by jury no progressive\\nexperiment tending to a glorious consummation nothing but a gov-\\nernment calling itself free, with the least possible freedom in the\\nworld. She had collected, since her independence, 300,000,000 dol-\\nlars, and had unprofitably expended it all in putting up one revolu-\\ntion and putting down another, and in maintaining an army of\\n40,000 men, in time of peace, to keep the peace.\\nThe wife of General Canalizo died whilst he was president ad\\ninterim, duiring the absence of Santa Anna. She was embalmed, and\\nhad a pair of glass eyes inserted, and lay in state for several days,\\ngorgeously dressed, and glittering in jewels. Thompson s Recol.\\nM", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "REPUBLIC OF MEXICO. 51\\nand a priesthood without virtue not debased by Ucentious-\\nness without enterprise t not blasted by frivolous pride or\\nindolence the people of this country have claimed to be\\nacknowledged as free and independent, and to be regarded as\\nwithin the pale of civilization and Christianity. Without\\ngenius or moral power, they have failed to organize a govern-\\nment that is above their own condition. Their government\\nhas been true only to its origin. It has been proud without\\nmagnanimity, sensitive without lionor, extravagant without\\nmeans, poor without prudence, cruel without courage, and bold\\nwithout virtue. It has proved false to its sacred trusts it has\\nimpoverished the country, debased the people, connived at\\nriot, robbery, and murder, encouraged violence, engendered\\ncivil war, and sanctioned treason. It has legalized plunder in\\nthe acts of its citizens, and violated treaties in its intercourse\\nwith foreign nations. It has imprisoned the free citizens of\\nother countries, robbed the unprotected traveller, executed\\nthe innocent stranger, and assassinated the honest minister.\\nWe say that government has done all this, because such acts\\nhave been committed by the citizens of Mexico, and have been\\nsustained in their wickedness. At no period, hardly, since that\\nThere are in the city of ISIexico, alone, seven or eiglit hundred\\nsecular, and near two thousand regular clergy.\\nt The enterprise of the Mexicans may be inferred from the fact,\\nthat they sent to Massachusetts for the gi anite with which to build\\ntheir custom-house at Vera Cruz, although they have stone equally\\ngood within ten miles of that city.\\nX It is monstrous, says Gilliam, when the great majority of\\nthe inhabitants of a country are swindlers, thieves, and murderers,\\nin an unqvialified manner, as is the case in Mexico.\\nUnderstanding, as I now do, says Mr. Gilliam, the duplicity\\nof the Mexicans, and their policy, I should not bo surprised if some\\nin power should have ]?:nown more of Mr. Shannon s robbery than\\nmight become them. But, as Santa Anna and his officers are the\\nacknowledged heads of a band of pirates, it cannot be astonishing\\nthat he should tolerate such deeds.\\nIt will be remembered that Mr. Gushing, on his return from China\\nthrough Mexico, was robbed.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "52 EErUELIC OF MEXICO.\\nRepublic has been in existence, have her prisons been without\\nguihless tenants from our country, and at no period within the\\nmemory of man have life and property been safe within its\\nboundaries.* Mexico has neglected education and all modern\\nmeans of reform, and has failed to secure the honest citizen\\nin his rights, and the industrious in the fruits of his labor.f\\nThere is no fiction in this melancholy recital our language\\nis true to reality. On this point we have no occasion for cor-\\nroborative evidence, as no one will doubt us. However much\\npoliticians have been willing to oppose the late war with Mex-\\nico, there are none, no, not one, who is prepared deliberately\\nto speak well of that benighted country. They have not only\\nbeen unwilling to testify to her integrity as a nation, but have\\nactually disclaimed, in advance, all inferences that might be\\nmade from their remarks, which should seem to sanction her\\npast practices. The delusion has been complete. Indeed, it\\nhas been cruel. She has been wrong in every thing except\\nthe war and in regard to that, right in every thing, except\\ndefeat Why should she be reminded of her en ors, in her\\nfirst attempts to do right Why should she be blinded by a\\nfalse sympathy that increased her evils, and by a mock spirit\\nof instigation to reject her best friends\\nWe are free to confess our wonder, that the Republic of\\nMexico has been preserved so long that its faithless and\\nSee Appendix F.\\nt For the amount of general intelligence, and the extent of the\\nwealth and commercial intercourse of the middle classes, there is\\nmore licentiousness and vice than in any other country on the\\nglobe. The Catholic church has nowhere so corrupt a priesthood.\\nIt is the policy of this class, and the rich, to keep the lower orders\\nin ignorance, in order that they may prostitute them to subserve\\ntheir selfish and unworthy purposes. There are probably not 5000\\nfemales, out of the population of 8,000,000, who can read and w^ite.\\nGilliam s Travels in Mexico. Mr. Mayer says, in his interesting\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0work, that in the year 1840, w^hile $180,000 w^ere spent for hospitals,\\nfortresses, and prisons, and $8,000,000 for the army, (with no foreign\\nwar,) only $110,000 were given to all the institutions of learning in\\nMexico.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "PRIMARY CAUSES OF THE WAR. 53\\nbarbarous acts should have been permitted by civilized\\nnations to ocOur so often and without redress that its people\\nhave been spared to live with so little nakedness and starva-\\ntion. In no way can we account for this exemption from\\ninstant accountability, except it be in the indulgent and mis-\\nguided forbearance of nations. Her weakness and position\\nhave been her protection. Her worst enemies have been\\nwithin her own limits the great sources of her evils have been\\nin her own rulers the greatest obstacles to her success have\\nbeen in the ignorance of her own people.\\nThe period of her retribution had come. She had improved\\nthe seed-time of iniquity, and it remained that she should\\ngather her own bitter harvests. Bound and fettered by political\\nimpostors, encamped and fortified within her vitals, and blinded\\nby bigots that knew no grace but physical power, nothing\\ncould save her but a foreign war. Not a war forced without\\ncause, but produced by laws of violated nature produced by\\nher own misguided acts and negligence a war of literal justice.\\nIt was as likely to happen with one nation as with another, but\\nmost likely with one nearest her borders.\\nThe primary causes of the war with Mexico may be found\\nin her past acts, which we have reviewed and the recent\\nevents which have been spoken of so often, are but the ultimate\\nresults, or the legitimate outbreaks of troubles which have been\\nengendered by her government and people.\\nWhat was true in regard to Great Britain, in 1812, has long\\nbeen true in relation to Mexico. The relations between Great\\nBritain and the United States, in 1812, were admirably summed\\nup in a few words by President Madison, in a message to\\nCongress.\\nWe behold, says Mr. Madison, in fine, on the side of\\nGreat Britain, a state of war against the United States and on\\nthe side of the United States, a state of peace towards Great\\nBritain. Whether the United States shall continue passive\\nunder these progressive usurpations and these accumulating\\nwrongs, or, opposing force to force in defence of their national\\n5*", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "54 JOHN qUINCY ADAMS.\\nrights, shall commit our just cause into the hands of the Al-\\nmighty Disposer of events, avoiding all connections which\\nmight entangle it in the contest or views of other powers, and\\npreserving a constant readiness to concur in an honorable\\nestablishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn question,\\nwhich the Constitution wisely confides to the legislative depart-\\nment of the government. In recommending it to their early\\ndeliberations, I am happy in the assurance that the decision\\nwill be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a vir-\\ntuous, a free, and a powerful nation.\\nIt is with no ordinary satisfaction that we find ourselves\\nenabled to quote, as confirmatory of our method of investiga-\\ntion, a passage from the writings of that eminent statesman,\\nthe late John Quincy Adams. It is taken from the lecture\\nwhich he delivered on the war between Great Britain and China\\nin 1842.\\nIt is a general, but I believe altogether mistaken opinion,\\nsays Mr. Adams, that the quarrel is merely for certain chests\\nof opium imported by British merchants into China, and seized\\nby the Chinese government for having been imported contrary\\nto law. This is a mere incident to the dispute, but no more\\nthe cause of the war than the throw^ing overboard of the tea\\nin the Boston harbor was the cause of the American revolution.\\nThe cause of the war is the pretension, on the part of the\\nChinese, that, in all their intercourse with other nations, political\\nor commercial, their superiority must be implicitly acknowl-\\nedged, and manifested in humiliating forms. It is not credit-\\nable to the great, powerful, and enlightened nations of Europe,\\nthat for several centuries they have, for the sake of profitable\\nti ade, submitted to this insolent and insulting pretension,\\nequally contraiy to the first principles of the law of nature\\nand of revealed religion the natural equality of mankind\\nAuri sacra fames,\\nQuid non mortalia pectora cogis", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR 55\\nINDEPENDENCE AND SUBSEQUENT ANNEXATION OF\\nTEXAS.\\nANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR.\\nz\\\\mong the results, which have been discussed as- causes, we\\nfind the Texas question, the independence and subsequent\\nannexation of Texas as a State of our Union.\\nThis has become simple histoiy. Parties are at issue with\\nrespect to some facts, which are not very important, even if\\ndetermined, in aiding us to decide the general merits of the\\ncase. The opponents of annexation have thought proper to\\nassail the motives of the friends of that measure, and, upon\\nthe assumption that their views were correct, have manifested\\na singular prejudice and hostility to every proposition and\\nevent which have grown out of it. It is not our business to\\nquestion their motives or their integrity, but to consider the\\nwhole subject independently of them. These were national\\nmeasures, and as such we propose to consider them. The\\nmotives of those who originated and matured them make no\\npart of the subject. A good measure may be proposed with\\nbad motives, or motives that we cannot approve and bad laws\\nmay be proposed and enacted springing from the best of mo-\\ntives. Besides, all men do not judge accurately of results.\\nNational measures for specific interests are sometimes proposed\\nwith limited views, and for the attainment of objects not to be\\njustified, but which, on examination, are found to possess other\\nfeatures highly favorable to other good purposes not contem-\\nplated by the original mover. Indeed, they may prove fatal\\nto his intentions. He may have failed to study his own com-\\nbination of causes, and he lives to be disappointed in the results\\nof his own acts. Let it be so. Causes are certain, men un-\\ncertain. We discuss measures to be determined, according to\\nour best knowledge and convictions of duty but when called\\nupon to consider the events of the past, we desire to take them\\nas we find them, approving what we can, condemning what we", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "56 ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR.\\nmust. We can only judge of our own motives, conceding to\\nothers the same prerogative.\\nAs late as in 1821, Mexico was subject to the crown of\\nSpain but, for reasons deemed sufficient by her people, she\\nasserted her own independence. Her revolution was success-\\nful, and her independence was acknowledged by the United\\nStates, January 23, 1823, and soon after by other leading gov-\\nernments of Europe. In 1824, she adopted a federal consti-\\ntution. We have already reviewed her history, and have seen\\nwhat has been the measure of her success. In 1834, Santa\\nAnna, at the head of the military power, overthrew the con-\\nstitution of 1824, abolished the state governments, and estab-\\nlished one of the most tyrannical and absolute governments\\nthat ever existed. In 1835, the State of Texas protested\\nagainst the usurpation of Santa Anna, and insisted upon their\\nrights, as guarantied by the federal constitution of 1824. The\\nobjects of that constitution were similar to those of the Con-\\nstitution of the United States, to form a more perfect union,\\nestablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the\\ncommon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the\\nblessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.\\nThese objects were sacred, and the government of Mexico\\nwas bound to be faithful to the conditions imposed by the trust.\\nIf it failed in the accomplishment of any one of them, there\\nwould be just cause for complaint on the part of the people,\\nand their submission to such failure would make no part of\\nduty. If the government failed in all the objects of the union,\\nas set forth, it would be regarded as a case of absolute weak-\\nness, criminal design, or neglect, and nothing but a total change\\nof administration should satisfy a people that they were true to\\nthemselves or to their country. If it failed not only to accom-\\nplish the objects for which it was organized, but usurped\\nauthority in gross violation of those objects, then its measures\\nwere acts of treason, and revolution became an imperative duty,\\nnot to be avoided without dishonor.\\nSee Speech of General Rusk, Senator from Texas.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR. 57\\nThis was the fact with Mexico, and Texas was the only State\\nthat had sufficient character to oppose successfully the infamous\\nusurpation of Santa Anna. The protests of Texas were\\ntreated by the usurper as acts of rebellion, and her representa-\\ntive was arrested, imprisoned, and was suffered to lie in a\\nloathsome dun^^eon without a hearinfr. The constitutions of\\nthe States were destroyed States were declared to be mere\\ndepartments they were deprived of all legislative authority\\ntheir officers were arrested, and the governors were made sub-\\nject only to the central government, thereby becoming the\\nwilling instruments of tyranny. These acts of oppression\\nwere, followed by a decree requiring the States as well as\\nindividuals to surrender up all the arms they had in their pos-\\nsession. Not satisfied with these outrages, agents were sent\\nby the tyrant to instigate the Indians, whose numbers were\\nlarge, to exterminate with the scalping-knife and tomahawk a\\npeople who were hated because they were feared.\\nSubmission to such outrages, executed in the name of free-\\ndom, can excite no sentiment but that of indignation in the\\nbreast of every friend of liberty while, on the other hand,\\nwe should not withhold our admiration for that small band of\\npioneers who had the courage to defend their rights against a\\nnation that counted its millions of subjects. Becoming per-\\nsuaded that their lot would be one of hardship and oppression\\nas connected with the general government, the Texans declared\\ntheir independence on the 2d of March, 1835.\\nThe usurper marched his hireling troops to the soil of that\\nbrave people, conscious of superior strength, certain of victory,\\nand impatient for the bloody work which should remove all sub-\\njects unwilling to be slaves. The successes of his army were\\ncrowned with infamy,* and the battle of his own controlling\\nwith defeat.\\nOn the 21st of April, a large portion of his army, under his\\nWe need only mention the base betrayal of Zacatecas, and the\\ncold-blooded and treacherous massacre of Colonel Fanning, and his\\nforce of four hundred men.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "58 ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR.\\nown command, met the Texans, under General Houston, on the\\nplains of San Jacinto. An engagement took place, and half\\nof his troops were slain, and the other half were taken prison-\\ners of war, including the tyrant himself. Apparently hum-\\nbled, the dictator sued for terms of peace, and after some\\nhesitation on the part of the Texans, a treaty was made and\\nexecuted.* Rights were defined, and boundaries stated. The\\nindependence of Texas was to be acknowledged by Mexico,\\nand the parties to the instrument on the part of Mexico pledged\\nthemselves faithfully to use their influence in procuring a rati-\\nfication of its stipulations by their own government.\\nFrom this moment Texas was free and independent. She\\nwas left by Mexico in undisturbed repose, though the treaty of\\nSanta Anna was basely disregarded by the Mexicans who exe-\\ncuted it, and was denounced and disavowed by their govern-\\nment. In 1837, the independence of Texas was acknowledged\\nby the United States, and in quick succession by the great\\npowers of Europe.\\nHere was one of the results of the folly, weakness, neglect,\\nand wickedness of Mexico. She lost some of her best citizens,\\nand a large portion of her richest soil. It was a result that all\\ngood men must rejoice in, for, whether we consider most the\\ngain to Texas, to the United States, or to the cause of freedom,\\nwe cannot but regard the independence of this State, and subse-\\nquent annexation, as events of justice to Mexico, and one of\\ninstruction to the age.\\nHere was a sovereign power in a country that was ceded by\\nour government to Spain in 1820, in violation of our treaty\\nstipulations with France in 1803, and much against the views\\nof many of our people. f Texas became her own sovereign\\nmaster, and was free to choose her own destiny.\\nSee Appendix G.\\nt We insert, with much confidence, in our Appendix some extracts\\nfrom a letter of the Hon. E,. J. Walker, addressed, in 1844, to the\\npeople of Kentucky, relative to the re-annexation of Texas, c.\\nThis letter embraces a large amount of information, and is written\\nwith great ability. See Appendix H.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "IMPORTANCE OF TEXAS. 59\\nActuated by no unworthy motives of ambition, her defend-\\ners became devoted to her true interests, and proved faithful as\\ncitizens and rulers. They had no objects in government but\\nsecurity in their rights and interests, and it soon became a seri-\\nous question how these might best be preserved and advanced.\\nHaving the elements of prosperity within her limits, her pop-\\nulation increased, the riches of her soil were made mani-\\nfest, and soon the young Republic became the subject of notice\\nand favor of foreign and rival nations. Annexation to the\\nUnited States w^as proposed, as being preferable to national\\nsovereignty with national weakness a measure of adding a\\nlesser power to receive a greater. It was a measure of duty\\nand interest to them, and one of national concern and impor-\\ntance to the Union.\\nIn regard to the importance of Texas to the United States,\\nmuch has been said by distinguished citizens of all parties. It\\nis not a recent question, and not until lately has it been made\\na party question. Indeed, its importance has been so fully\\nacknowledged by statesmen entitled to our confidence and\\nrespect, irrespective of party, that any enlargement here upon\\nthe subject might be deemed by some an act of supererogation.*\\nIt is now one of the States of the Union and while we cannot\\nspeak from personal observation of the value or beauty of its\\nterritory, we may be permitted to quote the language of the\\nHon. W. S. Archer, of Virginia, chairman of the committee\\nof foreign relations in the House of Representatives in 1822.\\nAt that time he delivered a speech on the subject of appointing\\na minister to Mexico, from which we make the following ex-\\ntract. He pronounced the territory one of the richest and\\nmost favored portions of the habitable earth. I say this delib-\\nerately, for if I were called upon to select any portion of the\\nearth s surface which was fitted by nature to become the gar-\\nden spot of the globe, I should without hesitation point to the\\nprovince of Texas. This was not an expression of party sen-\\nSee Appendix H.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "60 ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAK.\\ntiment, as no party lines, at the period of its utterance, had been\\ndrawn hi reference to its possession. All desired it, but it was\\nin a position to be acquired only by purchase of a foreign nation.\\nThat Mexico should, in the chagrin and folly of her course,\\nendeavor to force the allegiance of Texas, was a circumstance to\\nbe anticipated. Where injustice makes up the policy of a nation,\\ndesperation ever finds an apologist in pride, and patriotism a\\nvirtue in necessity. Her pretensions of right to govern Texas,\\nwhen she had proved herself utterly incapable of protecting the\\nordinary interests even of a single city of her dominion, are ab-\\nsolutely too ridiculous to merit serious refutation. If Texas\\nwere not entitled to independence after the events of her rev-\\nolution, then no people can ever hope to be fully justified in\\nopposing tyranny, or in any attempts to establish justice and\\nequality among men.\\nAnd yet, while we would not impute to Mexico utter igno-\\nrance of her own demerits, we cannot but think that she has\\nbeen encouraged in her downward course in consequence of\\nopinions expressed by public men of the United States. If she\\nwould not hesitate knowingly to persist in wrong, we may well\\nsuppose that she would eagerly seize all flattering or promising\\ninfluences that seemed to favor her desperate and ill-featured\\ncause.\\nA distinguished citizen of Kentucky,* in a letter written in\\n1844, says, I consider the annexation of Texas at this time,\\nwithout the assent of Mexico, compromising the national char-\\nacter, and involving us certainly in a war with Mexico, and\\nprobably with other foreign powers. f\\nMr. Clay was a candidate for the presidency, and more than\\nHon. Henry Clay.\\nt And yet, in 1847, in a speech delivered at Lexington, he asks,\\nWho would now think of perpetrating the folly of casting Texas out\\nof the confederacy, and throwing her back upon her independence,\\nor into the arms of Mexico r Vfh.o would seek to divorce her from\\nthis Union And why not If annexation were an act of injustice\\nto Mexico, it could not be folly to repair the -wrong.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR. 61\\nany other man, perhaps, the chief of a powerful party. A\\nsingle word from his lips or pen would afford such a nation as\\nthat of Mexico encouragement in the greatest folly,, in the most\\nhopeless cause. We would not speak lightly of a man who\\nhas filled with honor so many pages of his country s history\\nbut while we admit his merits, and the correctness of some of\\nhis views on questions of public importance, we cannot but\\nregret that want of consistency which charity would attribute\\nto his paity prepossessions rather than to his judgment.\\nMr. Clay has not been alone in the expression of views tend-\\ning to encourage Mexico. Some of our State governments\\nadopted resolutions public men and editors expressed opinions\\nfor party purposes, defending the cause of Mexico against their\\nown country. It has been asserted that Santa Anna prepared\\na document made up of speeches and editorials put forth in this\\ncountry concerning the war, /or circulation among Ms soldiers\\nand people.* It is easy to see how the doubts of a powerful\\nenemy would have more influence in Mexico, than any knowl-\\nedge of strength, where weakness prevailed, or of any confi-\\ndence of success, in the absence of means and system.\\nIt is a plain, open case. The facts are before us. Specula-\\ntion is unnecessary. A knowledge of common justice and\\nnational law gives us no alternative but to read the evidence,\\nand see the legitimate conclusion.\\nIn a speech delivered in the U. S. Senate, March, 1848, by\\nMr. Webster, we find the following paragraph, in the emphatic\\nlanguage of that distinguished senator\\nI state now, sir, what I have often stated before that no\\nman, from the first, has been a more sincere well wisher to the\\ngovernment and people of Texas than myself. I looked upon\\nthe achievement of their independence in the battle of San\\nJacinto as an extraordinary, almost marvellous, incident in the\\nSee speech of Colonel Burnet, delivered at Philadelphia of\\nColonel Doniphan, at St. Louis and the statements of Wynkoop\u00c2\u00bb\\nand Morgan, and of other officers, published in the journals.\\n6", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "62 ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR.\\naffairs of mankind. I was among the first disposed to acknowl-\\nedge her independence.\\nIn 1842, Mr. Webster, then secretary of state, in a despatch\\nto the minister of the United States at Mexico, said, From\\nthe time of the battle of San Jacinto, in April, 1836, to the\\npresent moment, Texas has exhibited the same external signs\\nof national independence as Mexico herself, and with quite as\\nmuch stability of government. Practically free and inde-\\npendent acknowledged as a political sovereignty by the\\nprincipal powers of the world no hostile foot finding rest\\nwithin her territory for six or seven years and Mexico her-\\nself refraining for all that period from any further attempt to\\nreestablish her own authority over the territoiy.\\nIn a speech delivered by the Hon. R. Johnson, of Maryland,\\nin the U. S. Senate, on the 10th and 11th January, 1848, he\\nsays, Sir, annexation of itself would not have been war\\nMexico had no right to make it a cause of war. Texas inde-\\npendence had been too long established and undisturbed to\\nhave her absolute right of sovereignty called in question.\\nTexas became independent of Mexico in the same manner\\nthat our States became independent of Great Britain and if\\nher title among nations was not good, then there is no reason\\nwhy ours should be. This being admitted, the event of annex-\\nation was not a matter within the control of Mexico, much less\\ncould it be cause for war. That it was no cause of war in the\\nopinion of Mexico herself, may be inferred from the fact, that\\nshe offered to acknowledge the independence of Texas, pro-\\nvided she would reject all propositions of annexation to the\\nUnited States or, in other words, if she would not add to the\\npower of a country already too great to be balanced in the\\nscales of European politicians.*\\nThe short sentence of Mr. Clay, in 1844, was just enough\\nto be dangerous to Mexico, and troublesome to foreign poli-\\nSee the able speech of the Hon. J. A. Dix, delivered in the\\nU. S. Senate, Jan. 1848.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "ANNEXATION NO CAUSE OF WAR. 63\\nticians. It justified war on her part, and expectation of aid\\nfrom foreign governments. It led to destruction without any-\\nresponsible guaranty of aid or safety. It was a text for a\\nGuizot or a Palmerston. Its apocryphal character was not\\nsuspected. It was proved, however, by experiment. Mexico\\nwas compelled to act without the poor benefit of her own\\ncowardice, and to find, in the end, nothing but contempt\\nand derision where she was persuaded to look for aid and\\nsympathy.\\nTexas was annexed by act of Congress on the part of the\\nUnited States, and by Congress and by a convention of the\\npeople on the part of Texas.* The authority under which the\\nact of Congress was passed on the part of the United States,\\nis in the Constitution. The language is simple, and cannot be\\nmisunderstood. It is this New States may be admitted\\nby Congress into this Union but no new State shall be formed\\nby the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, with-\\nout the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned, as\\nwell as of the Congress.\\nThat the act of annexation was in conformity to the Consti-\\ntution of the United States, is obvious from the facts in the\\ncase. The fact that Texas was an independent nation makes\\nno element of the question whatever, inasmuch as she was\\ndivested of national prerogatives, before she was admitted as a\\nState of the Union.\\nThere is another alleged cause of the war, in the act of the\\nwar department of the United States, ordering General Tay-\\nlor to the Rio Grande.\\nThis was a prudential measure, on the part of our govern-\\nment, to prevent hostilities by being prepared for them, and\\nproperly makes a portion of our next chapter. It is simply a\\nhistorical question as to the first act of hostility between the\\ntwo nations in the commencement of a war, but in no sense can\\nit be regarded as the cause. If it were the cause of the war,\\nto what cause are we to attribute the assembling of two armies\\nSee Appendix. I.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "64 POSITIOxN AND RELATIONS OF MEXICO.\\nin hostile proximity, and both stationed at a great distance from\\ntheir respective governments So far from being the cause,\\nor even a cause of the war, it is not to be classed with the\\nmeasure of annexation as one of the results of the causes which\\nwe have enumerated. It was purely a preventive measure on\\nthe part of our government, and only as such intended and\\nauthorized.\\nCOMPARATIVE VIEW OF THE ACTS OF THE TWO\\nGOVERNMENTS.\\nASSUMED POSITION AND NATIONAL RELATIONS OF MEXICO.\\nAlthough the loss of Texas was a consequence of the bad\\nfaith of Mexico, still Mexico was induced to assume that\\nannexation was sufficient cause of war. What combination\\nof influences led that nation to take such a position is still a\\nmatter of some uncertainty. It is true, desperation is frequent-\\nly indicative of weakness, and boldness or rashness is made to\\nrepresent power. But acts of rashness may be generally traced\\nto ulterior motives, to some contingent redemption or aid that\\nmay be possible, or probable, though not certain. A bold\\nposition in a nation which is wrong may cost nothing, and a com-\\npromise between right and extravagant claim may sometimes\\nrender it a source of gain. That Mexico was really ignorant\\nof her own character, we cannot believe. That she was not\\nfully aware of her own weakness, all must admit. That the\\nembarrassments and confusion of her own affairs led her rulers\\nto suppose that nothing could happen to add new misery to her\\ncondition, is more than probable. She supposed her chance for\\ncharity among nations about equal to that of justice. She\\nwas honored with marks of sympathy, but she was deceived by\\nsupposing they would be redeemed by acts of aid.\\nIn what proportion, therefore, the various influences made\\nup her inducements to action, it is difficult to determine. Per-\\nhaps it is unnecessary. It is probable, however, that her very\\nexistence required action, and in her pride and weakness she", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "RELATIONS OF UNITED STATES AND TEXAS. 65\\nwas led to indulge in a vague belief that her manifestations of\\nnationality .would be taken for strength and patriotism, and\\nthus enlist foreign intervention. At that time, the relations\\nbetween the United States and Great Britain were unsettled.\\nThe Oregon question was the great source of excitement.\\nNegotiation was of doubtful issue, and war was predicted.\\nForeign powers had acknowledged the independence of Texas,\\nand her favor was courted both by England and France. If\\nwe had war with England, Mexico could follow with some\\ndegree of safety in her wake of destruction. Her weakness\\nmight be covered by England s strength, and English subjects\\nhad solid interests to urge them to such a union. France\\ndesired to help Mexico, that she might be able at some future\\nday to help herself, and she opposed the dissolution of the\\nsovereignty of Texas because it would add too much to the\\npower of the United States.\\nThus were nations at work as elements in determining the\\naffairs of Mexico, as involved with those of Texas. Mexico\\nwas one of five independent powers, and she was willing to\\nbe the fifth in order of influence, and be subject to the con-\\ntingent relations of the other four and to take her chance as\\nto the result. She was made blind to her own resources by\\nexpectations as baseless as they proved to be fatal. But, before\\nv/e compare the acts of the United States and Mexico, let us\\nglance at the\\nRELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND TEXAS.\\nThat the government of the United States has been actuated\\nby considerations of strict justice and liberality to Mexico,\\nand of integrity to its own great interests, will appear from\\nthe simple facts embraced in official documents. We shall\\nendeavor so to classify them as to give the reader a just and\\nconnected view of the evidence which they contain.\\nThe acts of governments, as well as those of individuals, are\\ndetermined by motives. We can conceive of no other mode\\nof action, however manifested or combined. In judging,\\n6*", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "66 KELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES AND TEXAS.\\ntherefore, either of collective or of individual action by a few\\nleading facts, we must, in justice, remember the influences of\\nthe thousand little things which indeed make up the atmos-\\nphere of the motive world, and oftentimes characterize it,\\nthough they cannot be enumerated. We can hope to do but\\nlittle in representing the motives of either government by se-\\nlecting a few declarations, though we may aid the reader by\\nour outlines in giving direction to further investigation.\\nThe United States and Texas must be regarded as two\\nsovereign nations engaged in a negotiation mutually impor-\\ntant, and really in no way threatening the peace or involving\\nthe interest of any other nation. The special interest of\\nMexico in Texas was forfeited nine years before, and that\\nforfeiture was recognized, and the consequent independence\\nacknowledged, by the leading powers of Europe. Notwith-\\nstanding this, Mexico assumed the hostile attitude in regard to\\nboth in the contingency that they agreed. The contingency\\nof agreement took place, and we commence our documentary\\naccount of events which preceded it, and which are necessary\\nto a proper understanding of what followed.\\nIt must be borne in mind that Mexico takes a forced posi-\\ntion. Any other nation, according to the laws of nations, had\\nthe same right as Mexico to protest against annexation, and\\nto threaten war. While the United States proposed to take\\nnothing from Mexico that belonged to her, their government\\nwas bound to be faithful in all its engao-ements with Texas.\\nIn literally dissolving her nationality, Texas claimed from\\nthe United States that protection which was necessary in view\\nof successful negotiation, provided she was invaded by Mexico.\\nWhile she was preparing to assume a subordinate position, in a\\nnational point of view, as one of the States of this Union, she\\nwas discontinuing those means of defence which would be no\\nlonger required. In reply to her government on this point,\\nthe United States gave", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "ASSURANCE OF PROTECTION TO TEXAS. 67\\nASSURANCE OF PROTECTION TO TEXAS.\\nMr. Buchanan, Secretary of State, to Mr. Donelson, Chargi d Affaires\\nof the U. S., in Texas, May 23, 1845.\\nI am instructed by the president to inform you that, as\\nsoon as the existing government and the convention of Texas\\nshall have accepted the terms proposed in the two first sections\\nof the joint resolution for annexing Texas to the United\\nStates, he will then conceive it to be both his right and duty\\nto employ the army in defending that state against the attacks\\nof any foreign power. This shall be done promptly and\\nefficiently, should any emergency render it necessary. In\\norder to be prepared for such a contingency, a force of three\\nthousand men shall immediately be placed upon the border,\\nprepared to enter Texas and to act without a moment s delay.\\nIt would be the most crying injustice towards the people of\\nTexas, for the United States to stand by and refuse to extend\\na helping hand to sustain them against an invasion brought\\nupon them by their free determination to annex their own\\nglorious Republic to the American Union, in compliance with a\\nsolemn resolution of Congress.\\nIn conformity with this obligation, orders were given to our\\narmy and navy. As these orders were among the first acts of\\nthe United States, in granting a military defence to Texas,\\nwe give them nearly entire.\\nMr. Marcy, Secretary of War, to General Z. Taylor, at Fort Jesup, La.\\nWar Department, May 28, 1845.\\nI am directed by the president to cause the forces now\\nunder your command, and those which may be assigned to it,\\nto be put into a position where they may most promptly and\\nefficiently act in defence of Texas, in the event it shall\\nbecome necessary or proper to employ them for that purpose.\\nThe information received by the executive of the United\\nStates warrants the belief that Texas will shortly accede to", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "68 OUR TROOPS TO OCCUPY THE RIO GRANDE DEL NORTE.\\nthe terms of annexation. As soon as the Texan Congress\\nshall have given its consent to annexation, and a convention\\nshall assemble and accept the terms offered in the resolutions\\nof Congress, Texas will then be regarded by the executive\\ngovernment so far a part of the United States as to be entided\\nfrom this government to defence and protection from foreign\\ninvasion and Indian incursions. The troops under your com-\\nmand will be placed and kept in readiness to perform this duty.\\nShould the territories of Texas be invaded by a foreign\\npower, and you sliall receive certain intelligence through her\\nfunctionaries of that fact, after her convention shall have\\nacceded to the terms of annexation contained in the resolu-\\ntions of the Congress of the United States, you will at once\\nemploy, in the most effective manner your judgment may\\ndictate, the forces under your command, for the defence of\\nthese territories, and to expel the invaders.\\nTHE RIO GRANDE DEL NORTE TO BE OCCUPIED BY OUR\\nTROOPS.\\nGeorge Bancroft, acting Secretary of War, to General Taylor.\\nWar Department, Jxme 15, 1845.\\nOn the 4th day of July next, or very soon thereafter, the\\nconvention of the people of Texas will probably accept the\\nproposition of annexation, under the joint resolutions of the\\nlate Congress of the United States. That acceptance will\\nconstitute Texas an integral portion of our country.\\nIn anticipation of that event, you will forthwith make a\\nforward movement of the troops under your command, and\\nadvance to the mouth of the Sabine, or to such other point on\\nthe Gulf of Mexico, or its navigable waters, as in your judg-\\nment may be most convenient for embarkation at the proper\\ntime for the western frontier of Texas.\\nThe point of your ultimate destination is the western\\nfrontier of Texas, where you will select and occupy, on or\\nnear the Rio Grande del Norte, such a site as will consist", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "U. S. NAVY COOPERATES IN THE DEFENCE OF TEXAS. 69\\nwith the health of the troops, and will be best adapted to repel\\ninvasion, and to protect what, in the event of annexation, will\\nbe our western border. You will limit youself to the defence\\nof the territory of Texas, unless Mexico should declare war\\nagainst the United States.\\nYour movement to the Gulf of Mexico, and your prepara-\\ntions to embark for the western frontier of Texas, are to be\\nmade without any delay but you will not effect a landing on\\nthat frontier until you have yourself ascertained the due\\nacceptance of Texas of the proffered terms of annexation, or\\nuntil you receive directions from Mr. Donelson.\\nU. S. SQUADRON ORDERED TO COOPERATE 11^ THE DEFENCE\\nOF TEXAS.\\nM7 Donelson to Captain Stockto?i, U. S. Navy, Commander U. S.\\nSquadron, near Galveston.\\nLegatiox of the U. S.,\\nWashington, Texas, Jmie 22, 1845. 5\\nCaptain Waggaman arrived here last evening with de-\\nspatches to the president of this Republic and myself, from\\nGeneral Taylor, who has been ordered, in case Texas is in-\\nvaded by Mexico, to render the protection asked for by this\\ngovernment. Although these troops will be, as usual, under\\nthe command of the regular officers of the United States, they\\nare yet not to act within the limits of Texas without consulta-\\ntion with this government.\\nIt is highly important, therefore, that your squadron should,\\nin like manner, so act as not to alter the general character of\\nthe defence which the United States will interpose for Texas.\\nThe whole measure of annexation being dependent upon the\\nconsent of this government, the employment of our forces\\nwithin the limits of Texas must be, of course, subordinate to\\nthe necessity which will exist for it.\\nI have no idea that you would otherwise employ the\\nsquadron under your command but, for greater caution, and\\nto have certain evidence in our possession that the action of", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "70 TERMS OF ANNEXATION ACCEPTED BY TEXAS.\\nour force within the hmits of Texas will be strictly defensive,\\nI have thought it right to make these observations.\\nIt is almost certain that our troops now on the border\\nwill be, in a few days, on the march to such stations as may\\nbe selected for them within the territory of Texas. Corpus\\nChristi, San Antonio, and one other station farther north, will\\nprobably be selected.\\nThe prospect of a Mexican war is so immediate as to\\njustify yoiu* remaining on the lookout for the event. It is\\nopenly threatened by Mexico, and the British minister has left\\nbehind him a general impression that it will take place. If it\\ndoes, your cooperation with our land troops I should think\\nsufficient, without much aid from Texas herself, to drive the\\nMexican arms west of the Rio Grande. It is to be hoped,\\nhowever, that Mexico, seeing the determination of the United\\nStates to maintain by force the right of Texas to annex her-\\nself to our Union, will yet prefer to settle, by treaty, the\\npoints in dispute.\\nTERMS OF ANNEXATION ACCEPTED BY THE GOVERNMENT\\nAND PEOPLE OF TEXAS.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, June 23, 1845.\\nYou will receive herewith enclosed the joint resolution\\nand the letter of the secretary of state transmitting it, giving\\nthe consent of this government to the proposals for the\\nadmission of Texas as a State of the Federal Union. The\\nvote upon it was unanimous.\\nThe measure remained to be acted upon by the people of\\nTexas. They were notified by a proclamation of President\\nJones, on the 4th of June, 1845, to choose delegates to meet at\\nthe chy of Austin on the 4th of July following. The result in\\nconvention is stated in despatch, dated July 6, 1845, from\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan.\\nThere was but one dissenting voice to the acceptance of\\nour proposals by the convention, and that one afterwards affixed", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "THE CHOICE OF THE TEXANS. 71\\nhis signature to the resolution adopted on the subject so that\\nthe ordinance now forwarded to you has the unanimous support\\nof all the deputies. Thus are dissipated all the schemes of\\nforeign powers to raise a party in Texas adverse to annexation\\nand thus has this gallant State vindicated her appreciation of\\nthe principles of liberty, and of the necessity of union with us\\nin order to preserve those principles.\\nGENERAL TAYLOR ADVISED OF ANNEXATION.\\nOn the 28th of June, Mr. Donelson advised General Taylor\\nthat the terms of annexation had been unanimously accepted\\nby the government of Texas and, on the 7th of July, that the\\nconvention of the people had unanimously approved the same\\nand that, therefore, the contingency has occurred on which\\nthe president of the United States placed the right and duty\\nof defending this territory against the attacks of Mexicans and\\nIndians. On the 23d of August, the secretary of war says to\\nGeneral Taylor, Orders have been issued to the naval force\\non the Gulf of Mexico to cooperate with you. In the same\\ndespatch, the secretary of war authorizes General Taylor to\\ncall upon the governors of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi,\\nTennessee, and Kentucky, for volunteers, should Mexico\\ndeclare war, or commence hostilities by crossing the Rio\\nGrande with a considerable force.\\nTHE CHOICE OF THE TEXANS.\\nEbenezer Allen, Attorney- General of Texas and acting Secretanj of State,\\nto Mr. Donelson, June 23, 1845.\\nRejecting the idea of separate nationality, although com-\\nmended to their choice by the proffered recognition of their\\nindependence by Mexico, and the countenance of powerful\\nEuropean sovereignties, the people of this country have thus\\nevinced, by most decided manifestations, their strong but\\nnatural preference for the advantages of a voluntary incorpora-\\ntion into the American Union, and their strong attachment to\\nthe free institutions of that great and glorious Republic.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "72 FREE ACTION OF THE TEXANS.\\nFREE ACTION OF THE TEXANS. ANNEXATION A BLOODLESS\\nACHIEVEMENT.\\nIt is the language of truth and sincerity, however much it\\nmay be doubted by partisans, which we find in the message\\nof President Polk to Congress, December, 1845.\\nThis accession to our territory has been a bloodless\\nachievement. No arm of force has been raised to produce the\\nresult. The sword has had no part in the victory. We have\\nnot sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or\\nour republican institutions over a reluctant people. It was a\\ndeliberate homage of each people to the great principle of our\\nfederative Union.\\nIf we consider the extent of territory involved in the\\nannexation, its prospective influence on America, the means\\nby which it has been accomplished, springing purely from the\\nchoice of the people themselves to share the blessings of our\\nUnion, the history of the world may be challenged to furnish a\\nparallel.\\nThe president had acted openly and independently in this\\nnegotiation, and he had every reason to congratulate the coun-\\ntry on the result. We shall more justly appreciate his senti-\\nments if we refer to his letter of instructions, in which the\\nmanner of negotiation is advised, in a despatch from\\nMr. Buchanan to Mr. Donelson.\\nThe president entirely concurs in opinion with you, that\\nthe United States should avoid even the least appearance of\\ninterference with the free action of the people of Texas on the\\nquestion of annexation. This is necessary to give its full\\neffect to one of the grandest moral spectacles which has ever\\nbeen presented to mankind, and to convince the world that we\\nwould not, if we could, influence their decision except by fair\\nargument. W^e desire that our conduct shall be in perfect\\ncontrast to that pursued by the British charge d affaires to Texas\\nin reference to the question.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 73\\nFOREIGN INTERFERENCE. rROMPT ACTION NECESSARY. RESULT.\\nGreat efforts were made by the representatives of France\\nand England to prevent annexation, and even Mexico herself\\nwas induced to assent to propositions of peace, provided Texas\\nwould remain independent.*\\nPreliminary propositions were formally made and sent from\\nMexico, in May, by Baron AUeye De Cyprey, and Charles\\nBankhead, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary\\nof his majesty the king of the French, and minister plenipo-\\ntentiary of her Britannic majesty, sanctioned by the Mexican\\ngovernment. They were presented by Mr. Elliott, her Britan-\\nnic majesty s charge d affaires in Texas. These were duly\\nsubmitted by President Jones to the Congress of Texas, with\\nall due respect to the motives of those who framed them. The\\nproposed treaty was unanimously rejected by the Congress of\\nTexas on the same day that the resolutions of annexation were\\nunanimously accepted.\\nThese efforts will enable us to understand an anxiety mani-\\nfested on the part of our government to have the business\\npromptly closed. It must be gratifying to all lovers of their\\ncountry that the promptitude of our government was not marked\\nby any departure from the fundamental principles of sound\\ndiplomacy, justice, and humanity. It is well remarked, and,\\ndoubtless, with a just sense of pride, by the president in his\\nmessage of December, 1845, that,\\nIn contemplating the grandeur of this event, it is not to be\\nforgotten that the result was achieved in despite of the diplo-\\nmatic interference of European monarchies. Even France,\\nthe country which had been our ancient ally the country\\nwhich has a common interest with us in maintaining the free-\\ndom of the seas the country which, by the cession of Louisiana,\\nfirst opened to us access to the Gulf of Mexico the countiy\\nwith which we have been every year drawing more and more\\nSee Appendix J.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "74 POSITION OF THE TWO GOVERNMENTS.\\nclosely the bonds of successful commerce, most unexpectedly,\\nand to our unfeigned regret, took part in an effort to prevent\\nannexation, and to impose on Texas, as a condition of the\\nrecognition of her independence by Mexico, that she would\\nnever join herself to the United States. We may rejoice that\\nthe tranquil and pervading influence of the American principle\\nof self-government was sufficient to defeat the purposes of\\nBritish and French interference, and that the almost unanimous\\nvoice of the people of Texas has given to that interference a\\npeaceful and effective rebuke. From this example, European\\ngovernments may learn how vain diplomatic arts and intrigues\\nmust ever prove, upon this continent, against that system of\\nself-government which seems natural to our soil, and which\\nwill ever resist foreign interference.\\nPOSITIONS OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES AND\\nMEXICO AFTER ANNEXATION.\\nThe resolution authorizing the annexation of Texas was\\npassed by the Congress of the United States, on the 28th of\\nFebruary, 1845, and v^^as approved by the president on the 1st\\nof March.*\\nOn the 6th day of March following, the Mexican minister at\\nWashington, General Almonte, in the name of his government,\\naddressed to the state department a Protest, in the most\\nsolemn manner, against the law whereby the province of Texas,\\nan integrant portion of the Mexican territory, is agreed and\\nadmitted into the American Union that the said law can in no\\nwise invalidate the rights on which Mexico relies to recover the\\nabove-mentioned province of Texas, of which she now sees\\nherself unjustly despoiled and that she will maintain and\\nuphold those rights at all times, by every means which may be\\nin her power.\\nHe will say in conclusion, to the honorable secretary of state\\nof the United States, in order that he may be pleased to com-\\nSee Appendix I.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "POSITION OF THE TWO GOVERNMENTS. 75\\nmunicate it to the president of these States, that in consequence\\nof this law, against which he has just protested, his mission\\nnear this government has ceased from this day. Wherefore, the\\nundersigned prays the honorable secretary of state to be pleased\\nto deliver him his passports, as he has made arrangements\\nto leave this city, [Washington,] without delay, for New\\nYork.\\nThis was the first position of Mexico after annexation. It\\nwas one of complaint and protest.\\nThe secretary of state, on the 10th day of March, 1845,\\nadvised General Almonte, that he had submitted his protest\\nmade in the name of his government, to the president, and he\\nwas instructed, in answer, to say, that the admission of Texas\\nas one of the States of this Union, having received the sanction,\\nboth of the legislative and executive departments of the gov-\\nernment, is now irrevocably decided, so far as the United\\nStates are concerned. Nothing but the refusal of Texas to\\nratify the terms and conditions on which her admission\\ndepends, can defeat this object. It is, therefore, too late, at\\npresent, to re-open a discussion which has already been exhaust-\\ned, and again to prove that Texas has long since achieved her\\nindependence of Mexico, and now stands before the world, both\\ndejure and de facto as a sovereign and independent State amid\\nthe family of nations. Sustaining this character, and having\\nmanifested a strong desire to become one of the members of\\nour confederacy, neither Mexico nor any other nation will\\nhave just cause of complaint against the United States for\\nadmitting her into this Union.\\nThis was the position of the United, States. It teas one of\\njustification and defence.\\nHaving before us the two nations in their respective positions\\nof complaint and defence, we propose to review their spirit of\\nconciliation and of hostility, as manifested by their acts prior\\nto the commencement of the war. We will first turn our\\nattention to", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "76 THE DISPOSITIONS OF MEXICO.\\nTHE DISPOSITIONS OF MEXICO, AS MANIFESTED TOWARDS THE\\nUNITED STATES.\\nAlthough it is not our design, in this connection, to notice\\nevents prior to March, 1845, it may be proper, perhaps, to\\nadvert to the assumed position of Mexico, in regard to annexa-\\ntion, in 1843 and 1844.\\nUnder date of August 23, 1843, the Mexican minister of\\nforeign relations, in the name of his government, addressed to\\nour minister in Mexico, the following language\\nThe Mexican government will consider equivalent to a\\ndeclaration of war against the Mexican Republic, the passage\\nof an act for the incorporation of Texas with the territory of\\nthe United States, the certainty of the fact heing sufficient for\\nthe proclaraation of war^ leaving to the civilized world to\\ndetermine with regard to the justice of the cause of the Mexi-\\ncan nation in a struggle which it has been so far from pro-\\nvoking.\\nOn the 12th of June, 1844, just two months after the signa-\\nture by Mr. Calhoun of the treaty for the annexation of Texas,\\nSanta Anna, then the president of Mexico, announced to the\\ngovernment of the United States, that Mexico was resolved\\nagain to undertake vigorously the campaign against Texas, for\\nwhich she held in readiness a large army, and further ex-\\npressed the determination of Mexico upon the point, as fol-\\nlows\\nThat in no manner will she consent to dismember territo-\\nry rather will she carry the war to any extreme which may\\nbe necessary to sustain her rights and that as nations do not\\ndie,/!Ae right of reconquering that territory shall remain to our\\nchildren and our grandchildren that this was the opinion of\\nthe government and of the Mexicans^\\nSee tlie able speech, of Hon. Mr. Downs, delivered in the U. S.\\nSenate, January, 1848, from which we have copied some details to\\n1844.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE DISPOSITIONS OF MEXICO. 77\\nThis declaration was followed up by Santa Anna, by issuing,\\nin the same month, (June, 1844,) a requisition for thirty thou-\\nsand men, and $4,000,000, to carry on the war against\\nTexas. Generals Canalize and WoU were placed in com-\\nmand of the force raised upon this requisition, and, having\\nadvanced to Mier, on the Texan frontier, Woll, at the head of\\nhis invading army, put forth a general order, under date of\\nJune 20, 1844, menacing every individual within one\\nleague of the left bank of the Hio del Norte with the traitor s\\ndoom.\\nMr. Bocanegra, then the Mexican minister of foreign rela-\\ntions, styled the act of Congress providing for annexation, in\\nhis circular letter to the various European ministers then\\nresident in Mexico, under date of May 31, 1844, a declara-\\ntion of war between the two nations.\\nIn his message of December, 1845, the president of the\\nUnited States says,\\nOn the 6th day of March last, the Mexican envoy extra-\\nordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States\\nmade a formal protest, c. Our envoy extraordinary to Mex-\\nico was refused all official intercourse with that government,\\nand, after remaining several months, by the permission of his\\nown government he returned to the United States. Thus, by\\nthe acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two\\ncountries was suspended.\\nSince that time Mexico has, until recently, occupied an\\nattitude of hostility towards the United States has been mar-\\nshalling and organizing armies, issuing proclamations, and\\navowing the intention to make war on the United States, either\\nby an open declaration, or by invading Texas.\\nIn a letter from Mr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, dated June 2,\\n1845, it is stated, It is believed that Mexico is concentrating\\ntroops on the Rio Grande.\\nAgain, on the 4th of June, 1845, he says, I look upon war\\nwith Mexico as inevitable a war dictated by the British min-\\nister here, for the purpose of defeating annexation.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "78 CHAGRIN OF MEXICO.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Alle^i, June 11, 1845.\\nThe minister of the foreign affairs of Mexico, when ask-\\ning for the authorization of the chambers to negotiate with\\nTexas on the basis of her independence, at the same time\\ndeclared that the army on the Rio Grande would be reinforced,\\nand the agency that obtained and brought back to this govern-\\nment the declaration that the door is open for negotiation of\\na definitive treaty between the two nations, brought also the\\nformal notification that this door will be closed again if Texas\\nconsents in any manner to the resolution passed by the Con-\\ngress of the United States on the subject of annexation. Thus\\nis it made difficult for Texas, even had her judgment led her\\nto reject the overture for her admission into the Federal Union,\\nto accept the propositions of Mexico, without incurring the\\nimputation of being awed by an armed force, kept avowedly\\nupon her frontier to commence hostilities, if her decision\\nshould be different from that prescribed for her.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, June 23, 1845.\\nMexico, however, has threatened a renewal of the war for\\nTHE WHOLE OF Texas, if shc acccpts the proposals for annex-\\nation to the Union.\\nCHAGRIN OF MEXICO HER MODE OF W^ARFARE.\\nMr. Allen to Mr. Do7ielson^ Jwie 26, 1845.\\nBut the very preference manifested by the government and\\npeople of Texas for annexation to the great republican confed-\\neracy, and for a participation in the benefits and efficacy of\\nher free institutions, when contrasted with the alternative of\\nseparate and acknowledged independence, and when the latter\\nalternative was commended to the acceptance of the nation by\\nthe partiality of mighty powers, must be mortifying to the\\npride of Mexico, and may very probably induce her to com-\\nmence against this country sudden and active hostilities. For", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "THREATS OF MEXICO. 79\\nthe last six or eight years her warfare has consisted of irregu\\nlar incursions across our western frontier, her forces entering\\nand retiring from our territory at wide and uncertain intervals\\nof time, and occasioning ruin and distress along the immediate\\nline of their marches. A new irruption of this kind may now\\nbe reasonably expected.\\nMr. Donelson to General Taylor, June 28, 1845.\\nIf any reliance is to be placed upon the threats of Mexico,\\nand upon the advice which we may presume will be given by\\nthe French and British governments, an invasion of Texas\\nmay be confidently anticipated.\\nOn the 12th and 16th of July, the Mexican secretary of war\\nissued circulars, requiring the officers of the army to raise the\\nrequisite number of troops to wage war against the United States.\\nWe have placed copies of these circulars in our Appendix.*\\nOn the 12th of August, 1845, General Arista addressed his\\ntroops in the following language\\nComrades The supreme executive has sent to me, by\\nexpress, the news that the United States, in pursuance of their\\nambitious views, having taken possession of the department of\\nTexas, he had demanded a declaration of war from Congress\\nagainst that unjust nation.\\nThe time to fight is come. We must prepare with the\\nardor inspired by duty and patriotism, when an attack is made\\nupon the soil, the honor, and the pride of the nation.\\nArms are the only arguments to use against banditti\\nand men without good faith. Let us hope for that justice\\nwhich is invoked by all society, and the decision of the ci^jil-\\nized world. Our lot will be envied by the rest of the army\\nwe are nearest to the theatre of war we are the first to avenge\\nthe outrages on our country, and to ravish from the usurpers\\nthe object of their rapines. Large bodies of troops are on\\ntheir march they will soon be here, to share our dangers and\\nrepulse the enemy.\\nSee Appendix K.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "80 THREATS OF MEXICO.\\nOn the 27th of August, 1845, General Paredes thus\\naddressed the soldiers of the Mexican army\\nSoldiers A rapacious and grasping race have thrown\\nthemselves upon our territory, and dare to flatter themselves\\nthat we will not defend the patrimony which our forefathers\\nconquered Avith their blood. They deceive themselves we\\nwill fly to snatch from them the spoils, the possession of which\\nthey are impudently enjoying and they shall learn, by dearly-\\nbought experience, that they are not contending with the undis-\\nciplined tribes of Indians whom they robbed of their land, their\\nheaven, and their countiy and that the Mexicans will ardently\\ncombat the soldiers of a nation which has sanctioned by its\\nlaws the most degrading slavery.\\nIn a letter addressed by Mr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan,\\ndated July 24, 1845, he says, The common opinion of the\\ncitizens best acquainted with the Mexican population is, that\\nthe government will be obliged to declare war, in order to have\\nthe power to compromise with after events.\\nGetxeral Taylor to Adjutant General Jones.\\nCorpus Christi, Aug. 15, 1845.\\nI have the honor to report that, by New Orleans papers\\nof the 7th instant, I have received intelligence of the prepar-\\natory steps taken by Mexico towards a declaration of war\\nagainst the United States.\\nI am enabled to say, upon information which is regarded\\nas authentic, that General Arista was to leave Monterey on the\\n4th of this month for Matamoras, with 1500 men, 500 being\\ncaAialry. I learn by the same source, that there are 500 regu-\\nlar troops at Matamoras.\\nAdjutant- General Jones to General Taylor, Aug. 26, 1845.\\nOfficial information, at short intervals, is now the more\\nnecessary, as the country is filled with rumors of the move-\\nment of Mexican troops in direction of your head-quarters, as\\nalso of matters in relation to our own service.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "COMMUNICATION ACROSS THE FRONTIER PROHIBITED. 81\\nCOMMUNICATION ACROSS THE FRONTIER PROHIBITED UNDER\\nPENALTY OF DEATH.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjutant- General Jones.\\nCorpus Christi, Sept. 6, 1845.\\nA decree has been issued, prohibiting, under the penalty\\nof death, any communication, by writing, across the frontier\\na precaution which has been adopted on former occasions, and\\ncaused, no doubt, by our presence here.\\nWe think that no one will be disposed to doubt the fact, that\\nMexico was uniform in her spirit and acts of hostility towards\\nthe United States, if in nothing else. To use the language of\\nMr. Madison, she was in a state of war against the United\\nStates. It is the notoriety of these hostile manifestations\\nwhich we would have the reader notice, as an important\\nelement of the subject.\\nDuring every period of the discussion upon the subject of\\nannexation, from the first to the last, these manifestations of\\nhostility on the part of PvTexico have been known to Congress,\\nand to all the political parties of the country.\\nBy those who claimed that nothing could be generous that\\nwas not just, they were lamented and by others, who claimed\\nthat party was above principle, we have too much evidence to\\nbelieve that they were encouraged. Still, the vote for annexa-\\ntion in Congress was a very decided one.\\nIt has been assumed by some that we had but little evidence\\nthat Mexico intended hostilities. If hostilities were not in-\\ntended, how could Pena y Pena say to Mr. Black, as he did,\\nOctober 31, 1845, The government of Mexico has given- its\\norders, for the purpose of suspending, for the present, any act\\nof hostility against the United States, and limits itself to the\\ndefensive, awaiting the issue of the negotiation proposed by\\nthe government of the United States, through the consul\\nHow could acts of hostility be suspended., if they had not been\\nordered and of course the inference is plain, to he renewed\\nif negotiation failed.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "S2 COMMUNICATION ACROSS THE FRONTIER PROHIBITED.\\nIt may be true, perhaps, that Mexico intended no action but\\na display of threats without the sHghtest design of redeeming\\nthem. If she found us unmoved by these, her counsels of\\nprudence were sufficient to produce other and equally safe\\nexpedients. But the decree alluded to by General Taylor was\\nevidence enough that she intended ivar, and nothing but war.\\nIt was not, however, the open war of civilized nations that they\\nlooked for and desired, but for opportunities of sudden incur-\\nsions and massacres They would have ventured attacks\\nupon unarmed citizens, asleep, in the night time, and possibly\\nupon detachments of troops, if their numbers were so small as\\nto give them no apprehension of danger. Not to enjoy such\\nprivileges of bloodshed was a sore disappointment to them.\\nThey did not expect to be met on the line, where they could\\nhave no chance to execute their acts of revenge upon the peo-\\nple of Texas without a check, or a shot that might injure them.\\nThey, indeed, claimed it as a right, that our army should\\nremove beyond the Nueces, until the two governments had\\nsettled the boundary question. They had a sudden, and for\\nthem, a novel disposition, to protect their own soil, and their\\nown people. But it was thought by our government that no\\nevil could arise by giving protection to all the territoiy that\\nTexas claimed, knowing full well that the tender mercies of\\nMexico could in no human probability exceed those which\\nwould be extended by our army, and without any expense to\\nthem. It was a matter of duty, however, paramount to every\\nother consideration with our government, if persuaded that\\nany protection was required, to give it with an amplitude that\\nshould insure entire and unquestioned safety to Texas, and\\npreserve unsullied the integrity of the United States.\\nLet us now look on the other side. Let us see what was\\nTHE PREVAILING SPIRIT OF THE UNITED STATES TOWARDS\\nMEXICO,\\nduring this period of threatened hostilities on the part of that\\nrepublic. We would not intentionally bias the reader in favor", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "ORDER FOR DEFENCE, NOT INVASION. 83\\nof his own country, if she were in the wrong nor would we\\nendeavor to create prejudices in his mind against a sister\\nrepublic, if she were in the right. Our purpose is, simply, to\\nask a candid attention to facts. Let the documents speak for\\nthemselves. Our limits allow us no alternative but to make\\nextracts, and almost always at the expense of much evidence\\nconfirmatory of our views, which we are compelled to omit.\\nPLEDGE OF AMITY OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT.\\nM}\\\\ Buchanan to General Almo7ite, March 10, 1845.\\nThe president sincerely regrets that the government of\\nMexico should have taken offence at these proceedings, [act\\nof Congress annexing Texas and he earnestly trusts that it\\nmay hereafter be disposed to view them in a more favorable\\nand friendly light. Whilst entering upon the duties of the\\npresidential office, he cheerfully declares, in advance, that his\\nmost strenuous efforts shall be devoted to the amicable adjust-\\nment of every cause of complaint between the two govern-\\nments, and to the cultivation of the kindest and most friendly\\nrelations between the sister Republics.\\nACTS OF HOSTILITY FORBIDDEN BY THE UNITED STATES.\\nMr. Buchanan to Mr. Donelson, June 3, 1845.\\nThis government will studiously refrain from all acts of\\nhostility towards that Republic, (Mexico,) unless these should\\nbecome absolutely necessary in self-defence. Orders have\\nbeen transmitted to Captain Stockton in accordance with this\\ndeclaration.\\nORDER FOR DEFENCE, NOT INVASION.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor, June 15, 1845.\\nYou will limit yourself to the territory of Texas, unless\\nMexico should declare war against the United States.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "84 ORDER TO AVOID AGGRESSION.\\nORDER TO SPARE ANY MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS EAST SIDE\\nOF THE RIO GRANDE.\\nSecretary of War to General Tat/lor, July 8, 1845.\\nThis department is informed that Mexico has some miUtary\\nestabUshments on the east side of the Rio Grande, which are,\\nand for some time have been, in the actual occupancy of her\\ntroops. In carrying out the instructions heretofore received,\\nyou will be careful to avoid any acts of aggression, unless an\\nactual state of war should exist.\\nThis order has been frequently quoted to prove that our\\ngovernment was wrong in claiming to the Rio Grande, because\\na few Mexicans had been specially permitted by our govern-\\nment to remain between that river and the Nueces. This is\\ncertainly novel logic. We should suppose that the meaning\\nwas quite the contrary. If our government deemed it expe-\\ndient to make such an exception, the fact of making it is evi-\\ndence to prove that it considered its title to the territory un-\\ndoubted otherwise the act would have been one of inconsistent\\nassumption. It was an act of delibei-ate indulgence. If the\\nright of exception implies any thing, it implies the right of\\npossession.\\nORDER TO AVOID AGGRESSION, BUT TO PROTECT TEXAS.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor, July 30, 1845.\\nWhile avoiding, as you have been instructed to do, all\\naggressive measures towards Mexico, as long as the relations\\nof peace exist between that republic and the United States,\\nyou are expected to occupy, protect, and defend the territory\\nof Texas to the extent that it has been occupied by the people\\nof Texas.\\nThis was made subject to the exception given in the letter\\nof July 8.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "U. S. GOVERNMENT PROPOSES TO NEGOTIATE. 85\\nASSURANCE OF GENERAL TAYLOR THAT FRIENDLY RELATIONS\\nWOULD NOT BE INTERRUPTED.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjutant- General Jones, July 20, 1845.\\nThe department may rest assured that I will take no step\\nto interrupt the friendly relations between the United States\\nand Mexico.\\nGOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES PROPOSES TO NEGOTIATE.\\nAPPOINTMENT OF MR. SLIDELL BIINISTER TO MEXICO.\\nThe desire for peace was universal and sincere with the\\npeople of the United States, and it pervaded all the acts of our\\ngovernment. The olive branch was made a part of the national\\nbanner, and peaceful negotiation was invited at every step and\\nmovement of -our army by our government. From evidence\\nthat was deemed authentic, it was generally believed, in this\\ncountry, that the people of Mexico were averse to war with the\\nUnited States, and that they would be glad to have an opportu-\\nnity to sustain their government in any measures that would\\nsecure a permanent peace. Constantly alive to the best good\\nof that Republic, and a consistent friend to peace, the president\\nof the United States thought that an act of condescension on\\nthe part of the more powerful government might have a salu-\\ntary effect in conciliating Mexico, and in preparing her to\\nlisten to those dictates of prudence which one would suppose\\nshe would be at no loss to find in her own distracted condition.\\nIn his message of December, 1845, the president says,\\nAfter our army and navy had remained on the frontier\\nand coasts of Mexico for many weeks, without any hostile\\nmovement on her part, though her menaces were continued, I\\ndeemed it important to put an end, if possible, to this state of\\nthings. With this view, I caused steps to be taken, in the\\nmonth of September last, to ascertain distinctly, and in authentic\\nform, what the designs of the Mexican government were\\n8", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "86 U. S. GOVERNMENT PROPOSES TO NEGOTIATE.\\nwhether it was their intention to declare war, or to invade\\nTexas, or whether they were disposed to adjust and settle, m\\nan amicable manner, the pending difRculties between the two\\ncountries. On the 9th of November, an official answer vv^as\\nreceived, that the Mexican government consented to renew the\\ndiplomatic relations which had been suspended in March last,\\nand for that purpose were willing to accredit a minister from\\nthe United States. With a sincere desire to preserve peace,\\nand restore relations of a good understanding between the two\\nRepublics, I waived all ceremony as to the manner of renewing\\ndiplomatic intercourse between them and, assuming the initi-\\native, on the 10th of November, a distinguished citizen of\\nLouisiana was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister\\nplenipotentiary to Mexico, clothed with full powers to adjust\\nand definitely settle all pending differences between the two\\ncountries, including those of boundary between Mexico and\\nthe State of Texas. He has been instructed to\\nbring the negotiation with which he is charged to a conclusion\\nat the earliest practicable period which, it is expected, will\\nbe in time to enable me to communicate the result to Congress\\nduring the present session. Until that result is known, I for-\\nbear to recommend to Congress such ulterior measures of re-\\ndress for the wrongs and injuries we have so long borne, as it\\nwould have been proper to make had no such negotiation been\\ninstituted.\\nThis was magnanimity such as could only come from a\\nnation conscious of its accountability, greatness, and power.\\nA feeble nation would lose its rank, and be stigmatized as\\nwanting in courage and self-respect, that should assume the\\ninitiative in renewing diplomatic relations that had been sus-\\npended by the acts of another power. It was an act worthy\\nof this Republic, and, if any evidence were wanting fully to\\nconfirm the sincerity of the government declarations manifest-\\ning a strong desire for peace, this must be deemed conclusive\\nHon. John Slidell.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "PROPOSAL TO RESTORE FRIENDLY RELATIONS. 87\\nby all who do not wish to deceive themselves by forced con-\\nvictions that cannot bear the test of truth. But this appoint-\\nment, and the results of it, will be best understood by a perusal\\nof the government documents.\\nPROPOSAL OF THE U. S. GOVERNMENT TO MEXICO TO RESTORE\\nFRIENDLY RELATIONS.\\nMr. Buchanaii to Mr. Black, U. S. Consul at Mexico, September 17,\\n1845.\\nInformation recently received at this department, both\\nfrom yourself and others, renders it probable that the Mexican\\ngovernment may now be willing to restore the diplomatic rela-\\ntions between the two countries. At the time of their suspen-\\nsion, General Almonte was assured of the desire felt by the\\npresident to adjust amicably every cause of complaint between\\nthe governments, and to cultivate the kindest and most friendly\\nrelations between the sister Republics. It was his duty to place\\nthe country in a condition successfully to resist the threatened\\ninvasion of Texas by Mexico, and this has been accomplished.\\nHe desires, however, that all existing differences should be\\nterminated amicably by negotiation, and not by the sword. He\\nis anxious to preserve peace, although prepared for war.\\nActuated by these sentiments, the President has directed\\nme to instruct you in the absence of any diplomatic agent\\nin Mexico to ascertain from the Mexican government,\\nwhether they would receive an envoy from the United States,\\nintrusted with full powerto adjust all the questions in dispute\\nbetween the two governments. Should the answer be in the\\nafhrmative, such an envoy will be immediately despatched to\\nMexico.\\nIf the president were disposed to stand upon a mere ques-\\ntion of etiquette, he would wait until the Mexican government,\\nwhich has suspended the diplomatic relations between the two\\ncountries, should ask that they may be restored. But his desire\\nis so strong to terminate the present unfortunate state of our", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "88 HOW THE PROPOSITION WAS RECEIVED.\\nrelations with that RepubUc, that he has consented to waive all\\nceremony, and take the initiative.\\nSo soon as you have received the answer of that govern-\\nment, you will communicate a copy of it, without delay, by\\nsome safe opportunity, to F. M. Dimond, Esq., our consul at\\nVera Cruz. You will also transmit a copy to this department.\\nIt is of great consequence that you should use as much\\ndespatch as possible in executing this important commission.\\nThe future course of this government may, and probably\\nwill, depend upon the answer which you may receive.\\nThere will be a vessel of war at Vera Cruz ready to\\nreceive your despatch, and to convey it to the United States\\nwith the least possible delay.\\nnow THE PROPOSITION WAS RECEIVED APPREHENSION OF\\nTHE MEXICAN GOVERNMENT.\\nMr. Black received the letter of the secretary of state on\\nthe 10th of October, and on the 11th, had a confidential\\ninterview with the minister of foreign relations in Mexico.\\nHe manifested an earnest desire that negotiations might take\\nplace, but there was an evident solicitude in regard to the\\neffect that such a negotiation would produce upon the people.\\nHe was fearful that it might prove fatal to their then existing\\ngovernment. He requested of our consul a communication\\nin writing, expressing the wishes of the United States govern-\\nment, and promised an explicit answer. All interviews and\\ncommunications were to be confidential, and yet no regard\\nwhatever was paid to the most solemn injunctions of secrecy.\\nMr. Black, in his letter to Pena y Pena, October 13, 1845,\\nvery judiciously gave the precise words of Mr. Buchanan embra-\\ncing the proposition, which we have quoted, and adds with\\nevident pleasure his own convictions upon the subject. He\\nsays, The undersigned can assure his excellency, that it is\\nwith the most heartfelt satisfaction he sees, in the preceding\\nproposition on the part of the United States, (notwithstanding", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "MEXICO ASSENTS TO THE PROPOSITION. 89\\nthe preparations for war on both sides,) that a door is still\\nleft open for conciliation, whereby all existing differences may-\\nbe amicably and equitably adjusted, and the honor of both\\nnations preserved inviolate.\\nMEXICO ASSENTS TO THE PROPOSITION OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nOn the 15th of October, Mr. Pena y Pena sent Mr. Black his\\nanswer, from which the following extracts are made\\nI have informed my government of the private conference\\nwhich took place between you and myself on the 1 1th instant,\\nand have submitted to it the confidential letter which you,\\nin consequence of, and agreeably to, what was then said,\\naddressed to me yesterday. In answer, I have to say to you,\\nthat although the Mexican nation is deeply injured by the\\nUnited States, through the acts committed by them in the\\ndepartment of Texas, which belongs to this nation, my gov-\\nernment is disposed to receive the commissioner of the United\\nStates, who may come to this capital with full powers from\\nhis government to settle the present dispute in a peaceful, rea-\\nsonable, and honorable manner thus giving a new proof, that\\neven in the midst of its injuries, and of its firm decision to\\nexact adequate reparation for them, it does not repel with con-\\ntumely the measure of reason and peace to which it is invited\\nby its adversary.\\nWhat my government requires above all things is, that\\nthe mission of the commissioner of the United States, and his\\nreception by us, should appear to be always absolutely frank,\\nand free from every sign of menace or coercion. And thus,\\nMr. Consul, while making known to your government the dis-\\nposition on the part of that of Mexico to receive the commis-\\nsioner, you should impress upon it, as indispensable, the previ-\\nous recall of the whole naval force now lying in sight of our\\nport of Vera Cruz. Its presence would degrade Mexico, while\\nshe is receiving the commissioner, and would justly subject the\\nUnited States to the imputation of contradicting, by acts, the\\n8*", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "90 WITHDRAWAL OF THE NAVAL FORCE.\\nvehement desire of conciliation, peace, and friendship, which\\nis professed and asserted by words.\\nIn a letter from Mr. Black to Mr. Buchanan, dated October\\n28, 1845, he says, The Mexican government is very anxious\\nto know when they may expect the envoy from the United\\nStates and also, that I may soon be able to give it the\\ninformation of the American squadron having retired from\\nthe port of Vera Cruz.\\nWe have rumors every day that a revolution is shortly to\\ntake place, but, as yet, things are quiet. Let this go as it will,\\nI think that an arrangement is safe, as it has the sanction of\\nthe Mexican Confess in secret session.\\nWITHDRAWAL OF THE NAVAL FORCE OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nMr. Blach to Mr. Pena y Pena, October 29, 1845.\\nThe undersigned has the honor to transmit herewith a copy\\nof a communication addressed to Commodore Conner, com-\\nmander of the American squadron before Vera Cruz, to the\\nAmerican consul, F. M. Dimond, Esq., of that place, by which\\nhis excellency will see that the wishes of the Mexican govern-\\nment have been, in this respect, fully and promptly complied\\nwith.\\nCommodore Conner to Mr. Dimond.\\nIT. S. Ship Falmouth,\\nOff Sacrificios, October 23, 1845.\\nBy the letter of Mr. Black, which you were kind enough\\nto send me this morning, I learn that the proposition to enter\\ninto negotiation, made by our government to that of this\\ncountiy, had been accepted. There appears to exist, on the\\npart of this government, some fear lest they should be accused\\nof being forced into this measure by the hostile attitude of the\\nUnited States.\\nBeing fully aware that our government has had no inten-\\ntion of threatening this country, but, on the contrary, has", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "RECEPTION OF BIR. SLIDELL IN MEXICO. 91\\nalways been actuated by a sincere desire to heal existing differ-\\nences in a manner honorable to both nations, I beheve I shall\\nbest contribute to such an arrangement by withdrawing our\\nnaval force from before Vera Cruz.\\nSINGULAR AND UNEXPECTED RECEPTION OF MR. SLIDELL,\\nIN MEXICO.\\nMr, Black to Mr. Buchaiian, December 18, 1845.\\nOn Wednesday, the 8d instant, I received a letter from our\\nconsul at Vera Cruz, dated the 29th of November, informing\\nme that a vessel had just arrived at Sacrificios, on board of\\nwhich was the Hon. John Slidell, who had sent for him, the\\nsaid consul, to come down to that place, as he wished to leave\\nVera Cruz for the capital by that night s diligence but he, the\\nconsul, was of opinion that he would not be able to leave\\nuntil the next stage.\\nI went up to the president s quarters, when the minister\\ncame out in the ante-chamber and met me, and accosted me,\\nsaying that the government was informed that there was an\\narrival at Vera Cruz from the United States, bringing out a\\ncommissioner, by which the government was taken by sur-\\nprise, and asked me who could this commissioner he, and what\\nhad he come for I told him I did not know, but I presumed\\nit was the envoy which the Mexican government had agreed to\\nreceive from the government of the United States all the\\ninformation which I had upon the subject was, that the consul\\nof the United States at Vera Cruz had advised me, in a letter\\nunder date of the 29th of November, that the Hon. John\\nSlidell had just arrived at Sacrificios, and wished to leave Vera\\nCniz for this capital by the first diligence, and that I was under\\nthe impression that this person was an envoy from the govern-\\nment of the United States to that of Mexico, as we had good\\nreason to expect one about this time. He said that ought not\\nto be the government did not expect an envoy from the United\\nStates until January, as they were not prepared to receive him\\nand he desired, if possible, that ho would not come to the capital,", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "92 EMBARRASSING POSITION OF THE U. S. MINISTER.\\nnor even disembark at this time, and that I should endeavor to\\nprevent his doing so, as his appearance in the capital at this lime\\nmight prove destructive to the government, and thus defeat the\\nwhole affair. You know the opposition are calling us traitors,\\nfor entering into this arrangement vvith you. I told him that I\\nregretted this had not been known in time, as the envoy would\\nbe now on his way to this capital, and that the Mexican gov-\\nernment had set no time for his arrival, and it was presumed\\nthat they would be ready to receive him whenever he arrived.\\nI know, he said, there was no time set but from the conversa-\\ntions which I have had with yourself, and, from what I have\\nheard from others, I had good reason to believe that the envoy\\nwould not have been appointed by your government, or, at\\nleast, not have started on his mission, until after the meeting\\nof Congress.\\nHe said that the government itself was well disposed, and\\nready to proceed in the negotiation, but that if the affair was\\ncommenced now, it would endanger its existence that the\\ngovernment were preparing the thing, collecting the opinion\\nand consent of the departments, which they expected to have\\nfinished by January, and then they would be able to proceed in\\nthe affair with more security that the government were afraid\\nthat the appearance of the envoy at this time would produce a\\nrevolution against it, which might terminate in its destruc-\\ntion.\\nEMBARRASSING POSITION OF THE U. S. MINISTER.\\nMEXICAN DIPLOMACY.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, Mexico, December 17, 1845.\\nI reached this city on the 6th instant. At Puebla, I was\\nmet by our consul, Mr. Black, who in some measure prepared\\nme for the delays and difficulties which I should have to con-\\ntend with.\\nOn Monday, the 8th instant, I addressed to the minister of\\nforeign affairs a note, in the usual form, announcing my arrival\\nin the capital, accompanying it with a copy of my letter of", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "EMBARRASSING POSITION OF THE U. S. MINISTER. 93\\ncredence,* and your official communication to the minister\\nof foreign affairs, and asking to be informed when and where\\nI should be admitted to present my credentials to the presi-\\ndent. It was handed by Mr. Black to the minister,\\nwho assured him that I should have an answer on the following\\nWednesday and requested him to call and receive it. On\\nthat day, however, Mr. Black received a note from the secre-\\ntary ot the minister, stating that it was necessary to submit the\\nmatter to the council of government, and that he would be\\nadvised when the answer would be given.\\nThis government is a permanent body, of a very anoma-\\nlous character, composed of persons not removable by the\\nexecutive its functions, so far as I can understand them, are,\\nwith a few exceptions, and these not applying to foreign rela-\\ntions, merely advisory, and no obligation exists on the part of\\nthe executive, but in the exceptional cases, to consult the\\ncouncil. The council was not consulted when the executive\\ndetermined to renew diplomatic relations with the United\\nStates, and a recourse to it at this moment was altogether\\ngratuitous. It is a notorious fact, that several of the members\\nof this council are not only in open and violent opposition to\\nthe present administration, but endeavoring to get up a revolu-\\ntionary movement to overthrow it, and it is generally un-\\nderstood that a majority of them are unfavorably disposed\\ntowards it.\\nThis, at least, is certain the administration, in referring a\\nmatter entirely within their own competence to a body whose\\ndecision they cannot control, and upon whose sympathies they\\ncannot rely, manifest either a weakness or a bad faith, which\\nrenders the prospect of any favorable issue to negotiations\\nwith them at best very problematical.\\nThe deliberations of the council, although ostensibly con-\\nfidential, soon became known out of doors. It had been twice\\nor thrice convoked for the purpose of deliberating upon my\\nSee Appendix L.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "94 EMBARRASSING POSITION OF THE U. S. MINISTER.\\nreception, and it is perfectly well known that it has advised\\nagainst it. The most absurd reasons have there been ad-\\nvanced against my recognition so absurd, indeed, that they\\nwould appear scarcely credible to any one not upon the\\nspot.\\nThe objections started were, that my credentials did not\\nappear to have been given with the sanction of Congress that\\nmy appointment had not been confirmed by the Senate that\\nthis government had agreed only to receive a commissioner,\\nand that, consequently, the appointment of an envoy extraor-\\ndinary and minister plenipotentiary was not in accordance with\\nthe letter of the 15th October, from the minister of foreign\\naffairs to Mr. Black that this letter only contemplated\\nnegotiations of Texas and finally, to cap the climax of ab-\\nsurdity, that my powers were not sufficient!\\nHaving received no reply to my note of the 8th instant,\\nand no assurance of the time when I might expect one, I\\naddressed another, on the 15th instant, stating my desire to\\ncommunicate speedily with my government, and requesting to\\nknow when I might expect an answer. I have, while writing\\nthis, received a communication from the minister of foreign\\nrelations, of which I shall furnish you a copy.* You will\\nobserve that it is dated yesterday, although I have no doubt it\\nwas written after the final negative decision of the council,\\nwhich was rendered on that day. You will find it evasive and\\nunsatisfactory, intimating difficulties respecting my credentials,\\nand that negotiations, by the terms of his letter to our consul,\\nwere to be confined to the subject of Texas.\\nYou will observe that this note is not addressed to me in\\nmy official capacity the omission to do so is certainly not an\\naccidental one.\\nNotwithstanding the desire, which I believe the present\\nadministration really entertains, to adjust all their difficulties\\nwith us, so feeble and inert is it, that I am rather inclined to\\nSee Appendix M,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "EMBARRASSING POSITION OF THE U. S. MINISTER. 95\\nthe opinion that the chances of a successful negotiation would\\nbe better with one more hostile, but possessing greater energy.\\nThe country, torn by conflicting factions, is in a state of\\nperfect anarchy, its finances in a condition utterly des-\\nperate.\\nA refusal to treat with, or even receive me at all, in the\\nonly capacity in which I am authorized to act, under pretexts\\nmore or less plausible, is a possible (I ought perhaps to say a\\nprobable) event. This is a contingency which could not have\\nbeen anticipated, and for which your instructions have conse-\\nquently not provided. It will place me in a novel, awkward,\\nand almost embarrassing position, and impose upon me a grave\\nresponsibility. Should it occur, I shall endeavor so to conduct\\nmyself as to throw the whole odium of the failure of the\\nnegotiation upon this government point out, in the most\\ntemperate manner, the inevitable consequences of so unheard-\\nof a violation of all the usages which govern the intercourse\\nbetween civilized nations and declare my intention to remain\\nhere until I can receive instructions adapted to the exigencies\\nof the case.\\nMr. Slidell sent to Mr. Buchanan the files of the Amigo\\ndel Puella^^ the leading opposition journal. It breathes,\\nsays he, the fiercest hostility against the United States, de-\\nnounces the proposed negotiations as treason and in the last\\nnumber, openly calls upon the troops and the people to put\\ndown the government by force.\\nP. S. December 18, 1845. At the moment I was about\\nto close this, I obtained the dictamen of the council of gov-\\nernment, published in the Siglo. I send you the paper.\\nIt should be remembered that this was the letter received by\\nour government on the 12th of January, 1846, and which\\ngave rise to the order to General Taylor on the 13th the\\nfollowing day.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "96 MEXICO REFUSES TO FULFIL HER ENGAGEMENTS.\\nMEXICO REFUSES TO FULFIL ITS ENGAGEMENTS OF\\nOCTOBER, 15, 1845.\\nMr. Pena y Pena to Mr. SUdell, December 20, 1845.\\nThe undersigned having submitted the whole to his excel-\\nlency, the president of the Republic, and having also con-\\nsidered attentively the note addressed to him by the secretary\\nof state of the United States, relative to the mission of Mr.\\nSlidell, regrets to inform him that, although the supreme gov-\\nernment of the Republic is animated by the pacific and con-\\nciliatory intentions which the undersigned manifested to the\\nconsul of the United States in his confidential note of the\\n14th of October last, it does not conceive that, in order to\\nfulfil the object proposed by the said consul, in the name of\\nthe American government, and accepted by the undersigned,\\nit should admit his excellency Mr. Slidell in the character with\\nwhich he is invested, of envoy extraordinary and minister\\nplenipotentiary residing in the Republic.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, December 27, 1845.\\nOn the 21st instant, I received from Mr. Peiia y Pena his\\npromised reply, (from which the above is an extract,) con-\\nveying the formal and unqualified refusal of the Mexican\\ngovernment to receive me in the character for which I am\\ncommissioned. Of this most extraordinary document I send a\\ncopy. To this I replied, under the date of the 24th instant,\\ndisproving the unfounded assertions of Mr. Pena y Pena, and\\nrefuting the arguments upon which the refusal to receive me\\nwas based.\\nAs the reply of Mr. Slidell to Mr. Pena y Peiia, alluded to\\nabove, embraces a variety of information of interest to all who\\ndesire to understand what were the true relations existing at\\nthat time between the two countries, we have placed it in the\\nAppendix.* We would give a place to the letter of Mr.\\nSee Appendix N.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "FOLLY OF MEXICO. 97\\nPena y Pefia, also, to which this is a reply, if we had not\\ndetermined to insert, for several reasons which will appear, his\\ncommunication of December 11, 1845, addressed to the coun-\\ncil. This communication embraces essentially and briefly his\\nviews, which are elaborately given in his letter.*\\nFOLLY OF MEXICO PRUDENCE AND PATIENCE ADVISED BY\\nTHE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT.\\nMr. Buchanan to Mr. SUdell, January 20, 1846.\\nShould the Mexican government, by finally refusing to\\nreceive you, consummate the act of folly and bad faith of\\nwhich they have afforded such strong indications, nothing will\\nthen remain for this government but to take the redress of the\\nwrongs of its citizens into its ov/n hands.\\nIn the event of such a refusal, the course which you have\\ndetermined to pursue is the proper one. You ought, in your\\nown language, so to conduct yourself, as to throw the whole\\nodium of the failure of the negotiation upon the Mexican gov-\\nernment point out, in the most temperate manner, the\\nimmediate consequences of so unheard-of a violation of all\\nthe usages which govern the intercourse between civilized\\nnations and declare your intention to remain in Mexico until\\nyou can receive instructions adapted to the exigencies of the\\ncase. This sojourn will afford you an honorable opportunity\\nto watch the course of events, and avail yourself of any favor-\\nable circumstances, which, in the mean time, may occur.\\nShould a revolution have taken place before the 1st of Janu-\\nary, the day appointed for the meeting of Congress, (an event\\nwhich you deemed probable,) or should a change of ministry\\nhave been effected, which you considered almost certain, this\\ndelay will enable you to ascertain the views and wishes of the\\nnew government or administration. The desire of the presi-\\ndent is, that you should conduct yourself with such wisdom\\nand firmness in the crisis, that the voice of the American peo-\\nSee Appendix O.\\n9", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "98 HONORABLE EFFORT ADVISED BY U. S. GOVERNMENT.\\npie shall be unanimous in favor of redressing the wrongs of\\nour much injured and long suffering claimants.\\nIt would seem to be the desire of the Mexican govern-\\nment to evade the redress of the real injuries of our citizens,\\nby confining the negotiation to the adjustment of a pecuniary\\nindemnity for its imaginary rights over Texas. This cannot\\nbe tolerated. The two subjects must proceed hand in hand\\nthey can never be separated. It is evidently with the view\\nof thus limiting the negotiation that the Mexican authorities\\nhave been quibbling about the mere form of your credentials,\\nwithout ever asking whether you had instructions and full pow-\\ners to adjust the Texan boundary. The advice of the coun-\\ncil of the government seems to have been dictated by the same\\nspirit.\\n[Advice of Order to General Taylor.\\nIn the mean time, the president, in anticipation of the final\\nrefusal of the Mexican government to receive you, has ordered\\nthe army of Texas to advance and take position on the left\\nbank of the Rio Grande, and has directed that a strong fleet\\nshall be immediately assembled in the Gulf of Mexico. He\\nwill thus be prepared to act with vigor and promptitude the\\nmoment that Congress shall give him the authority.\\nHONORABLE EFFORT AND PERSEVERANCE ADVISED BY THE\\nUNITED STATES GOVERNMENT.\\nMr. Buchanan to Mr. Slidell, January 28, 1846.\\nAfter a careful and critical examination of the contents,\\n[of your despatches,] the president entirely approves your con-\\nduct. The exposure contained in your reply to the Mexican\\nminister of foreign affairs,* of the evasions and subterfuges\\nof his government in excuse of their refusal to recognize you\\nas envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the\\nSee Appendix N.\\n?3i", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "HONORABLE EFFORT ADVISED. 99\\nUnited States, is so complete as to leave me nothing to add\\nupon the subject. It is now, however, morally certain that the\\ninsurrection of Paredes has proved successful, and that a new\\nadministration of some kind or other at this moment controls\\nthat unfortunate country.\\nThe question arises, therefore, what course you should\\npursue in this contingency. In my despatch on the 20th\\ninstant, I have already anticipated nearly all that is necessary\\nto say in answer to this question. The president is sincerely\\ndesirous to preserve peace with Mexico. Both inclination\\nand policy dictate this course. Should the Mexican govern-\\nment, however, finally refuse to receive you, the cup of for-\\nbearance will then have been exhausted. Nothing can\\nremain but to take the redress of the injuries to our citizens,\\nand the insults to our government, into our own hands. In\\nview of this serious alternative, every honorable effort should\\nbe made before a final rupture. You should wait patiently for\\na final decision on the question of your reception, unless it\\nshould be unreasonably protracted, or you should clearly dis-\\ncover that they are trifling witli this government. It is impos-\\nsible for any person not upon the spot, and conversant with the\\nmotives and movements of the revolutionary government now\\nmost probably existing in Mexico, to give you precise instruc-\\ntions how long your forbearance ought to continue. Much\\nmust necessarily be left to your own discretion. In general\\nterms, I may say that you should take care to act with such\\nprudence and firmness, that it m.ay appear manifest to the\\npeople of the United States and to the world, that a rupture\\ncould not be honorably avoided. After this, should the Mexi-\\ncan government finally refuse to receive you, then demand\\npassports from the proper authority, and return to the United\\nStates. It will then become the duty of the president to sub-\\nmit the whole case to Congress, and call upon the nation to\\nassert its just rights, and avenge its injured honor.", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "100 REVOLUTION IN MEXICO.\\nREVOLUTION IN BIEXICO PAREDES IN POWER.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, January 14, 1845.\\nOn the 2d January, Paredes entered the capital with his\\ntroops, those already stationed here joining his triumphal\\nmarch. On the same day, a junta of miUtary officers, con-\\nvened by him, met and established a plan of provisional gov-\\nernment, to be administered by a president elected by a body\\ncomposed of two notables from each department. These\\nnotables, nominated by Paredes, met on the following evening,\\nand, as you may readily imagine, unanimously elected him\\npresident, and on the 4th instant he took his oath of office.\\nBy the plan of the junta of officers, a constitutional Congress\\nwas to be convened, with unlimited powers for the establish-\\nment of a new government, c.\\nI shall not be surprised to receive, in a day or two, notice\\nof the escort (which had been asked for in the early part of\\nthe month) being at my disposition. When received, I shall\\nproceed, without delay, to Jalapa. If there be any disposi-\\ntion on the part of those now in power to reconsider the\\ndecision of their predecessors, I feel satisfied that my absence\\nfrom the capital will tend rather to accelerate than to retard\\nits manifestations.\\nUNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN. DUPLICITY OF THE\\nMEXICAN GOVERNMENT.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Btichanan, Jalapa, February 6, 1846.\\nI reached this place on the 20th ultimo. Since my de-\\nspatch of the 14tli ultimo, nothing has occurred to indicate the\\ncourse likely to be taken by the existing government as to my\\nreception but I think it will mainly be controlled by the aspect\\nof the Oregon question. Should our difficulties with Great\\nBritain continue to present a prospect of war with that power,\\nthere will be but a very faint hope of a change of policy\\nhere.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "WEAKNESS OF PAREDES. 101\\nI send a copy of a communication of Mr. Pena y Pefia to\\nthe council of government, made on the 11th of December,\\ninviting an expression of opinion of the council on the subject\\nof my recognition, and suggesting his reasons why it should\\nbe refused.* This document presents in the most glaring light\\nthe bad faith of the late government and, in connection with\\nthe statement of Consul Black, accompanying my despatch of\\nthe 17lh of December,t shows in the most conclusive manner\\nthat, from the moment my arrival was announced, it had deter-\\nmined to avail itself of any pretence, however frivolous, to\\nrefuse a reception, in the hope that by thus depriving its oppo-\\nnents of their chief theme of reproach and agitation, the im-\\npending blow would be averted.\\nweakness of PAREDES. APPROVAL OF GENERAL TAYLOR s\\nADVANCE.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, Jalapa, February 17, 1846.\\nAppearances justify the belief that Paredes will not be\\nable to sustain himself until the meeting of the constitutional\\nCongress that his government will perish from inanition, if\\nfrom no other cause.\\nThe advance of General Taylor s force to the left bank\\nof the Rio (Grande) del Norte, and the strengthening our\\nsquadron in the gulf, are wise measures, which may exercise a\\nsalutary influence upon the course of this government.\\nSOLICITATIONS FOR NEGOTIATION RENEWED BY MR. SLIDELL.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, Jalapa, March 1, 1846.\\nIn conformity with your instructions, I have addressed a\\nnote to the minister of foreign relations, resubmitting the ques-\\ntion of my recognition for final decision.\\nSee Appendix O. t See Appendix P.\\n9*", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "102 SOLICITATIONS FOR NEGOTIATION RENEWED.\\nMy note will be presented at the most propitious moment\\nthat could have been selected. All attempts to effect a loan\\nhave completely failed. The suspicion of intention to introduce\\na foreign monarch has tended very much to abate the clamor\\nagainst the United States.\\nMy letters from Mexico speak confidently of my recogni-\\ntion, but there is no safety in reasoning from the probabili-\\nties or analogies as to the course of public men in this coun-\\ntry.\\nAfter reviewing the correspondence between the two gov-\\nernments, with an independence becoming the subject, and yet\\nwith the best possible spirit, Mr. Slidell says, in his letter to\\nDon Joaquim Castillo y Lanzas, minister of foreign relations,\\nunder date of March 1, 1846,\\nThe president of the United States entirely approves the\\ncourse pursued by the undersigned, and the communications\\nby him addressed to the Mexican government. Had the then\\nexisting government continued in power, as no alternative\\nwould have remained, the undersigned would have been directed\\nto demand his passports.\\nThe destinies of the Mexican Republic, however, having\\nsince been committed to other hands, the president is unwilling\\nto take a course which would inevitably result in war, without\\nmaking another effort to avert so great a calamity. He wishes,\\nby exhausting every honorable means of conciliation, to de-\\nmonstrate to the civilized world that, if its peace shall be dis-\\nturbed, the responsibility must fall upon Mexico alone. He is\\nsincerely desirous to preserve that peace but the state quasi\\nhostility which now exists on the part o!* Mexico is one which\\nis incompatible with the dignity and interests of the United\\nStates and it is for the Mexican government to decide whether\\nit shall give place to friendly negotiations or lead to an open\\nrupture.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "MR. SLIDELL INSTRUCTED TO PERSEVERE. 103\\nMR. SLIDELL. INSTRUCTED BY HIS GOVERNMENT STILL TO PER-\\nSEVERE.\\nMr. Buchanan to Mr. Slidell, March 12, 1846.\\nI am directed by the president to instruct you not to\\nLEAVE that Repubhc until you shall have made a formal de-\\nmand to be received by the new government. The govern-\\nment of Paredes came into existence, not by a regular consti-\\ntutional succession, but in consequence of a military revolution,\\nby which the subsisting constitutional authorities were sub-\\nverted. It cannot be considered as a mere continuance of the\\ngovernment of Herrera. On the contrary, the form of govern-\\nment has been entirely changed, as well as all the high func-\\ntionaries at the head of the administration. The two govern-\\nments are certainly not so identical, that the refusal of the one\\nto receive you ought to be considered conclusive evidence that\\nsuch would be the determination of the other. It would be\\ndifficult, on such a presumption, in regard to so feeble and\\ndistracted a country as Mexico, to satisfy the American people\\nthat all had been done which ought to have been done, to avoid\\nthe necessity of resorting to hostilities.\\nOn your return to the United States, energetic measures\\nagainst Mexico would at once be recommended by the presi-\\ndent and these might fail to obtain the support of Congress,\\nif it could be asserted that the existing government had not\\nrefused to receive our minister. It would not be a sufficient\\nanswer to such an allegation, that the government of Herrera\\nhad refused to receive you, and that you were therefore justi-\\nfied in leaving the country, after a short delay, because, in the\\nmean time, the government of Paredes had not voluntarily\\noffered to reverse the decision of its predecessor.\\nI transmit you, herewith, a sealed letter from the president\\nof the United States, accrediting you in your official character\\nto General Paredes, as president, ad interim.^ of the Mexican\\nRepublic.\\nYou suppose that appearances justify the belief that", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "104 UNITED STATES MINISTER AGAIN REJECTED.\\nParedes will not be able to sustain himself until the meeting\\nof the constitutional Congress that his government will perish\\nfrom inanition, if from no other cause.\\nIn this critical posture of Mexican affairs, it will be. for\\nyourself to decide the question of the time of your departure\\naccording to events as they may occur. If, after you shall\\nhave fulfilled your instructions, you should indulge in a reason-\\nable hope that, by continuing in Mexico, you could thus best\\nsubserve the interests of your country, then you ought to re-\\nmain, provided this can be done with honor. The president\\nreposes entire confidence in your patriotism and discretion, and\\nknows no temporary inconvenience to yourself will prevent\\nyou from performing your duty.\\nIt may be that, when prepared to take your departure,\\nanother revolution might be impending, the result of which\\nwould enable you, by a timely interposition, to accomplish the\\ngreat objects of your mission. Besides, in the present dis-\\ntracted condition of Mexico, it is of importance that we should\\nhave an able and discreet agent in that country to watch the\\nprogress of events, and to communicate information on which\\nthe department could rely.\\nUNITED STATES MINISTER AGAIN REFUSED BY MEXICO.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Buchanan, March 18, 1846.\\nOn the 15th instant,! received from the minister of foreign\\nrelations a reply to my communication of the 1st instant, of\\nwhich you have already been advised.\\nIt is a peremptory refusal to receive me in the capacity\\nof envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. I have\\nconsequently, in conformity to your instructions, applied for\\nmy passports, and, so soon as they are received, I shall proceed\\nto Vera Cruz, there to embark for New Orleans.\\n1 am at a loss whether to ascribe his (Paredes) refusal to\\nreceive me, at a moment when his position is so critical, to the\\ndread of having the pretext which he had so successfully used", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE LETTERS OF MR. CASTILLO Y LANZAS. 105\\nagainst Herrera, employed against himself, or to a reliance\\non foreign intervention. Perhaps his motive may be a mixed\\none.\\nAs to any changes of rulers in Mexico, I look upon them\\nas a matter of great indifference. We shall never be able to\\ntreat with her on fair terms until she has been taught to respect\\nus. It certainly was proper to place us in the strongest moral\\nposition before our own people and the world, by exhausting\\nevery possible means of conciliation but here all amicable\\nadvances are considered as indicative either of weakness or\\ntreachery.\\nTHE LETTERS OF MR. CASTILLO Y LANZAS.\\nMr. Castillo y Lanzas was the successor of Mr. Pefia y Pena\\nin office. He addressed several letters to Mr. Slidell, and they\\nare published with the other documents of our government\\nbut as they present no new views, we do not deem them of\\nsufficient importance to be given in this place. They are\\nwritten with spirit, but not with much judgment, and they add\\nnothing to the strength of the positions of his predecessors in\\noffice.\\nIn his letter of March 12, 1846, to Mr. Slidell, with a flip-\\npant arrogance and ill-judged rudeness, he says, After the\\ndefinite and clear explanations rendered to his excellency,\\nMr. Slidell, in the note of 20th December last, referred to by\\nhim, it is not easy to comprehend how the executive of the\\nUnited States should still think it can find reasons for insisting\\nupon that which was then refused upon grounds the most con-\\nclusive.\\nHe endeavors to sustain charges of usurpation, violence,\\nfraud, artifice, and intrigue against the United States, in a man-\\nner which might be looked for in an ultra party journal, but\\nnot in the communications of a cabinet minister. He arrives\\nat a conclusion, as others had done before him, not warranted\\nby the premises, or by the diplomatic usage of nations.\\nThe Mexican government, he says, offered to admit", "height": "3508", "width": "2154", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "106 MEXICAN GOVERNMENT WITHOUT EXCUSE.\\nthe plenipotentiary or commissioner who should come clothed\\nwith special powers to treat upon the question of Texas.\\nUpon this point the resolve of the Mexican government is\\nimmutable.\\nIt is, therefore, upon the United States, and not upon Mex-\\nico, that devolves to determine in the alternative presented by-\\nMr. Slidell, that is, between a friendly negotiation and an open\\nrupture.\\nMEXICAN GOVERNMENT VITITHOUT EXCUSE OR DEFENCE.\\nIn reply to the last paragraph of the letter of Mr. Castillo y\\nLanzas, Mr. Slidell, under date of March 17, 1846, says,\\nThe Mexican government cannot shift the responsibility\\nof war upon the United States, by assuming that they are the\\naggressors. A plain, unanswerable fact responds to all the\\nsubtilties and sophistries by which it is attempted to obscure the\\nreal question that fact is, the presence in Mexico of a minis-\\nter of the United States, clothed with full power to settle all\\nthe questions in dispute between the two nations, and among\\nthem that of Texas. Their complaints are mutual the con-\\nsideration of them cannot be separated and they must be set-\\ntled by the same negotiation, or by the arbitrament which Mex-\\nico herself has elected.\\nAgain, in a letter to Mr. Buchanan, dated April 2, 1846, Mr.\\nSlidell says, The notes of Mr. Castillo y Lanzas will give you\\na correct idea of the temper of the Paredes government and,\\nalthough it will probably soon be replaced by another, we have\\nno reason to expect a change of tone towards us until Mexico\\nshall have been made to feel our strength.\\nTHE REJECTED MISSION OF PEACE.\\nIf the act of sending a minister to Mexico was one of mag-\\nnanimity on the part of our government, it may be truly said,\\nthat the mission was executed in beautiful harmony with such\\na spirit. The requisitions of St. Paul to the Corinthians,* with\\n1 Cor. ch.ap. xiii.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "THE REJECTED MISSION OF PEACE. 107\\nregard to the world-wide duties of charity, were never more\\nfully exemplified than in the course pursued by our govern-\\nment with that of Mexico. We doubt whether such a series\\nof examples of kindness, of patience and forbearance, in a\\nnation, can be found in the annals of the world.\\nEvery step on the part of Mexico was marked by a super-\\ncilious recklessness that admits of no solution but in weakness,\\nand by a spirit of bold insult that admits of no apology but in\\nignorance.\\nShe agreed to propositions which she dare not decline, and\\nshe declined to abide by her agreements, because she dare not\\nexecute them. She was a slave to a thousand fears that she\\ncould not define, and she was deluded by a thousand hopes\\nthat she could not control. She had not courage to avow her\\nreal motives, and she was willing to submit to any degradation\\nin preference to an exposure of her desperate condition. She\\nhad no confidence but in change, and no hope but in the uncer-\\ntainty of all that was doubtful in the future. She considered\\nno compromise too dear that promised a temporary influence,\\nand no expedient objectionable that postponed present liabilities\\nto future contingencies. She was like a subject within the iron\\ngrasp of unrelenting disease conscious of its dreadful and with-\\nering })resence, and convinced that all remedies were terrible, but\\nreluctant to resort to the benefit of the one, or to submit to the\\ncrisis of the other. In her necessities and long-continued, sad\\npractices, she had exhausted all the changes of escape which a\\nkind Providence extends to its subjects of accountability, and\\nshe was made delirious by the startling conviction that she could\\nperform no duty but at the expense of humiliation. Her\\npride had mastered her principle, and her want of principle\\nhad prostrated her power and compromised her dignity.\\nMexico was indeed a subject of charity. And it is with sen-\\ntiments of profound satisfaction that we find she was so\\nregarded by our government.\\nWe are not ignorant that opposite views have been fre-\\nquently and earnestly advanced against the temper and objects", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "108 THE REJECTED MISSION OF PEACE.\\nof this mission, but we cannot withhold an expression of our\\namazement, that even partisans should permit themselves to\\nbe so blinded to the truth, and patriotic duty, as to be the will-\\ning instruments of deception in aiding to obscure what will in\\nfuture time be regarded by the people of this country, and of\\nother countries, one of the brightest pages of our national\\nhistory. The Hon. Daniel Webster, in a speech delivered\\nin Philadelphia, 1846, said, that Mexico was wholly unjusti-\\nfiable in refusing to receive our minister. In dwelling upon\\nthis mission, it is not so much our object to prove Mexico\\nin the wrong, which demands but few words to show, as\\nto exhibit the admirable spirit by which all the acts of our gov-\\nernment were dictated. The lesson is an instructive one.\\nThe proposition of our government was made in language\\nthat could not be mistaken. It was plain and directly to the\\npoint. The object was stated, the means for its accomplish-\\nment suggested. The communication of the secretary of state\\nwas before the government of Mexico, and our consul, in his\\ncommunication to the minister of foreign relations, quoted\\nverbatim the entire proposition, after having given it verbally.\\nIt was thrice repeated. The entire phraseology of the letter of\\nMr. Buchanan to Mr. Black shows but one purpose, and by no\\niTile of construction can that purpose be increased or lessened.\\nPast relations were referred to, and asked to be restored not\\nin one thing, but in all things. An envoy to settle all disputes\\nwas proposed, and no allusion whatever was made to any\\nagency upon a special subject. To accomplish such an end, a\\nminister of the highest grade was requisite and if our govern-\\nment had done less by sending an agent of inferior rank,\\nMexico would indeed have had some cause of complaint.\\nAdmitting for a moment that such was the understanding of\\nthe Mexican government, that we v/ere to send a commissioner\\nimpowered to act upon one subject only, this admission\\ngives no relief to the position of the Mexican government\\nwhatever. It is a principle as clear in common sense and\\npolitical economy as it is in mathematics, that the greater", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE REJECTED MISSION OF PEACE. 109\\nincludes the lesser, and if the lesser be stipulated and the\\ngreater given, the variation must be viewed as a courtesy or a\\ngain. Who would repel it Keverse the order, and who\\nwould not reject it This distinction is reduced to an axiom,\\nand yet many affect to be ignorant of the principle in applica-\\ntion. The error is admirably illustrated by a simple story,\\nquaintly told somewhere, by Lord Jeff*rey. We give the sub-\\nstance, but may not give the language of his lordship.\\nA kind-hearted man had a large cat and a small kitten. He\\nprepared a snug httle house for them both, making a large\\ndoor for the cat and a small door for the kitten, not dreaming,\\nin his simple philosophy, that the kitten, in its littleness, could\\nfollow the cat, in her amplitude, with more ease than if confined\\nto an opening of its own dimensions, and that one door would\\nhave accommodated both\\nWe shall be excused, we doubt not, for introducing an ex-\\nample of such apparent insignificance to illustrate so grave a\\nsubject as the one under consideration.\\nOur government opened with frankness its widest and largest\\ndoor, and invited Mexico to enter, and with the spirit of con-\\nciliation to negotiate and to adjust all difficulties. But Mexico,\\nhesitating and retiring, says, No our dignity requires that\\nwe should enter no place so large. Our position through such\\na door might not be distinctly seen or understood. If you\\nwill close that large door, and open a small one, we will enter,\\nbut not otherwise. They would not have proposed even this,\\nif they had not known that there was but one door in this case\\nthat could be opened, and that, too, in a building where all\\ntheir accounts were kept, and which they had no desire to see.\\nThey would prefer the smallest door in any other place, than\\nthe largest door in the right place. Their necessity was made\\na plea for dignity.\\nThat the reply of the Mexican minister was confined to a\\ncommissioner different in capacity to the one proposed by our\\ngovernment, is a matter of no consequence, inasmuch as no\\ndifference was proposed or recognized. The proposition was\\n10", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "110 THE REJECTED MISSION OF PEACE.\\nmet, and no exceptions were made to it. If a language was\\nemployed of a limited sense with a motive to ulterior advantage\\nnot expressed, we have only to lament another instance of\\nduplicity to be added to a catalogue already too long in the\\nhistory of that nation.\\nThat the reception of our minister would be regarded as a\\nrestoration of all friendly relations between the two countries,\\nwas a singular and gratuitous assumption. The very terms of\\nthe appointment of a minister implied negotiation and adjust-\\nment, as the means of restoration, ^not restoration itself. Could\\nthe effect precede the cause What nation would confound\\na treaty with the discussion of a treaty Is a minister less\\nqualified to negotiate and adjust one question, because he is\\nauthorized to adjust all It is worse than idle to enlarge upon\\na distinction so puerile in itself, and so absurd in its application.\\nIt would be too much deference to an act that cannot claim\\nthe paternity of an honest judgment. Its authors made it\\nwith no honest purpose, and whoever attempts to defend the\\nposition, must do it at the expense of all rules of logic, and at\\nthe greater expense of reputation in the use of the powers of\\nmoral and intellectual discernment. There is no merchant,\\nhowever deficient in system, that would employ an agent to\\nsettle a single item of a disputed account, leaving all others\\nstill to be adjusted by other agents. Why should our govern-\\nment be asked to adopt a method of business with nations that\\nmdividuals would reject as insulting, if proposed to be adopted\\nby them in their most ordinary concerns\\nA debtor unprepared to pay is averse to all appointments\\nwith creditors. He will not decline them, for this would be\\nfolly, as his own interest might suffer by an act that would cost\\nhim nothing but, if he can see his way clear to avoid them,\\nhe counts it a most happy privilege. It was so with Mexico.\\nShe wished to call our nation to an account for its acts with\\nanother power, but she did not desire to render any account\\nof her own acts in relation to us. She stood in a forced posi-\\ntion as plaintiff in respect to Texas, but in other respects she", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "THE REJECTED MISSION OF PEACE. Ill\\nwas a delinquent debtor to the United States, and an aggressor\\nto an extent that was yet to be ascertained. She had no\\nmoney, and no reliable means to command any. This was\\nnot the worst of her condition. The veiy existence of her\\ngovernment was doubtful, and her prospect was any thing but\\nflattering for the future. Lifted up by pride and ambition, she\\ngilded the skeleton of her body, with a seeming ignorance that\\nher poverty was seen only in the want of its flesh. As a na-\\ntion, she had not the spirit to discuss the interests which she\\ncould not sustain and, as a bankrupt, she had no heart to sit\\nupon the adjustment of accounts she could not pay. Nothing\\nwould avail her but integrity, and of this she had less than of\\nsilver and gold.\\nThe Mexican minister was willing to express surprise that\\nan envoy from the United States had arrived so soon Who\\ncould it be What could it mean Why did he not honestly\\nexpress his fears, as he subsequently did, without this affecta-\\ntion of ignorance, without a falsehood that he could not con-\\nceal If he had re-perused the letter of Mr. Buchanan, pro-\\nposhig to send a minister, he would have seen that the time\\nwas mentioned. It was inwiediately He was glad to\\nsee promptness in the withdrawal of our squadron, but it was\\nunpleasant to him in any other respect. His whole course was\\none of abject subserviency to prevailing circumstances. He\\nhad not the courage to keep a secret, in the fear that his fel-\\nlows in office might promulgate it in advance at his expense.\\nHe must hold one language to the council, another to our\\nminister, and yet another to the people. He was opposed to\\nall measures that threatened the stability of his influence, and\\nin favor of all that promised to sustain it. The pride of con-\\nsistency and truth was no part of his nature. He preferred\\nsuccess with disgrace to failure with honor.\\nWe grieve to be severe upon a man who does not appear to\\nbe conscious of his own degradation, but we can hardly repress\\nour feelings of indignation when we look at the examples of\\nduplicity in Mr. Peila y Pena, in his letters, addressed at the", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "112 BOUNDARY OF TEXAS.\\nsame time, upon the same subjects, but with conflicting views,\\nto Mr. Black, to Mr. Slidell, and to the council. It is proper\\nthat such acts should be pointed out and condemned, so that\\nthe inducements to wrong may be lessened, and the incite-\\nments to right increased. We now come to another important\\nquestion.\\nWAS THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT JUST TO MEXICO\\nON THE SUBJECT OF BOUNDARY.\\nWe have seen that our government was faithful and prompt\\nin affording protection to Texas against foreign invasion we\\nhave contrasted the acts of favor of the United States with\\nthose of hostility on the part of Mexico and we now proceed\\nto inquire whether the government of the United States, in\\nstriving to be just to Texas, has been just to Mexico, in regard\\nto the boundary lines between the two countries.\\nThe boundaries of Texas were those secured by revolution.\\nThey were marked by the sword, and confirmed by possession.\\nHer battles were fought by her own citizens, and with none\\nbut with the armies of Mexico. Her victories were at the\\nexpense of Mexico strength measuring strength. Her inde-\\npendence was to the exclusion of Mexico, and self-established.\\nHer government was organized, and endowed with vitality\\nand Mexico lost all right there, by being unable to sustain it,\\nand she lost all power within the limits of the State by with-\\ndrawing her forces. Texas stood acknowledged as one of\\nthe great family of nations. She had marked her own boun-\\ndary hues and she had entire confidence in the justice of her\\nclaims to limits as they were defined in her statute-book.\\nBy the act of annexation, the question of boundary between\\nMexico and Texas was left an open one, to be decided by\\nnegotiation between the governments of Mexico and the United\\nStates. It was embraced in the instructions given to Mr.\\nSlidell, but, as we have seen, it was not even considered.\\nIt became the first question with the government of the", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "HOW IS TEXAS BOUNDED 113\\nUnited States, when asked to give protection, how far it\\nshould be extended.\\nHOW IS TEXAS BOUNDED?\\nIt was not a question within its own control, to be decided\\naccording to its own interests or views.* There were two\\nparties to be consulted. Texas had her rights, and so had\\nMexico. Texas made her claims, but Mexico disputed them.\\nMexico made no question with regard to boundary. Her claim\\nwas one of title and sovereignty.! The people of Texas were\\nclaimed to be the subjects of Mexico and the territory of\\nTexas a part of her national domain, undivided and indivisible.\\nIn this posture of affairs what course could be safely pursued\\nby the United States Mexico claimed the whole, and refused\\nto negotiate.\\nSo far as the claim of Mexico was involved, the United\\nStates had decided it, by acknowledging the independence of\\nTexas. Other nations had done the same. This question\\nwas indeed no longer open for discussion it had been settled.\\nThe supposed interest of Mexico remained at issue, to be\\nadjusted whenever she was prepared to negotiate. The in-\\nterest of Texas was defined in her own public acts, and she\\nclaimed her own rights as she had in her own sovereignty\\ndeclared them. The government of the United States was\\nSee Appendix Q.\\nt In the letter of the Mexican commissioners to Mr. Trist, when\\nnegotiating for a treaty of peace, September 6, 1847, they say,\\nThe existing war has been undertaken solely on account of the\\nterritory of the State of Texas, respecting which the Nortli Ameri-\\ncan Republic presents as its title the act of the said State by which\\nit was annexed to the North American confederation, after having\\nproclaimed its independence of Mexico. The Mexican Republic\\noffering (as we have informed your excellency) to consent, for a\\nproper indemnification, to the pretensions of the government at\\nWashington to the territory of Texas, the cause op the war has\\ndisappeared, and the war itself ought to cease.\\n10*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "114 HOW IS TEXAS BOUNDED?\\nthe adjusting power between the two parties. Mexico refused\\nto speak, and the boundary of Texas, as claimed by her own\\ngovernment and people, was the only one offered. Our right\\nto fix the boundary was only by negotiation with Mexico, and\\nthat was declined. The government of the United States,\\ntherefore, had no alternative, but to defend the territory of\\nTexas as claimed by her government.*\\nBut another question arose, and it has received much attention.\\nIt was one of supposition. It was asked, Suppose Mexico were\\nto give up Texas, and acknowledge her independence, to what\\nboundary would she give her assent Whatever may have\\nbeen our opinions upon this question, nothing was more certain\\nthan that we had no authority to decide it. It was not for us to\\nassume a position for Mexico which her government had posi-\\ntively disclaimed. We had no right to sit in judgment upon a\\nboundary question in w^hich her interest was involved without\\nher consent. Mexico cannot have the privilege of two posi-\\ntions in respect to the same interest. She must stand as claim-\\ning all Texas, or a part of Texas, but she must make her elec-\\ntion which. She did, indeed, make her election, but her\\nfriends made a different one.t We insist that she shall speak\\nfor herself. No party has a right to speak for her, when her\\nWell, then, were the United States at liberty to surrender a\\nportion of that territory Why, that would have been a flagrant\\nviolation of the implied contract which the joint resolutions of Con-\\ngress had completed. Could the president of the United States\\ntake upon himself the responsibility of such an assumption as that\\nTexas, after becoming one of the United States, had ceased to have\\nher limits up to the E,io Grande He could not. And if he could\\nnot surrender any part of that territory, how could it be that this Avas\\nthe president s war Mr. Soule s Speech, U. S. Senate, February, 1847.\\nt That Congress was reallij in favor of the advance of General Tay-\\nlor to the Rio Grande, may be inferred from the votes of that body\\non the amendments offered by Mr. Holmes and by Mr. Delano.\\nThese were intended to be acts of censure or disapproval of the govern-\\nment in taking possession of territory beyond the Nueces. The former\\nwas rejected by a vote of 122 to 8 the latter by a vote of 97 to 27.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "HOW IS TEXAS BOUNDED? 115\\nown acts have become a part of history.* If she claims all,\\nas was the case, then the act on the part of the United States\\nin sending troops to the Rio Grande was no more an act of\\nhostility than if they had been sent to Galveston. The ques-\\ntion to be decided by the United States was, so far as Mexico\\nwas concerned, whether troops should be sent to any part of\\nTexas not to what parts, for the same question was involved\\nin regard to every part. It was impossible to conform to the\\nrequisition of Mexico, for it would have been in contradiction\\nto our own acts, and to those of other countries with respect to\\nTexas. It then remained that we should defend the boundary\\nof Texas, and be true to that until we should have evidence\\nthat a different one was required by justice and hence it was\\nleft an open question by the act of annexation.\\nNo other position was tenable for Mexico. If she had\\nadopted a policy for herself, similar to the one which her affect-\\ned friends have defended on her account, our government\\ndoubtless would have received a communication from Mexico,\\nthrough Mr. Slidell, or Mr. Buchanan, something like the\\nfollowing\\nIf we show that we can recover Texas, as we have sworn\\nto try, then the United States have committed hostilities by\\nmarching troops into the first rod of that country. But, if we\\ncannot recover Texas, then you have committed hostilities by\\nmarching troops to the Rio Grande for, if we cannot get all\\nTexas, we shall claim a part, as if no revolution had taken\\nplace, and we had only to fix a friendly boundary. If, how-\\never, Texas succeeds in defending the soil to the Rio Grande\\nagainst us, then you have committed no acts of hostility at all.\\nWhat you do will be judged of entirely by what we are\\nable to do. As our military power is not great, we think it\\nwould be an act of magnanimity on the part of the United\\nStates to permit us to continue hostilities if successful but if\\nunsuccessful, to allow us to close all differences in a friendly\\nway, as if no war had existed.\\nSee Appendix K.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "116 HAS TEXAS A JUST CLAIM TO THE RIO GRANDE?\\nThis is a literal statement of the positions in which some of\\nthe friends of Mexico have placed her. Even Mexico would\\nnot consider itself much honored by such absurdity.\\nBut, as much argument has been based upon supposition in\\nthe controversy, we are ready to meet the question,\\nHAS TEXAS A JUST CLAIM TO MAKE THE RIO GRANDE\\nher boundary, by virtue of her revolution This boundary\\nhas always been claimed by Texas, according to settled prin-\\nciples of international law and, until Mexico can prove to the\\ncontrary, the United States are pledged to hold it sacred.\\nWe have made a quotation from a speech of the Hon.\\nT. J. Rusk, U. S. senator from Texas,* which briefly and\\nclearly gives evidence that the claim of Texas is a just\\none. There have been some able speeches upon this subject,\\nmade by members of Congress, and if we do not quote from\\nthem, it is because our limits forbid it. General Rusk was\\ndistinguished in the revolution of Texas, and he speaks from\\npersonal knowledge. Besides, there is a candor and simplicity\\nin his remarks, which incline us to a feeling of confidence in\\nhis statements.\\nThe same power which made Texas free and independent\\nof Mexico, claimed the Rio Grande as the boundary.! If\\nthe power was equal to title and sovereignty, was it not equal\\nto a declaration of its boundary, admitting that she had no\\nSee Appendix S.\\nt In an article upon Texas, published in the Cincinnati Gazette,\\nNovember, 1829, a writer, who professes a practical acquaintance\\nwith his subject, says,\\nThe term Texas is usually understood to designate the whole\\ntract of country lying between the south-western boundary of the\\nUnited States and the River Rio Grande, alias, the Rio Bravo del\\nNorte.\\nMr. Ward, once British charge d affaires in Mexico, in his work on\\nMexico, says, It is now seven years since the design of appropri-\\nating to themselves the fertile province, (Texas,) and thus extend-\\ning their frontier to the Rio Bravo del Norte, was first attributed to", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "HAS TEXAS A JUST CLAIM TO THE RIO GRANDE. 117\\nother claim When the independence of Texas was acknowl-\\nedged by the United States and by other nations, she had\\ndeclared her boundary and if this had been considered an\\nelement as absolutely inconsistent with her claims to sov-\\nereignty, if it had been viewed as a gross infringement upon\\nthe rights of Mexico according to the laws of nations, it should\\nhave been noticed by these nations as a bar to their acknowl-\\nedgment.*\\nthe United States, c. This work was noticed by the National\\nIntelligencer, October 21, 1829, under the following head Pros-\\npect of the an7iexation of Texas to the U7iited States.\\nIn an article published in the New York Courier and Inquirer,\\nNovember 8, 1834, on the boundary of Texas, in case of annexation,\\nthe writer says, What that boundary will ultimately be, it is imj)os-\\nsible to say but it is so obviously the interest, both of Mexico and\\nthe United States, to make the Rio Grande the dividing line, that\\nwe do not doubt, sooner or later, that river will be fixed upon by the\\ntwo governments.\\nWe give these extracts mainly for the purpose of showing the\\npopular sentiment in regard to the boundary of Texas long before it\\nbecame a party question,\\nThis principle was recognized by the British government, in\\nregard to a diiferent boundary, when called upon to acknowledge the\\nindependence of Texas. While the Texan commissioner at the\\ncourt of St. James was negotiating the acknowledgment of the inde-\\npendence of his country by England, Lord Palmerston called the\\nattention of General Henderson, the Texan minister, to the extraor-\\ndinary claim set up by the president of Texas, and objected to go on\\nwith the negotiation, lest the acknowledgment of the country might\\nbe construed to sanction its asserted claim to Northern Mexico and\\nCalifornia. The commissioner replied, that he had no authority to\\ncommit his government on the question of boundary. Nevertheless,\\nthe independence of Texas was then acknowledged by the British\\ngovernment, and with full knowledge and admission by them of Presi-\\ndent Lamar s claim. General Lamar, in his first message as president\\nof the Republic of f xas, claimed all the country lying west of Texas\\nto the Pacific. Gillia^n s Mexico, p. 388. If Lord Palmerston had\\nforeseen the event of annexation, the independence of Texas, most\\nlikely, would not have been acknowledged by England at that time.\\nSec Appendix T.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "118 THE TREATY OF SANTA ANNA.\\nThe formal recognition of a new government is an important\\nact, and involves important principles. These principles are\\nentirely national in their character, and relate to the well-being\\nof nations as such. Ephemeral governments would be national\\nevils and governments of outrage would be national wrongs.\\nAlthough one nation cannot determine for another nation its\\nform of governm_ent, nor direct its foreign or internal policy,\\nstill, it has a right to require conformity to certain great prin-\\nciples of justice which make up the common law of nations.\\nIt may not be the right of a nation to demand such conformity\\nof another, except when called upon to grant an act of recog-\\nnition. This recognition should always be on the side of jus-\\ntice and humanity not according to the views of one nation,\\nbut of all nations that come within the sphere of civilization.\\nThe United States had agreed to take the title of Texas to\\nsovereignty, and if this does not embrace rights as to its own\\nboundary, it is inconsistent with itself.\\nBut with the spirit of equity let us examine\\nTHE TREATY OF SANTA ANNA,*\\nwhich gives the Rio Grande as the true boundary between the\\ntwo nations.\\nThis is said to be no treaty, because it was not ratified by\\nthe government of Mexico. In this respect it would bo\\ndefective as a treaty between two nations, if made under ordi-\\nnary circumstances. The circumstances in this case, how-\\never, were peculiar and extraordinary.\\n1. Mexico was governed at that time by a military dictator,\\nand he was, ex officio, commander-in-chief of the Mexican\\narmy.\\n2. Under his command the army invaded Texas; was\\ndefeated and captured.\\n3. Santa Anna, as commander-in-chief of the Mexican\\narmy, was a prisoner of war but as dictator of Mexico, he\\nSee Appendix G.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF SANTA ANNA. 119\\nfully represented the treaty-making power of his own govern-\\nment, he Was, in fact, the government.*\\n4. He proposed and urged a treaty, agreeing to all the stip-\\nulations required by Texas, and it was executed by himself as\\npresident of Mexico and by the chief officers of his army,\\nthe second in command, Filisola, at the head of five or six\\nthousand men, being at liberty to act his pleasure, to confirm\\nthe act of his commander or to reject it. He confirmed it,\\nand the army and its officers were liberated.\\n5. The president solemnly pledged himself to use his influ-\\nence with his government to ratify the treaty but he violated\\nhis promises, and by his government it was denounced and\\nproclaimed as void, because, as was falsely alleged, it was\\nextorted from their president while prisoner of war.t\\nOn the part of Texas, all the stipulations of the treaty were\\nhonorably fulfilled. The lives of the prisoners were saved, and\\nVattel says, The same power who has the right of making\\nwar, of determining on it, of declaring it, and of directing its oper-\\nations, has naturally that likewise of making and concluding a treaty\\nof peace.\\nt In his despatch to the government ad interim, dated June 10,\\n1836, General Filisola, who was never a prisoner, says,\\nHis excellency, (Santa Anna,) in my humble opinion, in the trea-\\nties agreed upon, and that I had the honor to send to your excellency,\\nacted with entire liberty, and nothing more in view than the interest\\nof his country.\\nSanta Anna, in his letter of July 4, 1836, says,\\nWhen I offered to treat with this government, (Texas,) I was\\nconvinced that it was useless for Mexico to continue the war. I\\nhave acquired exact information respecting the country, which I did\\nnot possess four months ago. I have too much zeal for the interests\\nof my country to wish for any thing which is not compatible with\\nthem. Being always ready to sacrifice myself for its glory and ad-\\nvantage, I never would have hesitated to subj ect myself to torments\\nof death, rather than consent to any compromise, if Mexico could\\nthereby obtain the slightest benefit. I am firmly convinced that it\\nis proper to terminate this question by political negotiation.\\nSee the very able speech of Senator Johnson, (H. V.,) delivered in\\nthe TJ. S. Senate, January, 1848.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "120 THE TREATY OF SANTA ANNA.\\ntheir persons liberated. All property taken was returned, and\\nthe Mexican army, unmolested, marched with its effects be-\\nyond the Rio Grande.\\nThe end of law is justice between men, and between nations.\\nThe rights of nations are defined by law or by treaty. Both law\\nand treaty are sustained by power. The law of the strongest\\nis executed. Our views as to what constitutes the strength of\\na nation the reader will find in other chapters of. this work.\\nThe object of treaties is to supersede the frequent exercise of\\npower in the adjustment of undefined rights, by embracing\\nconditions applicable to the positive and probable wants and\\ninterests of the high contracting parties.\\nAs the peace of nations is preserved or disturbed according\\nto the good or bad faith in which treaties are observed, they\\ncannot be too solemnly regarded. Attempted fraud in a treaty\\nshould be met with universal reprobation. Its condemnation\\nand consequent penalties should be commensurate with the\\ngreat evils which it is calculated to produce, if successful. It\\nwould be a dangerous incitement to lessen the serious impor-\\ntance of national compacts. Such compacts should be held\\nas sacred as the flag of truce^ not to be counterfeited or\\nviolated with impunity.\\nIn this case, a counterfeit treaty was attempted by the presi-\\ndent of Mexico and imposed upon Texas. It was honorable on\\nthe part of Texas, false on the part of Mexico.\\nIf Mexico deemed it just to renounce the treaty, her power\\nshould have reached the treason that sanctioned it. Its authors\\nshould have been tried as traitors, or returned to the confine-\\nment from which its conditions had freed them. The army\\nof Mexico should have been marched back to Texas, to be re-\\nsurrendered to those who had been made the subjects of the\\ntreachery. It is a safer precedent to sanction such a treaty,\\nunder the circumstances, than to sanction its violation in the\\nprincipal officers of the nation. It v/ould indeed be a precedent\\nof the most dangerous tendency.\\nIf Mexico rejected the acts of her president, which involved", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE TREATY OF SANTA ANNA. 121\\nthe safety of her army, there is no good reason why it should\\nbe done at the expense of Texas.\\nIt was eminently a treaty on the side of humanity. Mexico\\nhad murdered, by the orders of her government, the soldiers\\nof Texas who had surrendered as prisoners of war and what\\nwould have been the measure of retaliation in this case, it is\\ndifficult to say. It unquestionably prevented much bloodshed\\nand suffering. It may have saved the Mexican army and the\\nchief magistrate of the Mexican nation from slaughter and\\nshall it now be tolerated, either in theoiy or practice, that Mex-\\nico may gather her strength to massacre the Texans, at whose\\nhands they were permitted to live Shall Texas surrender\\nthe only considerations which Mexico gave, and which would\\nhave been ratified by the Mexican government, if Santa Anna\\nand his troops had been held as securities or if Santa Anna\\nand his officers had demanded it as necessary to their honor\\nand integrity Never. To admit such a principle is against\\nthe best good of civilized nations to sanction it, an outrage\\nupon humanity.\\nIf Mexico was false to the treaty, Texas could be true to\\nherself. The same power that compelled terms was able to\\ndefend them.* The same power that humbled Santa Anna\\nwas able to punish his perfidy. Texas had her boundary lines\\nmarked by -the best blood of her citizens, and her energy was\\nequal to her wants in the defence of her rights against\\nMexico.\\nLet us examine how this subject was viewed by the govern-\\nment of the United States. It is with the sentiment of proud\\nMr. Pillsbury, member of U. S. Congress, 1847, and long a resi-\\ndent of Texas, in a speech before the house, says,\\nThat all attempts at maintaining Mexican posts east of the Rio\\nGrande had been frustrated by the Texans, and the Mexicans driven\\nwest of the Rio Grande. No Mexican forces could maintain them-\\nselves, as was frequently attempted all Texas would have rushed to\\narms to drive them back.\\nSee the excellent speech of the Hon. Mr. Norris, delivered before\\nthe house in February, 1847.\\n11", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "122 PRECAUTIONARY ACTS OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nsatisfaction that we find onr government, in respect to this\\nmatter, consistent from the beginning. Right at first, and\\nright to the last. The boundary of Texas was taken as de-\\nclared by that nation, and protected accordingly. Nothing\\nelse was proposed, nothing else would have been approved, by\\nTexas. When annexation had been accomplished, orders were\\ngiven amply to meet the case. Our government had no dis-\\ncretion to exercise. Its duty had been marked by lines that\\ncould not be erased or altered, it was imperative. Where\\nbut to the frontiers of a country should troops be ordered to\\nprotect its territory and to repel an invasion Should posses-\\nsion be given that it might be regained Should outrages be\\npermitted that they might be avenged Should life be ex-\\nposed that it might realize the privileges of escape Should\\nadvantages be allowed to be seized that might compromise our\\nrights Should our general government assume to act for\\nTexas, and to disregard her sovereignty by recognizing new\\nboundaries No such policy was conceived. No such policy\\nwas executed. No such policy would have been sustained by\\nthe people of our country.* Let ns examine the record, and\\nsee what were\\nTHE PRECAUTIONARY ACTS OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERN-\\nMENT.\\nThe president of the United States, in his message of Decem-\\nber, 1845, says,\\nThe moment the terms of annexation oifered by the\\nUnited States were accepted by Texas, the latter became so\\nfar a part of our country, as to make it our duty to afford such\\nWe are happy to find that these positions arc ably sustained by\\na distinguished jurist of the U. S. Senate, the Hon. Reverdy Johnson,\\nof Maryland. In some of his exceptions to the defence of the admin-\\nistration, however, as corollaries from his own premises, we have\\na striking example of how a logician may be lost in the politician.\\nHis truths master his politics.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "OCCUPATION OF THE EIO GRANDE ADVISED. 123\\nprotection and defence, (against invasion.) I therefore\\ndeemed it proper, as a precautionary measure, to order a strong\\nsquadron to the coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate a suffi-\\ncient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our\\narmy was ordered to take position in the country between the\\nNueces and the Rio del Norte, and to repel any invasion of\\nthe Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican\\nforces.\\nOCCUPATION ON THE RIO GRANDE ADVISED BY MR. DONELSON.\\nMr, Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, May 11, 1845.\\nIt may be considered as certain the Congress of Texas,\\nsoon after the assemblage of the 16th of June, will accept our\\nproposals, and call a convention for the purpose of carrying\\nthem into effect. Of course, if war be declared against us,\\nTexas will be its theatre, and the earlier we are in possession\\nof the commanding points on the Rio Grande, the sooner we\\nshall be able to bring it to a close.\\nTROOPS REQUESTED FOR THE PROTECTION OF TEXAS.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, May 24, 1845.\\nAs soon as the Texan government accepts our proposals,\\nit will be proper, in compliance with the request already com-\\nmunicated to you, to send our troops to the frontier.\\nSOLICITUDE OF TEXAS WITH REGARD TO MEANS OF DEFENCE.\\nMr. Allen to Mr. Donelson, May 19, 1845.\\nThe undersigned deems it his duty respectfully to\\ninquire of Mr. Donelson, whether, under such circumstances,\\n(of threatened invasion,) calculated to excite the reasonable\\napprehensions of the people of Texas, and especially to dis-\\nturb the tranquillity of the settlements along her western fron-\\ntiers, it would not be alike proper and consistent for the United\\nStates to extend its protection to this people.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "124 THE RIO GRANDE THE BOUNDARY OF TEXAS.\\nDEFENCE OF TEXAS ORDERED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE\\nUNITED STATES.\\nSecretmy of War to General Taylor, May 28, 1845.\\nShould the territories of Texas be invaded by a foreign\\npower, and you shall receive certain intelligence through her\\nfunctionaries of the fact, after her convention shall have\\nacceded to the terms of annexation contained in the resolu-\\ntion of the Congress of the United States, you will at once\\nemploy, in the most effective manner your judgment may\\ndictate, the forces under your command, for the defence of\\nthese territories, and to expel the invaders.\\nHere was an order to General Taylor to expel the inva-\\nders^ if notified to do so by the functionaries of Texas.\\nWe need not add, that if the Mexican troops had crossed the\\nRio Grande, the notice would have been given, and General\\nTaylor would have executed the order.\\nPOSTS SUGGESTED ON THE RIO GRANDE.\\nMr. Donehon to Mr. Buchanan^ June 2, 1845.\\nIt is believed that Mexico is concentrating troops on the\\nRio Grande, where Texas has as yet established no posts. If\\nthis be so, it is possible that Texas may send a force there to\\nremove intruders. But such a movement, if made, will be\\nindependent of the United States.\\nThis shows the determination of Texas, that she was unwil-\\nling to leave her boundary unprotected, if threatened, even for\\na few days, or until the act of annexation should be accom-\\nplished.\\nTHE RIO GRANDE RECOGNIZED AS THE BOUNDARY OF TEXAS.\\nMr. Bancroft, acting Secretary of War, to General Taylor,\\nJune 15, 1845.\\nThe point of your ultimate destination is the western\\nfrontier of Texas, where you will select and occupy, on or", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "POSTS ON THE RIO GRANDE ADVISED BY TEXAS. 125\\nnear the Rio Grande del Norte, such a site as will consist\\nwith the health of the troops, and will be best adapted to repel\\ninvasion, and to protect, in the event of annexation, what will\\nbe our western border.\\nMr. Donelson to Captain Stockton, June 22, 1845.\\nYour cooperation with our land troops I should think\\nsufficient, (in case of war with Mexico,) without much aid\\nfrom Texas herself, to drive the Mexican arms west of the\\nRio Grande.\\nTHE RIO GRANDE QUESTION ANTICIPATED.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, June 23, 1845.\\nIt is the policy of those who are on the side of Mexico in\\nthe present crisis to throw upon the United States the respon-\\nsibihty of a war for the country between the Nueces and the\\nRio Grande. That territory, you are aware, has been in\\npossession of both parties.\\nRegarding this point, in a letter to Mr. Buchanan, dated\\nJuly 11, 1845, Mr. Donelson says,\\nTexas has at pleasure taken possession of her posts there,\\nand has only suspended jurisdiction because it was inconve-\\nnient to maintain it, and because she knew that in a short\\nperiod her resumption of it would be acquiesced in by the\\ninhabitants, if they were assured of protection.\\nPOSTS ON THE RIO GRANDE ADVISED BY TEXAS.\\nMr. Allen to Mr. Donelson, June 26, 1845.\\nThe undersigned would suggest to Mr. Donelson the\\npropriety and necessity of an immediate introduction of the\\ntroops referred to, (U. S.,) and that they proceed at once to\\noccupy positions upon the Rio Grande, and at other points of\\nthe frontier, without waiting for the action of the convention\\nrelative to the measure of annexation.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "136 PKOTECTION TO TEXAS BY OUR GOVERNMENT.\\nPRUDENTIAL SUGGESTIONS WITH REGARD TO THE USE OF FORCE.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, July 6, 1845.\\nYou are already advised of my letter to General Taylor\\nof the 28th ultimo, in which I leave the question of marching\\nto the Rio Grande to be decided by developments yet to be\\nmade. If Mexico passes that stream, menacing Texas, or\\notherwise threatening to disturb the territory of Texas, as it\\nstood when our joint resolution passed, our right to repel her\\ncommences, and we may force her to retire west of the Rio\\nGrande.\\nMr. Donelson to General Taylor^ July 7, 1845.\\nIn this event (of war) a bold movement on the Rio\\nGrande would be justified as the one best calculated to give\\ngeneral security to the frontier of Texas, and take from the\\nenemy his power to injure us.\\nIF PEACE MEASURES FAIL, WAR JUSTIFIABLE.\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Buchanan, July 11, 1845.\\nIf Mexico undertakes the invasion, c., Texas would\\nhave the immediate right, and so will the United States, to\\nrepel the invasion and in doing so, Mexico may be disarmed\\nby the occupation of the Rio Grande by our troops, c.\\nENTIRE PROTECTION TO TEXAS ENFORCED BY THE UNITED\\nSTATES GOVERNMENT.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor, July 30, 1845.\\nWhile avoiding, as you have been instructed to do, all\\naggressive measures towards Mexico, as long as the relations\\nof peace exist between that Republic and the United States,\\nyou are expected to occupy, protect, and defend the territory\\nof Texas to the extent that it has been occupied by the people\\nof Texas. The Rio Grande is claimed to be the boundary", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "FRONTIER POSTS TO BE ESTABLISHED. 127\\nbetween the two countries, and up to this boundary you are to\\nextend your protection, c.\\nMEXICANS TO BE DRIVEN BEYOND THE RIO GRANDE IN CASE\\nOF INVASION,\\nMr. Donelson to Mr. Alleii, August 5, 1845.\\nIf, however, contrary to present appearances, this invasion\\nshould be made by a larger force than would be prudent for\\nthe present United States troops to repel alone, the undersigned\\ndoubts not that the patriotism of the president of Texas will\\ncall into the field such additional aid from the Texas militia as\\nwill at once drive the Mexicans beyond the Rio Grande, and\\ngive security to the frontier.\\nFRONTIER POSTS TO BE ESTABLISHED BY GENERAL TAYLOR,\\nAIDED BY TEXAS.\\nGeneral Taylor to Atison Jones, Presidetii of Texas, August 16, 1845.\\nWhen our relations with Mexico, and the state of the ser-\\nvice in this quarter, shall permit my absence, I will take great\\npleasure in proceeding to the seat of government, and confer-\\nring with you personally in relation to the proper dispositions to\\nbe made for the permanent occupation of the frontier.\\nVIGILANCE OF GENERAL TAYLOR IN PROTECTING THE BOUND-\\nARY TO THE RIO GRANDE.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjutant- General Jones, August 20, 1845.\\nI still deem it my duty to look to the possibility of such an\\nevent, (crossing of the Rio Grande by the Mexican troops,) and\\nto prepare for a forward movement, should circumstances\\nrequire it.\\nCROSSING OF THE RIO GRANDE BY THE MEXICANS TO BE\\nCONSIDERED AS THE COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor, August 23, 1845.\\nShould Mexico declare war, or commence hostilities by\\ncrossing the Rio Grande with a considerable force, you are", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "128 SOLICITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT.\\ninstructed to lose no time in giving information to the authorities\\nof each or any of the above-mentioned States, as to the num-\\nber of volunteers you may want from them respectively.\\nSuch a movement (crossing the Rio Grande by\\nthe Mexicans) must be regarded as an invasion of the United\\nStates, and the commencement of hostilities.\\nIn a letter from Adjutant-General Jones to General Taylor,\\ndated August 26, 1845, he requests him to keep the depart-\\nment advised of the state of the service on the Texan frontiers.\\nAn inspection of General Taylor s letters subsequent to this\\norder will show how strictly he conformed to its requisitions.\\nIn almost every letter before the commencement of hostilities,\\nhe speaks of news, or the want of news, from the Rio\\nGrande.\\nSOLICITUDE OF THE U. S. GOVERNMENT THAT TEXAS SHOULD\\nBE PROTECTED TO THE RIO GRANDE.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor, August 30, 1845.\\nInstructions heretofore issued enjoin upon you to defend\\nTexas from invasion and Indian hostilities and, should Mex-\\nico invade it, you will employ all your forces to repulse the\\ninvaders, and drive all Mexican troops beyond the Rio Grande.\\nu ^jj attempt to cross that river (Rio Grande) with\\nsuch a (large) force will also be considered in the same\\nlight, (as the commencement of hostilities.)\\nNO BOUNDARY THOUGHT OF BY GENERAL TAYLOR BUT THE RIO\\nGRANDE.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjtdatit- Getieral Joties, September 14, 1845.\\nThe commander of the rangers at San Antonio, Major\\nHays, has reputation as a partisan, and to him I have specially\\nintrusted the duty of keeping me advised of any movements\\non the Rio Grande.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "LETTER OF ADVICE OF GENERAL TAYLOR. 129\\nLETTER OF ADVICE OF GENERAL TAYLOR TO ADVANCE TO THE\\nRIO GRANDE.\\nGenercd Taylor to Adjutant- Ge7ieralJones, October 4, 1845.\\nIt is with great deference that I make any suggestions on\\ntopics which may become matter of delicate negotiation;\\nbut if our government, in settling the question of boundary,\\nmakes the line of the Eio Grande an ultimatum, I cannot\\ndoubt that the settlement will be greatly facilitated and has-\\ntened by our taking possession at once of one or two suitable\\npoints on or quite near that river. Our strength and state of\\npreparations should be displayed in a manner not to be mis-\\ntaken. However salutary may be the effect upon the border\\npeople by our presence here, we are too far from the frontier\\nto impress the government of Mexico with our readiness to\\nvindicate, by force of arms if necessary, our title to the coun-\\ntry as far as the Rio Grande.\\nThis advice of General Taylor proceeded from no new\\nmanifestations on the part of Mexico, for, in the same letter he\\nsays, that Mexico had committed no overt act of hostilities\\nand that he does not conceive that it will become necessary,\\nunder any circumstances^ to call for volunteers from the United\\nStates. Indications, indeed, appeared to be favorable to\\npeace, but peace without promptitude. Although the advice\\nwas characterized by good judgment, and was in confirmation\\nof its own views, still, the government was slow to adopt it.\\nIt was made in ignorance of the mission of Mr. Slidell, and\\nwholly with the view to move the government of Mexico to\\nprompt and decisive action. It is certainly not a little remark-\\nable, that, when it was adopted by the government of the\\nUnited States, more than three months afterwards, it was\\nadopted with similar motives.\\nOn the 5th of November, General Taylor received a let-\\nter from Commodore Conner, from which we make the follow-\\ning extract. It was dated, off Vera Cruz, October 24, 1845.\\nI hasten to inform you that the Mexican government has", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "130 LETTER OF ADVICE OF GENERAL TAYLOR.\\naccepted the proposal made by that of our country, to arrange\\nthe existing difficulties by negotiation. I deem it advisable you\\nshould be thus early apprised of this change in the state of our\\nrelations.\\nThis information, communicated by Commodore Conner, led\\nGeneral Taylor very properly to make what might be termed,\\nnot a modification, but a suggestive modification, of his advice,\\nunder date of October 4 that is, he submitted his views, to be\\nqualified as circumstances might require. He was evidently of\\nthe opinion, however, that a forward march movement was the\\ntrue one, as promising the best results still, he was willing to\\nwait, PROVIDED Mexico did not show a disposition to protract\\nnegotiations unreasonahly. That he had but little confidence in\\nnegotiation, and that he was looking to the execution of future\\nduties to Texas, may be inferred from the whole language of\\nhis modification, and from the fact which he reports in the\\nsame letter, that reconnoisances are almost constantly in the\\nfield^ and, as he says in his previous letter, (October 4,) in\\nthe direction of the Rio Grande.\\nThe good sense of General Taylor with regard to position was\\nin perfect harmony with the views of his government. Our\\nrights were to be protected with firmness, but with all possible\\ndelicacy towards a weaker Republic. General Taylor was\\nnot only in favor of prompt action, but he advised and expected\\nit. In the letter which we are noticing, (November 7,) he\\nsays, On the hypothesis of an early adjustment of the boun-\\ndary, and the consequent establishment of permanent frontier\\nposts, I cannot urge too strongly upon the government the\\nnecessity of occupying those posts before the warm weather\\nshall set in.\\nThe modification of his letter of October 4, is given in the\\nfollowing extract\\nThe intelligence from Mexico, however, tends to modify,\\nin some degree, the views expressed in that communication.\\nThe position now occupied by the troops may, perhaps, be the\\nbest while negotiations are pending, or, at any rate, until a", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "DISCRETIONARY TOWER GIVEN TO GEN. TAYLOR. 131\\ndisposition shall be manifested by Mexico to protract them un-\\nreasonably. Under the supposition that such may be the view\\nof the department, I shall make no movement from this point,\\nexcept for the purpose of examining the country, until further\\ninstructions are received.\\nFrequent allusions have been made to these letters for party\\npurposes, as if harmony was an evidence of discord. Coin-\\ncidence of opinion, not of contrariety, is evidence of good\\njudgment. It must be gratifying both to General Taylor and to\\nthe government, that, in a policy which has been so much\\nquestioned from party motives, there was unanimity of opinion\\nand harmony of action. Both acted from similar motives, and\\nboth were right.\\nDISCRETIONARY POWER GIVEN TO GENERAL TAYLOR BY HIS\\nGOVERNMENT.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor October 16, 1845.\\nThe information which we have here renders it probable\\nthat no serious attempts will at present be made by Mexico to\\ninvade Texas, although she continues to threaten incursions.\\nPrevious instructions will have put you in possession of the\\nviews of the government of the United States, not only as to\\nthe extent of its territorial claims, but of its determination to\\nassert them. In carrying out these instructions, you will be\\nleft very much to your own judgment, by reason of your supe-\\nrior knowledge of localities, and the earlier notice you may\\nreceive of the probable views of Mexico and the movement\\nof her troops.\\nThe letter of Mr. Slidell, of December 17, to Mr. Buchanan,\\nwas received at the state department on the 12th of January.\\nThis letter furnished so much evidence of a disposition to\\ntrifle, on the part of Mexico, and, taken in connection with\\nviews previously adopted and the advice of General Taylor,\\ndetermined the government of the United States upon decisive\\nmeasures, and the following order was given.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "132 GENERAL TAYLOR ORDERED TO ADVANCE.\\nGENERAL TAYLOR ORDERED TO ADVANCE TO THE RIO GRANDE.\\nSecretary of War to General Taylor, January 13, 1846.\\nI am directed by the president to instruct you to advance\\nand occupy, with the troops under your command, positions on\\nor near the east bank of the Rio del Norte, as soon as it can\\nbe conveniently done with reference to the season and the\\nroutes by which your movements must be made.\\nIt is not designed, in our present relation with Mexico,\\nthat you should treat her as an enemy.\\nNothing but the spirit of peace and of courtesy prevented\\nthis movement before. Without any regard to boundary ques-\\ntions, our government was very reluctant to sanction any\\nmilitary movements, not absolutely necessary, which might\\nexcite Mexico to commit further acts of imprudence. In the\\nletter of the secretary of state to Mr. Slidell, under date of\\nJanuary 20, this order is alluded to, and its necessity explained.\\nWe recommend to the reader a perusal of the entire letter.\\nMr. Buchanan says,\\nIn the mean time, the president, in anticipation of the final\\nrefusal of the Mexican government to receive you, has ordered\\nthe army of Texas to advance and take position on the left\\nbank of the Rio Grande and has directed that a strong fleet\\nshall be immediately assembled in the Gulf of Mexico. He\\nwill thus be prepared to act with vigor and promptitude the\\nmoment that Congress shall give him the authority.\\nOPINION OF GENERAL TAYLOR, COMMENDING THE ORDER OF\\nJANUARY 13.\\nIn regard to this order, under date of February 4, 1846,\\nGeneral Taylor says,\\nOur advance to the Rio Grande will itself produce a pow-\\nerful effect, and it may be that the common navigation of the\\nriver will not be disputed. It is very important to us, anil w ill", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "RIO GKANDE NOT TO BE CROSSED. 133\\nbe indispensable when posts are established higher up, as must\\nultimately bd the case.\\nOPINION OF MR. SLIDELL, COMMENDING THE ORDER OF\\nJANUARY 13.\\nIn a letter to the secretary of state, dated Februaiy 17,\\n1846, Mr. Slidell says,\\nThe advance of General Taylor s force to the left bank\\nof the Rio del Norte, and the strengthening of our force in the\\nGulf, are wise measures, which may exercise a salutary influ-\\nence upon the course of this government.\\nIt would be presumption in us formally to sanction an act\\nwhich needs no defence not to be found in its own history.\\nThis order was originated in no new policy it had been long\\ndeferred, and it was now considered judicious and necessary\\nby all who had the best means of knowing the exact relations\\nbetween the two countries.\\nGENERAL TAYLOR ANTICIPATES NO RESISTANCE IN HIS\\nADVANCE.\\nGeneral Tat/lor to Adjuia7it- General Jones, Feb. 16, 1846.\\nFrom the best information I am able to obtain, and which\\nI deem as authentic as any, I do not believe that our advance\\nto the banks of the Rio Grande will be resisted. The army,\\nhowever, will go fully prepared for a state of hostilities, should\\nthey unfortunately be provoked by the Mexicans.\\nRIO GRANDE NOT TO BE CROSSED BY AMERICAN TROOPS UNLESS\\nATTACKED.\\nGe7t. Taylor to Adjutant- Getieral Jones, Corpus Christi, Feb. 26, 1846.\\nI have taken occasion to represent to some citizens of\\nMatamoras, who were here with a large number of mules for\\nsale, and who are represented to have considerable influ-\\nence at home, that the United States government, in occupy-\\ning the Rio Grande, has no motive of hostility towards Mexico,\\n12", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "134 HOSTILITY ON THE PART OF MEXICO.\\nand that the army will, in no case, go beyond the river, unless\\nhostilities should be commenced by the Mexicans them-\\nselves, ;c.\\nDECIDED HOSTILITY ON THE PART OF THE MEXICANS.\\nGen. Taylor to Adjutant- General Jo7ies, Point Isabel, March 25, 1846.\\nIn this despatch. General Taylor says, that there were no\\nincidents in the march of the army to Point Isabel worthy of\\nnotice, unless the following examples may be regarded as the\\nfirst evidence of open hostility. He says,\\nWhile on my way hither, our column was approached by\\na party on its right flank, bearing a white flag. It proved to\\nbe a civil deputation from Matamoras, desiring an interview\\nwith me. I informed them that I would halt at the first suita-\\nble place on the road, and afford them the desired interview.\\nIt was, however, found necessary, from the want of water, to\\ncontinue the route to this place. The deputation halted while\\nsome miles from Point Isabel, declining to come further, and\\nsent me a formal protest of the prefect of the northern district\\nof Tamaulipas, against our occupation of the country, which\\nI enclose herewith. At this moment, it was discovered that\\nthe buildings at Point Isabel were in flames. I then informed\\nthe bearer of the protest that I would answer it when opposite\\nMatamoras, and dismissed the deputation. I considered the\\nconflagration before my eyes as a decided evidence of hos-\\ntility, and was not willing to be trifled with any longer, partic-\\nularly as I had reason to believe that the prefect, in making\\nthis protest, was but a tool of the military authorities at\\nMatamoras.\\nOCCUPATION OF THE LEFT BANK OF THE RIO GRANDE.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjutant- Geyieral Jones, March 29, 1846.\\nI have the honor to report, that I arrived at this camp yes-\\nterday, with forces under my command, no resistance hav-\\ning been oflered to my advance to the banks of the river, nor", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "HOSTILE ATTITUDE OF MEXICO. 135\\nact of hostility committed by the Mexicans, except the capture\\nof two of Our dragoons, sent forward from the advanced\\nguard.*\\nOur approach seems to have created much excitement in\\nMatamoras, and a great deal of activity has been displayed\\nsince our arrival in the preparation of batteries. The left\\nbank is now under reconnoisance of our engineer officers, and\\nI shall lose no time in strengthening our position by such\\ndefensive works as may be necessary, employing for that\\npurpose a portion of the heavy guns brought round by sea.\\nThe attitude of the Mexicans is so far decidedly hostile.\\nAn interview has been held, by my direction, with the military\\nauthorities of Matamoras, but with no satisfactory result.\\nHOSTILE ATTITUDE OF THE MEXICANS BATTERY ERECTED\\nBY GENERAL TAYLOR.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjuta7ii-Ge?ieral Jones, April 6, 1846.\\nThe Mexicans still retain a hostile attitude, and have\\nthrown up some works, evidently designed to prevent us from\\ncrossing the river.\\nOn our side, a battery for four 18-pounders will be com-\\npleted, and the guns placed in battery to-day. These guns\\nbear directly upon the public square of Matamoras, and within\\ngood range for demolishing the town. Their object cannot b.e\\nmistaken, and will, I think, effectually restrain him from any\\nenterprise upon our side of the river. A bastioned field-fort, for\\na ganison of five hundred men, has been laid out by engineers\\nin rear of the battery, and will be commenced immediately.\\nI respectfully enclose the minutes of an interview held on\\nthe day of our arrival, between General Worth and General\\nDe la Vega, the second in command in Matamoras. f I\\ndeemed it proper and respectful to announce formally the\\npurpose of our advance to the Rio Grande, and afford an\\nopportunity to establish friendly relations if practicable.\\nThese dragoons were subsequently returned, on application of\\nGeneral Taylor,\\nt See Appendix U.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "136 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES BY MEXICO.\\nGENERAL TAYLOR SUMMONED BY AMPUDIA TO WITHDRAW\\nBEYOND THE NUECES.\\nGeneral Taylor to Adjutant- General Jozies, Aiyril 15, 1846.\\nI have to report that on the 1 1th instant, General Ampudia\\narrived at Matamoras with two hundred cavalry, the remainder\\nof his force, variously estimated from two thousand to three\\nthousand men, being some distance in rear on route from\\nMonterey. Immediately after assuming the chief command,\\nGeneral Ampudia ordered all Americans to leave Matamoras\\nwithin twenty-four hours, and repair to Victoria, a town in the\\ninterior of Tamaulipas. He had taken the same severe meas-\\nure at Reinosa, on his way hither. On the 12th, I received\\nfrom General Ampudia a despatch, summoning me to with-\\ndraw my force within twenty-four hours, and to fall back be-\\nyond the river Nueces. To his communication I replied, on\\nthe 12th, saying that I should not retrdgrade from my position.\\nCopies of this correspondence are enclosed herewith.* I con-\\nsidered the letter of General Ampudia sufficient to warrant\\nme in blocking up the Rio Grande, and stopping all supplies\\nfor Matamoras orders for which have been given to the naval\\ncommander at Brasos Santiago.\\nCOMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES BY MEXICO.\\nGe?ieral Taylor to Adjutant- General Jones, April 26, 1846.\\nI regret to report that a party of dragoons, sent out by me\\non the 24th instant, to watch the course of the river above on\\nthis bank, became engaged with a very large force of the\\nenemy, and, after a short affair, in which some sixteen were\\nkilled and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and\\ncompelled to surrender. Not one of the party has returned,\\nexcept a wounded man sent in this morning by the Mexican\\ncommander, so that I cannot report with confidence the par-\\nSee Appendix V.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES BY MEXICO. 137\\nticulars of the engagement, or the fate of the officers, except\\nthat Captaui Hardee was known to be a prisoner, and unhurt.\\nThe party was sixty-three strong.\\nHostilities may now be considered as commenced, and I\\nhave this day deemed it necessary to call upon the govern-\\nment of Texas for four regiments of volunteers, two to be\\nmounted and two to serve on foot. As some delay must occur\\nin collecting these troops, I have also desired the governor of\\nLouisiana to send out four regiments of infantry as soon as\\npracticable. This will constitute an auxiliary force of nearly\\nfive thousand men, which will be required to prosecute the war\\nwith energy, and carry it, as it should be into the enemy s\\ncountry.\\nThus we have seen that the course of our government with\\nrespect to the boundary question has been consistent from the\\nperiod of the annexation of Texas, even to the time of the\\nfirst act of hostility on the part of Mexico, of which Congress\\nwas immediately notified by the president of the United States.\\nIn a special message. May 11, 1846, he says,\\nAs war exists, and, notwithstanding our efibrts to avoid it,\\nexists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by\\nevery consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate with\\ndecision, the honor, the rights, and the interests of our\\ncountry.\\nWhen the sum of $10,000,000, and an army of 50,000 men, were\\nauthorized by almost an unanimous vote of Congress, (only 14 voting\\nin the negative,) not a word was said about the march to the Rio\\nGrande. The question was one of fact with regard to the commence-\\nment of hostilities. The objections to that bill were confined to the\\npreamble which declared that war existed by the act of Mexico. In\\na speech delivered in the IT. S. Senate, February, 1848, by Mr. Tur-\\nney, he says, A motion was made to strike out the preamble, and\\nreasons were assigned for striking it out, hut no such reason as that we\\nhad invaded the Mexican territory. Far from it, as I will be able to\\nshow, conclusively, from the documents. The reason assigned was,\\nthe uncertainty as to the fact whether war did, in point of fact,\\nexist.\\nThe objections to the preamble were singular and extraordinary.\\n12*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "138 COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILTTIES BY MEXICO,\\nBoth nations professed peace and protested against all\\nmotives leading to hostility. Let facts determine which was\\nsincere in its professions. We have seen with what justice\\nthe boundaiy to the Rio Grande was claimed by Texas, and\\nthat no alternative was left to the United States but to defend\\nthat boundary. Mexico refused to negotiate. Although she\\nclaimed title to all Texas, she was committed to acts of hos-\\ntility, and was ready to commence war, in relation to a ques-\\ntion of boundary She claimed the whole, but she preferred\\nwar to negotiation, to settle her title even to a part.\\nWe should do the public injustice, if we were to give our\\nviews upon this portion of the subject to the exclusion of those\\nof General Taylor, in his able communication, in reply to\\nGeneral Ampudia, which we insert in the Appendix.* In this,\\nthe true merits of both parties are clearly and briefly stated.\\nThe spirit of hostility on the part of Mexico is contrasted with\\nthe pacific measures of the United States. The assertion of\\nthe president, that war exists by the act of Mexico, is a\\ntruth so fully confirmed by history that he who doubts is\\ndoomed to a record that time can never redeem. It is not\\nthat this act was the cause of the war, but that Mexico, having\\nmade war necessary by her acts, was left to be consistent\\nIf objections had been made to the whole bill, members, urging them,\\nmight have found a defence in their consciences. But their position,\\nas opposed to the preamble, is truly a most awkward one. It was\\nequivalent to a confession that they were more willing to vote means\\nfor prosecuting a war against Mexico, without any positive declar-\\nation of basis, than admit the statement of General Taylor to be a fact.\\nTheir love for history was greater than their love for justice. If they\\nbelieved the war commenced by the president of the United States,\\nthey also professed to believe that he had commenced it unconstitu-\\ntionally, and this renders their case still worse. They were ready to\\nvote for an unconstitutional war, in preference to adopting the fact, as\\ngiven by General Taylor, that the war was commenced by the act of\\nMexico We cannot well avoid thinking of the gnat and camel, as-\\nspoken of in the gospel of St. Matthew. f\\nSee Appendix. f Chap, xxiii. 24.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "MILITARY POWER. 139^\\nin her career of folly and crime and to strike the first blow.\\nShe commenced what proved to be her own chastisement, by\\nthe hand of another power. She was the sole cause, and, in\\nthe hands of Providence, the sole subject of the war, and\\nthe United States government was the agent for its merited\\ninfliction.\\nPROSECUTION OF THE WAR.\\nMILITARY POWER.\\nThe military power of a country is generally estimated\\naccording to the number of soldiers that makes up its standing\\narmy. This number varies, as the supposed interests of a\\nnation require, and is large or small, according to the confi-\\ndence which a government has in itself. A large army always\\nimplies doubt in the government as to its hold upon the affec-\\ntions of the people, and of its ability to control them. Armies\\nincrease as governments become selfish or imjust, and though\\nthe decrease is not always in the same ratio with governments\\nof an opposite character, still, the diminution is seen to take\\nplace as the result of liberal measures. Much must be\\nallowed to the conservative principle of government anciently\\ntermed the divine right of kings, and to those countless\\nhabits and prejudices which become associated with all the\\njoys of a people, as well as with their hardships and suffer-\\nings. The people are slow to change. It is not in their\\nnature to change suddenly, and remain permanent. They\\nbecome attached even to a form of government that may deny\\nthem liberty of thought and of speech but, if that government\\nyields to a small proportion of their requisitions, they remain\\nloyal, grateful, and content. A monarch may hold his power\\nif he will but keep in advance of his subjects in measures of\\nreform. To refuse reforms, and hope to be secure in a stand-\\ning army, is a great error. That this may be true for a limited\\nperiod, no one will deny. When we speak of success in a\\nnation, we refer to its generations. We measure the progress", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "140 MILITARY POWER.\\nof man, as an individual, by his years or generations the\\nprogress of a nation, by its periods of great causative events,\\nor by its centuries.\\nThe recent events of France illustrate the actual power of\\na standing army in a country where intelligence and educa-\\ntion are beginning to reach the people, and where love of\\nfreedom has only been defeated for the want of knowledge.*\\nFirst comes the desire for change, and then the ability. The\\nFrench have been in a transition state for a long period of\\ntime. Every revolution shows an advance, and the period is\\nnot far distant when we shall see her strength equal to the\\nglory of a republic. The newly-fledged eagle falls from\\nbranch to branch in its first attempts to fly, and every fall is\\nmarked by a period of rest. But the parent birds encourage\\nits efforts by example, while its instinct unceasingly tempts it\\nforward in its flights, and from the humble distances of the\\nforest-cluster of its home, it soon is able to sweep its circles in\\nthe regions of the sky.\\nIt is thus with natioriS, destined to life and change.\\nChange is but another word for growth or progress. Every\\nchange is a step forward, and every step gives new strength.\\nWe mean the progress of condition, of capacity, of power.\\nA monarchy may become a republic, and the republic may\\nnot succeed, and the monarchy may be restored. This is\\nmerely the conventional process. Every attempt is a prepar-\\nation, every revolution a step. In the breaking up of power,\\nthe monarchy may seize a temporary defence, but the ultimate\\nrepublic is inevitable.\\nLouis Phillippe was too slow for his people. Guizot was too\\nprecise in his scale of advance. The former had confidence\\nin the latter, and the latter had confidence in science. Both\\nseemed to lose sight of the fact, that while they were watching\\nThe Mexicans say, that they are obliged to have a standing\\narmy, and that they can only enforce their laws by the grace of God\\nand gimpowder. II071. P. Thomjison.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "MILITARY POWER OF THE UNITED STATES. 141\\nfor changes in the people, they did not count upon changes\\nin the army. Armies are made up of men and though they\\nare excluded in some degree from the benefits of an advan-\\ncing society, and may be slow to appreciate their rights as citi-\\nzens, still they have begun to think.* Thought is the great\\nsource of power, and in this we may find the power of the\\nUnited States in the capacity of the people to think. Right\\nthinking is knowledge, and knowledge is power. But where\\nis the\\nMILITARY POWER OF THE UNITED STATES\\nIf a stranger were to visit this country, he would be at a loss\\nto find, in form, its military power. He would see no castles\\nof defiance, no towns encircled by turretted walls he would\\nsee no palaces, v/ith their lords and dependent tenantry. He\\nwould see no display of royalty, with its cortege of coun-\\nsellors, outriders, and guard. He would find no army, with its\\ntrappings, to admire no national parade of strength, to awe.\\nBut, in our great cities he would see industry without embar-\\nrassment, activity without disorder, excitement without riot,\\nand security without fear and all without an army near, or a\\nsoldier s guard.\\nIf he were to go to the capital, he would there see the rep-\\nresentatives of the people, of every profession, boldly defend-\\ning the right and denouncing the wrong, in the business of\\nlegislation. He would see the chief magistrate of the nation\\nIn speaking of the Plymouth rock, De Tocqueville makes the\\nfollowing beautiful reflection\\nThis rock is become an object of veneration in the United States.\\nI have seen bits of it carefully preserved in several towns of the\\nUnion. Does not this sufficiently show how entirely all human\\npower and greatness is in the soul of man Here is a stone, which\\nthe feet of a few outcasts pressed for an instant, and this stone\\nbecomes famous it is treasured by a great nation its very dust is\\nshared as a relic and what is become of the gateways of a thousand", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "142 MILITARY POWER OF THE UNITED STATES.\\nin the plainest garb of the humble citizen, and his advisers,\\nunattended, mingling with the crowd, courteous to all, and indif-\\nferent to none. But he would see no army near, and at the\\ndoors and gates of the public buildings would find no sentinels.\\nHe would hear of our government, but he could not see its\\nvast machinery. He would hear of our great power, but he\\ncould not understand its form, unless he should visit the people\\nat their homes and firesides. He would find nothing wanting\\nto protection, to liberty, or to life, and yet he would find no\\narmy.\\nThe army of the United States, in times of peace, does not\\noften exceed 7,000 men.* These men, scattered over a vast\\nterritory, are hardly to be perceived by the traveller, or noticed\\nby our citizens. And yet, when required to act in their coun-\\ntry s defence, they make the nucleus of an army of any extent,\\nand of the greatest power.\\nWith a military academy, directed by the ablest professors,\\nand liberally sustained by government, the country secures a\\nclass of officers of the highest attainments in science, and\\nof the greatest skill in practice. In time of war, around these\\nofficers the assembled people of the country become the army\\nof the nation the nation s defence. When peace returns, they\\nscatter to their homes, and resume their accustomed labors,\\nand the soldier again becomes the citizen.\\nThe military power of the United States is as broad as the\\ncontinent to which it belongs, and its basis is in the hearts of\\nthe people. It is not physical, but moral power. It is not for\\nthe defence of a government, but of a people. It is not for the\\nfew, but for all. It is not for others, but for ourselves. It is\\nnot for conquest, but for justice. It is not for ambition, but for\\nprotection, that the military power of the United States is\\norganized and exerted.\\nThe constitution provides that Congress has no power to make\\nany appropriation of money for the support of armies for a longer term\\nthan two years. The strength of the army at the commencement of\\nhostilities with the Republic of Mexico was, (AprO, 1846,) 7,244.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "MILITARY rOWER OF THE UNITED STATES. 143\\nThe profession of arms becomes ennobled when we see our\\nmihtary men, among our best citizens, and our best citizens\\nready to become soldiers. A standing army has been thought\\nindispensably necessary for a nation s defence. The recent\\nevents of Europe, however, have tended to show that they are\\nnow deemed sources rather of danger than of protection.\\nThe volunteer system, adopted by this country, is in harmony\\nwith its institutions. There is a freedom and a dignity in it\\nworthy of a people who are willing and ready to defend their\\nown rights.*\\nWhen this war was commenced by Mexico, our troops on\\nthe frontier of Texas numbered, present and absent, only\\n3554 men, of which 131 were sick. Fifty thousand volun-\\nteers were called for, and nearly half a million offered their\\nservices from all parts of the Union.\\nThe volunteer has all the strength of motive that gives to\\nthe citizen the spirit of duty, and all the love of home and\\ncountry that gives the soldier courage. He goes to the war,\\nnot as the agent of destruction, but as the defender of right\\nand justice. His motto is, Verite sans peur.\\nWe have no sympathy with those who decry the military of\\ntheir country, and would avail themselves of the blessings which\\nare gained by its power and protected by its presence. Have\\nthey no reverence for the memory of Washington, and his\\nnoble band of patriots Have they no gratitude for the results\\nof their achievements the achievements of the sword We\\nadmire their love of peace, but we cannot adopt their judgment.\\nTheir views are in advance of their condition. We would not\\nlessen their efforts in the great cause of humanity, but we\\ncould wish that, while they are disposed to act for the good of\\ntheir country, they would endeavor to devote their energies to\\nprevent the causes of war, rather than oppose the stern and\\ninexorable rule of justice among nations, after war has been\\ncommenced.\\nSee the excellent speech, of Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, delivered\\nin the U. S. Senate, February, 1848.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "144 ACHIEVEBIENTS OF THE ARMY.\\nACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ARMY.\\nThe nature and limits of the present volunne do not enable\\nus to give the details of the brilliant achievements of our army\\nin Mexico. These belong to a different and a more extended\\nwork, which is in preparation. The heroism and the enduring\\nactivity and skill of the officer and soldier, have been the\\nsubject of wonder and admiration. All dangers, fatigues, and\\ndifficulties were encountered and surmounted with cheerfulness\\nand promptitude. Our government would consent to nothing\\nbut an honorable peace our army consented to nothing but\\nvictory. The names of Scott, Taylor, Butler, Worth, Twiggs,\\nWool, Smith, Pillow, Quitman, Childs, Pierce, Hamer, Lane,\\nShields, and a host of others might be enumerated, will\\nlive upon the pages of their country s history so long as merit\\nshall be respected and duty honored.\\nOur gallant navy, though circumscribed in action, was true\\nto the glory which belongs to patriotism, skill, and courage.\\nThe reputation of its officers and the efficiency of its men are\\ntoo well known to require service to entitle them to our ac-\\nknowledgments of respect.\\nIn the prosecution of this war we find a singular combination\\nof forces. The destructive engines of death were sent forward,\\naccompanied by commissioners of peace and the hand that\\nwas raised to take life from the enemy, was the bearer of the\\nolive branch. After every victory, a pause was made for\\npeace.*\\nThe government at home, three thousand miles from the\\nscenes of action, deliberately matured its measures and executed\\nits plans. It gave its orders amid an approving party on the one\\nhand, and an opposing one on tlie other. Friends were prompt,\\nopponents were reluctant. But few would stop the war if they\\ncould, and many condemned it with their voice, while they\\nSee Appendix X.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ARMY. 145\\nsustained it by their votes. None denied its justice, though\\nsome denied ijs expediency. Many gave their countenance to\\nthe enemy, though they had too much self-respect to deny the\\nfolly and stupidity of the Mexicans.\\nThe House of Representatives voted, by a small majority,\\nthat the war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally begun\\nby the president of the United States, and yet the same body\\nrefused to stop it.* Articles of impeachment were threatened\\nagainst the president by the whigs, but they were not brought\\nforward, because there was a democratic majorit}^ in the\\nsenate as if the senators of the democracy could not be true\\nto their oaths of office States passed their resolutions of\\napproval and of protest, peace societies remonstrated, clergy-\\nmen admonished, and citizens denounced. The government\\nwas disowned at home and abused abroad, for the unholy war,\\nas it was called, against a weak and distracted people. Party\\nin its bitterness, zeal in its ignorance, and prejudice in its blind-\\nness, all conspired to render the acts of the government un-\\nsuccessful in their objects, and odious to the people. But the\\npeople were true to their country and to its government. Duty\\nwas too plain to be mistaken, too great to be neglected. They\\nasked no advice but facts, and raised no standard but con-\\nscience. The government compromised no right, and neglected\\nno duty. It was prompt in its action, and humane in its policy.\\nIt was true to the country, true to Mexico, true to the world,\\nand true to itself.\\nIn the eloquent language of General Cass, we give a brief\\nreview of what was accomplished by our government and\\narmy during the short period of twenty-two months. He\\nsays,\\nThe act recognizing war was passed on tlie 13th of May,\\n1846, twenty-two months ago. At that time we had an army,\\nThe ten regiment bill was passed by the House, by a vote of\\n170 to 35. See speech.es of Mr. Cobb and Mr. Stanton, delivered in\\nFebruary and March, 1848.\\n13", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "146 ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ARMY.\\nwhose total of rank and file consisted of 7523 men. They\\noccupied thirty-seven forts and positions in the interior of the\\nUnited States, and upon our inland and seaboard frontier,\\ncomprehending a space almost equal to half of Europe and\\nthe portion of this force under General Taylor, upon the\\nNueces, amounted to 3001 men. This was our preparation\\nfor meeting the war. All else had to be collected or created.\\nRecollect, sir, that our situation is far different from that of\\nthe martial powers of Europe. War is there both a trade and\\nscience, and its governments are always prepared to meet\\ncontingencies, which cannot, indeed, be foreseen, but which,\\nif not provided for, bring ruin and disorder in their train. At\\none time, the people of France were a great army, the coun-\\ntry a vast camp, the cities and towns, arsenals and magazines,\\nand the fields, sources of supply for the immense living\\nmachine, whose movements were always so tremendous, and\\noften so irresistible. Well, sir, we had nothing of all this.\\nWe had no army, for our little force scarcely deserved the\\nname. We had no conscription by which to increase it. All\\nmateriel necessary for the subsistence and transportation and\\noperations of our troops had to be collected through the coun-\\ntry, and conveyed to a distant scene of operations. This\\nscene is three thousand miles off; and little did the govern-\\nment or country know of the condition of Mexico, of its\\nfortresses, or their state of preparation of its armies, or their\\nstate of efficiency or discipline of the roads, bridges, the\\nmeans of transportation and subsistence, and the thousand\\nother points, essential to military operations, and which, in the\\nvarious countries of Europe, are studied and known.\\nNow, sir, in the face of these obstacles, what have we\\ndone We have sent our troops to the shores of the Pacific,\\nby the routes across the continent, and around Cape Horn\\nwe have subdued Upper and Lower California and New\\nMexico we have taken possession of the rich and populous\\ndistricts upon the Rio Grande we have carried the war into\\nthe heart of the Republic, after attacking and reducing the\\nJ", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE AKBIY. 147\\nrenowned fortress, which commands its principal maritime\\nentrance, the capture of which alone was glory enough for\\nFrance we have taken its capital, dispersed its armies, made\\nits government, and reduced to subjection a large portion of\\nits population we have fought at least fourteen important\\nactions, of which eight were pitched battles, and in every one\\nthere was a disparity of force against us, and in many an\\ninequality, which carries us back for similar examples of\\ndesperate struggles, to the early ages of the world, to the\\ncombats of the Greeks and Persians, which they resemble,\\nrather than the conflicts, which the severe truth of modern\\nhistory judges and records. We have captured a score of\\ngreat cities, some of them fortified and defended, and capa-\\nble of strong resistance. Time would fail me to tell all we\\nhave done, nor can it be necessary for is it not already\\nwritten in imperishable letters upon the records of history, and\\nin burning and shining characters upon the heart of every\\nAmerican\\nThis language was not spoken by the distinguished senator\\nin a spirit of boasting, but in reply to an honorable member\\nwho had spoken lightly of the efficiency of our government\\nand of the achievements of our army.\\nIt has been urged by some, that if we had invaded Mexico\\nwith a large army, her chance of success would have been\\ndeemed a hopeless one by her own government, and that\\nnegotiation and peace would have been the immediate results.\\nPerhaps so. It is easy to say this when another and more\\nmoderate course was adopted. If a powerful and overwhelm-\\ning movement had been made by the administration, against\\nthat feeble and miserable people, oppression and cruelty\\nwould have been the cry every where. Mexico would have\\nhad no chance to expose her weakness, and her strength would\\nhave been over-estimated. As it now stands, in every battle,\\nher numerical force was greatly superior to ours, and it\\ncannot be said, that she had no opportunity to test the bravery\\nof her troops by battle, or to vindicate her honor by victory.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "148\\nACHIEVEMENTS OF THE ARMY.\\nMuch has been said by the opponents of the war with regard\\nto the return of Santa Anna to Mexico. Of the means sanc-\\ntioned or provided we have no remark to make. This subject\\nwas conclusively disposed of by the president in his answer to\\nCongress. We allude to it only for the purpose of expressing\\nour undisguised astonishment that any one, under any circum-\\nstances, should deny to Mexico the service of her sons\\nSupposing permission had been asked to allow his return, who\\nwould have refused it What was Santa Anna that we should\\nfear him Why should he be continued in banishment by\\nus Was he our prisoner And if he were considered by\\nMexico her ablest general, his absence would have been\\ndeemed as the cause of defeat, and false hopes would have\\ncontinued to blind her people. Of what avail has his return\\nbeen to Mexico\\nOur country owes her army a debt of gratitude which nothing\\nbut duty to her own great interests can ever pay. Our soldiers\\nwere our fellow-citizens. They bravely fought the battles of\\njustice, and won victories that shall tend to lessen wrong and\\nestablish peace in all coming time. They made sacrifices for\\nothers good, and, if they suffered, time will prove that for\\nevery pain shall come a thousand blessings to the future race.*\\nWhile we greet with smiles and joyous acclamations the\\nhardy soldier s return from the war, let us pause to drop a\\ntear for\\nTHE FALLEN THAT DO NOT COME.\\nThe desolated home of the departed soldier should be re-\\nlieved by our charities, and soothed by our sympathies.\\nIt was estimated that 70,000 victims were sacrificed at the coro-\\nnation of Montezuma. The ordinary number of sacrifices, annually,\\nwas very large before the conquest of Mexico by Cortes. The total\\nloss of both nations, in the late war, does not*exceed 12,000. This\\nestimate does not embrace the deaths from disease. A complete report\\nis not yet made. The saving of life was great, in consequence of\\nthe conquest of ancient Mexico, and it will be great during the\\nnext century, in consequence of the war just closed. See Appendix Y.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "THE FALLEN THAT DO NOT COME. 149\\nThe death of a soldier is an event of the nation, and fraught\\nwith a nation s consequence. It is not a loss, but a public gain\\nnot an alternative of chance, but of duty. It is the death of\\nthe body, that the soul of man may live in still greater freedom.\\nIt is not without good reason that the death of a soldier in the\\nservice of his country has always been regarded as an event\\nof honorable notice. His acts have helped a nation s prog-\\nress, and his lot has made more precious a nation s rights.\\nIt is a thoughtless and cruel sympathy that would raise no\\nstone to mark the soldier s grave, or to seek to deck its mound\\nwith nought but withered flowers to be willing to forget the\\nform that perished at the post of duty, and to sadden the hearts\\nof those who clung to it in affection while in life, by the irrev-\\nerent reflections that a soldier s death has no place in the great\\nbook of Providence that it is wrong, a meanless event of\\nsin, a loss, a blank, forbidden by God, and sanctioned by no\\ngood man. We can see in this no light of wisdom, no act of\\npiety. It is a cheerless view of man to look only on the objects\\nof life, without regarding the painful sacrifices which lead to\\ntheir attainment to seem to be ignorant of the truth that\\ndeath is a law of our nature, a condition of progress.\\nTHEN LET THE SOLDIER s GRAVE BE HONORED\\nLet his deeds be cherished. It is not for the selfish looker-on,\\nsurrounded by all his comforts and studying no good but his\\nown, to measure the glory of those who give up home and all\\nthat is near and dear, to serve their country on the field of\\ndanger. The former dies in his cot, and his end is from dis-\\nease. The latter dies on the field, and his end is a sacrifice\\non the altar of patriotism.\\n13*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "150 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\nTHE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\nJustice is the standard of right. Whatever is just, is right.\\nWhatever is right, must be just. Justice is a principle that\\ngives moral condition to existence. It is an element that seeks\\nequality in all the relations of life, and is the law of harmony\\nin the moral being. It saves the individual from the hardships\\nof transgression, and preserves the nation from decay and\\ndownfall. It is the result of a world s integrity. It is the\\ncondition of continued existence.\\nIt is not a matter of chance. It is not to be perverted or\\navoided. It is self-protective. It can neither be tempted or\\nbribed. Neither can it be impaired or destroyed. It is an\\nattribute of Deity, an indestructible element of all created\\nbeing. It is true to its source, and yields not to power, nor to\\nthe events of time or eternity. Without justice, man would\\ncease to be a moral being and without justice, nations would\\ncease to exist upon the face of the earth, and truth would be at\\nwar with itself.\\nProperly to discuss, therefore, the justice of the war, we are\\nled to inquire into the principles of national existence. These\\nprinciples involve national duties. The duties of a nation are\\nof a two-fold character.\\n1st. Self-preservation, in the most enlarged sense of the\\nterm; and,\\n2d. A just regard for the rights of all men and of all nations.\\nOr, in other words, justice to itself and justice to others.\\nThe duties of self-preservation are those to be found in a\\njust and comprehensive legislation in the impartial adminis-\\ntration of the laws in the strict observance of treaties in the\\nmeans of education and improvement in the protection of\\nlife, liberty, and property of all the citizens of a nation\\nthroughout the world.\\nThe second class of duties are embraced in this, that, in", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 151\\nwhat we claim for ourselves as necessary to our protection, we\\nwill not deny as necessary to all others placed in the same re-\\nsponsible relations of national existence.\\nWe have seen what the relations have been between the\\nUnited States and Mexico during an entire generation. On\\nthe one hand, a series of aggressions on life, liberty, and prop-\\nerty have been committed, without manifesting any disposition\\nto lessen the causes of wrong in future, or to give redress for\\nwrongs of the past. To these have been added the petty acts\\nof arrogance, and bold assumptions, having no truth to redeem\\nthem. On the other hand, a nation of greater power, the sub-\\nject of these wrongs, has resorted to no measures of retaliation,\\nto no decisive means of redress, but has exhausted all the\\nsources of favor and forbearance.\\nThe weakness of Mexico has been the condition of her ex-\\nemption from a just accountability. This has been her mis-\\nfortune and if the government of the United States has any\\nerror to redeem, it is that of indulgence to Mexico, permitting\\nthe acts of outrage and wrong, without insisting upon prompt\\nreparation. The weakness of a nation furnishes no good reason\\nwhy she should be excused for the violation and neglect of\\nsacred duties. All will agree that it is a reason for an oppo-\\nsite course. National strength cannot come from neglect\\nnational prosperity cannot come from indolence national\\nglory cannot come from national wrongs. All these elements\\nof national existence can come only from conscience and from\\nduty.\\nNot content to be left to herself to reform during the seasons\\nof indulgence, she adds new insults to the wrongs of the past,\\nand, in the utter folly of her condition, commences a war with\\nthe United States thus inviting the infliction of those accumu-\\nlated penalties, which a Providence may suspend, but never\\nremit.*\\nWe find the following paragraph in one of the public journals,\\nembraced in a letter from St. Petersburgh, with regard to the cholera\\nnr w prevailing in that city\\nDuring the week, and particularly on Sunday last, processions", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "152 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\nWar is, indeed, a temporary calamity but without war,\\nnational wrongs would become permanent evils. Without war,\\nmoral blessings would be made subservient to the animal pas-\\nsions. Ultimate victory is ever on the side of right.*\\nIn what way could the evils of Mexico be reached, unless\\nby the strong hand of war How could she be made to feel\\nthat Providence exempted no nation from the penalties of its\\ncrimes, except by war How could we reach her cities, her\\nwith images, consecrated burners, c., have perambulated all the\\nstreets and squares of the city to propitiate the divine Being, and to\\navert the du-eful calamity with which this city is visited.\\nThere are certain diseases of the body which may be termed cumu-\\nlative diseases, whose causes are both near and remote. The cholera\\nmay be said to be one of them. The causes are to be found in man s\\nignorance of his physical laws, and in the consequent abuse of them.\\nWhat is not made manifest in the individual, is visited upon the race.\\nWhat is not seen as an effect in a day, will be made apparent in a\\ngeneration, or in a century. The same may be said with regard to\\nnational evils.\\nInstead of addressing prayers to Deity how to escape from the chol-\\nera, let the Russians, and all others, pray to be saved from the causes\\nwhich produce it, and which may come upon their descendants. Let\\nthem pray for knowledge of themselves, and of the conditions of health.\\nTo pray to be saved from the consequences of causes already existing\\nor past, is equivalent to askmg to be exempted from the protection ot\\nGod s providence.\\nCivilization finds war, like all other elements of humanity, neces-\\nsarily existing. It docs not create the principle, but it controls and\\nmodifies its action. Horror after horror is swept away the captive\\nceases to be sent to the stake or the caldron slavery becomes an im-\\nprovement substituted for murder the enslaved captives are treated\\nwith more and more kindness, until servitude ceases altogether, and\\nprisoners of war are recognized as men and brothers. The onward\\ncourse of civilization is at least, in this respect, distinctly marked\\nwe can see the direction of its progress an intelligent and moral\\npublic opinion is steadily establishing its empire instead of brute\\nforce, and forming a tribunal to decide the disputes of nations, as\\npeacefully as those of individuals. Taylor s Natural History of\\nSociety.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 153\\npeople, and that army of settled impostors, that has preyed\\nupon her very vitals during her existence as a Republic, except\\nby war How could her miserable population be educated and\\nelevated to the privileges of freedom and justice, and be pro-\\ntected from the rule of tyrants and wicked men, except by\\nwar f\\nCould we send them missionaries to teach them religion,\\nwho would tolerate them, who would hear them Could we\\nsend teachers to instruct their children, and the ignorant,\\nwhat parent in that country would give his assent, what priest\\nwould yield to such a power Could we send books, and\\ntracts, giving knowledge and inculcating duty, they would\\nbe rejected as dangerous where ignorance is safety. Could\\nThat which is in all respects the greatest nuisance, and the\\nmost insuperable barrier to the prosperity and progress of Mexico, is\\nthe army. They Avill tell you there, that it amounts to 40,000 men\\nbut they have never had half that number. I have no doubt that\\nthe accounts at the department of war exhibit nearly the number\\nstated, but a large proportion of them are men of straw, fictitious\\nnames fraudulently inserted for the benefit of the officers who pay\\nthem.\\nThey have more than two hundi cd generals, most of them -with-\\nout commands. Thompson s Recollections.\\nThe manner of collecting an army, in Mexico, is thus stated by the\\nsame able author.\\nThe soldiers of the Mexican army are generally collected by\\nsending out recruiting detachments into the mountains, where they\\nhunt the Indians in their dens and caverns, and bring them in chains\\nto Mexico. There is scarcely a day that droves of these miserable and\\nmore than half naked wretches are not seen thus chained together\\nand marching through the streets to the barracks, where they are\\nscoured and then dressed in a uniform made of linen cloth or of\\nserge, and are occasionally drilled, which drilling consists mainly in\\nteaching them to march in column through the streets.\\nt The clergy and the army cannot be tried for crime, or be made\\nto pay a debt by the common covirts of the country but the former\\nare tried by the ecclosia:3tical, and the latter by a military court.\\nSee Speech of Hon. Mr. Flck iii, (Litcercd in the House of Representatives^\\nMarch, 1848.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "154 THE JUSTIC3 OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\nwe protect the traveller in that country from murder and rob-\\nbery, by a government passport Could we defend the rights\\nof our citizens by a recital of our treaty stipulations Could\\nwe avenge national insults by national protests Could we\\nredress national wrongs by national remonstrance\\nThe crimes of men are visited upon their heads. Society\\ndemands it, and the laws provide the way and the means.\\nThe criminals can be found and taken. They can be subjected\\nto trial, to sentence, and to punishment. All this is practica-\\nble. But it is not so with nations. A nation cannot be sum-\\nmoned to court. A nation cannot be sent for by the police.\\nIt cannot be imprisoned for safety. It cannot be tried by a\\njury, sentenced by a court, and punished according to law.\\nA nation cannot he called to an account for its loickedness^\\nor he subjected to punishment^ except hy war. And in this\\nterrible calamity, it is made to suffer, and to render justice.\\nIts false pride is rebuked its trusts are reduced its neglected\\nengagements are detailed for redemption; its outrages are made\\nthe subject of notoriety throughout all nations, as examples\\nto be detested and shunned its own government becomes the\\nsubject of public admonition before the civilized world.\\nIf the calamities of war are terrible to be borne, it must be\\nconsidered that they are remedies for evils, which, if continued,\\nwould destroy society, and that they are but the lessons which\\nnations teach nations, of a nation s good, of a nation s shame,\\nor of a nation s glory.\\nThe remedies of Providence are directed by fundamental\\nlaws. They are made in magnitude and character to corre-\\nspond with the nature and extent of the evils which they are\\ndesigned to correct.\\nWho shall complain that the tempest is too great that the\\nwhirlwind is too rapid that the earthquake is too terrible\\nthat the volcano is too fearful that the lightning is too dan-\\ngerous, and the thunder too startling or that pestilence and\\nfamine are too destructive\\nWhy should men look for great effects from small causes", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 155\\nWhy should men look for great reforms, without regard to\\nmeans adapted to the nature and extent of the work to be\\ndone Governments are surrounded by impenetrable walls\\nof national error, pride, and prejudice, more durable than\\ngranite, less yielding than steel, and no power can reach them\\nor their people until these walls are broken, and no power can\\nbreak them but war.\\nAs individuals are made responsible to the laws of society,\\nin which they live, so nations are held responsible to\\nnations for a just observance of those great laws, which, for a\\ncommon good, all civilized nations acknowledge.* As a peo-\\nple improve a country, so nations cover the earth to improve\\nand subdue it. They are either faithful or false to their trusts.\\nIf faithful, they prosper and their prosperity is an element in\\nthe progress of the world. If false, adversity is their lot, and\\ntheir evils are extended to every nation. In some degree, the\\ninterests of one nation become the interests of all nations.\\nAll have a common interest, and this all are ready to protect.\\nAs sovereignties acknowledge no superior, each nation\\nclaims to judge of its own rights. As these rights are re-\\nspected, intercourse becomes useful and profitable. As they\\nare disregarded or violated, they become the subjects of nego-\\ntiation, or causes of war. When negotiation fails, war becomes\\nthe alternative. In this position, Mexico placed herself in rela-\\ntion to the United States. It became the right of this country\\nto insist upon that measure of justice which she is ever ready\\nto accord to others, and which all nations, just to themselves,\\nare bound to observe. War was not the choice of our govern-\\nment, it became the alternative. It will be remembered that\\nMexico barely escaped a war with us in 1837. In a message\\nto Congress of that year, President Jackson used the following\\nlanguage\\nHaving in vain urged upon the government of Mexico\\nthe justice of those claims, and my indispensable obligation to\\nSee Appendix Z.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "156 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS UESULTS.\\ninsist that there should be no further delay in the acknowledg-\\nment, if not in the redress, of the injuries complained of, my\\nduty requires that the whole subject should be presented, as it\\nnow is, for the action of Congress, whose exclusive right it is\\nto decide on the further measures to be employed. The length\\nof time since some of these injuries have been committed, the\\nrepeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton\\ncharacter of some of the outrages upon the property and per-\\nsons of our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United\\nStates, independent of the recent insult to this government\\nand people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister, would\\nJUSTIFY, IN THE EYES OF ALL NATIONS, IMMEDIATE WAR.\\nThat remedy, however, should not be used by just and gener-\\nous nations, confiding in their strength, for injuries committed,\\nif it can be honorably avoided and it has occurred to me, that,\\nconsidering the present embarrassed condition of that country,\\nwe should act with both wisdom and moderation, by giving\\nMexico one more opportunity to atone for the past, before we\\ntake redress into our own hands. To avoid all misconception\\non the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our own national\\ncharacter from reproach, this opportunity should be given with\\nthe avoiced design and full preparation to take immediate sat-\\nisfaction, if it should not he obtained on a repetition of a de-\\nm,and for it. To this end, I recommend that an act be passed,\\nauthorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the\\nUnited States, by the executive, against Mexico, to enforce\\nthem, in the event of a refusal of the Mexican government\\nto come to an amicable adjustment of the matters in con-\\ntroversy between us, upon another demand thereof, made\\nfrom on board one of our vessels of war on the coast of\\nMexico.\\nThis message was sent to Congress on the 8th February,\\n1837, and on the 19th day of February, the committee on\\nforeign relations in the Senate, of which Mr. Clay was one,\\nmade unanimously a report, which was accepted unani-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 157\\nmously by the Senate, repeating and approving entirely, the\\nviews and suggestions of President Jackson.\\nThe report of the House on the same subject, was made on\\nthe 24th February, fully concurring with the views of the\\npresident, and with those of the Senate committee.\\nOn the 27th of May, 1837, Mr. Forsyth, then secretary\\nof state, in a letter written to the Mexican minister of foreign\\naffairs, says,\\nThese wrongs are of a character which cannot be tolerated\\nby any government indued with a just self-respect, with a\\nproper regard for the opinion of other nations, or with an\\nenlightened concern for the permanent welfare of those por-\\ntions of its people who may be interested in foreign commerce.\\nTreasure belonging to the citizens of the United States has\\nbeen seized by Mexican officers, in its transit from the capital\\nto the coast vessels of the United States have been captured,\\ndetained, and condemned, upon the most frivolous pretexts\\nduties have been exacted from others, notoriously against law,\\nor without law others have been employed and in some\\ninstances ruined in the Mexican service, without compensa-\\ntion to the owners. Citizens of the United States have been\\nimprisoned for long periods of time, without being informed\\nof the offences with which they were charged. Others have\\nbeen murdered and robbed by Mexican officers, on the high\\nseas, without any attempt to bring the guilty to justice.\\nThis was in 1837. In 1839 a commission was appointed\\nby the two governments to determine the amount of the claims\\ndue to our citizens. This commission, being limited as to time,\\nonly a portion of the business was accomplished. The amount\\nreported to be paid was $2,026,139 68 and this sum Mexico\\nstipulated to pay by instalments. It was divided into twenty\\ninstalments, and but three were ever paid. It has been re-\\nmarked, that the damages received by our citizens, from\\n1839 to 1845, inclusive, exceeded the amount of those three\\ninstalments for while Mexico was paying these small amounts^\\n14", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "158 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\ncomparatively on one hand, she icas committing depredations\\non the other.\\nThe position of our government, in 1845, was, indeed, a\\npainful one. It had no right to relieve Mexico from her obli-\\ngations it could not consistently, with its own dignity, sub-\\nmit to new insult it could not force her to negotiate, nor\\ncould it determine upon war, where the disparity of power\\nand condition would give to success no glory, and to victory\\nno indemnity.\\nAs our government assumed, with all humility, the initiative\\nin reestablishing diplomatic relations between the two coun-\\ntries after they had been interrupted by the act of Mexico,\\nMexico reciprocated by assuming the initiative in commencing\\nhostilities.\\nPerhaps our government was too reluctant to take upon\\nitself the responsibility of a war against a sister Republic, in\\nwhich its motives might be assailed, and its objects misunder-\\nstood or misrepresented. War makes no part of the policy of\\nour country. Our people are lovers of peace. It cannot be\\notherwise. War does not help our commerce or protect\\nour industry. It injures both and our citizens are slow to\\nsanction what will lessen their interests. When war, however,\\nbecomes a duty that cannot be avoided with honor and integrity,\\nit is met with a spirit of patriotism and firmness that need only\\nto be directed to command results which will tend to establish\\nmore firmly the blessings of peace. f\\nSee speech of Hon. Mr. Jameson, January, 1848.\\nt It is remarked with great truth by Macaulay, in his review of\\nHallam s Constitutional History, that,\\nIf there is any truth established by the universal experience of\\nnations, it is this, that to carry the spirit of peace into war, is a weak\\nand cruel policy. The time of negotiation is the time of delibera-\\ntion and delay. But when an extreme case calls for that remedy,\\nwhich is in its OAvn nature most violent, and which in such cases is\\na remedy only because it is violent, it is idle to think of mitigating\\nand diluting. Languid war can do nothing which negotiation or\\nsubmission will not do better and to act on any other principle is\\nnot to save blood and money, bxct to squander themJ", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 159\\nIn this war with Mexico, our government had a national duty\\nto perform. The time had arrived when justice must be\\ndone to Mexico. It was required by the interests of this\\ncountry it was demanded by the interests of all nations and,\\nmore important than to all others, it was due to Mexico\\nherself. Her commercial, domestic, and moral condition made\\n^he duty an imperative one, that she might be saved from her\\nown acts. Her crisis had come. She had done nothing well,\\nclothing promptly. Both England and France long since were\\ncompelled to threaten her, to secure their rights. And if this\\ncountry had not been involved in the business of chastisement,\\nhe duty would soon have fallen to other powers.\\nFortunately for Mexico that her destiny was placed in our\\nseeping. Fortunately for us, that such was the event for had\\nt been otherwise, the calamities of war would doubtless have\\nieen multiplied.* Other powers would not have been per-\\nmitted by the United States to secure by conquest any perma-\\nnent interest on this continent, more than they now hold.\\nAnd doubly fortunate for Mexico for if she has within her\\nlimits sufficient energies to lead her onward to success, she\\nhas only to avail herself of the aid which the United States are\\nabundandy able to give, and she may yet succeed as a nation.\\nThe great lesson for her to study is the history of herself,\\nthe causes of her misfortunes, of her ad verses, and the jus-\\ntice of the penalties which have been inflicted upon her.\\nIt is supposed by some that Mexico loses by the war.t\\nThat she parts with her treasures as indemnity for its expenses.\\nThat she has lessened her means of national prosperity, and\\nimpoverished her people, in making concessions which were\\nThe U. S. flag was raised in California. If this had been de-\\nlayed a single day, the British flag would have waved over that\\nterritory.\\nt See Appendix A A. We give the treaty without comment. Our\\nlimits do not permit us to speak either of its terms or of the manner\\nof its execution. This we may do in a more extended work.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "160 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\nStipulated by the treaty of peace. This is a mistake. She\\nhas, indeed, lost a degree of her national importance. Her\\npride has been humbled, her vanity has been rebuked, her\\nfalse position has been exposed and realized, and some of her\\npeople have fallen in battle in these mortifications and visita-\\ntions, her sufferings have been great. It is right that they\\nshould be great. It is natural. It is just. Wrong doing is\\ncorrected by pain and suffering. Great benefits are guarded\\nby severe penalties, whenever and wherever violated or abused.\\nThe changes to which Mexico has been subjected, are for\\nher good, her gain. She has ceded a portion of that territory\\nto which she has proved false. Like the steward in the para-\\nble, she hid the talent that was given her to be improved, and\\nmade no interest. It was a territory that gave her no income,\\nand to which she could afford no protection. She had proved\\nher incapacity to develop the treasures of her soils, her forests,\\nand her mines. She rested upon that beautiful region of the\\nearth an incumbrance.* She was idle, where all nature\\ninvited to industry t she was poor, where riches abounded on\\nIt is no exaggeration to say that it is impossible for one who\\nhas not been on the table-lands of Mexico to conceive of a climate\\nso Elysian. There is not a day, and scarcely an hour, in the year\\nwhen one could say, I wish it were a little warmer or a little cooler.\\nNo spot on earth will be more desirable than this for a residence\\nwhenever it is in possession of our race, with the government and\\nlaws they carry with them Avherever they go. Thompsoiis Becol-\\nlectiotis.\\nt Although the whole road from the city of Yera Cruz to the city\\nof Mexico passes through a country inexpressively picturesque and\\nbeautiful, yet the ignorant, idle, and degraded population, the total\\nabsence of cultivation and improvement, and a general appearance\\nof wildness and desolation, produced with me feelings partaking of\\ngloom and melancholy. Neither in going nor returning did I see\\none human being, man, woman, or child, engaged at work of any sort.\\nThe great mass of population doze out their lives with no higher\\nthoughts or purposes than the beasts which perish around them.\\nThompson s Recollections.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 161\\nevery hand her highways were marked by the emblems of\\nher religion, but instead of representing examples of good-\\nness, of duty, of piety, they were made the sad index of out-\\nrage and murder.f In her domestic circles, her people were\\nthoughtless, vain, and heartless. Without a permanent interest\\nin the soil, their labors were selfish and temporary.^ They\\nhad but little to hope for, and they bad but little encourage-\\nment in their incitements to duty. Their priests had the\\ninfluence of friends, while their rule was more fatal than the\\nmaledictions of foes. Their pleasures were deemed para-\\nmount to duty. They could not comprehend the advantage of\\nimprovement they did not understand the power of knowledge,\\nnor appreciate the blessings that come from toil, time, and\\nsystem. Their time was counted from sun to sun, and what\\nthe morrow should bring forth was a matter having no place in\\ntheir economy. Their entire domain was but the field of con-\\ntest, civil war, and bloodshed faction displacing faction,\\nanarchy passing for peace, and despotism for self-government.\\nThat such a nation, such a people, were spared so long, is\\nOne thing, says Gilliam, I must not forget to mention,\\nwhich, must excite the contempt of the American agriculturist,\\nthe manure of a hacienda is never spread over the land, but in every\\ninstance is thrown out of the way in heaps, and when the winds and\\nsun have sufficiently dried it, it is set on fire and suifered to con-\\nsume. A gentleman once told me that he had seen a pile on fire for\\ntwelve months, the conflagration being very slow.\\nt When a traveller is murdered, it is customary to bury him on\\nthe highway, and erect a cross over his grave. Gilliam says that\\nhe verily believes that there is not a mile on the thoroughfare, from\\nMexico to Vera Cruz, that has not flowed with the blood of plun-\\ndered and murdered individuals and where you may behold upon\\neither hand the sad and many emblems of the crucifix over fallen\\ntravellers.\\nj There is no country in the world, says Gilliam, from the\\nbest information I could obtain, where individual citizens hold as\\nlarge bodies of land as in Mexico, and it is estimated that, from\\nseven millions of inhabitants, in all probability, less than five hundred\\nthousand are the owners of all the terra firma of that rich country.\\n14*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "162 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\nan example of God s mercy, almost without a parallel. There\\nwas nothing that could save the nation but justice. The manner\\nin which this justice has been administered by the government\\nof the United States is an example worthy to be studied, and\\nemulated by all the nations of the earth. Its effects upon\\nother nations of great power, will more than compensate for\\nall the sufferings of the war. They will be led to reconsider\\nthe rights of their dependents, and more fully to provide for\\ntheir wants.\\nWhat Mexico may gain by the war, is nationality. If she\\nimproves her lessons of experience, they will yield her wis-\\ndom and give her strength. She has been paid a sum of\\nmoney for that which has yielded her nothing in the past, and\\nwhich promised her nothing in the future. If her people\\nwould hold her remaining territory, let them study the condi-\\ntions by which alone they can hope to succeed and, if they\\nmanifest a desire to do right, and persevere, they need have\\nno fear of failure.*\\nThe gain to the government of the United States, is the pres-\\nervation of its own integrity. It has been true to the great\\ncause of liberty, justice, and humanity. It has been true to\\nrepublican principles true in the midst of temptation true\\nto itself, wherein are centred the hopes, the strength of all\\nrepublics throughout the world. It has taught the great lesson,\\nin fearful letters of blood, that republics are not to be exempted\\nThere is only one cure, says Macaulay, for the evils which\\nnewly-acquired freedom produces, and that cure is freedom When\\na prisoner leaves his cell, he cannot bear the hght of day he is\\nunable to discriminate colors, or recognize faces but the remedy is\\nnot to remand him into his dungeon, but to accustom him to the\\nrays of the sun. The blaze of truth and liberty may at fii-st dazzle\\nand bewilder nations, which have become half blind in the house of\\nbondage but let them gaze on, and they will soon be able to bear it.\\nIn a few years men learn to reason the extreme violence of opinion\\nsubsides hostile theories correct each other the scattered elements\\nof truth cease to conflict, and begin to coalesce at length, a system\\nof justice and order is educed out of the chaos.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 163\\nfrom national calamities, if they permit national evils and\\nnational wrongs that national greatness consists in national\\ngoodness that national strength is to be found in the virtue and\\nintelligence of the people.\\nIn the language of an eloquent senator,* National character\\nis national power and the purer, the more elevated, the more\\nspotless the character, the greater the power. I trust, there-\\nfore, in God, that I am right in the opinion that this war is upon\\nour part just and honorable.\\nMexico is answerable for all these sad and sickening\\nresults. The war is just, because she commenced it. It does\\nexist by her act and, so help me God, but for that conviction,\\nas I reverence truth and detest falsehood, I would never have\\nvoted for the act of the thirteenth of May, 1846.\\nBy the stipulations of the treaty of peace, the gain to our\\ncountry is gain to the cause of freedom, t Our government\\nreceives no treasure, our people receive no wealth. Not one\\nman of our twenty millions of people has the individual ben-\\nefit of a single farthing extorted from Mexico by the conquests\\nwhen achieved.\\nIt is true, the ceded territory will doubtless prove of great con-\\nsequence to the future inhabitants of this country but the priv-\\nileges secured are purely national, not individual, and they give\\npower to a nation that is able and willing to protect them, and\\nthe universal cause of right in all coming time. The gain is\\nnot for the good of this country alone, it is a gain to humanity.\\nIt is not for the American, but for the race. This continent is\\nto be the vast asylum of the world, for man to inhabit, in his\\nweakness or strength, and to receive protection and encour-\\nagement.\\nThe OTnquests of our army are not like those of the early\\nages of the world, where confiscation of property, and where\\nliberty, were the forfeitures of defeat. We sought power that\\njustice might be done, and protection given. Our government\\nasks nothing from its people, but faithfulness to themselves, to\\nHon. Reverdy Johnson. t See Appendix B B.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "164 THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS.\\ntheir rights, and to their institutions. Their moral condition\\ncharacterizes their institutions it gives them birth, it gives them\\nbeing. The people are made their own protectors, their own\\nguides, their own masters. The government of the United\\nStates is but a manifestation of their wishes, an imbodiment of\\ntheir power.\\nIt is asked, with apparent sincerity, by some, What right\\nhave we to invade Mexico What right have we to reduce a\\nnation already too feeble to support itself, already too misera-\\nble for existence, and to dictate terms for settlement of expen-\\nditures which have given us the power to lay her prostrate at\\nour feet\\nBy what right have we the power to do any thing By\\nwhat right is the soil of our land divided among its people\\nBy what right does the citizen ask to be protected from wrong\\nBy what right do freemen claim liberty of thought and con-\\nscience By what right do we ask to be protected in our com-\\nforts, pleasures, and homes By what right do we demand\\ninstitutions of freedom and of knowledge\\nBy THE RIGHTS OF JUSTICE AND HUMANITY. By the rights\\ndeveloped in God s providence, and which may he extended to\\nall people, when all people shall know the laws and under-\\nstand them, by which men, and governments, and nations may\\nlive, flourish, and be happy.\\nIf man will but study the destiny of man and of nations, he\\nwill see a harmony of constitution pervading the circles of\\nsociety, and extending from a family to a nation, and from a\\nnation to the world. There is a cause which would lift up the\\nindividual to the performance of the duties of social life there\\nis another that would elevate the citizen for the good of his\\ncountry there is another that seeks to give strength and char-\\nacter to a nation, and still another that gives compacts and\\nlaws to nations, the greatest, the widest cause of all. The\\nrights of nations are to be exercised for the good of nations.\\nThe universal good of nations consists in justice and integrity.\\nIn the name of this sacred cause^ the cause of God, the prog-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "THE JUSTICE OF THE WAR, AND ITS RESULTS. 165\\nress of man, the freedom of mind and body tlirouglwut the\\nwhole earth, this war was prosecuted hy the government of the\\nUnited States, in its luisdom, as an act of justice.\\nIt is a passage of great truth, in one of the speeches of\\nGovernor Cass, that All wars are to be deprecated, as well by\\nthe statesman as by the philanthropist. They are great evils,\\nbut there are greater evils than these, and submission to injustice\\nis among them. The nation which should refuse to defend its\\nrights and its honor, would soon have neither to defend.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "166 PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES.\\nPARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES,\\nThe present condition of political parties in this countiy, is\\na subject of singular interest to the citizen and to the observer.\\nThe elements which constitute the causes of difference, and\\nthe difference of principle, of profession and of action, are so\\ndiversified and opposite in character, that it is a matter of no\\nsmall difficulty for the candid mind to decide what course of\\ninfluence is safest and best to discriminate between the tran-\\nsient and permanent, to draw a just line of distinction between\\nthe honest and dishonest pretensions of political leaders.\\nIn no country, perhaps, are the rights of the citizen, and\\nthe nature of government, so much discussed as in this, not\\nonly by the well-informed, but by the ignorant and yet\\nthere seems to be but little practical knowledge developed and\\nsystematized.\\nThere is, indeed, a diffusive expression of opinion, and an\\napparent, maturity of judgment, but a little attention to the\\nviews of many of those who claim to be the light of the peo-\\nple, must convince any one that they are not only selfish, but\\nthat they really have no philosophical basis of their own.\\nThe modern politician is too superficial to be a discernmg\\nleader, and too much the creature of circumstance to be a\\nsafe adviser. This is true, in some degree, of all parties.\\nHe sees but a part of the whole, land judges the whole without\\nregard to the parts. He appeals too much to local interests\\nand prejudices and if he cannot gain his ends by an open and\\nfrank avowal of his principles, he is too ready to employ indi-\\nrect and unworthy means for their accomplishment. His\\n\u00c2\u00bbi", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "TARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES. 167\\npolicy is a transient one and, instead of anticipating and pro-\\nviding for the distant evils of favorite measures, he sees\\nnothing but the present good.\\nThis view is no fiction, but a reality. We can exempt no\\nState from the application it is due to all, and all seem to\\nbe involved in difficulties incident to selfishness. New expe-\\ndients receive attention to the neglect of settled principles,\\nand the policy of the moment is in favor, at the expense of\\nwhat should make the policy of a generation. Most parties\\nspeak much truth, in opposition to one another all parties\\ncommit their errors upon different subjects, at difierent\\nperiods.\\nIn this state of things, in this confusion of profession, of\\nprinciple, of practice and malpractice, it requires an extraor-\\ndinary degree of moral courage to stand above the temptations\\nof designing men.\\nIt becomes the natural inquiry of the citizen how he is to\\ndistinguish the right from the wrong and, without more error\\nthan falls to the lot of humanity, to do his duty to himself and\\nto his country. What make the standards of party Which\\nstandard is right, and how are others wrong\\nWe deem this a profitable subject of inquiry. It is not a\\nnew one. It may not be an interesting one. All will agree\\nin its importance. If we do not enlighten our readers, they\\nwill admit, we doubt not, that it is some service to remind them\\nof what they know and to render familiar the fundamental\\nprinciples of our institutions, which should ever be present with\\na party that trusts to be permanent.\\nParties are either j^ermanent or transient the former recog-\\nnizing fundamental principles, which forever remain true the\\nlatter, organizing and reorganizing according to incidental cir-\\ncumstances, local interests, special interests, or special reforms.\\nThe former raises its standard, declares its principles, and\\nthrough them reach the various causes of reform, and adopts\\nall practicable measures that promise to conduce to the pros-\\nperity of the country. The latter is either conservative, or\\nultra, or special, or local. It carries the standard of a day it", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "168 PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES.\\navows but one principle of a thousand. It is partial, and looks\\nto a single interest, severed from its connection with more\\nimportant ones. It seeks to increase the power of the few,\\nwithout regarding that the expense is to the many. It is, con-\\nservative in the great party, it is intolerant in the small. It\\nexisted yesterday, and to-day it is not. The influence of\\nthese parties is not continued and concentrated within them-\\nselves but whatever they mature of right soon reaches and\\nis made to help and elevate the dominant party.\\nWe would not denounce such parties. We would not\\ndenounce any party. We claim to prove a party in the right\\nand if a party be in the wrong, it may be shown by our stand-\\nard, or it may be proved so by its own measures. We do not\\nmean that we would extend to such parties our favor, for this\\nwould be a compromise of principle. We do not mean that\\nwe would spare them from attack, for this would be a com-\\npromise of duty. We mean, that we will not denounce a party\\nbecause we are not counted one of its members but we would\\nsubject it to the severest scrutiny, to the severest test known to\\nscience, or demanded by principle. We would try it by its\\nown standard, and by that which we deemed to be permanent.\\nWe would prove it to be in the wrong, or admit it to be in the\\nright. We would be firm without dogmatism, and bold with-\\nout arrogance.\\nWe can see much good in the conflicts of party. Parties are\\nnot voluntary associations, made up of men who choose their\\npart without reference to convictions. We have a higher\\nrespect for the people than to suppose that their faith is the\\nresult of their interest or their will. We do not deny excep-\\ntions. Men act from the evidence that is in them, and around\\nthem, and before them. Their opinions are spontaneous, their\\nmotives rest in conscience, and their acts should appear in\\nconformity to these. They are independent as individuals,\\nand as individuals they act in parties. They have individual\\ninterests, and party interests. The individual seeks to bring\\nthe party to himself, but as all cannot be exemplars, all yield\\nminor views, and unite on certain great and fundamental prin-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES. 169\\nciples. What cannot be gained at once, must come by\\ndegrees. What cannot be understood at once, must be taught\\nby degrees. What is not practicable now, must be studied as\\na future measure. Party zeal may outstrip party prudence\\nbut party prudence should yield nothing to cowardice at the\\nexpense of principle. While it is admitted that zeal may save\\nus from lethargy, it must be borne in mind that judgment may\\nsave us from the errors of careless or hasty thinking.\\nThe deep lines of party distinction represent frequently\\ngreat and important interests. Men are influenced by what\\nI they have, or by what they want. They design to be true, but\\nthey are frequently blinded by their interest. They design to\\nbe just, but they err in not respecting the motives of their\\nopponents. They intend to be charitable, but they mistake the\\nobjects of charity for the subjects of censure.*\\nI The existence of parties constitutes the means of political\\nI progress. Parties may be violent, they may agitate a whole\\ni nation, and threaten its peace but without this exercise no\\nnation can have maturity, no nation can have strength or\\nacquire glory. What exercise is to the physical system, it is\\nj to the nation. It develops its means of strength. The conflict\\nI of opinion is the exercise of mind the conflict of party make\\nthat of a nation. We would not encourage division unless\\nmade subservient to a well-tried standard, nor would we lament\\n^it if dictated by honest motives.\\nIn this country thei e are two great parties the democratic,\\nor republican party, and the conservative, or whig party.\\nThe democratic, party has its standard of principle and its\\nrule of action. It seeks to reach the whole people, and to\\nisecure equal rights to all, without unjust sacrifice to any. It\\nstands upon the basis of the Constitution, and yields none of its\\nsafeguards to construction. It sustains the humblest citizen\\njin all his rights, and the States in their prerogatives of sover-\\nleignty. It favors simplicity of life, the elevation of the\\nSee Appendix C C.\\n15", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "170 PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES.\\npeople, and rigid economy in the administration of government.\\nIt acts from itself outwardly, and seeks to extend the greatest\\ngood to the whole people. The declarations of the party,\\nadopted years ago, still remain the standard. As new meas-\\nures are acted upon and determined, they cease to continue\\nsubjects of party discussion. Omitting these, the resolutions\\nadopted by the Baltimore convention, in 1844, were readopted\\nby the convention of 1848. We copy them in our Appendix,\\nas imbodying fundamental views.*\\nThe history of the democratic party shows that, when its\\nmeasures have been tested, they have proved true to their ob-\\njects. Having been the dominant party of the country, our\\nprosperity as a nation is justly attributable to its prudent meas-\\nures. In the operations of government, it has been prudent in\\nits expenditures and faithful to its trusts. We have inserted in\\nthe Appendix, tables exhibiting the receipts and expeiiditm-es\\nof government from 1789 to 1846-7,t and the losses of\\ngovernment from 1789 to 1837.| The losses since 1844, have\\nbeen very small, indeed, we have no account of any.\\nThese tables exhibit a degree of economy in the government of\\na nation which must be highly gratifying to all parties. It is a\\nproper subject of national congratulation at home, and it affords\\nan example of most fearful import to other powers abroad.\\nIn noticing the conservative, or whig party, we speak of it\\nas such, without wishing to be considered discourteous to the\\nmany estimable citizens who rank themselves as members of it.\\nWe invite them to an impartial examination of principles. If\\nthey would characterize the measures of government by their\\ntalents and influence, their proper course, let us respectfully\\nsuggest, is to join the dominant party.\\nThe conservative party places its standard in particular\\nmeasures. When those measures are lost, its standard is gone.\\nIt is in opposition to the dominant party. It is the veto party\\nto the rights of the people.\\nSee Appendix DD. f See Appendix EE. See Appendix EF.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES. 171\\nIt opposed the war of Madison, in 1812. It opposed the\\nwar with Mexico, in 1846-7.* It opposed the free-trade tariff\\nof 1846. It opposed the sub-treasury of 1840, and repealed\\nit in 1841. It opposed the constitutional treasury of 1846. t It\\nresorted to extraordinary exertions to sustain the United States\\nBank, and to renew its charter. In all these examples their\\nopposition was against their government, against the views of\\na large majority of the people and time will prove that in no\\ninstance, on great questions, has the party been in the right.\\nEvery measure of policy to which, the democratic party were\\npledged by the resolutions of the Baltimore convention, in May, 1844,\\nhave been established, and the country is now in the enjoyment of\\ntheu- full fruition. Thus it is apparent that the whig\\nparty before this time would have ceased to exist, but for their oppo-\\nsition to the war. Mr. Inge s speech, House of RcjJresentatives, March,\\n1848.\\nThis is true, in some degree, but not without qualification. The\\nwhigs will always continue as a party, though they may not be true\\nto any particular standard. Conservative influence is as important\\nin politics as it is in science. Although it may oppose new measures\\nof progress, it must be admitted that it furnishes new motives to ex-\\nertion, and opens new sources of proof and illustration to sustain\\ntruth, and to render more obvious the positions of error. The whig\\nparty is favored by great wealth, and its interests will over incite its\\nmembers to activity. Its ranks are honored by men of splendid\\ntalents and extensive attainments and to deny the importance of\\ntheir exercise and use to the country and to the world, would be an\\nact of reckless folly and injustice. Their opposition to error will help\\nto make it appear in its true light, and their opposition to truth,\\nshould their interests seem to require it, will tend to render its ben-\\nefits more manifest. The party is strengthened and dignified by such\\nmen as Webster and Clay but it cannot be true to them unless\\ntheir principles and measure of influence happen to coincide with its\\ntemporary interests and fluctuating notions of availability. Therefore,\\nmost of the sacrifices and mortifications of the party fall upon its\\nleaders. This arises from the fact that, generally, the lovers of money\\nare not lovers of science. Opinions are made subservient to interer.ts.\\nt The final vote of the house was 123 to 67. The vote of the sen-\\nate was 28 to 24 strictly a party vote.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "172 PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES.\\nIt is a party that hopes to succeed by the supposed errors\\nof their opponents, without reference to any fundamental prin-\\nciples of their own. It favors the interests of the rich, the\\npower of corporations, the influence of the few at the expense\\nof the many. It claims for government a conservative action,\\nit claims for office an advisoiy privilege, and for its members a\\nsuperiority of position.\\nThe great questions which have marked its acts having been\\nsettled, the party is now without a standard. They have been\\nproved to be in the wrong by the success of widely different\\nmeasures, upon the same subjects, of the dominant party. They\\nare still in the opposition, and without a standard. They ask\\nfor power on any conditions. They are willing to join any\\nother party, if, by combination, they can defeat the democracy,\\nprovided the victory, if gained, may be called their victory.\\nThere is too much truth in the remark of Matthew Carey,\\naddressed by that writer, in the Olive Branch, to the federal\\nparty, in 1814, as applicable to the whig party of the present\\nday Your party rises as your country sinks it sinks as\\nyour country rises.\\nWhen General Jackson was elevated to the presidency, they\\nknew no precedent so dangerous as to elect a military\\nchieftain to that high office. Now they have deserted their\\nown great leaders because without prospect of success, and\\nhave confirmed the nomination of an independent candidate\\nwho acknowledges no party, and who is distinguished only as\\na military chieftain. He was one of the principal heroes of\\nthe Mexican war. They opposed the war, not because they\\ndeemed it unjust not because they were friendly to Mexico,\\nfor while they were busy in their opposition, they voted\\nsupplies for the army and abused the Mexicans, but because\\nthey had been opposed to the government of the people and,\\nto be consistent, their opposition must be still continued. When\\nit was found that the hero of Buena Vista was an available\\ncandidate, they came forward to sustain him as tlieir candi-\\ndate, not because they approved his views, or that he was", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "PARTY VIEAVS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES. 173\\npledged to sustain theirs, but because he was placed in opposi-\\ntion to the candidate of the people. They had, in Massachu-\\nsetts, refused to vote him thanks for faithfully serving his coun-\\ntry not because they deenned him unworthy, but because they\\nwere opposed to the administration that enabled him to become\\ndistinguished. Now that the war is finished, they participate\\nin its glory, and are ready to make him president of the\\nUnited States, not because he is conversant with the great\\nprinciples of government, and has had experience in the\\nadministration of its affairs, but because he was successful in\\nkilling the Mexicans and yet, but a few months ago, they de-\\nclared it the enormity of sins that they were killed at all. But\\nit may be said, that this luas done under orders\\nThis is infinitely worse. They are even willing to sustain\\nGeneral Taylor, as their candidate, at the expense of his\\nhonor and integrity, to make it appear that he considered\\nhimself a mere hirelings and was ready to fight in an unjust war\\nfor a salary\\nIf General Taylor be what many suppose him, a man of\\nsound sense, of firmness, of patriotism, of honor, and integ-\\nrity a gentleman of wealth, and wanting the aid of no man,\\nof no government a man, indeed, fitted by nature and educa-\\ntion to honor the highest office of this country, how shall we\\nspeak of a deliberate opinion, that such a person, a citizen\\nsoldier, should plan the destruction of an innocent people, the\\npeople of an injured nation\\nHaving a high respect for that distinguished officer, we\\ndoubt much whether he will consider such views either as\\ncreditable to their authors or complimentary to himself. If he\\nshould prove to be the choice of the people, and if we are\\ncorrect with respect to the peculiar features of his character, this\\nparty, we are inclined to believe, will have but little reason to\\ncongratulate themselves upon that influence which they covet,\\nOur army is made up of citizens its officers are citizens and\\nif any deem a war unjust, the way is open for resignation.\\n15*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "174 PARTY VIEWS AND PARTY PRINCIPLES.\\nor upon that harmony of views, of which they speak so much,\\nand know so little.\\nUpon the subject of slavery, this party is disposed to take\\nboth sides of the question. It opposes Governor Cass because\\nhe is against the Wilmot Proviso. It opposes the Wilmot Pro-\\nviso, because General Taylor is not in favor of it. It opposes\\nGovernor Cass, because he upholds the South in their constitu-\\ntional rights in regard to slavery. It favors General Taylor,\\nalthough they know him to be pledged, as a citizen and slave-\\nholder, to sustain those interests which include his own.\\nWe point out these peculiar inconsistencies to illustrate our\\nviews, rather than to enjoy any satisfaction which such an\\nanalysis yields. We candidly confess there is no pleasure to\\nbe derived from facts which seem to indicate so little self-\\nrespect, so little regard for party integrity, and so little faith\\nin their own supposed great principles.\\nA review of the democratic party of this country would\\nexhibit results highly gratifying, but our limits preclude it in\\nthis place. It has had its share of error, unquestionably, but\\nof its permanency, its triumphant success, no one can doubt.\\nIts measures have become a part of history. Its views have\\nmade the nation s policy, and its principles the nation s glory.\\nIn this connection it is but an act of justice, due alike to the\\npresent administration, and to the people, to notice two great\\nmeasures which have already proved the profound sagacity of\\ntheir projectors, and have added strength and glory to the\\ndemocratic party. We allude to the constitutional treas-\\nury, and the tariff of 1846.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY. 175\\nTHE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY.\\nThe question of the currency is one of the most important,\\nthe most difficuh, that can claim the action of government or\\nthe attention of the people.\\nWithout a good system of currency, enterprise loses its in-\\nducements, business becomes confused, and industry fails to\\nreceive its just reward.\\nIn the currency of a country every man s interest is in-\\nvolved, and as it is regulated by government, as a question it is\\nfrequently made an engine of political influence. Its peculiar\\npower is well understood by politicians. If times are prosper-\\nous, credit is given to the government for judicious manage-\\nment, even though government has done nothing to make\\nthem so. If times are adverse or disastrous, then the govern-\\nment is made responsible for the folly of the people, or their\\ninstitutions and many are ready to unite in opposition to all\\nits measures, though the subject of the currency may not be\\ninvolved in any one of them.\\nA good system may be badly managed, or a bad system\\nmay be well managed, and both appear equally successful.\\nA good system may be perverted, or subjected to extraneous\\ninfluences. It becomes, therefore, a matter of great impor-\\ntance that a system should be as free as possible from all these\\ncontingent relations. That it should be independent in its oper-\\nations of those circumstances of interest, excess of transaction,\\nor adverse results of trade, of which this country has no", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "176 THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY.\\noccasion to be advised. That its safeguards should be within\\nitself, standing as a whole, in relation to the people.\\nAs yet such a system has not been reached. The different\\nStates have different banking systems, and with what success\\nthey have managed their affairs may be inferred from the\\nfact that in fifty years from 1789 to 1841 395 banks\\nfailed, involving a total loss to the country of nearly\\n$400,000,000.*\\nThese systems in the different States have diversity of\\nmerit but the greatest source of difficulty in all failures of\\nbanks, has been found to be in their mismanagement. There\\nis one feature, however, which is common to them all. They\\nadmit a specie basis of silver and gold. This, then, is the only\\ntrue standard known to, or that can be recognized by, our gen-\\neral government.\\nIt is true, at one period there was an United States Bank, an\\ninstitution which appeared to accommodate the whole country.\\nIt was chartered, however, with no peculiar provisions not\\nadopted by the State banks. It had a large capital, and it had\\nits branches. Its basis, and its mode of doing business were\\nnearly the same as those of the State institutions. It was\\nIn 1841, the secretary of the treasury, the Hon. Levi Woodbury,\\nmade an able report on the losses by the general government,\\nand by the people of the United States, from the use of banks and\\nbank paper, from which we take the following\\nby bank failures, $108,882,721\\nLosses by suspension of specie payments by banks\\nconsequent depreciation on their notes, 95,000,000\\nLosses by destruction of bank notes by accident, 7,121,332\\nLosses by counterfeit bank notes, beyond losses by coin, 4,444,444\\nLosses by fluctuations in bank currency affecting prices,\\nextravagance in living, sacrifices of property, and by\\nonly a part of the other incidents to the banking sys-\\ntem, not computed above, at least, 150,000,000\\nAggregate, computed, $365,451,497", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY. 177\\nexposed to the same errors, to the same dangers, to the\\nsame temptations. It had no vital conservative principle of\\nits own. It was in the hands of men to be managed for safety\\nand for interest. These two conditions are not always compat-\\nible with each other. The conditions of safety may not always\\nconduce to our interests, and it is certain that our supposed\\ninterests do not always lead to safety. The system of discount\\nis a system of credit. It is the assumption of risk, for an\\ninterest, and therefore subject to the contingencies of trade.\\nIt is more than this the prevailing system of discount is a\\npowerful stimulant to trade, and perhaps to this source more\\nthan to any other, are attributable the great evils of over-trad-\\ning and speculation of the present day. The trader is induced\\nto sell on credit, and to obtain discounts on all his transactions.\\nIn this way he makes a large capital out of his sales, although\\nhis real capital may be a small one. He trusts a custom-\\ner a certain amount for a commission, and on a certain term\\nof time, but he instantly parts with the bill of his customer to a\\nbank, and pays interest, realizing ready money for a new trans-\\naction. This, often repeated, is called good business. The\\ndebts are transferred to the banks, and they become parties to\\nthe sales and risks, for interest.\\nThe objection to this system of discount is, that it tempts\\nmen to speculate beyond their means. What tem.pts one,\\ntempts all and the aggregate of transactions soon exceeds the\\ncapacity of the currency of the country, and failures become\\ninevitable. If it were required that every man should give\\ndirect security for loans, as such, and if evei-y trader who\\ngave credit were required to wait for payments from his cus-\\ntomers, business would become more permanent. Sales would\\nbe less, but profits would be more. Risks would be lessened,\\nand failures could seldom happen.\\nBut this is not the present condition of things. The banks\\nare involved in the business of the country. They are subject\\nnot only to the disasters of mismanagement, but to the frauds,\\nerrors, and follies of the whole trading and speculating com*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "178 THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY.\\nmunity. They part with a portion of their power of self-pro-\\ntection whenever they assume a risk. They may exercise\\ntheir best judgment, their nicest prudence, but neither good\\njudgment or prudence will prevent the errors of others.\\nAt one time, there was no man in the country more\\nrespected for his sound judgment and financial skill, than\\nNicholas Biddle, president of the United States Bank, chartered\\nby the State of Pennsylvania. That he had as much ability to\\nmanage a bank well, as any other man, we have no doubt. His\\noperations were great, because his means were great and\\nthough similar mistakes in less degree had been committed by\\nothers, thousands of times, his errors were called great errors\\nbecause connected with great sums. He was made to believe\\nthat he possessed more power than he really did possess and\\nit is easy to see, that after this step was gained, it led to another\\nand a more fatal one. He was asked to give more aid than he\\nwas able to give. Others were made to believe that he had\\nthe power, and he adopted the error, and attempted to execute\\nfinancial impossihilities. In the end, he alone was unjustly\\nheld responsible. The results are before the world. The\\nbank committed its errors, and lost its power. It failed. The\\ngovernment of the bank, doubtless, had its share of error in\\nits operations but the actual causes of its failure were with\\nthose who subjected the institution to transactions that were in-\\nevitably ruinous in their nature. It is true, the bank had the\\npower to negative a proposition, but it must be remembered\\nthat even this is often mastered by superior influence, or supe-\\nrior interests. This bank differed from other banks only in\\nthe extent of its capital. It was no safer because it was large.\\nIf it had more means it was subjected to more risks, and in no\\nway was it exempted from the penalties of error, fraud, or\\nmismanagement.\\nIt was an extraordinary foresight in President Jackson, that\\nthe former Bank of the United States, by his firmness and\\ninfluence, failed to obtain a renewal of its charter. But for\\nhis firmness and unexampled integrity it would have been", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY. 179\\ncontinued, perhaps, even to this day. He saw in it elements\\nnot warranted by the Constitution, and such as were dangerous\\nto the best interests of the country. It was liable to great\\nabuses it became the agent of political power, and in the\\nend it even attempted to master the government itself. Its\\nfriends were indignant at its fall, but that indignation gave way\\nto calm reflection, and, after a ruinous experiment to establish\\na similar one under a State charter, they have become per-\\nsuaded that the people can prosper in the absence of a United\\nStates Bank.\\nAVhen the charter of this bank expired, our government was\\ncompelled to rely upon the State banks as places of deposit of\\nthe public funds. This was a necessity rather than a choice.\\nThe consequences were bad for government and fatal to some\\nof the banks. It could not well be otherwise, in the nature of\\nthings. New transactions, risks, and temptations were multi-\\nplied beyond the wants of the communities in which the banks\\nwere located, and losses followed. The experiment furnished\\nanother striking example, tending to prove that the government\\nought not to rely for the safety of its funds upon banks.\\nIt soon became a leading question with government, what\\nsystem should be adopted for the collection, disbursement, and\\nsafe keeping of the public moneys.\\nIn 1840, a sub-treasury was established, but it was repealed\\nby the whigs in 1841.\\nThe present constitutional treasury was established in 1846,\\nand it commenced its operations in January, 1847.\\nIt takes the standard of all the banks, and receives and pays\\nnothing but specie.* It is made strictly the agent of the gov-\\nIf Congress were to pass forty statutes on the subject, said\\nMr. Webster, in 1816, they could not make the law more imperative\\nthan it now is, that nothing should be received in payment of duties\\nto the government but specie. The whole strength of the govern-\\nment, I am of opinion, should be put forth to compel the payment of\\nthe duties and taxes to the government in the legal currency of the\\ncountry.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "180 THE CONSTITUTIONAL TREASURY.\\neminent for the people. It loans no money, incurs no risks.\\nIts business is simply to receive, to keep safely, and to pay out\\naccording to the requisitions of law.\\nThe effects of the constitutional treasury upon the banks\\nhave proved in the highest degree beneficial. Its reserve of\\nspecie is a check upon their discounts. It is not counted as a\\npart of their means, and therefore cannot make a part of their\\nloans. (See Appendix G G. and H H.)\\nA community is not made richer by having unlimited ac-\\ncess to money under the conditions of discount. Far from\\nit. It is made poorer. The spirit of industry which seeks the\\nuse of money is generally a safe one. But the motive which\\noffers money to industry is generally a selfish or a speculative\\none. Money being the ultimate object of trade, as controlling\\nall classes of property, each person aims at increasing his share,\\nwithout sufficiently thinking that the success of the few is at\\nthe expense of the many.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "FREE TKADE. TARIFF OF 1846. 181\\nEREE TRADE. TARIFF OF 1846.\\nTrade is the exchange of commodity. The basis of trade\\nis industry. Industry produces, and it is the function of trade\\nto exchange.* How far trade should be controlled and indus-\\ntry protected by law, have been the great and exciting tariff\\nquestions of the country.\\nTo understand this subject, we reduce it to its elements. To\\ndo it justice would require a treatise, and our brief allusion to\\nit is for the purpose of asking attention to the results of the\\ntariff of 1846.\\nAs all nations must have sources of revenue, means to pay\\nthe expenses of government, it becomes an important question\\nhow far home industry may be protected by an assessment of\\nduties on articles of foreign production or manufacture, which\\nare imported to displace similar articles of our own\\nAll taxes for government purposes are apt to be regarded as\\nevils, and it becomes the study of the political economist, how\\nthese supposed evils may be balanced by a system of compen-\\nsation. No direct taxes, for example, are assessed upon the\\npeople by the general government. But duties are imposed\\nupon foreign articles merchants pay the duties, and the peo-\\nMan, says Archtbisliop Whately, might be defined as an\\nanimal that makes exchanges no other, even of those animals which\\nmake the nearest approach to rationality, having to all appearance\\nthe least notion of bartering, or in any way exchanging one thing for\\nanother. Political Economy Lecture I.\\n16", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "182 FREE TRADE. TARIFF OF 1846.\\npie pay the merchants. After all, the tax is upon the people,\\nbut so indirectly, that they hardly perceive it in their ordinary\\npurchases at the shops.\\nIt may be remarked that the operative is chiefly confined in\\nhis purchases to home products, his means not being suffi-\\ncient to indulge in foreign luxuries, or the more costly fabrics.*\\nBy this exemption of necessity, he gains a partial protection on\\nhis labor, and the tax falls more upon his employer, or upon those\\nwhose means do not limit them to articles of home production.\\nHow far this system may be carried with undoubted advan-\\ntage, is a question in the process of solution. Various experi-\\nments in this country, however, show conclusively, in our\\nhumble opinion, that it is a system of taxation that should be\\nconfined to the mere wants of government. To this extent,\\neven, it is an evil. Perhaps this form of taxation is as little\\nobnoxious to objection as any other, but its inequality is ob-\\nvious, while its ultimate results are doubtful. Besides, it must\\nbe considered that this inequality is not confined to classes of\\ncitizens. It is to be found in the local or sectional interests\\nof the country. The South may be called upon to pay\\nthe taxes of the North, and vice versa. Whoever prefers\\nforeign products to his own, is called upon to pay for his\\npreference.\\nIf we consider the subject of trade, we are led to inquire\\ninto the conditions of industry. Whatever favors the latter\\ncannot injure the former, but tends to promote it.\\nIndustry is the employment of the human faculties in the\\ngreat objects of life. It is moral, or physical the moral, em-\\nbracing whatever relates to man as a being of accountabil-\\nity and improvement and the physical, embracing whatever\\nrelates to man as a being of labor or skill for the means of\\nsubsistence.\\nThe great problem for solution, is, how man as a being of\\nIt should be stated, however, that the operatives purchase many\\nforeign imports, which are the necessaries of life, such as sugar, dif-\\nferent kinds of iron, c. c.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "FREE TRADE, TARIFF OF 1846. 183\\nlabor and skill may best succeed. As the objects of industry-\\nare essentially controlled by nations, this becomes a national\\nquestion, to be decided by each nation for itself.\\nMan is both the being of production and consumption, the\\nsubject of want and the agent of supply. This mutual ar-\\nrangement of dependence is in harmony with the great laws\\nof progress, and leads to those changing modes of activity\\nwhich develop man and nature.\\nWith a proper idea of the great ends of industry, we\\nmay better understand the conditions most conducive to suc-\\ncess.\\nIt is the business of one man to sow and harvest the wheat\\nof another to bolt it of another to find a market for the flour.\\nThis division of labor is applied to every thing, and leads to\\ntrade, commerce, and navigation. Man becomes the competi-\\ntor of man throughout the world. All the products of the\\nearth are placed within the reach of every people, and the\\nindustry of one nation is made to stimulate and to promote the\\nindustry of all nations.\\nInventive genius is in requisition to reach new objects, to\\nincrease power, and to lessen labor. Skill is demanded to\\ncompete with skill, and men are transferred by interest from\\ncountry to country, to extend their knowledge, and to exert\\ntheir peculiar powers. Railroads have made the citizens of a\\ncountry neighbors at home, and steamships have made them\\nneighbors abroad. Diversity of character leads to diversity\\nof wants, and wants lead to interests. New products are dis-\\ncovered, new combinations and applications are developed,\\nnew wants are created, and new sources of comforts realized.\\nWithout these new resources, constantly springing up on the\\ngreat highway of time, industry would be checked by the\\nincrease of population, or by the increased power of produc-\\ntion, and man would become indolent and corrupt, and nations\\nwould suffer and decay. But loith these resources, what but\\nfreedom of thought, of action, of labor, of trade, of enter-\\nprise, will subserve the great interests of man 7 How else can", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "184 FREE TRADE. TARIFF OF 1846.\\nwe he true to the laws which are written ly the hand of Provi-\\ndence upon the hroad face of nature\\nThere is no condition exempt from labor, it is the common\\nlot of humanity. The idle suffer, and their suffering is more\\nthan labor. The life of an idle man is short. The same is\\ntrue of nations. Labor is the condition of success, industry\\nof comfort, integrity of happiness. Whatever promotes these\\npromotes the good of a country. Whatever competition is to\\nthe individual, industry is to the nation.\\nIt is a wise law of Providence, that the business of man\\nshall subserve his moral being, and that his business success is\\nmade to depend, in a great measure, on his moral integrity.\\nMen and nations are brought together by their wants and inter-\\nests. Examples of failure serve to illustrate causes of success.\\nCompetition invites to improvement and progress. Men learn\\nthe conditions of prosperity, and the penalties of error and sin.\\nThe introduction of the principles of free trade removes many\\nof the causes of sectional jealousies, and diminishes the subjects of\\nnecessary legislation. If the extension of our people increases the\\ndifficulties of free government, the march of mind develops new\\nresotirces for overcoming them. That there are limits to this capa-\\ncity is not to be denied but it is equal, I believe, to the accomplish-\\nment of the mission upon which we were sent. Can a more magnifi-\\ncent destiny be conceived than the realization of such hopes r to\\nfill a continent of space with all the elements of light, life, and\\ncivilization, in their ptirest forms and highest combination to wring\\nfrom the reluctant grasp of earth the fruits which she yields only to\\nhuman skill and industry, and to discover resources in the boundless\\nstores of nature for every new or increasing want which a progressive\\ncivilization may develop to acquire a moral influence more extensive\\nand enduring than any power of the sword, and which enforces\\nhomage, not from the lips, but the heart of every human being who\\ncan feel the force of beneficent example. Happy ourselves, and the\\ncause of happiness in others, what higher tribute could we offer to\\nHim who has endowed us with unparalleled advantages, than the\\nspectacle of such a power guided by the spirit of justice and modera-\\ntion, and directed to virtuous ends Speech of the Hon. Mr. Hunter\\nU. S. Senate, Feb. 1848.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "FREE TRADE. TARIFF OF 1846. 185\\nThey are self-moved to avoid the one and to observe the\\nother.\\nWith a knowledge of these laws, it is easy to see that\\nthe greater the freedom given to the industry and trade of a\\nnation, the greater are the inducements to activity.* If its\\npeople are ambitious to excel, they have before them the en-\\ncouragements of a world.\\nIf nations would prosper and live, their only hope is to be\\nfound in their intelligence, industry, and faithfulness. The\\nsubject of free trade is not one merely of pecuniary relations,\\nthese afford only the means of advance. It is a subject of\\nmoral interest, and one of deep concern to posterity.\\nIf the prohibitory system were right for one nation, it would\\nbe right for all nations, and commerce would cease. This\\ncourse is not adopted because it is opposed to the interests and\\nexperience of all as already ascertained.\\nThe protective policy, as such, has its domestic evils. Its\\nencouragements lead to excesses, and to instability. t Its in-\\nducements to enterprise fluctuate and become neutralized by\\nhome competition. It diverts labor from its accustomed chan-\\nnels to temporary objects, at a loss to the poor. It gives rise\\nto corporations with power of capital detached from the con-\\nditions of industry, which tend to prostrate individual enter-\\nprise. It builds up factories and takes the young from their\\nSee Appendix 1 1.\\nt In 1828, the manufacturers, as a body, failed. It was much\\neasier to tell who had survived the shock than to enumerate all that\\nhad fallen. A tariff was passed to save them, and they failed the\\nfaster after it was passed, besides the commercial failures which fol-\\nlowed, not of people who had been insolvent for years, but of those\\nwho a year before were worth their tens of thousands, not to say\\ntheir hundreds of thousands of dollars, and who had managed their\\nbusiness with ability and prudence. During most of the year 1829,\\nthe pressure continued till factory stock could hardly be given away,\\nand shares which cost a thousand dollars, in some cases were sold for\\na five dollar bill, and in others would not bring that price. From\\na Speech delivered in Salem, March, 1834, brj Hon. RobeH Rantoul, Jr.\\n16*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "186 FREE TRADE. TARIFF OF 1846.\\nschools, and from the moral atmosphere of their homes.* It\\ngives birth to cities, made up of people linked with mere\\nmachinery, without adequate means of moral and intellectual\\nculture. We do not speak of examples, but of tendency.\\nThis country has not age enough to see the results of such a\\npolicy, and we are rejoiced to know that we have men of suffi-\\ncient wisdom to establish a system that promises permanency\\nand prosperity.\\nIt is scarcely possible to speak of the vast accumulation of\\nmasses of human beings in th.e manufacturing districts ^Hhe crowded\\nhives as they have been called, without something like anxiety\\nand apprehension.\\nThe employment of infant labor is very generally ujrged as the\\nworst feature in the factory system, but it is generally recognized\\nthat tills is a resiilt of a greater evil, and in many cases an allevia-\\ntion of it, arising from the disturbance of the parental and filial\\nrelations in manufacturing districts. The operatives are absent from\\nhome all day, and in many cases, from the crowded state of the\\nlodging-houses, have no opportunity for conversation or social union\\nwith their families at night. Hence there is a want of those domes-\\ntic feelings, reciprocally fostered by domestic intercourse a want\\nwhich, to the operatives themselves, is a craving void, scarcely\\nsuspected by those who are not intimate with their condition.\\nMothers remain at the mill during the period of their pregnancy to\\nthe very last hour of physical endurance, and they return to work\\nat the earliest possible moment after their recovery. Hence there is\\na sad waste of infant life during the periods of lactation and teething,\\nand when this critical time is past, there is an absence of parental care\\nand superintendence, which exposes children to forming habits of\\nvagrancy and idleness.\\nTo destroy the factory system is not practicable if it were desir-\\nable, nor quite desirable if practicable. But though we cannot des-\\ntroy, we may use and regiilate we may so mould the course of its\\ndevelopment as to render it the source of increased morality, in-\\ncreased prosperity, and increased social happiness to the British\\nempire, and to every individual that empire contains. Taylor s\\nNatural History of Society.\\nThe people of the United States should be admonished by the\\nexperience of Great Britain.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "FREE TRADE. TARIFF OF 1846. 187\\nWe should regret to have our views construed as hostile to\\nthe manufacturing interests of this country. Far from it. We\\nwould favor them, foster them, encourage them. Not by false\\nhopes, or deceptive measures of protection, but by extending\\ntheir markets and improving their fabrics. We would com-\\nmend to them a business of prudence, in preference to one of\\nrisk a permanent business, instead of a fluctuating one an\\nindividual interest in preference to a company interest and\\nmoderate dividends, that shall be uniform, in preference to\\nlarge dividends, which are occasional.\\nTo no citizen is our country more indebted for enlightened\\nand practical views upon the tariff question than to the present\\nable secretary of the treasury, the Hon. Robert J. Walker.\\nHis thoughts have become acts, and his experiments have\\nbecome the policy of the nation. When we consider with\\nwhat ability his opponents were arrayed against him, with\\nwhat influences of rank and weaUh they sought to establish an\\nopposite system, we cannot but regard his victory as one of the\\ngreatest moral triumphs of the age. What Cobden has done\\nfor England, he has done for America. (See Appendix\\nJ J.)", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nDECLARATION OF RIGHTS\\nOF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS, OCTOBER 14, 1774*\\nWhereas, since the close of the last war, the British Parliament,\\nclaiming a power of right to bind the people of America by stat-\\nutes in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts expressly imposed\\ntaxes on them, and in others, under various pretences, but in fact\\nfor the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties\\npayable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners,\\nwith unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of Courts\\nof Admiralty, not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial\\nof causes merely arising within the body of a county\\nAnd whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who\\nbefore held only estates at will in their offices, have been made\\ndependent on the crown alone for their salaries, and standing\\narmies kept in times of peace and whereas it has lately been\\nresolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute, made in the\\ntliirty-fifth year of the reign of King Henry tlie Eighth, colonists\\nmay be transported to England, and tried there, upon accusations\\nfor treasons and misprisions, or concealments, of treasons committed\\nin the colonies, and by a late statute, such trials have been directed\\nin cases therein mentioned\\nAnd whereas, in the last session of Parliament, three statutes\\nwere made one entitled An Act to discontinue, in such manner,\\nand for such time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and dis-\\ncharging, lading, or shipping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at\\nthe town and within the harbor of Boston, in the Province of\\nMassachusetts Bay, in North America; another entitled An Act\\nfor the better regulating the government of the Province of Massa-\\nchusetts Bay, in New England and another entitled An Act for", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "190\\nAPPEISDIX.\\nthe impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons\\nquestioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law,\\nor for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the Province of the\\nMassachusetts Bay, in New England And another statute was\\nthen made, for making- more effectual provision for the government\\nof the Province of Quebec, .c. All which statutes are impolitic,\\nunjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most dangerous\\nand destructive of American rights\\nAnd whereas, assemblies have been frequently dissolved, con-\\ntrary to tlie rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate\\non grievances and their dutiful, humble, loyal, and reasonable,\\npetitions to the crown for redress have been repeatedly treated\\nwith contempt, by his majesty s ministers of state\\nThe good people of the several colonies of New Hampshire,\\nMassachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Con-\\nnecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Newcastle, Kent,\\nand Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and\\nSouth Carolina, justly alarmed at these arbitrary proceedings of\\nParliament and administration, have severally elected, constituted,\\nand appointed Deputies to meet and sit in General Congress, in the\\ncity of Philadelphia, in order to obtain such establishment, as that\\ntheir religion, laws, and liberties may not be subverted whereupon\\nthe deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free\\nrepresentation of these colonies, taking into their most serious con-\\nsideration the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do, in the\\nfirst place, as Englishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually\\ndone, for as.serting and vindicating their rights and liberties,\\nDECLARE,\\nThat tlie inhabitants of the English colonies in North America,\\nby the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English\\nConstitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the fol-\\nlowing RIGHTS\\nResolved, N. C. D.* 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty,\\nand property and they have never ceded to any sovereign power\\nwhatever a right to dispose of either, without their consent.\\nResolved, N. C. D. 2. That our ancestors, who first settled\\nthese colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the\\nmother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities,\\nof free and natural-born subjects, within the realm of England.\\nNernine contradicente, no person opposing, or disagreeing.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 191\\nResolved, N. C. D. 3. That by such emigration, they by no\\nmeans forfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights, but that\\nthey were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise\\nand enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circum-\\nstances enable them to exercise and enjoy.\\nResolved, 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all\\nfree government, is, a right in the people to participate in their\\nlegislative council and as the English colonists are not repre-\\nsented, and, from their local and other circumstances, cannot\\nproperly be represented, in the British Parliament, tliey are entitled\\nto a free and exclusive power of legislation in tlieir several pro-\\nvincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone\\nbe preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject\\nonly to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been\\nheretofore used and accustomed but, from the necessity of the case\\nand a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheer-\\nfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament,\\nas are, bonajide, restrained to the regulation of our external com-\\nmerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of\\nthe whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial bene-\\nfits of its respective members excluding every idea of taxation,\\ninternal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in Amer-\\nica, without their consent.\\nResolved, N. C. D. 5. That the respective colonies are entitled\\nto the common law of England, and more especially to the great\\nand inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the\\nvicinage, according to the course of that law.\\nResolved, 6. That they are entitled to tlie benefit of such of\\nthe English statutes as existed at tlie time of their colonization\\nand which they have, by experience, respectively found to be appli-\\ncable to their several local and other circumstances.\\nResolved, N. C. T 7. That these, his majesty s colonies, are\\nlikewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and\\nconfirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several\\ncodes of provincial laws.\\nResolved, N. C. D. 8. That they have a right peaceably to\\nassemble, consider of their grievances, and petition tlie king and\\nthat all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments\\nfor the same, are illegal.\\nResolved, N. C. D. 9. That the keeping a standing army in", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "192 APPENDIX.\\nthese colonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the legis-\\nlature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law.\\nResolved, N. C. D. 10. It is indispensably necessary to good\\ngovernment, and rendered essential by the English Constitution,\\nthat the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of\\neach other that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power, in\\nseveral colonies, by a council appointed, during pleasure, by the\\ncrown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the free-\\ndom of American legislation.\\nAll and each of which, the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of them-\\nselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as\\ntheir indubitable rights and liberties which cannot be legally taken\\nfrom them, altered, or abridged, by any power whatever, without\\ntheir own consent, by their representatives, in their several provin-\\ncial legislatures.\\nThe Press, Railroads, and the Magnetic Telegraph.\\nIntelligence is diffused with unparalleled universality a free\\npress teems with the choicest productions of all nations and ages.\\nThere are more daily journals in the United States tlian in the\\nworld beside. A public document of general interest is, within a\\nmonth, reproduced in at least a million of copies, and is brought\\nwithin the reach of every freeman in the country. Bancroft s\\nHist U. S.\\nThis was true in 1834 and since that time improvements of every\\nkind have been multiplied to a degree truly astonishing. Steam-\\nships arrive from Great Britain, either at Boston or New York, every\\nweek and we have an extent of railroads in the United States of\\nmore than 6000 miles an extent of the magnetic telegraph conductor,\\ncompleted at the present time of more than 5000 miles, and project-\\ned, and advancing rapidly towards completion, about 11,000 miles.\\nSome of the companies are extending a second line between the prin-\\ncipal cities. These are embraced in the above estimate.\\nThe following beautiful passage occurs in the speech of Governor\\nCass, delivered in the U. S. Senate, February 10, 1847, on the Three\\nMillion Bill\\nThe senator from South Carolina has presented some views of", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 193\\nour augmenting population as true as they are striking. At the\\ncommencement of his life and of mine, this country contained three\\nmillions of inhabitants, giving a rate of increase which doubles\\nour numbers every twenty-two years. There are those yet living\\nwho will live to see our confederacy numbering a population equal\\nto the Chinese empire. This stupendous progress outstrips the\\nimagination. The mind cannot keep up with the fact. It toils after\\nit in vain and as we increase in numbers and extend in space, our\\npower of communication is still more augmented. The telegraph\\nhas come with its wonderful process to bind still closer the portions\\nof this empire, as these recede from its capital. It is the most\\nadmirable invention of modern days. We can now answer the\\nsublime interrogatory put to Job Canst thou send lightnings, that\\nthey may go, and say unto thee. Here we are Yes, the corus-\\ncations of heaven man has reduced to obedience, and they say unto\\nhim. Here we are. It is yet in its infancy an experiment, rather\\nthan an arrangement. Who can tell where future improvements\\nmay conduct it, or what sway it may hereafter exercise over the\\nsocial and political condition of the world what people it may\\nbring together and keep together by the power of instantaneous\\ncommunication or how the events of distant nations, told almost\\nto the other side of the globe, the very moment of their occurrence,\\nmay affect the future destiny of mankind\\nC.\\nFrom the Speech of Hon. H. V. JoJimon, U. S. Senate, delivered\\nFebruanj, 1848.\\nIn the progress of the discussions on the topics connected with\\nthe w^ar, a good deal lias been said in ridicule of what is called\\nmanifest destiny. Now, sir, I am a believer in this doctrine but\\nI would not employ precisely these words to express my opinion.\\nI would say, that I believe it to be the manifest design of Provi-\\ndence, either that the whole of NortJi America should be embraced\\nwithin our Republic, or that, tln-ough the influence of our institu-\\ntions, it is to become the theatre of the highest civilization and\\nfreedom. Yet, sir, I am no propagandist. I would not force the\\nadoption of our form of government upon any people by the sword.\\nBut if war is forced upon us, as this has been, and the increase of\\n17", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "194 APPENDIX.\\nour territory, and consequently the extension of the area of human\\nliberty and happiness, shall be one of the incidents of such a con-\\ntest, I believe we should be recreant to our noble mission, if we\\nrefused acquiescence in the high purposes of a wise Providence.\\nWar has its evils. In all ages it has been the minister of wholesale\\ndeath and appalling desolation but, however inscrutable to us, it\\nhas also been made, by the all-wise Dispenser of events, the instru-\\nmentality of accomplishing tlie great end of human elevation and\\nhuman happiness. Civilization, like her heaven-born pioneer mother,\\nChristianity, has been compelled to force on her steady march, for\\nmore than eighteen hundred years, amidst the revolutions of em-\\npires, which have stained with blood her robe of whiteness. But,\\nconverting every obstacle to her progTess into a weapon of victory,\\nshe shall encincture the globe with her girdle of light. It is in\\nthis view that I subscribe to the doctrine of manifest destiny. It\\nis in this view that I believe the whole of North America is conse-\\ncrated to freedom. Neither legislation nor treaties can set bounds\\nto the triumphant spirit of the age, which threatens thrones and\\ndynasties, and augurs an entire remodelling and renovation of the\\nsocial and political condition of the world. The results of war\\nand the developments of science are but the echoes of the voice\\nof Prophecy. The one opens the door for civilization, and the other\\nsends its ministers by the power of steam, and speeds them upon\\nthe wing of the seraphic lightning.\\nFrom the Speech of Hon. Mr. Ihmter, U. S. Senate, 1848.\\nIf my imagination were tasked to select the highest blessing\\nfor my countrymen, I should say. May they be true to themselves\\nand faithful to their mission. I can conceive of nothing which it is\\npossible for human effort to attain, greater than the destiny which\\nwe may reasonably hope to fulfil. If war has its dreams, dazzling\\nin splendid pageantry, peace also has its visions of a more enduring\\nform, of a higher and purer beauty. To solve by practical demon-\\nstration the grand problem of increasing social power consistently\\nwith personal freedom to increase the efficiency of the human\\nagent by enlarging individual liberty to triumph over, not only\\nthe physical, but, more difficult still, the moral difficulties which lie\\nin the path of man s progress, and to adorn that path with all that\\nis rare and useful in art, and whatever is highest in civilization, are,\\nin my opinion, the noblest achievements of which a nation is capa-\\nble. These are the ends to which our ambition should be directed.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 195\\nD.\\nFromthe S peech of the Hon. R. Johtison, U. S. Senate, Jan. 10, 11, 1848.\\nSir, I am not to be driven into a different course by being told\\nthat it would leave us a pecuniary loss. With me, Mr. President,\\nloss of money is nothing to loss of character. With me the bound-\\nless wealtli of the world would be as nothing, compared with what\\nI should esteem the incalculable loss attending the destruction of\\nour national character. But, sir, it is not true that a peace accom-\\nplished on the terms to which I have referred would leave us with-\\nout indemnity. Sir, v/e have indemnity in the history of this war.\\nIt is to be found in the many glorious battle-fields which it has pre-\\nsented to an astonished world. It is to be found in the delight\\nwhich electrified every American heart at the result of every con-\\nflict. It is to be found in the security which it furnishes against\\nthe disturbers of our peace hereafter. A few hundreds of millions,\\n(even if it should go to hundreds,) that may be expended, vv^ill be\\nforgotten even while spoken of, while the glory and renown which\\nit has heaped upon the American character will be remembered as\\nlong as time itself shall endure. I am not, therefore, to be told\\nthat peace on such terms would leave us losers, in the true, high,\\nand moral sense of the term.\\nE.\\nPLAN OF IGUALA.\\nArt. 1. The Mexican nation is independent of the Spanish\\nnation, and of every other, even on its own continent.\\nArt. 2. Its religion shall be the Catholic, which all its inhab-\\nitants profess.\\nArt. 3. They shall be united, without any distinction between\\nAmericans and Europeans.\\nArt. 4. The government shall be a constitutional monarchy.\\nArt. 5. A junta shall be named, consisting of individuals who\\nenjoy the highest reputation in the different parties which have\\nshown themselves.\\nArt. 6. This junta shall be under the presidency of his excellen-\\ncy the Count del Venadito, the present viceroy of Mexico.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "196 APPENDIX.\\nArt. 7. It shall govern in the name of the nation, according to\\nthe laws now in force, and its principal business shall be to convoke,\\naccording to such rules as it shall deem expedient, a Congress for\\nthe formation of a constitution more suitable to the country.\\nArt. 8. His majesty Ferdinand VII. shall be invited to the throne\\nof the empire, and in case of his refusal, the Infantes Don Carlos\\nand Don Francisco de Paula.\\nArt. 9. Should his majesty Ferdinand VII. and his august broth-\\ners decline the invitation, the nation is at liberty to invite to the im-\\nperial tlirone any member of reigning families whom it may select.\\nArt. 10. The formation of the constitution by the Congress, and\\nthe oath of the emperor to observe it, must precede his entry into\\nthe country.\\nArt. 11. The distinction of castes is abolished, which was made\\nby the Spanish law, excluding them from the rights of citizenship.\\nAll the inhabitants of the country are citizens and equal, and the\\ndoor of advancement is open to virtue and merit.\\nArt. 12. An army shall be formed for the support of religion,\\nindependence, and union, guarantying these three principles, and\\ntlierefore shall be called the army of tlie three guaranties.\\nArt. J 3. It shall solemnly swear to defend the fundamental\\nbases of this plan.\\nArt. 14. It shall strictly observe the military ordinances now in\\nforce.\\nArt. 15. There shall be no other promotions than those that are\\ndue to seniority, or which shall be necessary to the good of the\\nservice.\\nArt. 16. This army shall be considered as of the line.\\nArt. 17. The old partisans of independence, who shall immedi-\\nately adhere to this plan, shall be considered as individuals of this\\narmy.\\nArt. 18. The patriots and peasants who shall adhere to it here-\\nafter, shall be considered as provincial militia men.\\nArt. 19. The secular and regular priests shall be continued in\\nthe state in which they now are.\\nArt. 20. All the public functionaries, civil, ecclesiastical,\\npolitical, and military, who adhere to the cause of independence,\\nshall be continued in their offices, without any distinction between\\nAmericans and Europeans.\\nArt. 21. Those functionaries, of whatever degree and condition,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 197\\nwho dissent from the cause of independence, shall be divested of\\ntheir offices, and shall quit the territory of the empire, taking with\\nthem their families and their effects.\\nArt. 22. The military commandants shall regulate according to\\nthe general instructions in conformity with this Plan, which shall be\\ntransmitted to them.\\nArt. 23. No accused person shall be condemned capitally by tlie\\nmilitary commandants. Those accused of treason against the na-\\ntion, which is the next greatest crime after that of treason to the\\ndivine Ruler, shall be conveyed to the fortress of Barrabas, where\\nthey shall remain until the Congress shall resolve on the punish-\\nment which ought to be inflicted on them.\\nArt. 24. It being indispensable to the country that this Plan\\nshould be carried into effect, inasmuch as the welfare of that country\\nis its object, every individual of the army shall maintain it to the\\nshedding, if it be necessary, of the last drop of his blood.\\nTown of Iguala,\\n24^A February, 1821.\\nMEXICAN AGGRESSIONS.\\nWe think it may not prove uninteresting to the reader to know\\nthe nature of the claims of our citizens upon Mexico. We give a\\nlist of a portion of them, compiled by the Hon. Edmund Burke,\\nin 1846, remarking merely, by way of introduction, that they are\\nall taken from documents now on file in the department of state in\\nWashington. Most of those occumng prior to Dec. 2, 1837, will be\\nfound in a letter of the Hon. John Forsyth, secretary of state,\\nto the president, and published with the annual message of that\\nyear, in House Doc. 3, 2d Sess. 25th Congress.\\nAbstract of a Statement marked A, accompanying Mr. Forsyth s Report\\nupon Mexieati Relatione, dated Dec. 2, 1837, a7id addressed to the Pres-\\nident.\\nclaims on MEXICO.\\nNo. 1. A. P. Cheuteau and J. DeMun. These persons, who\\nwere chiefs of a hunting expedition, were, with their companions,\\n17*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "198 APPENDIX.\\narrested by authorities of Mexico in 1817, carried to Sante Fe,\\nwhere they were imprisoned and otherwise maltreated. The value\\nof the property lost by them was represented to be $30,380 74i.\\nNo. 2. Brig Cossack. This vessel and her cargo were seized\\nby the authorities of Mazatlan, in Mexico, in January, 1818, and con-\\ndemned by a decree (of what authority is not stated) dated 21st\\nJuly, 1819. Upon a reconsideration or appeal of the case, it was\\ndecreed, on the 27th of July, 1821, that the master and crew should\\nbe liberated, and that the money deposited in the national treasury on\\naccount of her sale and that of her cargo, should be paid over to the\\nmaster. This decree was never executed.\\nNo. 3. Cai go of the Ship Louisa, of Providence. The cargo of\\nthis ship, consisting of arms, cordage, and flour, with other provis-\\nions, was seized at the port of Acapulco, in 1821, by orders of Don\\nAugustin de Iturbide, and appropriated to the use of tlie Mexican\\ngovernment. Feb. 1, that government decreed payment of damages\\nto the OAvners, in the sum of $48,363. Only $14,418 has been paid.\\nNos. 4, 5, 6. These claims are for the unlawful seizure and\\ndetention of specie belonging to American citizens, amounting in\\nall to over $25,000. It was taken by officers of the Mexican gov-\\nernment, under orders of the emperor Iturbide, while on its way to\\nVera Cruz, in the year 1822.\\nNo. 7. John K. West and others. The claim in this case is for a\\nbill of exchange drawn by Don Jos. M. de Herrera, as agent of the\\nMexican government, and for supplies sent by his direction.\\nNo. 8. Brig lAherty, Myric,Master. This vessel was seized by\\nthe Mexican government schooner Iguala, off Alvarado, on the 4th\\nof May, 1824. The captain and crew were ill treated, and sent up to\\ntown. The claim in the case is for vessel and freight the Atlantic\\nInsurance Company, in New York, having insured the former at\\n$3500, and the latter at $4000. The vessel sailed from Havana\\nin March, 1824, and arrived at Pensacolaon the 14th of April, where\\nshe paid about $12,000 duties on her cargo. She sailed thence\\nwith a regular clearance for Alvarado. After her seizure there,- a\\njudicial tribunal directed the brig to be restored, but no freight was", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "I\\nAPPENDIX. 199\\npaid. The vessel, however, had been so long detamed, and so badly\\ntal:en care of, that but sixty-four dollars were realized after paying\\nexpenses of sale. To the claim preferred by Mr. Poinsett for indem-\\nnification, the Mexican secretary of state replied, that officers who\\nmaM captures are liable to he sued in Mexican courts of justice, in case\\nthey proceed illegally.\\nNo. 9. Brig Cato. This vessel was boarded at Alvaradp, on the\\n25th of August, 1824, by some twenty men, who riiSd h%- of $2701\\nin specie, and of numerous other articles. After threaten})!^ the life\\nof the captain, and wounding two of the crew, they Mi^ihe vessel\\nadrift by cutting her chain cable, which, with the fiji^pr, were lost.\\nThe claim in this case is for $5544. f,/\\nNo. 10. Schoo7ier Leda. In this case $988 are claimed for the\\ndetention of this vessel some two and a half months at Tobasco, in\\n1824, and for the unlawful exaction of tonnage duties in August of\\nthat year.\\nNo. 11. Borie fy Laguerenne and others. This claim on the\\nMexican government is for a return of an overcharge of duties lev-\\nied and collected contrary to prior usage, if not to law, on the\\nimportation of several parcels of iVmerican cotton, imported into\\nAlvarado in November and December, 1824, and January, 1825, by\\nmerchants of Philadelphia and New York. The arapunt claimed is\\n$32,721, with interest from February, 1825. \\\\.y\\nNo. 12. Schooner Felix, and Cargo. This vessel sailed from New\\nOrleans, in August, 1825, and on the 7th of September, anchored in\\nthe Soto la Marina roads or harbor, where she was taken possession\\nof on the same day by the Mexican vessel Tampic. She was con-\\ndemned on the ground that she had articles on board of Spanish\\norigin. Her insurance was $30,000.\\nNo. 13. Brig Delight, of Philadelphia. A double Claim. This\\nvessel, in March, 1825, touched at San Bias, where the officers of the\\ncustom-house compelled the conveyance of her cargo over a mile to\\nthe custom-house stores, and its reshipment. The damage to the\\nowners was estimated at $3716 48. The same vessel entered the\\nport of Sisal in September of the same year, where she was seized", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "200\\nAPPENDIX.\\nby the collector with an armed force, part of her cargo forced on\\nshore, her hatches broken open, and the cargo taken to the custom-\\nhouse. Estimate of damages arising from the condemnation and\\nsale of the cargo, c., $15,692 50. The Mexican secretary of the\\ntreasury had assured Mr. Poinsett tliat an order had been given to\\nrelease the vessel and cargo. Mr. Poinsett pronounced this one of\\nthe most flagrant and unjustifiable violations of the property of\\nAmerican citizens on record.\\nNo. 14. Schoonei Fair Jlmencan, of Baltimore. This vessel\\narrived at Refugio, January 4, 1826, was admitted to entry, landed\\nher cargo under permit, and in part removed it to town, Avhen the\\nwhole was seized by the Mexican authorities, and confiscated and\\nsold. The Mexican consul at Baltimore afterwards requested of his\\ngovernment that the property might be restored, and the owner\\nindemnified. Mr. Wilson s claim for damages is $50,225 21, the\\njustice of which was understood to be acknowledged by the\\nMexican government. To the demand of the American minister for\\ndamages in this case, the Mexican government made evasive replies,\\nand made no answer to his last note on the subject.\\nNo. 15. Schooner Superior, of JVeio York. This vessel was\\nseized by a Mexican gun-boat in the port of Laguira, on the 23d of\\nFebruary, 1826, on a charge of smuggling. The American minister\\ndisproved this charge by the fact that the vessel, after trial, was not\\ncondemned. An authenticated account accompanies Mr. Poinsett s\\nletter, setting forth the unjustifiable manner of the seizure, the\\nabsence of all proof, and the wanton and shameful violence exer-\\ncised towards the crew. The delay caused by the seizure of the\\nvessel, and her abandonment on account of her becoming worm-\\neaten, are the grounds of this claim.\\nNo. 16. Andrews s Claim for Seizure of Wax at Alvarado. This\\nclaim arises from the seizure by the Mexican government of\\n$1631 25 worth of wax, on the pretence tliat it was of Spanish ori-\\ngin. This wax was originally shipped from St. Petersburg!! to New\\nYork, and from thence to Vera Cruz, when, not finding a ready sale\\nafter entry, the owners determined to reship it, but were prevented\\nby the authorities.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 201\\nNo. 17. Ship Franklin and Brig Barrian, of Boston. These\\nvessels formed an expedition, owned and fitted oat by sundry per-\\nsons of Boston and Salem, at an expense of $90,175 02. In pursu-\\nance of their instructions, they traded at various places on the coast\\nof California, paying tlie customary duties. On the 16th May, 1828,\\nthey were forbid further trading till the whole cargo was landed at\\nSt. Diego, and all duties paid to the commanding general of Cali-\\nfornia. Declining to do this, they proceeded to the Island of St.\\nCatalina, to land and cure hides. Concluding to return to St. Diego,\\nthey then, under a written agreement with the governor, landed all\\ntheir cargo not left at the island, which was estimated at $47,292,\\nthe duties of which were $13,005 30. Eschandia, the governor,\\nthen gave them a written permission to continue their trade, and to\\nremove the property left at St. Catalina. Subsequently, on asking\\nfor their ship s papers, they were refused, on the pretext that the\\nvessels had been to St. Catalina, contrary to some regulation of which\\nthey knew nothing. Notwithstanding the charge of smuggling was\\nproved false, the Mexicans put a guard on board the vessel, and\\ncommenced removing her cargo. The captain at length refusing to\\nallow any more to go on shore, no condemnation of the vessel being\\nshown, the Mexican officers and soldiers went ashore. The next\\nday the vessels put to sea under a destructive fire from the fort.\\nThey left debts due from individuals and missions, to the amount of\\n$38,919 04, besides goods deposited as security for duties, which,\\nwith the packages taken from the ship, run up the whole claim for\\ndamages to $53,657 54. The whole property was afterwards con-\\nfiscated without judicial proceeding.\\nNo. 18. Eli E. J. S. Hammond were jointly concerned in a\\ntrading expedition to Santa Fe in 1828. When within a few miles\\nof that place, they hired a Mexican to carry a part of the goods\\nwith mules, on account of the roughness of the road. This man\\nwas arrested on a charge of smuggling, and the goods were confis-\\ncated, although the Mexican was liberated. He informed the\\nauthorities of the circumstances of the case, but the goods were not\\nrestored. Hammond claims $7000 for his loss. Hammond also\\nclaims $6000 damages for injuries to his business in 1830, by the\\nconduct of Mexican authorities, whereby great expense was in-\\ncurred, much time lost, and the sale of his goods to a profit de-\\nstroyed.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "202 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 19. Brig William, ofJVewport, R. I. This vessel was for-\\ncibly detained and impressed into the Mexican service as a transport\\nin 1829. The owners claim $4999 33 damages.\\nNo. 20. Brig Splendid, of JVeiv Haven. A similar case to the\\nlast, whereby the owners were injured in their business to the\\namount of $2500.\\nNo. 21. Brig Ursula, of Boston. This vessel was impressed in\\nthe same manner into the Mexican service, to the damage of the\\nowners to the amount of $2005.\\nNo. 22. Pell Brothers, of New York, claim damages for the\\ndestruction of a press and type at Tampico, by the Spaniards.\\nNo. 23. Captain Shaw, of the Schooner Galaxy, claims damages\\nfor his detention and imprisonment at Tobasco, in 1829-30,\\nwhereby great injury was done to his business. He was confined\\namong banditti, and was refused any intercourse with the American\\nconsul. A vessel, with some 40 or 50 seamen from the United\\nStates naval service, was subsequently sent to procure his liberation\\nand that of others, which was immediately effected.\\nNo. 24. Schooners Rebecca Eliza and Alert. These vessels were\\nseized at Tampico in 1829, soon after the capitulation of a Spanish\\nforce there. They were seized, and their cargoes confiscated, on the\\npretence that they came with the intention of selling provisions to\\nthe Spaniards, although they did not arrive until four days after the\\ncapitulation. The crews were badly treated.\\nNo. 25. $8826 in damages are claimed by the owners of\\nthe Bng General Morelos for her seizure and detention at Vera\\nCruz in 1830, where she went from New Orleans to be fitted out as\\na privateer under Mexican authority. The Mexican courts afterward\\nordered the restoration of the vessel.\\nNo. 26. The EUza Jane, of New York, put into Vera Cruz in a\\nleaky condition, where she was condemned as unseaworthy and\\nsold. Before transshipping the cargo, the captain was compelled to\\ngive bond for the payment of tonnage duty. This duty had before", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 203\\nbeen paid at the Mexican port from whence the Eliza Jane sailed.\\nHer cargo .consisted of log-wood, obtained at Leguira, a Mexican\\nport.\\nNo. 27. John Baldwin, an American citizen, complains of gross\\nand outrageous treatment at the hands of the alcalde of Minotitlan\\nin Guazcualco. He asserts that the alcalde was interested in a suit\\nwhich was brought against him by one of his subordinates. Some\\naltercation occurring at the proceedings before the alcalde, he was\\nordered to the stocks. He refused to submit, and in attempting to\\nescape, was shot at, and severely injured by a fall. He was captured,\\nmade to stand in the stocks, and afterwards imprisoned. The\\nMexican government were informed subsequently that the U. S.\\ngovernment would regard this a national question. The reply of\\nthe Mexican executive was, that it was a matter of judicial investi-\\ngation, c.\\nNo. 28. Schooner Topaz. The master of this vessel con-\\ntracted, in 1832, to transport 150 Mexican soldiers from Matamoras\\nto Galveston. During the passage, the master and mate were killed\\nby the Mexican officers, and the crew were forced to run the vessel\\ninto Anahuac. Here they were imprisoned on a charge of killing\\ntheir captain and mate, and attempts were made by the officers\\nabove mentioned to make them confess to that crime. They were\\nat last liberated on their agreement to be bound to the officers to\\nserve them for three years. One of them subsequently escaped to\\nthe United States, and testified to the facts above stated. He\\nstates that the Mexican officers divided the captain s money\\nbetween them. He thinks he had 3000 or 4000 dollars.\\nNo. 29. The Schooner Brazoria was seized at the port of Bra-\\nzoria in June, 1832, and used in an attack by the Mexicans upon\\nAnahuac. She was so much injured that the owners abandoned\\nher to the underwriters, who are tlie claimants in this case. The\\namount claimed is $6800. The Mexican government afterwards\\nexpressed a willingness to allow only the proceeds of the sale of\\nthe vessel to the claim.ants.\\nNo. 30. Aaron Leggett, merchant of New York, claims several\\nhundred thousand dollars in damages for the seizure and detention", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "204 APPENDIX.\\nof the steamer Hidalgo in the Tobasco River in June, 1832, and for\\ndamages arising therefrom. He had acquired the sole right, from\\nthe legislature of Tobasco, of navigating that river by steamboata\\nfor a period of ten years. In anticipation of the advantages that\\nwould arise from this privilege, he entered into very extensive con-\\ntracts for the delivery of great quantities of logwood for several\\nsubsequent years, at different points, from whence it was to be\\ncarried down the river by lighters, towed by the steamer. Several\\nvessels were employed by Mr. Leggett for the transportation of tlie\\nlogwood from Mexico. These vessels arrived at Tobasco but as\\nthe steamer had been seized by the Mexicans for military purposes,\\nno cargoes were ready for them, and they returned to the ports to\\nwhich they belonged. The owners demanded the penalties of the\\ncharter parties, which the claimant has paid to the extent of his\\nability. Tobasco was, in 1832, the seat of military disturbances,\\nwhereby Mr. Leggett suffered great loss of property, besides the\\nloss of the immense profits which it is reasonable to suppose he\\nAvould have obtained from the enjoyment of the g-reat privilege\\ngranted by the legislature of Tobasco. The Mexican government\\nsubsequently acknowledged tlie great losses and sacrifices of Mr.\\nLeggett, but plead inability to satisfy his reasonable demands.\\nNo. 31. Schooner Augustus. This vessel put into port at\\nBrazos de Santiago, in a leaky condition, on the 18th June, 1833.\\nOn a mere suspicion of an intention to land the cargo clandestinely\\non the Mexican coast, the vessel and cargo were seized, and after a\\ndetention of ten months, tlie Mexican courts awarded restitution of\\nthe vessel and cargo, and payment of costs and damages. Mean-\\ntime the vessel became worm-eaten, and it was abandoned. The\\nclaim in this case is for $6030 09.\\nNo. 32. The Schooner Weiree was seized by the authorities of\\nTampico in July, 1833, when it was abandoned by its master and\\ncrew.\\nNo. 33. Brig Industry. This vessel was detained at Tobasco,\\nin March, 1834, on the pretence that her forescuttle was not sealed\\nat the time of her arrival. The captain was imprisoned for thirteen\\ndays, and was obliged to pay $160 to regain his liberty. The col-\\nlector of the port at length gave the captain leave to proceed to sea,\\nwhen the judge of tlie court ordered the vessel to be brought back,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 205\\ndeclaring that she should not be allowed to depart until fifty ounces\\nof gold Avere paid. The captain tliereupon abandoned the vessel to the\\nauthorities, for wliose benefit it was sold. $11,060 68 are claimed\\nas damages in this case. The Mexican government have promised\\nfull indemnity to the owner for all losses and damages.\\nNo. 34. The Schooner Wm. A. Turner put into Sisal in distress,\\non the 5th of May, 1834, when she and her cargo were seized.\\nThey were directed to be restored by the district judge but in con-\\nsequence of the pronunciamento of 5th July, all communication with\\nthe lower court was cut off. The vessel was still detained on the\\n9th of August, 1834.\\nNo. 35. The Brig Paragon was fired upon by the Mexican\\narmed schooner Tampico, in the summer of 1834. When this case\\nwas laid before the Mexican government by the American minister,\\nit Avas replied, that the Tampico was then in a state of mutiny, and\\nthat measures had been taken to punish the offenders.\\nNo. 36. The captain of Schooner Two Brothers lost a bundle of\\npapers, in 1834, while crossing the bar at Tampico in a boat, which\\nwas upset. Among the papers were the invoices of three boxes of\\nmerchandise, which were condemned for want of invoices. The\\ncause of the want of invoices was explained to the collector and\\njudge, and an offer was made to exhibit the original invoice of the\\ncost, and letters to prove the property but the offer was not accepted.\\nThe cost of the merchandise condemned was $1000.\\nNo. 37. The Schooner St. Croix arrived at Aransas Bay, in Texas,\\non the 25th September, 1834. The master was imprisoned by order\\nof the collector, and otherwise maltreated, for failing to pay his\\nport charges and tonnage duties as promptly as the collector sup-\\nposed he ought to have done. The vessel became unseaworthy in\\nthe mean time, and was abandoned. There does not appear to be\\nany judicial proceedings in the case.\\nNo. 38. This claim is for the illegal exaction of double ton-\\nnage duties on the Brig Weston, at Mazatlan, whither she proceeded\\nin ballast from Guagmas, her port of discharge. The amount\\nexacted was $352 75.\\n18", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "206 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 39. The Schooner Martha was seized at Brazoria, by the\\nMexican vessel of war Montezuma, in May, 1835, and condemned,\\nit is presumed, on a charge that some of the articles of her cargo\\nwere not included in the manifest. This was made the subject of a\\nstrong representation from the president of the United States, which\\nwas followed by a promise from the Mexican government to institute\\nan examination in the case.\\nNo. 40. The Schooner Harriet Elizabeth was stranded near Mata-\\ngorda, in 1835. While in this situation, she was fired upon by a\\nMexican schooner, and her captain, crew, and passengers, carried to\\nMatamoras and imprisoned. Reparation was demanded by Mr.\\nEllis, in 1836, but has never been given by the Mexican government.\\nNo. 41. The Brig Ophia arrived off Campeachy in 1835, and\\nwas condemned by the district court of that country, without\\nallowing the captain any opportunity of defending himself, for no\\nother reason tlian because he did not produce certain manifests,\\nwhich a Mexican custom-house officer advised him to leave on\\nboard. Reparation has been demanded also in this case, but\\nwithout effect.\\nNo. 42. The Brig Jane and four other vessels were detained at\\nMatamoreis, in 1836, contrary to express treaty stipulations, and\\nwhen reparation was demanded, the excuse rendered for the outrage\\nwas, that certain hostile vessels were cruising in those waters, and\\nthat the orders by which the Jane, c., were detained, were without\\nauthority from the supreme government. No reparation was, how-\\never, granted.\\nNo. 43. In 1836, the Brig Eclipse wrs seized at Tobasco, (on\\nwhat ground does not appear,) her crew insulted and maltreated, and\\nher captain imprisoned. Amount claimed for the seizure of this\\nvessel, $9157.\\nNo 44. Mr. Coleman, acting consul of the United States at\\nTobasco, was summoned before the authorities, in 1836, and pub-\\nlicly insulted and ill treated, because he refused to legalize certain\\ndocuments, the result of which would be to defraud.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 207\\nNo. 45. The ScJwoner Aurora was stranded on the coast of Mex-\\nico, in 1836.. A part of the cargo was landed by the crew, when\\nit was immediately taken possession of by an armed body of Mex-\\nicans. On the crew remonstrating against these proceedings, they\\nwere insulted, maltreated, and the mate seriously injured. There-\\nupon the crew proceeded to Tobasco and delivered the goods over\\nto our consul at tliat place, who, on taking possession thereof, found\\nthat over one half had been plundered.\\nNo. 46. While the Schooner Bethlehem was proceeding toward\\nCampeachy, she was boarded by a captain of the Mexican navy,\\nand her officers and men sent on board the Mexican flag-ship, where\\nthey were detained a part of them in chains. On the captain of\\nthe Bethlehem landing, he found that his vessel had been con-\\ndemned, and himself banished, without a hearing, five years, from\\nthe trade.\\nNo. 47. It was proposed to sell the Brig Fourth of My to the\\nMexican government but while the negotiation was going on, she\\nwas taken possession of by the Mexican authorities, and the Mex-\\nican flag hoisted. Mr. Ellis, tlien our minister in Mexico, de-\\nmanded the release of the vessel, to which demand no answer has\\nbeen returned.\\nNo. 48. Eight men, under command of Midshipman Renshaw,\\nfrom the U. S. sloop of war Natchez, landed on the mole in Vera\\nCruz, in 1836. During the absence of the commanding officer, tlie\\nmen got intoxicated, and one of them quarrelled with a fisherman.\\nThe fight soon became general, and the Mexicans were restrained\\nfrom firing on the Americans only by the interference of the cap-\\ntain of the port. Midshipman R., on account of the intoxication\\nof his men, was compelled to leave them on shore, in charge of a\\nMexican officer; and when he demanded them of the authorities, on\\nthe succeeding day, then- release was refused. Several of the sea-\\nmen were severely wounded, yet no investigation into the conduct\\nof the Mexican guard appears to have been instituted.\\nNo. 49. In 1836, William Hallett and Zalmjon Hall, citizens of\\nthe United States, were arrested in the streets of Matamoras by an\\narmed force, who struck one of them on the face, and took both to", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "208 APPENDIX.\\ntlie principal barrack. Here they were confined, while a guard was\\nplaced at the door of the house of the American consul, to prevent\\nhis interference in the matter. The house was searched for the\\nconsul himself, and much of his property was stolen.\\nNo. 50. In 1836, the Schooner Peter D. Vroom was wrecked on\\nthe coast above Vera Cruz. Boves, the person to whom the cargo\\nwas consigned, renounced his agency in the matter, and the Mex-\\nican courts appointed Manuel de Vega to dispose of the cargo in\\nhis place. The claim is that the Mexican authorities had no right\\nto interfere, since the captain of the schooner to whom the agency\\nreverted on the abandonment of Boves, had appointed the U. S.\\nconsul agent for the disposal of the goods.\\nNo. 51. The American citizens at Tampico having requested\\nthat a man-of-war might be sent for their protection, Lieutenant\\nOsborne, with a boat s crew from the revenue cutter Jefferson, pro-\\nceeded there, wlien he was arrested by the authorities, carried off\\nand examined. On his return, he learned that his crew had also\\nbeen arrested and held for a long time in confinement. Gomez, who\\ncommitted these outrages, was removed therefor by the supreme\\ngovernment, but was subsequently appointed commandant at Vera\\nCruz.\\nNo. 52. The Ship Robert Wilson was seized and condemned at\\nVera Cruz, in 1833, on the alleged ground that she had imported\\nfalse coin. In tlie suit which was instituted in the United States\\nfor the recovery of the insurance, the defence was, that the charge\\nwas true. It failed, however, because the Mexican government\\nrefused to furnish the proof, (if indeed it had any,) by which to sub-\\nstantiate the allegation. The amount paid by the insurance com-\\npany, and for which the Mexican government is responsible, because\\nit refused to furnish the proof, is $12,313 26.\\nNo. 53. The Schooner WiUiam A. Turner, of which James\\nO Flaherty was master, was seized off Sisal, in 1834, by an armed\\nMexican force. The vessel was released after Captain O Flaherty\\nhad given bonds for her value. In 1836, his vessel was again\\nseized himself confined, liberated, and after entering into bonds\\nfor $1200, his vessel released. Soon after, the vessel was again", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 209\\nseized, and the captain confined in the cabin, from whence he was\\nsent as a prisoner to Tobasco. From this place, where he had been\\nconfined in the public prison, he was conveyed, still as a prisoner,\\nto Campeachy, and cast a second time into confinement.\\nCaptain O Flaherty is entirely ig-norant of the cause of these\\nrepeated indignities, and at no time has any charge been preferred\\nagainst him.\\nHe claims, for the loss of property, $18,000.\\nNo. 54. A. de O. Santangelo, a naturalized citizen of the\\nUnited States, was the editor of a newspaper in Mexico. He also\\nkept a school for the instruction of young ladies. Some editorial\\narticle gave offence to the Mexican government, whereupon he was\\nordered to quit the country, which order he affirms is contrary to\\nthe laws of Mexico, as to the treaty existing between the United\\nStates and Mexico. He claims $100 as an indemnification for his\\nsudden banishment.\\nNo. 55. Mr. Gorastiza, recently envoy extraordinary and\\nminister plenipotentiary of the Mexican Republic to the United\\nStates, caused to be printed and distributed among the foreign min-\\nisters accredited to this government, a pamphlet defamatory of the\\ngovernment and people of the United States.\\nNo. 56. For all exactions which may have been made from\\ncitizens of the United States under laws of the Mexican Republic\\nauthorizing forced loans, ample indemnification will be demanded.\\nNo. 57. Louisiana, Champion, Julius CcEsar. These vessels\\nwere captured by the Mexican squadron in the Gulf of Mexico, in\\nthe spring of 1837, for an alleged violation of a pretended block-\\nade of the ports of Texas.\\nA List of Claims 07i Mexico which arose prior to December, 1837, but\\nxchich xcere not then brought to the Notice of the Department of State.\\nNo. 58. W. F. E. D. Hyde Co. claim full indemnification for\\nthe alleged capture and condemnation of a quantity of dry goods\\nshipped at New Orleans for Brazonia, in Texas, in the spring of\\n1835, amounting in value to about $23,000.\\n18*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "210 APPENDIX.\\nNo. 59. Thomas Tohy Brother^ of N ew Orleans, claim a resti-\\ntution of $30,000, for goods captured and condemned under the\\nsame circumstances as in No. 1.\\nNo. 60. William Trean, ofJV. Y., the AmericMn Insurance Co., of\\nA^. F., and the. widow and executrix of Siinon CucvZla, of JVew Or-\\nleans, claim indemnification for the capture and condemnation, on\\na pretence altogether frivolous, of the schooner Isaac McKim, in\\nSeptember, 1825.\\nNo. 61. TF. Lacharie Co., of JVew Orleans. The claims of\\nthis firm are for three vessels and their cargoes illegally captured\\nand condemned, and for one wantonly destroyed, in 1822, 1824, and\\n1825, respectively.\\nNo. 62. Mercantile Insurance Co., ofJV. Y. This claim origin-\\nated in a contract made in 1826, by General Cortez, as agent of\\nthe Mexican government, with the late Henry Eckford, for the\\nbuilding of a vessel of war. The claim is for about $20,000, and\\nhas never been disputed by the Mexican agents.\\nNo. 63. Henry Dolliver claims indemnification for the loss of\\nall his property, consequent upon the seizure of his vessel and\\ncargo, under the most aggravated circumstances. This illegal act\\nwas committed by Mexican authorities in 1829.\\nNo. 64. William H. Brown and others. Owners of the Steamboat\\nPlanter. This claim is for the impressment and forcible employ-\\nment of the above boat, at Tobasco, (date not given,) and for illegal\\nduties exacted from them.\\nNo. 65. Franklin Combs. This claim is for articles of which\\nhe was robbed when taken prisoner in the Texan Santa Fe expe-\\ndition.\\nNo. 66. Peter Hotz claims of tlie Mexican government, as one\\nof the shippers of the cargo of the schooner Arete Ellis, of which\\nthe said Hotz was owner and master, a proportion of the loss sus-\\ntained by him from his vessel springing a leak, thereby compelling\\nhim to throw overboard several articles, in November, 1825.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n211\\nNo. Q7. Mary Hughes, Widow of George Hughes, .Master of\\nthe Brig Jokn, of JV. Y. The brig John, lying at anchor in the\\nRiver Tobasco in 1832, was boarded and captured by an armed force,\\non a pretext altogether unfounded. Captain Hughes was knocked\\ndown, cruelly beaten with the butts of the muskets of tlie boarding\\nparty, carried off and imprisoned, and the cargo and stores of the\\nvessel plundered. Captain Hughes subsequently died from the\\nwounds received on this occasion.\\nMary Hughes claims reparation therefor.\\nNo. 68. James Cochrane, engineer of the steamer Hidalgo, was\\nimpressed into the Mexican service, together with the boat, in 1832,\\ncruelly and ignominiously treated, and compelled to do duty as\\nengineer for two months. He claims reparation for the breaking up\\nof his business, and for false imprisonment.\\nNo. 69. John Belden has two clauns against the Mexican\\ngovernment, one for $4500, on account of damages sustained by him,\\nand the other for a forced loan at San Luis Potosi.\\nClaims against Mexico for Injuries committed since December 2, 1837.\\nNo. 70. Claim of Samuel Baldwin. Mr. B., a citizen of the\\nU. S., settled in Mexico some years since, and had acquired con-\\nsiderable property. On the most frivolous pretext he was seized\\nand thrown into the public prison with the vilest criminals. While\\nthere, additional charges were fabricated against him he was\\nloaded with irons, poison was given him in his coffee, and he endured\\nthe most unparalleled sufferings from the brutal treatment of one\\nGomez, his jailer. From Acayuacan, where these barbarities were\\ncommitted, Mr. B. was sent to Vera Cruz, and cast into a wet and\\nfilthy jail in the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa. On his journey,\\nwhich was performed on a jackass, he was compelled to support the\\nheavy burden of his chains, from which resulted an incurable lame-\\nness. For these unparalleled outrages no redress has been received\\nfrom the Mexican government.\\nNo. 71. Claims of Henry B. Horton, Walter W. Adam, and Jas.\\nKelley. The claimants, seamen on board the American barque\\nRoger Williams, having been paid off and discharged at Monterey,\\nCalifornia, in 1840, were waiting for an opportunity to return home.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "212 APPENDIX.\\nwhen they, together with other Americans, were seized and con-\\nducted to prison. They obtained their release, but were a second\\ntime arrested, robbed, and cast into jail, no cause for their commit-\\nment ever having been assigned.\\nNo. 72. Claim of William Lord Etheridge Thompson. Thomp\\nson, an American seaman, was wrecked near San Bias, in 1838.\\nIn 1840, he was twice aiTested and thrown into prison no cause\\nwhatever being assigned for his detention in either case. After\\nsuffering the most cruel treatment, he was released but found, on\\nhis return to the farai where he had labored since his shipwreck in\\n1838, that all }iis property had been taken from him. No redress has\\never been granted by the Mexican government.\\nNo. 73. Claim of Stephen Smith. Mr. Smith arrived at San\\nBias in May, 1845, from N. Y., on his way to Bondega in Upper\\nCalifornia, where he had several lucrative establishments among\\nwhich were a store containing $52,000 worth of goods, a flour mill\\ncalculated to grind thirty barrels of flour per day, and a distillery\\nyielding two hundred gallons per day.\\nAt San Bias, he was arrested and imprisoned on a frivolous pre-\\ntence, in consequence of which, the operations of his establishments\\nwere suspended.\\nNo. 74. Claims of Isaac Graham, William Church, Joseph L.\\nMajors, Charles Brown, and otlvers. These Americans, with six\\nothers, were seized in California, where they were engaged in\\nbusiness, in April, 1840, by the Mexican authorities, witliout any\\njust cause or provocation, and thrown into prison. From their\\nmemorial to the department of state, it appears that they received\\nthe most barbarous treatment. After being conveyed from one\\nplace to another in the lower hold of vessels and in chains, six\\nbeing confined to one bar of iron, they were finally set at liberty\\nin the city of Tepee, without any reason being assigned by the\\nMexican government for its outrageous proceeding against them. It\\nalso appears that at the time of his arrest, the house of Mr. Graham\\nwas surrounded, fired into, and $30,000 in specie plundered tlierefrom.\\nNo. 75. Claims of A. C. Bredall, of jYew Orleans.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Isi. The\\nSchooner Lodi, with a valuable cargo of lawful goods, both belonging", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 213\\nto Mr. Bredall, sailed from New Orleans in May, 1838, bound for\\nMatamoras in Mexico. On her arrival there, without any allegation\\nof offence committed or contemplated, she was seized, her cargo\\nlanded, exposed, and pillaged. After a long detention, tlie cargo\\nand vessel were restored but the latter was so much injured by\\nworms, and her sails, rigging, and stores so much damaged, that she\\nwas obliged to be run on shore on her passage back to New Orleans,\\nin order to save the lives of the passengers and crew, A total loss\\nof the vessel and cargo was the consequence.\\n2d. In 1843, Mr. Bredall arrived at Vera Cruz, with passports\\ngranted him by the Mexican consul at New Orleans. He presented\\nthem to the proper authorities, but was arrested and imprisoned on\\nthe charge of a design upon the life of General Santa Anna. During\\nhis detention, he suffered the most wanton, cruel, and humiliating\\nindignities and privations and upon his release, he reached New\\nOrleans in a helpless and shattered condition his constitution\\nbroken, his hearing destroyed, and sinking under a hopeless con-\\nsumption. It is proper to remark that the British minister demanded and\\nobtained liberal damages on behalf of three British subjects who ivere\\nimprisoned with Mr. Bredall.\\nNo. 76. Claim of J. Barber and William Brevan. The schooner\\nVigilant, owned by Barber Brevan, the former also master, was\\ncaptured by a Mexican man-of-war, about twenty eight-miles north-\\nward of Campeachy, in 1843, her papers taken from her, the\\ncaptain and crew held in confinement, and the wife of Captain B.\\nsubjected to such shameful treatment that he deemed it unsafe for\\nher to remain on board. Although the captain and crew were\\nsubsequently released, yet the schooner and cargo were kept by the\\ncaptors.\\nThe pretext alleged for this outrage was one altogether\\nunfounded.\\nNo. 77. Claim of C. Sr H. Childs, of Conn.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The schooner\\nCornelian, of which the Childs were owners, was seized at Mata-\\nmoras in March, 1843, after her cargo had been landed by regular\\npermit from the proper officers, and condemned, and the captain\\nfined $100. The reason assigned for this illegal seizure was,\\nthat two bales of cotton were found on the beach at Matamoras,\\nL.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "214 APPENDIX.\\nwhich the custom-house officers supposed came from the Cornelian.\\nThe cargo of the C. was composed of lumber no cotton was on board.\\nNo. 78. Claim of A. J. Atocha. Mr. Atocha, a naturalized\\ncitizen of the United States, resided for several years in Mexico,\\nwhere he had established extensive commercial relations, and\\nacquired considerable property. His claim is for large sums loaned\\nthe Mexican government, and reparation for being expelled from\\nthat country without just cause, during the revolution which resulted\\nin the establishment of the government of Paredes, by which expul-\\nsion his business was entirely destroyed.\\nNo. 79. Claim of Mrs. Anne Kelley. William H. Lee, son of\\nthe claimant, and an American citizen, carried on business in Mata-\\nmoras. Without any allegation of offence, he was suddenly expelled\\nfrom the country, in 1843, which, in addition to the breaking up of\\nhis establishment, caused a forced sale of his property, which\\nresulted in a very heavy loss. Mr. Lee has since died, and Mrs.\\nKelley claims reparation as his heir.\\nNo. 80. Claim of Br. Charles W. Davis. This claim is for\\n$10,600, being the amount of a judgment rendered against George\\nD. Penny, an English merchant trading in Mexico, for tlie violation\\nof certain contracts made with Davis. Although the justice of\\nDavis s claim had twice been acknowledged by inferior courts. Penny\\nappealed to a higher tribunal, Avhich refused to act because the sal-\\naries of the judges had not been paid by the Mexican government.\\nDavis claims, tlierefore, that Mexico is responsible for the above\\nsum.\\nNo. 81. Claim of Captain Jonas P. Levy. 1st. In 1843, the\\nstore of the claimant, with all its contents, was forcibly taken posses-\\nsion of with the connivance of the public authorities, and never\\nreturned. Amount of property lost, $6846 09. Reparation has\\nbeen refused from the commission of the outrage to the present\\ntime.\\n2d. This claim is for illegal duties extorted from Captain Levy\\nby the collector of the port of Laguna, in 1843, under false pre-\\ntences, amounting to $513 89.\\n3d. The third claim is for goods belonging to the claimant and", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 215\\nhis brother, thrown overboard by the captain of the steamboat Petri-\\nta, amounting to $7483 25, for which relief has been denied by tlie\\nMexican government.\\n4th. Captain Levy also claims reparation for being imprisoned\\nafter the commencement of hostilities between the United States\\nand Mexico, in direct violation of tJie treaty providing for the occur-\\nrence of such an event, and for being compelled to leave Mexico\\nwithout time to arrange his business, also in violation of treaty stip-\\nulations.\\nNo. 82. Claim of L. S. Hargous 4- Co. The claims of this\\nfirm against Mexico are for loans, advances, supplies furnished,\\nand amounts due on contracts, :.c., amounting, with interest due\\nthereon, to $1,095,498. They also claim damages for being\\nexpelled from Vera Cruz, by which their mercantile transactions\\nwere seriously injured.\\nNo. 83. Claims of John Parrott, late U. S. Consul at Mazatlan.\\nThe claimant was forced, in 1845, by the Mexican authorities, to\\ngive bonds for the repayment of the duties on the cargo of a vessel\\nbelonging to his house, although he had in his possession (and\\nshowed them to the proper officers) passports certifying that the\\nduties had already been paid. These bonds are still in tlie posses-\\nsion of the Mexican government, to be enforced against the sureties\\nof the clauuant.\\nNo. 84. M Claim of John Parrott Co. The house of Par-\\nrott Co. having refiised to comply with a decree which had been\\nannulled since 1837, a military force was despatched on the 18th\\nApril, 1845, by Canedo, the collector of the port of Mazatlan, which\\nentered and took possession of their house, and placed property to\\nthe amount of $44,000, and the archives of the consulate of the\\nUnited States, under embargo. In this state they still remain.\\nIn the mean time, an English vessel, with a cargo valued in\\nEngland at \u00c2\u00a335,000, consigned to the house of Parrott Co.,\\narrived off the port of Mazatlan but deeming it unsafe, at that par-\\nticular time, to land the goods, she was ordered to sea. On her pas-\\nsage to Monterey, she was cast away and lost, by which P. Co\\nlost the commission they would have obtained on selling the cargo.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "216\\nAPPENDIX.\\nNo. 85. Claim of F. M. Dimond, late Consul of the United States\\nat Vera Cruz. Mr. Dimond claims damages for being expelled\\nfrom Vera Cruz, in contravention of the treaty existing between the\\nUnited States and Mexico, by which his extensive business was\\nentirely broken up.\\nNo. 86. Claim of Elisha H. Sauhiier. Claim similar to No. 36.\\nNo. 87. Claim of Franklin and Jinn Chase. This claim is for\\ndamages sustained in consequence of their summary expulsion from\\nTampico, in violation of the treaty.\\nList of Claims on Mexico which have arisen since 30th December, 1837,\\n7iot included in the foregoing.\\nNo. 88. J. Roheiis S, Co., of Mw Orleans. This claim is for\\n$9000 advanced to Mr. Martinez, the Mexican minister in this\\ncountry, on the faith of drafts on his government which were not\\npaid.\\nNo. 89. Pairott, Talbot, Co. Claim $2958 for a balance due\\non Mexican treasury warrants, payment of which was suspended\\nby order of the government.\\nNo. 90. Isaac D. Marks Claims damages for a breach of con-\\ntract made by him with General Arista, for the importation of\\n$20,000 worth of prohibited goods at Matamoras. PoAvers for the\\npurpose were vested in the general by his government, but were\\nsubsequently revoked.\\nNo. 91. T. Laguerenne fy Co., of Mw Orleans Cloim\\nindemnification for the seizure and condemnation of the brig George\\nWashington, at Vera Cruz, in 1841.\\nNo. 92. M. Castanos Consul of the United States at San\\nBias, advanced $1150, for the transportation back to California, of\\ncertain citizens of the United States, who had been forcibly taken\\nfrom that country, by ISIexican authorities, in 1840.\\nNo. 93. Bensley Claims damages for being deprived by\\nthe governor of San Luis Potosi, of his apprentice boy.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 217\\nNo. 94. G. W. Stavorens Claims reparation for the confisca-\\ntion of two thousand one hundred and twenty-five pounds of chew-\\ning tobacco, at Vera Cruz, in 1840.\\nNo. 95. C F.Driscoll Cl-dkns $887 for alleged illegal dis-\\ncriminating tonnage and pilotage duties, and for a fine exacted on\\ntlie brig A. E., at Tampico in 1839.\\nIn a letter written by Mr. Forsyth, secretary of state, to the\\nMexican minister of foreign affairs, under date of May 27, 1837,\\ndemanding redress for these outrages, he says,\\nThese wrongs are of a character which cannot be tolerated by\\nany government indued with a just self-respect, with a proper regard\\nfor the opinions of other nations, or with an enlightened concern for\\nthe peniianent welfare of those portions of its people who may be\\ninterested in foreign, commerce. Treasure belonging to citizens of\\nthe United States has been seized by Mexican officers, in its transit\\nfrom the capital to the coast. Vessels of the United States have\\nbeen captured, detained, and condemned, upon the most frivolous\\npretexts. Duties have been exacted from others, notoriously against\\nlaw, or without law. Others have been employed, and in some\\ninstances ruined, in the Mexican service, without compensation to\\nthe owners. Citizens of the United States have been imprisoned for\\nlong periods of time, without being informed of the offences with which\\nthey were charged. Others have been murdered and robbed\\nBY Mexican officers, on the high seas, without any\\nattempt to bring the guilty to justice.\\nYet, in consequence of the forbearance of our government, the\\nMexican authorities and people continued their outrages upon us,\\ndown even to the very last year, 1845, and extending through a\\nperiod of nearly twenty years.\\n19", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "218 APPENDIX.\\nG.\\nTREATY BET\\\\^rEEN TEXAS AND SANTA ANNA.\\nArticles of Agreement and solemn Compact, made and adoptedby David G.\\nBurnet^ President of the Eepitblic of Texas, and the midersigned Mem-\\nbers of the Cabinet thereof, on the one part, and Don Antonio Lopez\\nde Santa Anna, President of the Republic of Mexico, a?id Don Viticenie\\nFilisola, General of Divisi07is, Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ramires y\\nSesma, and Don Antonio Gaona, Generals of Brigades, of the Armies\\nof Mexico.\\nWhereas, the President Santa Anna, with divers officers of his\\nlate army, is a prisoner of war in charge of the army of Texas, and\\nis desirous of terminating the contest now existing between the\\ngovernment of Texas, and that of Mexico in Avhich desire, the\\ngenerals above named do fully concur and\\nWhereas, the president of the Republic of Texas, and the cab-\\ninet, are also willing to stay the further effusion of blood, and to sec\\nthe two neighboring Republics placed in relations of friendship on\\nterms of reciprocal advantage\\nTherefore, it is agreed by the President Santa Anna, and the\\nGenerals Don Vincente Filisola, Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ra-\\nmires y Sesma, and Don Antonio Gaona,\\n1st. That the aiinies of Mexico shall, with all practicable expe-\\ndition, evacuate the territory of Texas, and retire to Monterey,\\nbeyond the Rio Grande.\\n2d. That the armies, in their retreat, shall abstain from all pil-\\nlage and devastation, and shall not molest any of the citizens of\\nTexas, and shall not carry with them any cattle, or other stock,\\nmore than may be absolutely necessary for their subsistence, for\\nv/hich a just price shall be paid. That all private property that may\\nhave been captured by either detachment of the army, shall be de-\\nposited at the first convenient point of their march, and left under a\\nsufficient guard, until the proper authorities of Texas shall have\\npossession thereof.\\n3d. That the army of Texas are to march westwardly, and to\\noccupy such posts as the commanding general may think proper, on\\nthe east side of the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo del Norte.\\n4th. That the President Santa Anna, in his official character\\nas chief of the Mexican nation, and the Generals Don Vincente", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 219\\nFilisola, Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ramires y Sesma, and Don\\nAntonio Gaona, as chiefs of armies, do solemnly acknowledge,\\nsanction, and ratify, the full, entire, and perfect independence of the\\nRepublic of Texas, with such boundaries as are hereafter set forth\\nand agreed upon for the same. And they do solemnly and respect-\\nfully pledge themselves, witli all their personal and official attri-\\nbutes, to procure without delay, the final and complete ratification\\nand confinnation of this agreement, and all the parts tliereof, by the\\nproper and legitimate government of Mexico, by the incorporation\\nof the same into a solemn and perpetual treaty of amity and com-\\nmerce, to be negotiated with that government, at the city of Mex-\\nico, by ministers plenipotentiary, to be deputed by the government\\nof Texas for this high purpose.\\n5th. That the following be, and the same are hereby estab-\\nlished and made the lines of demarkation between the two Repub-\\nlics of Mexico and Texas, to wit The line shall commence at the\\nestuary or moutli of the Rio Grande, on the Avestern bank thereof,\\nand shall pursue the same bank up the said river, to the point where\\ntlie river assumes the name of the Rio Bravo del Norte, from whicli\\npoint it shall proceed on the said western bank to the head waters,\\nor source of said river, it being understood that tlie terms Rio\\nGrande and Rio Bravo del Norte, apply to and designate one and\\ntlie same stream. From the source of said river, the principal head\\nbranch being taken to ascertain that source, a due north line shall\\nbe run until it sliall intersect tlie boundary line established and\\ndescribed in the treaty negotiated by and betAveen the government\\nof Spain and the government of the United States of tlie north\\nwhich line was subsequently transferred to and adopted in the ti eaty\\nof limits made between tlie government of Mexico and that of the\\nUnited States and, from this point of intersection, the line shall be\\nthe same as was made and established in and by the several treaties\\nabove mentioned, to continue to tlie mouth or outlet of the Sabine\\nriver, and from thence to the gulf of Mexico.\\n6th. That all prisoners taken by the forces of Mexico be forth-\\nwith released, and be furnished with free passports to return to their\\nhomes their clothing and small arms to be restored to them.\\n7th. That all the fortresses of Texas be forthwith restored\\nwithout dilapidation, and with all the artillery and munitions of war\\nbelonging to them respectively.\\n8th. The president and cabinet of the Republic of Texas,", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "220 APT F.NDIX.\\nexercising the high powers confided to them by the people of Texas,\\ndo, for and in consideration of tlie foregoing stipulation, solemnly\\nengage to refrain from taking the life of the President Santa Anna,\\nand of the several officers of his late army, v/hom the events of war\\nhave made prisoners in their hands, and to liberate tlie President\\nSanta Anna, with his private secretary, and cause him to be con-\\nveyed in one of the national vessels of Texas to Vera Cruz, in\\norder that he may more promptly and effectually obtain the ratifi-\\ncation of this compact, and the negotiations of the definitive treaty\\nherein contemplated by the government of Mexico with tlie gov-\\nernment of Texas.\\n9th. The release of the President Santa Anna, shall be made\\nmimediately on receiving the signatures of the Generals Don Vin-\\ncente Filisola, Don Jose Urea, Don Joachin Ramires y Sesma, and\\nDon Antonio Gaona, to this agreement, and his conveyance to Vera\\nCruz as soon afterwards as may be convenient.\\n10th. The President Santa Anna, and the Generals Don Vin-\\ncente Filisola, Don Jose Urea, Don Joacliin Ramires y Sesma, and\\nDon Antonio Gaona, do, by this act of subscribing this instrument,\\nseverally and solemnly pledge themselves on their inviolable parole\\nof honor, that in the event the Mexican government shall refuse or\\nomit to execute, ratify, confirm, and perfect this agreement, they\\nwill not, on any occasion whatever, take up arms against the people\\nof Texas, or any portion of them, but will consider tliemselves\\nbound, by every sacred obligation, to abstain from all hostility to-\\nwards Texas or its citizens.\\n11th. That the otlier Mexican officers, prisoners with tlie gov-\\nernment of Texas, shall remain in custody, as hostages, for the\\nfaithful performance of this agreement, and shall be treated wi tli\\nhumanity, and the respect due their rank and condition, until the\\nfinal disposition of the Mexican government be ascertained, and a\\ntreaty, to be predicated upon the above stipulations, shall be made\\nor rejected by that govermnent. In the event of a refusal to enter\\ninto and ratify such a treaty, on the part of the JMexican govern-\\nment, the government of Texas reserves to itself the right to dis-\\npose of them as they may think proper and equitable, relative to\\nthe conduct of the Mexican forces towards the volunteers and sol-\\ndiers of Texas, who have heretofore fallen into their hands.\\n12th. The high contracting parties mutually agree to refer the\\ntreaty intended to be executed and solemnized by the two govern-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 221\\nments of Texas and of Mexico, on the basis established in this\\ncompact, to the government of tlie United States of the north, and\\nto solicit the guaranty of that government for the fulfilment, by\\nthe contracting parties respectively, of their several engagements\\nthe said parties pledging themselves, in case of any disagreement or\\ndefalcation, to submit all matters in controversy to the final decision\\nand adjustment of that govermnent. For tPiis purpose the con-\\ntracting parties shall, as soon as practicable after the ratification of\\nsaid treaty, depute one or more commissioners to the court of\\nWashington, invested with plenary powers to perfect the object of\\nthis stipulation.\\n13th. Any act of hostility on the part of the retreating Mexi-\\ncan troops, or any depredation upon public or private property com-\\nmitted by those troops, or any impediment presented to the occupa-\\ntion of any part of the territory of Texas, by the forces thereof, on\\nthe part of the Mexican troops, shall be considered a violation of\\nthis asTeement.\\nH.\\nTEXAS ONCE A PART OF THE UNION.\\nIn his letter of 1844, Mr. Walker says:\\nTexas, as Mr. Jeflferson declared, was as clearly embraced in\\nthe purchase by us of Louisiana, as New Orleans itself; and that it\\nwas a part of that region, is demonstrated by the discovery, by the\\ngreat Lasalle, of the source and mouth of the Mississippi, and his\\noccupancy for France west of the Colorado. Our right to Texas as\\na part of Louisiana, was asserted and demonstrated by Presidents\\nJefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jolm Quincy Adams. No one of\\nour presidents has ever doubted our title and Mr. Clay has ever\\nmaintained it as clear and unquestionable. Louisiana Avas acquired\\nby a treaty with France, in 1803, by Mr. Jefferson and in the let-\\nter of Mr. Madison, the secretary of state, dated March 31, 1804,\\nlie says, expressing his own views and those of Mr. Jefferson, that\\nLouisiana extended westwardly to the Rio Bravo, otherwise called\\nRio del Norte. Orders were accordingly obtained from the Spanish\\nauthorities for the delivery o^ all the posts on the west side of the\\nMississippi. And in his letter of the 31st January, 1804, Mr. Mad-\\n19*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "222 APPENDIX.\\nison declares that Mr. Laussat, the French commissioner who deliv-\\nered the possession of Louisiana to us, announced the Del Norte as\\nits true boundary. Here, then, in the delivery of the possession of\\nLouisiana by Spain to France, and France to us, Texas is included.\\nIn the letter of Mr. Madison of the 8th July, 1804, he declares the\\nopposition of Mr. Jefferson to the relinquishment of any territory\\nwhatever, eastward of the Rio Bravo. In the letter of James Mon-\\nroe, of the 8th November, 1803, he encloses documents, which he\\nsays, prove incontestahly, that the boundary of Louisiana is the Rio\\nBravo to the west, and Mr. Pinckney unites with him in a similar\\ndeclaration. In a subsequent letter not to a foreign government,\\nbut to Mr. Madison of the 20th April, 1805, they assert our title\\nas unquestionable. In Mr. Monroe s letters, as secretary of state,\\ndated January 19, 1816, and June 10, 1816, he says none could ques-\\ntion our title to Texas; and he expresses his concurrence in\\nopinion with Jefferson and Madison, that our title to the Del\\nNorte was as clear as to the island of New Orleans. In his letter,\\nas secretary of state, to Don Onis, of the 12th March, 1818, John\\nQuincy Adams says, the claim of France always did extend west-\\nward to the Rio Bravo she always claimed the territory which\\nyou call Texas, as being within the limits, and forming a part, of\\nLouisiana. After demonstrating our title to Texas in this letter,\\nMr. Adams says, Well might Messrs. Pinckney and Monroe write\\nto M. Cevallos, in 1805, that the claim of the United States to the\\nboundary of the Rio Bravo, %vas as clear as their right to the island\\nof New Orleans. Again, in his letter of the 31st October, 1818,\\nMr. Adams says our title to Texas is established beyond the power\\nof further controversy.\\nHere, then, by the discovery and occupation of Texas, as a part\\nof Louisiana, by Lasalle, for France, in 1685 by the delivery of\\npossession to us, in 1803, by Spain and France by the action of our\\ngovernment from the date of the treaty of acquisition to the date of\\nthe treaty of surrender, (avowedly so, on its face by the opinion\\nof all our presidents and ministers connected in any Avay with the\\nacquisition, our title to Texas was undoubted. It was surrendered\\nto Spain by the treaty of 1819 but Mr. Clay maintained, in his\\nspeech of the 3d April, 1820, that territory could not be alienated\\nmerely by a treaty; and consequently, that, notv/ithstanding the\\ntreaty, Texas was still our oion. In the cession of a portion of Maine,\\nit was asserted, in legislative resolutions by Massachusetts and", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 223\\nMaine, and conceded by this government, that no portion of Maine\\ncould be ceded by treaty without the consent of Maine. Did Texas\\nassent to this treaty, or can we cede part of a Territory, but not of a\\nState These are grave questions they raise the point whether\\nTexas is not now a part of our territory, and whether her people\\nmay not noAv rightfully claim the protection of our government and\\nlaws. Recollect this was not a question of settlement under the\\npowers of this government of a disputed boundary. The treaty\\ndeclares, as respects Texas, that we cede to his Catholic majesty.\\nCommenting on tliis, in his speech before referred to, Mr. Clay says\\nit was not a question of the power in case of dispute of fixing a\\nboundary previously existing. It was, on the contrary, the case of an\\navowed cession of territory from the United States to Spain.\\nAlthough, then, the government may be competent to fix a disputed\\nboundary, by ascertaining as near as practicable where it is altliough\\nalso, a State, with the consent of this government, as in the case of\\nMaine, may cede a portion of her territory yet, it by no means fol-\\nlows that this government, by treaty, could cede a Territory of the\\nUnion. Could we by treaty cede Florida to Spain, especially with-\\nout consulting the people of Florida and if not, the treaty by which\\nTexas was surrendered, was, as Mr. Clay contended, inoperative,\\nBy the treaty of 1803, by which, we have seen, Texas was\\nacquired by us from France, we pledged our faith to France, and to\\nthe people of Texas, never to surrender that territory. The third\\narticle of that treaty declares, the inhabitants of the ceded territo-\\nry shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admit-\\nted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal\\nconstitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and\\nimmunities, of citizens of ilie United Slates and in tlie mean time\\nthey shall be protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, prop-\\nerty, and the religion which they profess. Such was our pledge to\\nFrance and to the people of Texas by the treaty of purchase and if\\nour subsequent treaty of cession to Spain was not unconstitutional\\nand invalid, it was a gross infraction of a previous treaty, and of one\\nof the fundamental conditions under which Texas was acquired.\\nHere, then, are many grave questions of constitutional power.\\nCould the solemn gviaranty to France, and to the people of Texas,\\nbe rescinded by a treaty vrith Spain Can this government, by its\\nown mere power, surrender any portion of its territory Can it cut\\noff a territory without the consent of its people, and surrender them", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "224 AFi CxNDiA.\\nand the territory to a foreign power Can it expatriate and expel\\nfrom the Union its own citizens, who occupy that territory, and\\nchange an American citizen into a citizen of Spain or Mexico\\nThese are momentous questions, which it is not necessary now to\\ndetermine, and in regard to which I advance at this time, no opinion.\\nCertain, however, it is, that with tlie consent of the people of Texas,\\nCongress can carry out the solemn pledges of the treaty of 1803,\\nand admit one or more States from Texas into the Union.\\nEFFORTS OF ADAMS AND CLAY, AND OF JACKSON AND VAN\\nBUREN, TO REANNEX TEXAS TO THE UNION, IN 1825, 1827,\\n1829, 1833, AND 1835.\\nThe question as to Texas, is, in any aspect, a question of the\\nreestablishment of our ancient boundaries, and the repossession\\nof a territory most reluctantly surrendered. The surrender of terri-\\ntory, even if constitutional, is almost universally inexpedient and\\nunwise, and, in any event, when circumstances may seem to demand\\nsuch a surrender, the territory thus abandoned, should always be\\nreacquired, whenever it may be done with justice and propriety.\\nIndependent of these views, we have the recorded opinion of John\\nQuincy Adams as president, and Henry Clay as secretary of state,\\nand also of Gen. Andrew Jackson as president, and Martin Van\\nBuren as secretary of state, that Texas ought to be reannexed to\\nthe Union. On the 26th of March, 1825, Mr. Clay, in conformity\\nwith his own views, and the express directions of Mr. Adams, as pres-\\nident, directed a letter to Mr. Poinsett, our minister at Mexico,\\ninstructing him to endeavor to procure from Mexico a transfer to us\\nof Texas to the Del Norte. In this letter, Mr. Clay says, the\\npresident wishes you to effect that object Mr. Clay adds, the\\nline of the Sabine approaches our great western mart nearer than\\ncould be wished. Perhaps the Mexican government may not be\\nunwilling to establish that of the Rio Brasses de Dies, or the Rio\\nColorado, or the Snow mountains, or the Rio del Norte, in lieu of it.\\nMr. Clay urges, also, tlie importance of having entirely within our\\nlimits, the Red river and Arkansas, and their respective tributary\\nstreams.\\nOn the 15th of March, 1827, Mr. Clay again renewed the effort\\nto procure the cession of Texas. In his letter of instruction of\\nthat date, to our minister at Mexico, he says, the president has", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 225\\ntliought tlie present might be an auspicious period for urging a nego-\\ntiation at Mejiico, to settle the boundary of the two Republics.\\nIf vre could obtain such a boundary as Ave desire, the government\\nof the United States might be disposed to pay a reasonable pecuni-\\nary compensation. The boundary we prefer is that, which begin-\\nning at the mouth of the Rio del Norte in the sea, shall ascend that\\nriver to the mouth of tlie Rio Puerco, thence ascending this river to\\nits source, and from its source by a line due north to strike the\\nArkansas, thence, following the southern bank of the Arkansas to\\nits source, in latitude 42\u00c2\u00b0 north and tlience by that parallel of lati-\\ntude to the South sea. And he adds, the treaty may provide for\\nthe incorporation of the inhabitants into the Union.\\nMr. Van Buren, in his letter, as secretary of state, to our min-\\nister at Mexico, dated August 25, 1829, says, It is the wish of the\\npresident that you should, without delay, open a negotiation with\\nthe Mexican government, for the purchase of so much of the prov-\\nince of Texas, as is hereinafter described. He is induced by a\\ndeep conviction of the real necessity of tlie proposed acquisition, not\\nonly as a guard for our western frontier, and the protection of JVew\\nOrleans^ but also to secure forever to the inhabitants of the valley\\nof the Mississippi, the undisputed and undisturbed possession of the\\nnavigation of that river. The territory, of which a cession is\\ndesired by the United States, is all that part of the province of\\nTexas which lies east of aline beginning at the Gulf of Mexico, in\\nthe centre of the desert, or grand prairie, which lies west of the Rio\\nNueces. And Mr. Van Buren adds, the treaty may provide for\\nthe incorporation of the inhabitants into the Union. And he then\\nenters into a long and powerful argument of his own, in favor of the\\nreacquisition of Texas.\\nOn the 20th of March, 1833, Gen. Jackson, through Mr. Liv-\\ningston, as secretary of state, renew.-^ to our minister at Mexico, the\\nformer instructions on the subject of the proposed cession. On\\nthe 2d of July, 1835, General Jackson, through Mr. Forsyth, as sec-\\nretary of state, renews the instructions to obtain the cession of Texas,\\nand expresses an anxious desire to secure the very desirable alter-\\nation in our boundary with Mexico. On the 6th of August, 1835,\\nGeneral Jackson, through Mr. Forsyth, as secretary of state, directs\\nour minister at Mexico to endeavor to procure for us, from that gov-\\nernment, the following boundary, beginning at the Gulf of Mex-\\nico, proceeding along the eastern bank of the river Rio Bravo del", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "226 APrENDix.\\nNorte, to tlie 37th parallel of latitude, and thence along that parallel\\nto the Pacific This noble and glorious proposition of General\\nJackson would have secured to us not only the whole of Texas, but\\nalso the largest and most valuable portion of upper California, to-\\ngether with the bay and harbor of San Francisco, the best on tlie\\nwestern coast of America, and equal to any in tlie world. If, then,\\nit was deemed, as it is clearly proved, most desirable to obtain the\\nreannexation of Texas, down to a period as late as August, 1835,\\nis it less important at this period\\nI.\\nTAVENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION,\\nBegun and held at the City of Washington^ in the District of Colum-\\nbia, on Monday, the second day of December, eighteen htmdred and\\nforty-four.\\nJOINT RESOLUTION FOR ANNEXING TEXAS TO THE UNITED STATES.\\nResolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United\\nStates of America in Congress assembled, That Congress doth con-\\nsent that the territory properly included within, and rightfiilly be-\\nlonging to, the republic of Texas, may be erected into a new State,\\nto be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of govern-\\nment, to be adopted by the people of said republic, by deputies in\\nconvention assembled, with the consent of the existing government,\\nin order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this\\nUnion.\\n2. And be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent of\\nCongress is given upon the following conditions, and with the fol-\\nlowing guaranties, to wit: First. Said State to be formed, subject\\nto the adjustment by this government of all questions of boundary\\nthat may arise with other governments and the constitution there-\\nof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of said\\nrepublic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the president of tlie\\nUnited States, to be laid before Congress for its final action on or\\nbefore the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and\\nforty-six. Second. Said State, when admitted into the Union, after", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 227\\nceding to the United States all public edifices, fortifications, bar-\\nracks, ports, and harbors, navy and navy-yards, docks, magazines,\\narms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to\\nthe public defence belonging to said republic of Texas, shall re-\\ntain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind,\\nwhich may belong to or be due and owing said republic and shall\\nalso retain all the vacant and unappropriated lands lying witliin its\\nlimits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities of\\nsaid republic of Texas, and the residue of said lands, after dis-\\ncharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State\\nmay du-ect but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become\\na charge upon tlie government of the United States. Third. New\\nStates, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in addi-\\ntion to said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may\\nhereafter, by the consent of said State, be formed out of the terri-\\ntory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provis-\\nions of the federal constitution. And such States as may be formed\\nout of that portion of said territory lying south of thirty-six degrees\\nthirty minutes north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri\\ncompromise line, shall be admitted into the Union, with or without\\nslavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire.\\nAnd in such State or States as shall be formed out of said territory,\\nnorth of said Missouri compromise line, slavery or involuntary ser-\\nvitude, (except for crime,) shall be prohibited.\\n3. And he it further resolved^ That if the president of the\\nUnited States shall, in his judgment and discretion, deem it most\\nadvisable, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolution\\nto the republic of Texas, as an overture on the part of the United\\nStates for admission, to negotiate with that republic then. Be it\\nresolved., That a State, to be formed out of the present republic of\\nTexas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two repre-\\nsentatives in Congress, until the next apportionment of representa-\\ntion, shall be admitted into the Union, by virtue of this act, on an\\nequal footing with the existing States, as soon as the terms and\\nconditions of such admission, and the cession of the remaining\\nTexan territory to the United States, shall be agreed upon by the\\ngovernments of Texas and the United States and that the sum of\\none hundred thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropri-\\nated to defray the expenses of missions and negotiations, to agree\\nupon the terms of said admission and cession, either by treaty to be", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "228 APPENDIX.\\nsubmitted to the senate, or by articles to be submitted to the two\\nbouses of Congress, as the president may direct.\\nJ. W. JONES,\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives,\\nWILLIE P. MANGUM,\\nPresident pro tempore of the Senate.\\nApproved, March 1, 1845. JOHN TYLER.\\nJOINT RESOLIJTION,\\nGiving the Consent of the existing Government to the Annexation of\\nTexas to the United States.\\nWhereas, the government of the United States liath proposed\\nthe following terms, guaranties, and conditions on Avhich the people\\nand territory of the republic of Texas may be erected into a new\\nState, to be called the State of Texas, and admitted as one of the\\nStates of the American Union, to wit\\n[Here follow the two jfirst sections of the joint resolution of the\\nCongress of the United States.]\\nAnd whereas, by said terms, the consent of the existing gov-\\nernment of Texas is required therefore,\\nBe it resolved hy the Senate and House of Repi esentatives of the\\nRepublic of Texas in Congress assembled, That the government of\\nTexas doth consent that the people and territory of the republic of\\nTexas may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of\\nTexas, with a republican form of govermnent, to be adopted by the\\npeople of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, in\\norder that the same may be admitted as one of the States of the\\nAmerican Union and said consent is given on the terms, guaran-\\nties, and conditions set forth in the preamble to this joint resolution.\\nSect. 2. Be it further resolved, That the proclamation of the\\npresident of the republic of Texas, bearing date May fifth, eighteen\\nhundred and forty-five, and the election of deputies to sit in con-\\nvention at Austin on the fourth day of July next, for the adoption\\nof a constitution for the State of Texas, had in accordance there-\\nwitli, hereby receives the consent of the existing government of\\nTexas.\\nSect. 3. Be it further resolved, That the president of Texas\\nis hereby requested immediately to furnish the government of the\\nUnited States, through their accredited minister near tliis govern-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 221)\\nment, with a copy of this joint resolution also to furnish the con-\\nvention to assemble at Austin on the 4th of July next a copy of the\\nsame and the same shall take effect from and after its passage.\\nJOHN M. LEWIS,\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives.\\nK. L. ANDERSON,\\nPresident of the Senate.\\nApproved, June 23, 1845.\\nANSON JONES.\\nDepaktment of State, June 23, 1845.\\nThe undersigned, secretary of state of the republic of Texas,\\nhereby certifies that the foregoing is a copy of the original joint\\nresolutions on file in tlie archives of this office.\\nT testimony whereof, the official seal of the department\\nJ is hereunto affixed.\\nEBEN H ALLEN.\\nAN ORDINANCE.\\nWhereas, the Congress of the United States of America has\\npassed resolutions providing for the annexation of Texas to tliat\\nUnion, which resolutions were approved by J;he president of the\\nUnited States on the first day of March, one thousand eight hundred\\nand forty-five and whereas the president of the United States has\\nsubmitted to Texas the first and second sections of the said resolu-\\ntion, as the basis upon which Texas may be admitted as one of the\\nStates of the said Union and whereas the existing government of\\nthe republic of Texas has assented to the proposals thus made, the\\nterms and conditions of which are as follows\\n[The tAvo first sections of the joint resolution of the Congress of\\nthe United States are here quoted.]\\nNow, in order to manifest the assent of the people of this\\nrepublic, as required in the above recited portions of the said reso-\\nlutions, we, the deputies of the people of Texas, in convention\\nassembled, in their name and by their authority, do ordain and\\ndeclare, that we assent to and accept the proposals, conditions, and\\nguaranties contained in the first and second sections of the resolu-\\ntion of the Congress of the United States aforesaid.\\nTHOMAS J. RUSK, President.\\nPhil. M. Curry, H. G. Runnels, Robert M. Forbes, Sam. Lusk,\\nJno. Caldwell, Jose Antonio Navarra, Geo. M. Brown, Gustavus A.\\n20", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "230 APPENDIX.\\nEverts, Lemuel Dale Evans, J. B. Miller, R. E. B. Baylor, J. S.\\nMayfield, R. Bache, James Love, Wm. L. Hunter, John D. Ander-\\nson, Isaac Parker, P. O. Lumpkin, Francis Moore, Jr., Isaac W.\\nBrashear, Alexander McGowan, Isaac Van Zandt, S. Holland,\\nEdward Clark, Geo. W. Smyth, James Armstrong-, Francis W.\\nWhite, James Davis, George T. Wood, G. W. Wright, H. R.\\nLatimer, John M. LeAvis, James Scott, Archibald McNeill, A. C.\\nHorton, Israel Standifer, Jos. L. Hogg, Chas. S. Taylor, David\\nGage, Henry S. Jewett, Cavitt Armstrong, James Bower, Albert H.\\nLatimer, Wm. C. Young, J. Pinckney Henderson, Nicholas H.\\nDarnell, Emery Rains, A. W. O. Hicks, James M. Burroughs,\\nH. L. Kinney, William L. Cazenan, A. S. Cunningham, Abner S.\\nLipscomb, John Hemphill, Van. R. Irion.\\nAdopted, JtiIv 4, 1845.\\nAttest JAMES H. RAYMOND,\\nSecretary of the Convention.\\nCity of Austin, Republic op Texas,\\nJuhj 5, 1845.\\nI certify the foregoing is a correct copy of the ordinance as\\nadopted and signed by the members of the convention on yesterday,\\nJuly 4, 1845.\\nJAMES H. RAYMOND,\\nSecretary of the Conventio7i.\\nMr. Donelso?i to Mr. Buchanan.\\n[No. 34.] Legation of the United States,\\nAustin, Jtily 7, 1845.\\nSir: Since my note of yesterday, the enclosed resolution of the\\nconvention has been handed to me. It is but a repetition of the\\napplication heretofore made by the existing government of Texas,\\nfor the occupation of her frontier with our troops.\\nI am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nA. J. DONELSON.\\nHon. James Buchanan,\\nSecretary of State of the United States, ^c. %c.\\nMr. Rusk to Mr. Donelson.\\nConvention Room, i\\nAustin, Texas, July 7, 1845. 3\\nSir By order of tlie convention, I have the honor herewith to", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "APrENDIX. 231\\ntransmit to your excellency the enclosed copy of a resolution\\nadopted by the honorable convention this day.\\nVery respectfully, your excellency s most obedient servant,\\nTH. J. RUSK, President.\\nHis Excellency A. J. Doxelson-,\\nChargi a Affaires of the United States, ^c. i^c.\\nRESOLUTION\\nRelative to the Introduction of the U7iited States Forces into Texas.\\nSe it resolved by the Deputies of the People in Convention assembled,\\nThat the president of the United States of America is hereby\\nauthorized and requested to occupy and establish posts, without\\ndelay, upon the frontier and exposed positions of this republic and\\nto introduce for such purpose, and defence of the territory and\\npeople of Texas, such forces as may be necessary and advisable for\\nthe same.\\nAdopted in convention, at the city of Austin, Republic of\\nTexas, July 7, 1845.\\nTHO. J. RUSK, Preside?it.\\nAttest\\nJAS. H. RAYMOND,\\nSecretary of the Co7ivention\\nJ.\\nCORRESPONDENCE, c.\\nExecutive DsrARTMENT,\\nWashington, June 18, 1845.\\nTo the honorable the Senate\\nThe executive herewith respectfully transmits to your honor-\\nable body, for its constitutional advice and action, the conditions\\npreliminary to a treaty of peace between Mexico and Texas, signed\\non the part of the former at the city of Mexico, on the 19tli of May\\nultimo, together with an additional declaration made by the govern-\\nment of Mexico of the same date, in connection with tliose con-\\nditions.\\nThe correspondence connected with the above is also trans-\\nmitted for the information of the senate.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "232 APPENDIX.\\nThe executive requests the senate to return the original papers\\nso soon as they shall have received its examination and action.\\nANSON JONES.\\n[Translation.]\\nLegation of France in Mexico,\\nMexico, May 20, 1845.\\nMr. President lam happy to be able to announce to your\\nexcellency that the Mexican government, after having obtained the\\nauthorization of the two chambers of Congress, has acceded to the\\nfour preliminary articles which the secretary of state of Texas had\\nremitted to the charges d affaires of France and England near your\\ngovernment, and which these last had transmitted to me and to the\\nminister of her Britannic majesty, to be presented to the executive\\npower of Mexico.\\nThe act of acceptation, clothed with the necessary forms, will\\nbe handed by Mr. Elliott to the secretary of state of the Texan\\ngovernment, and your excellency will thence find yourself in a\\nsituation to name commissioners to negotiate with Mexico the defin-\\nitive treaty between Mexico and Texas.\\nThe success Avhich has crowned our efforts has only been\\nobtained by much management of susceptibilities. But I should\\nsay that the dispositions of the executive power have never appeared\\ndoubtful to me, and that they give me the hope of a solution proper\\nto satisfy the two parties, and to assure their reciprocal well being.\\nIf, in the course which must be given to this affair, I can con-\\ntribute to the wise views and sound policy which animate your\\nexcellency, I shall lend myself to it with so much the more zeal,\\nthat it relates to tlie accomplishment of a work useful to humanity\\nand if the result answers to our hopes, I shall consider the part\\nwhich I have taken in it as one of the deeds for which I may most\\napplaud myself in my diplomatic career.\\nReceive, Mr. President, the assurances of the high consideration\\nwith which I am your excellency s very humble and most obedient\\nservant,\\nBARON ALLEYE DE CYPREY.\\nHis Excellency Mr. Anson Jones,\\nPresident of the Republic of Texas, ^c.\\nThe foregoing is a correct translation of the original.\\nSTEPHEN Z. HOYLE, Translator.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 233\\nConditions preliminary to a Treaty of Peace between Mexico and Texas.\\n1. Mexico consents to acknowledge the independence of\\nTexas.\\n2. Texas engages that she will stipulate in the treaty not to\\nannex herself or become subject to any country whatever.\\n3. Limits and other conditions to be matter of arrangement in\\nthe final treaty.\\n4. Texas will be willing to remit disputed points respecting ter-\\nritory and other matters to tlie arbitration of umpires.\\nDone at Washington, (on the Brazos,) the 29th March, 1845.\\nASHBEL SMITH,\\nSecretary of State. [l. s.]\\n[Translation.]\\nMexico, May 20, 1845.\\nThe undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo-\\ntentiary of his majesty the king of the French, and minister\\nplenipotentiary of her Britannic majesty, certify that the above copy\\nconforms with the original which has been presented to them by Mr.\\nElliott, her Britannic majesty s charge d affaires to Texas.\\nBARON ALLEYE DE CYPREY. [l. s.\\nCHARLES BANKHEAD. [l. s.]\\nThe above is a correct translation of the original.\\n\u00e2\u0099\u00a6\u00c2\u00abS. Z. HOYLE, Translator.\\n[Translation.]\\nThe minister of foreign affairs and government of the Mexican\\nRepublic has received the preliminary propositions of Texas for an\\narrangement or definitive treaty between Mexico and Texas, which\\nare of the following tenor\\n^Conditions preliminary to a Treaty of Peace between Mexico and Texas.\\n1st. Mexico consents to acknowledge the independence of\\nTexas.\\n2d. Texas engages that she will stipulate in the treaty not to\\nannex herself or become subject to any country whatever.\\n3d. Limits and other conditions to be matter of arrangement\\nin the final treaty.\\n20*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "234 APPENDIX.\\n4th. Texas will be willing to remit disputed points respecting\\nterritory, and other matters, to the arbitration of umpires.\\nDone at Washington, (on the Brazos,) the 29th of March, 1845.\\nASHBEL SMITH, [l. s.]\\nSecretary of State\\nThe government of the republic has asked, in consequence, of\\nthe national Congress, the authority which it has granted, and which\\nis of the following tenor\\nThe government is authorized to hear the propositions which\\nTexas has made, and to proceed to the arrangement or celebration\\nof the treaty, that may be fit and honorable to the republic, giving\\nan account to Congress for its examination and approval.\\nIn consequence of the preceding authority of the Congress of\\nthe Mexican republic, the undersigned, minister of foreign affairs\\nand government, declares That the supreme government receives\\nthe four articles above mentioned as the preliminaries of a formal\\nand definitive treaty and further, tliat it is disposed to commence the\\nnegotiation as Texas may desire, and to receive the commissioners\\nwhich she may name for this purpose.\\nLUIS G. CUEVAS. [l. s.]\\nMexico, May 19, 1845.\\nThe above is a correct translation of the original.\\nSTEPHEN Z. HOYLE, Tramlator.\\n[Translation.]\\nADDITIONAL DECLARATION.\\nIt is understood that besides the four preliminary articles pro-\\nposed by Texas, there are other essential and important points\\nwhich ought also to be included in the negotiation, and that if this\\nnegotiation is not realized on account of circumstances, or because\\nTexas, influenced by the law passed in the United States on\\nannexation, should consent thereto, either directly or indirectly,\\nthen the answer which under this date is given to Texas, by the\\nundersigned, minister for foreign affairs, shall be considered as null\\nand void.\\nLUIS G. CUEVAS. [l. s.]\\nMexico, May 19, 1845.\\nThe above is a correct translation of the original.\\nSTEPHEN Z. HOYLE, TramMor.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 235\\nExECUxrv E Department,\\nWashington, Texas, June 6, 1845.\\nSir I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your\\nexcellency s letter of the 20th ultimo, which, together with the\\ntlie official documents referred to in it, and by which Mexico has\\ngiven her assent to the preliminaries of peace with Texas, upon the\\nbasis of an acknowledgment of the independence of the latter,\\nwere handed me by Mr. Elliott, charg6 d affaires of her Britannic\\nmajesty near this government, on the 2d instant.\\nFor your kindness and courtesy in transmitting these interesting\\nand important papers, as well as for your valuable services in\\nproducing the result which they announce to me, and the offer of a\\ncontinuance of the same good offices whenever they can be useful,\\nI beg you to accept my best thanks. Should the result be the\\nestablishment of a good understanding and a lasting peace between\\nthe governments of Texas and Mexico, with the concurrence of\\ntheir people, the cause of humanity will assuredly be greatly\\nindebted to your efforts in its behalf.\\n1 have the honor to transmit to you herewith, for such disposi-\\ntion as you may think proper to make of them, certified copies of\\nthe proclamation issued by me on the 4th instant, announcing to the\\npeople the agreement of Mexico to the preliminaries of peace, and\\nthe consequent cessation of hostilities between the two countries.\\nThe Congress of Texas will assemble on the 16th of the present\\nmonth, and a convention on the 4th of July proximo. These bodies\\nhave been convoked to consider the propositions made by the govern-\\nment of the United States on the subject of annexation. The sub-\\nject of our relations with Mexico will also be presented to them,\\ntheir decisions will necessarily govern my future action in\\nreference to the same.\\nAccept, sir, the assurances of high consideration and respect\\nwith which I remain your excellency s most obedient humble servant,\\nANSON JONES.\\nHis Excellency the Baron Alleye de Cyprey, c. c.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "236 APPENDIX.\\nK.\\nMEXICAN CIRCULARS.\\nOffice of War and Marine,\\nSectio?i of Operations.\\nThe United States have_ consummated the perfidy against Mex-\\nico by sanctioning the decree which declares the annexation of the\\ndepartment of Texas to that republic. The injustice of that\\nusurpation is apparent, and Mexico cannot tolerate such a grave\\ninjury witliout making an effort to prove to the United States the\\npossibility of her ability to cause her rights to be respected. With\\nthis object, the supreme governrflent has resolved upon a declara-\\ntion of war against that power, seeing that our forbearance, instead\\nof being received as a proof of our friendly disposition, has been\\ninterpreted into an acknowledged impossibility on our part to carry\\non a successful war.\\nSuch an error, on the part of the United States, will be advan-\\ntageous to Mexico, because, suddenly abandoning its pacific atti-\\ntude, it will to-morrow communicate to Congress the declaration\\nof war, and excite the patriotism of its citizens to sustain the\\ndignity of the nation, and the integrity of its territory, now treach-\\nerously attacked, in utter disregard of all guaranties recognized in\\nthis enlightened age.\\nYou will readily appreciate the importance of this subject, and\\nthe necessity of preparing the troops under your command to march\\ntowards any point which may require protection against these most\\nunjust aggressions. I am directed by the provisional president to\\nenjoin you, as general-in-chief of your division, and as a citizen of\\nthis republic, to hold yourself in readiness to repel those who seek\\nthe ruin of Mexico. The government is occupied in covering the\\ndeficient points on the frontiers, and in collecting the necessary\\nmeans, so that nothing may be wanting to tliose whose glory it will\\nbe to defend the sacred rights of their country.\\nI have the honor to communicate for your intelligence, and to\\ndirect your conduct.\\nGod and liberty. GARCIE CONDE.\\nMexico, July 12, 1845.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 237\\nThis Circular to the Authorities subordinate to this Office.\\nMost excellent Senor As my notes of the 30th of March\\nand 7th of April of this year, concerning tlie deserters and recruits\\nfor the army, have not produced effects which his excellency the\\npresident ad interim desired, as the governors have not been able to\\ngather a number of men by any means adequate to the wants of\\nthe army, his excellency has ordered your excellency to provide\\nthe material to enable the different departments to furnish their\\nquota, and complete the contingent of troops required by the de-\\ncrees of the 29th of December, 1843, and 2d July, 1844 for\\nalthough the supreme government has not exacted with punctual-\\nity, the complement from the departments, she now sees herself\\nunder the necessity of doing so, for the war which she wages\\nagainst the United States, the perfidy and treachery of which power\\nput her in possession of a part of this Republic.\\nHis excellency, the president ad interim, requires that your ex-\\ncellency inform the governors of the necessity which exists of\\ndetailing the number of men, so highly necessary to fill the ranks\\nof the army, and to excite the zeal and patriotism of the authorities,\\nthat their preparations shall be so effectual as to fulfil tlie desires\\nof the government, and prevent the dignity of the nation from\\nbeing in any measure compromised.\\nI have the honor to communicate to your excellency the follow-\\ning, to be used as occasion may require.\\nGod and liberty. GARCIA CONDE.\\nJuly 16, 1845.\\nMost excellent Senor, Minister of Foreign Relations atid of Police.\\nTra7ismit to the Authorities depending %q3on your Department.\\nMost excellent Senor: It being necessary that the troops\\nof the line should cover the frontiers of the republic, and march\\ntowards Texas, to conquer that department, now usurped by the\\nUnited States, his excellency the president ad interim has com-\\nmanded me to transmit you this note, to excite the zeal and patriot-\\nism of the governors, that they place under arms, in their respective\\ndistricts, all the force which can be collected in defence of the law,\\nto be ready to serve as a safeguard of the respective departments,\\naccording to the decree of the 4th of June of this year, and the\\nregulation of the 7th instant.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "238\\nAPPENDIX.\\nYour excellency Avill communicate to the governors this supreme\\nresolution, and will inform them of the obligations under which the\\ncitizens are to contribute to the defence of their country, and to\\nsustain rights violated by a nation which refuses to acknowledge\\nthem, and obliges Mexico to maintain them by force which it\\nmost undoubtedly will, or fall in the struggle. She will not con-\\nsent to give up one half of her territory, from the base fear of losing\\nthe other. Hoping your excellency will furnish me with informa-\\ntion as to the number of men which can be devoted to tliis impor-\\ntant object, your excellency will please to accept my most high\\nconsideration.\\nGod and liberty. GARCIA CONDE.\\nMexico, July 16, 1845.\\nTo the most excellent Senor, minister of foreign relations and\\npolice.\\nL.\\nBIR. SLIDELl s letter OF CREDENCE.\\nJAMES K. POLK,\\nPRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMEillCA.\\nGreat and good Friend: I have made choice of John Sli-\\ndell, one of our distinguished citizens, to reside near the govern-\\nment of the Mexican republic, in the quality of envoy extraordinary\\nand minister plenipotentiary of tlie United States of America. He\\nis well informed of the relative interests of tlie two countries, and\\nof our sincere desire to restore, cultivate, and strengthen friendship\\nand good correspondence between us and from a knowledge of his\\nfidelity and good conduct, I have entire confidence tliat he will ren-\\nder him-self acceptable to the Mexican government, by his constant\\nendeavors to preserve and advance tlie interest and happiness of\\nboth nations. I therefore request your excellency to receive him\\nfavorably, and to give full credence to whatever he shall say on the\\npart of the United States. And I pray God to have you in his safe\\nand holy keeping.\\nWritten at the city of Washington, the tenth day of November,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 239\\nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-five,\\nand of the independence of the United States the seventieth.\\nYour good friend,\\nJAMES K. POLK.\\nBy the President:\\nJames Buchanan,\\nSecretary of State.\\nTo his Excellency Don Jose Joaquim Herrera,\\nPresklent of the Mexican Republic.\\nM.\\nLETTER.\\nMr. Pena y Pena to Mr. Slidell.\\n!NT,\\nPalace of the National Government,\\nMexico, December 16, 1845.\\nThe undersigned, minister of foreign relations, in answer to the\\nletter which his excellency Mr. John Shdell, was pleased to address\\nto him yesterday, has the honor to inform him that the delay in his\\nreception, to which he alludes, and the consequent delay in answer-\\ning his preceding note, making known his arrival in this capital,\\nand accompanying a copy of his credentials, have arisen solely from\\ncertain difficulties, occasioned by the nature of those credentials, as\\ncompared with the proposition made by the United States, through\\ntheir consul, to treat peacefully upon the aifairs of Texas, with the\\nperson v/ho should be appointed to that effect; for which reason it\\nhas been found necessary to submit the said credentials to the coun-\\ncil of government, for its opinion with regard to them.\\nThe undersigned will communicate the result to his excellency\\nwithout loss of time assuring him meanwhile that the government\\nof Mexico is ready to proceed agreeably to what it proposed in its\\nanswer on the subject.\\nThe undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to offer to his\\nexcellency Mr. Slidell, the assurances of his very distinguished con-\\nsideration.\\nMANUEL DE LA PENA Y PENA.\\nHis Excellency John Slidell, c. c.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "240 APPENDIX.\\nN.\\nLETTER.\\nMr. Slidell to Mr. Pena y Pena.\\nMexico, December 24, 1845.\\nThe undersigned, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten-\\ntiary of the United States of America, had the honor to receive, on\\nthe evening of Sunday the 21st instant, the communication of Mr.\\nPena y Peila, dated on the preceding day. The undersigned will\\nabstain from the full expression of the feelings of astonishment and\\ndissatisfaction which its perusal has so naturally excited, fearful\\nthat, if he did not do so, he might overstep the bounds which cour-\\ntesy and the usages of diplomatic intercourse prescribe, in address-\\ning a person occupying the distinguished position of Mr. Peiia y\\nPena but he should be recreant alike to the character, dignity, and\\ninterests of the government which he has the honor to represent,\\nwere he not to point out to your excellency, and through him to tlie\\npeople of the United States and of Mexico, the misstatements, (and\\nhe begs to be understood that he uses this word in no invidious\\nsense,) which the communication of your excellency contains of the\\ncorrespondence which induced the appointment of the undersigned,\\nrefute the reasoning by which Mr. Peiia y Peiia attempts to sustain\\nthe refusal of the Mexican government to receive him, and apprize\\nhim of the very grave consequences to which a persistence in that\\nrefusal will probably lead.\\nIn performing this ungrateful duty, the undersigned will sedu-\\nlously endeavor to avoid every expression that could, by possibility,\\noffend the just sensibilities of the Mexican government but this\\nfeeling, sincerely entertained, would degenerate into culpable weak-\\nness, were he to withhold any fact or suppress any argument neces-\\nsary to the faithful discharge of the task which has been imposed\\nupon him,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that of vindicating the strict correctness of the course\\npursued by his government, and demonstrating tlie glaring impro-\\npriety of that which the Mexican govermnent seems determined to\\npursue.\\nFor this purpose, it will be necessary to make a brief reference\\nto the difficulties which existed between the two countries, when, at\\nthe instance of your excellency, the consul of tlie United States,\\nacting by authority of his government, addressed to your excellen-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 241\\ncy, on the 13th of October last, a letter, the substance of which had\\nbeen communicated orally to your excellency in a confidential\\ninterview two days previously. Diplomatic relations had been sus-\\npended by the recall of General Almonte, the Mexican minister at\\nWashington, in March last, and the subsequent withdrawal of the\\nminister of the United States from Mexico.\\nMexico considered herself aggrieved by the course which the\\nUnited States had pursued in relation to Texas, and this feeling, it\\nis true, was the immediate cause of tlie abrupt termination of all\\ndiplomatic relations but the United States, on their part, had causes\\nof complaint, better founded and more serious, arising out of the\\nclaims of its citizens on Mexico.\\nIt is not the purpose of the undersigned to trace the history of\\nthese claims, and the outrages from which they sprung. The an-\\nnals of no civilized nation present, in so short a period of time, so\\nmany wanton attacks upon the rights of persons and property as\\nhave been endured by citizens of the United States from the\\nMexican authorities attacks that would never have been tolerated\\nfrom any other nation than a neighboring and sister republic. They\\nwere the subject of earnest, repeated, and unavailing remonstrance,\\nduring a long series of years, until at last, on the 11th of April,\\n1839, a convention was concluded for their adjustment. As, by the\\nprovisions of that convention, the board of commissioners organized\\nfor the liquidation of the claims was obliged to terminate its duties\\nwithin eighteen months, and as much of that time was lost in pre-\\nliminary discussions, it only acted finally upon a small portion of\\nthe claims, the amount aAvarded upon which amounted to $2,026,139,\\n(two millions twenty-six thousand one hundred and thirty-nine\\ndollars claims were examined and awarded by the American\\ncommissioners, amounting to $928,627, (nine hundred and twenty-\\neight thousand six hundred and twenty-seven dollars,) upon which\\nthe umpire refused to decide, alleging that his authority had ex-\\npired, while others, to the amount of $3,336,837, (three millions\\nthree hundred and thirty-six thousand eight hundred and thirty-\\nseven dollars,) remained altogether unacted upon, because they had\\nbeen submitted too late for the decision of the board. In relation\\nto the claims which had been submitted to the board of commis-\\nsioners, but were not acted on for want of time, amounting to\\n$4,265,464, (four millions two hundred and sixty-five thousand four\\nhundred and sixty-four dollars,) a convention was signed in this\\n21", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "242 APPENDIX.\\ncapital on the 20th of November, 1843, by Mr. Waddy Thompson,\\non the part of the United States, and Messrs. Bocanegra and Tri-\\ngueros, on that of Mexico, which was ratified by the senate of the\\nUnited States, with two amendments manifestly reasonable and\\nnecessary. Upon a reference of these amendments to the govern-\\nment of Mexico, it interposed evasions, difficulties, and delays of\\nevery kind, and has never yet decided whether it would accede to\\nthem or not, althougli tlie subject has been repeatedly pressed by\\nthe ministers of the United States. Subsequently, additional claims\\nhave been presented to the department of state, exceeding in\\namount $2,200,000, (two millions two. hundred thousand dollars,)\\nshowing in all, the enormous aggregate of $8,491,G03, (eight mil-\\nlions four hundred and ninety-one thousand six hundred and three\\ndollars.) But what has been the fate even of those claimants\\nagainst the government of Mexico, whose debt has been fully liqui-\\ndated, recognized by Mexico, and its payment guarantied by the\\nmost solemn treaty stipulations The Mexican government, finding\\nit inconvenient to pay the amount awarded, either in money or in\\nan issue of treasury notes, according to the terms of the conven-\\ntion, a new convention was concluded on the 30th of January, 1843,\\nbetween the two governments, to relieve that of Mexico from this\\nembarrassment. By its terms, the interest due on the whole amount\\nawarded Avas ordered to be paid on the 30th of April, 1843, and the\\nprincipal, v/ith the accruing interest, was made payable in five\\nyears, in equal instalm.ents, every three months. Under tliis new\\nagreement, made to favor Mexico, tlie claimants have only received\\nthe interest up to the 30th April, 1843, and three of the twenty\\ninstalments.\\nThe undersigned has not made this concise summary of tlie\\ninjuries inflicted upon American citizens during a long series of\\nyears, coeval indeed with the existence of the Mexican republic,\\nreparation for which has been so unjustly delayed, for the purpose\\nof recrimination, or to revive those angry feelings which it was the\\nobject of his mission to assuage, and, if possible, by friendly and\\nfrank negotiation, to bury in the most profound oblivion but simply\\nto prove, that if the proposition made by his government, through\\nits consul, for the renewal of diplomatic relations, presented any\\nambiguity, (which, he will proceed to show, does not exist,) it could\\nnot, by any fair rule of construction, bear the interpretation which\\nyour excellency has given to it. The United States have never", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 243\\nyet, in the course of tlieir history, failed to vindicate, and success-\\nfully, too, against the most powerful nations of the earth, tlie rights\\nof their injured citizens. If such has been their course in their\\ninfancy, and when comparatively feeble, it cannot be presumed that\\nthey will deviate from it now.\\nMr. Pena y Peiia says, that, having communicated to his excel-\\nlency the president of the republic the note of the undersigned, of\\nthe 8th instant, with a copy of his credentials, and the letter of the\\nsecretary of state of the United States relative to his mission, he\\nregrets to inform the undersigned, that although the supreme gov-\\nernment of the republic continues to entertain the same pacific and\\nconciliatory intentions which your excellency manifested to the\\nconsul of the United States in his confidential note of 14th October\\nlast, it does not think that, to accomplish tlie object Avhich was pro-\\nposed by the said consul, in the name of the American government,\\nand which was accepted by Mr. PeHa y Pefia, it is in the situation\\n{este en el caso) to admit the undersigned in the character with\\nwhich he comes invested, of envoy extraordinary and minister\\nplenipotentiary resident in the republic, and that, to sustain this\\nrefusal, Mr. Peila y Pefia will briefly expose to the undersigned the\\nreasons which have governed his excellency the president. Youi\\nexcellency then proceeds to say that the proposition in question\\nwas spontaneously made by the government of the United States,\\nand accepted by that of Mexico, to give a new proof that even in\\nthe midst of its injuries, and of its firm determination to exact\\nadequate reparation for them, it neither repelled nor undervalued\\nthe measure of reason and peace to which it was invited, so that\\nthe proposition, as well as its acceptance, turned upon the precise\\nand positive supposition that the commissioner should be ad hoc;\\nthat is to say, to arrange in a peaceftil and decorous manner the\\nquestions of Texas. This has not been done, since the undersigned\\ndoes not come in that capacity, but in the absolute and general\\ncapacity of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, to\\nreside in that quality near the Mexican govermnent. That if the\\nundersigned be admitted in this character, which differs essentially\\nfrom that which was proposed for his mission on the part of the\\nUnited States, and which was accepted by the Mexican govern-\\nment, it would give room to believe that the relations of the two\\nrepublics became at once open and free; which could not take\\nplace, without the questions, which had brought about the state", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "244 APPENDIX.\\nof interruption which now exists, were previously terminated peace-\\nably, but in a decorous manner for Mexico.\\nIf your excellency had not himself conducted the preliminary\\nand informal negotiation with the consul of the United States, of\\nwhich the preceding version is given by him if the letter of tlie\\nconsul had not been addressed to, and answered by, your excellency,\\nthe undersigned would be constrained to believe that your excel-\\nlency had derived his knowledge of it from some unauthentic source.\\nBut, as this is not the case, the undersigned trusts that your excel-\\nlency will pardon him if he suggests the doubt whether your\\nexcellency constantly occupied, as he must for some time past\\nhave been, by the disturbed state of the internal affairs of the\\nrepublic has reperused the letter of the consul of October 13,\\nand the answer of your excellency of October 15, with that scru-\\npulous attention which the gravity of the case demanded and\\nwhether the lapse of time has not left on the mind of your excel-\\nlency but a vague and incorrect impression of what really occurred.\\nAnother solution, however, of this difficulty suggests itself to the\\nundersigned, and he shall be most happy to find that it is tlie correct\\none. Your excellency refers to his answer to the consul as being\\ndated on the 14th October, while the letter of your excellency, now\\nin possession of the consul, is dated on the 15th October, as the\\nundersigned has had occasion to verify by personal inspection and\\nhe repeats, that he will learn with the greatest satisfaction that his\\npresent peculiar and most embarrassing position is the result of\\nunintentional error on the part of the Mexican government.\\nThe undersigned will now proceed, by precise and literal quota-\\ntion from the letter of the consul, of October 13, to show, in the\\nmost conclusive manner, that the government of the United States\\nproposed to send to Mexico an envoy intrusted with full power to\\nadjust all the questions in dispute between the two powers and that the\\nMexican government, through your excellency, in the letter of\\nOctober 15, declared itself disposed to receive the commissioner of the\\nUnited States, ivho might come to this capital with full powers to settle\\nthose disputes in a peaceful, reasonable, and honorable vutnner. The\\nconsul, in his letter of October 13, said, that in a confidential inter-\\nview with your excellency, which took place on the 11th October,\\nhe had the honor to inform your excellency, that he (the consul) had\\nreceived a communication from the secretary of state of the United\\nStates and having, in that interview, made known to your excel-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 245\\nlency the substance of said communication, your excellency, having\\nheard and considered with due attention the statement read from the\\nsaid communication, stated that, as the diplomatic relations between\\nthe two governments had been, and still were, suspended, the inter-\\nview should have no other character than that of a confidential\\nmeeting to which he (the consul) assented, considering it only in\\nthat light. That your excellency then requested that he (the consul)\\nmight, in the same confidential manner, communicate in Avriting\\nwhat had thus been made known verbally that, in conformity with\\nthat request, he transcribed that part of the communication of the\\nsecretary of state of the United States, which was in the following\\nwords At the time of the suspension of the diplomatic relations\\nbetween the two countries, General Almonte was assured of the\\ndesire felt by the president to adjust amicably every cause of com-\\nplaint between the governments, and to cultivate the kindest and\\nmost friendly relations between the sister republics. He still con-\\ntinues to be animated by the same sentiments. He desires that all\\nexisting differences should be terminated amicably by negotiation,\\nand not by the sword. Actuated by tliese sentiments, the president\\nhas directed me to instruct you, in the absence of any diplomatic\\nagent in Mexico, to ascertain from the Mexican government whether\\nthey would receive an envoy from the United States, intrusted tvith\\nfull power to adjust all the questions in dispute between the two\\ngovernments. Should the answer be in the affirmative, such an envoy\\nwill be immediately despatched to Mexico.\\nYour excellency, under date of October 15, in reply to the con-\\nsul, said,\\nI have informed my government of the private conference\\nwhich took place between you and myself on the 11th instant, and\\nhave submitted to it the confidential letter which you, in consequence\\nof, and agreeably to, what was then said, addressed to me yesterday.\\nIn answer, I have to say to you, that although the Mexican nation is\\ndeeply injured by the United States, through the acts committed by\\nthem in the department of Texas, belonging to tliis nation, my\\ngovernment is disposed to receive the commissioner of the United\\nStates, who may come to this capital with full powers to settle the\\npresent dispute in a peaceful, reasonable, and honorable manner\\nthus giving a new proof, that, even in the midst of its injuries, and\\nof its firm determination to exact adequate reparation of them, it\\n21*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "246 APFENDIX.\\ndoes not repel nor undervalue the measure of reason and peace to\\nwhich it is invited by its adversary.\\nAs my government believes this invitation to be made in good\\nfaith, and witli the real desire that it may lead to a favorable con-\\nclusion, it also hopes that the commissioner will be a person endowed\\nwith the qualities proper for the attainment of this end; that his\\ndignity, prudence, and moderation, and the discreetness and reason-\\nableness of his proposals, will contribute to calm, as mnch as\\npossible, the just irritation of the Mexicans and, in fine, that the\\nconduct of the commissioner may be such as to persuade them\\nthat they may obtain satisfaction for their injuries through the\\nmeans of reason and peace, and without being obliged to resort to\\nthose of arms and force.\\nWhat my government requires above all things is, that the\\nmission of the commissioner of the United States should appear to\\nbe always absolutely frank, and free from every sign of menace or\\ncoercion; and thus, Mr. consul, while making known to your\\ngovernment the disposition on the part of that of Mexico to receive\\nthe commissioner, you should impress upon it, as indispensable, the\\nrecall of the whole naval force now lying in sight of our port of\\nVera Cruz. Its presence would degrade Mexico while she is\\nreceiving the commissioner, and would justly subject the United\\nStates to the imputation of contradicting, by acts, the vehement\\ndesire of conciliation, peace, and friendship, which is professed and\\nasserted by words. I have made known to you, Mr. consul, with\\nthe brevity which you desired, the disposition of my government\\nand, in so doing, I have the satisfaction to assure you of my consid-\\neration and esteem for you personally.\\nThe undersigned has transcribed the letter of yom* excellency at\\nlength and verbatim, on account of the discrepancy of dates, to\\nwhich he has before adverted, in order that your excellency may\\nhave an opportunity of comparing it with the copy on the files of his\\noffice. Argument and illustration would be superfluous to show\\nthat the offer of the United States was accepted by your excellency\\nwithout any other condition or restriction than that the whole naval\\nforce, then lying in sight of Vera Cruz, should be recalled. That\\ncondition was promptly complied with, and no ship of war of the\\nUnited States has since appeared at Vera Cruz, excepting those\\nwhich have conveyed thither the undersigned, and the secretary of\\nhis legation. Nor is it the intention of his government that any", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "A PFENDIX. 247\\nshould appear at Vera Cruz, or any other port of the republic on\\nthe Gulf of Mexico, excepting such only as may be necessary for\\nthe conveyance of despatches.\\nThe undersigned has said that no other condition or restriction\\nwas placed by Mr. Peiia y Peila upon the acceptance of the prop-\\nosition made through the consul, than that of the Avithdrawal of the\\nnaval force of the United States from Vera Cruz, because he will\\nnot do your excellency the injustice to suppose that any reliance is\\nplaced by your excellency on the mere verbal distinction between\\nthe terms envoy and commissioner, when the proposition of tlie\\nUnited States, and the acceptance of your excellency, alike contem-\\nplated the appointment of a person intrusted with full powers to\\nsettle the questions in dispute. Indeed, your excellency admits that\\nthe title of the diplomatic agent is of no importance, by using the\\nwords commissioner and plenipotentiary ad hoc, as convertible\\nterms.\\nYour excellency j-epeatedly and expressly admits that the Mex-\\nican government accepted the proposition of the United States, made\\nthrough its consul, to send an envoy to Mexico. That proposition\\nwas frank, simple, and unambiguous in*its terms. If your excellen-\\ncy, acting as the organ of the Mexican government, intended to\\nqualify or restrict in any degree the acceptance of the proposition,\\nsuch intention should have been manifested in terms not to be mis-\\nunderstood and the undersigned unhesitatingly rejects a supposi-\\ntion which would be inconsistent with the high respect which he\\nentertains for Mr. Peila y Pena. that your excellency did not intend\\nto respond to the proposition in a corresponding spirit of frankness\\nand good faith.\\nThe answer of your excellency to the consul, having been for-\\nwarded by him, the president of the United States promptly com-\\nplied with the assurance which had been given, that an envoy would\\nbe sent to Mexico with full power to adjust all questions in dispute,\\nby the appointment of the undersigned thus acting in accordance\\nwith the friendly feeling which prompted the government of the\\nUnited States spontaneously (as your excellency correctly observes)\\nto make peaceful overtures to the Mexican government for the\\nconsul, in submitting the proposition to your excellency, said, in\\nconformity with his instructions, that If the president of the Uni-\\nted States had been disposed to stand upon a mere question of eti-\\nquette, he would have waited until the Mexican government, which", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "248 APPENDIX.\\nhad suspended the diplomatic relations between the two countries,\\nshould have asked that they might be restored but his desire is so\\nstrong to terminate the present unfortunate state of our relations\\nwith this republic, that he has even consented to waive all ceremony\\nand take the initiative.\\nThe appointment of an envoy extraordinary and minister plen-\\nipotentiary, the highest grade of diplomatic agent ever employed by\\nthe government of the undersigned, afforded renewed proof, if any\\nsuch proof could have been necessary, of the sincere desire of the\\npresident of the United States, to terminate the present unfortunate\\nstate of their relations with Mexico. What will be his surprise,\\nwhen he is informed that this additional manifestation of his friendly\\nfeeling, invited by your excellency, has been rejected by the Mex-\\nican government with contumely for, notwithstanding the protesta-\\ntions of peace and good-will with which the rejection of the under-\\nsigned is accompanied, he must be excused if he look to the acts\\nrather than the words of the Mexican government, as the true expo-\\nnents of its feelings.\\nThere remains another argument on which Mr. De la Peiia y\\nPeiia bases the refusal to receive the undersigned, which will be\\nbriefly noticed. Your excellency says, that although it is true, that,\\nin the letter of credence of the undersigned, it is said that he is\\ninformed of the desire which the president of the U-nited States has\\nto reestablish, cultivate, and strengthen the friendship and good cor-\\nrespondence of the two countries, yet neither tliat clause, and\\nstill less the single word reestablish, is sufficient to give to the under-\\nsigned the special character of commissioner, or, what is equivalent,\\n(d Men sea,) of plenipotentiary ad hoc, to make propositions on the\\naffairs of Texas, capable of establishing peace, and avoiding the\\nevils of war, by means of a competent arrangement. Your excel-\\nlency is pieced to say, that it will not escape the discernment [ilustra-\\ndon) of the undersigned, that j;he powers of such a plenipotentiary\\nshould be relative, adequate, and confined by their terms to the\\nbusiness for which he is nominated, and that the nomination v/hich\\nhas been made in his person, conferring upon him the character of\\na full and general minister, of an ordinary plenipotentiary, to reside\\nnear the Mexican government, is very far from offering those qual-\\nities. The undersigned is free to confess that your excellency has\\npaid an unmerited compliment to his discernment, in supposing that\\nthis distinction could not have escaped him for, by the very terms", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 249\\nof his credentials, he is not merely an ordinary plenipotentiary, but\\nan envoy extraordinary and as such he is intrusted with full powers\\nto adjust all the questions in dispute between the two governments\\nand, as a necessary consequence, the special question of Texas.\\nIt is not usual for a minister to exhibit his powers, until he has\\nbeen accredited ^and, even then, they are not called for until a\\ntreaty is either to be made or concluded, or a particular affair of\\nimportance negotiated. Still, had your excellency thought proper\\nto intimate a wish to be informed on this subject, the undersigned\\nwould not have hesitated to furnish him with a copy of his powers,\\nby which your excellency would have perceived that the under-\\nsigned is, in due form, invested with full and all manner of power and\\nauthority, for and in the name of the United States, to treat with the\\nMexican republic of and concerning limits and boundaries between\\nthe United States of America and the Mexican republic, and of all\\nmatters and subjects connected therewith, and which may be inter-\\nesting to the two nations, and to conclude or sign a treaty or con-\\nvention touching the premises.\\nYour excellency says the supreme government of the republic\\ncannot admit the undersigned to the exercise of the mission which\\nhas been conferred upon him by that of the United States but, as\\nit has not in any degree changed the sentiments which your excel-\\nlency manifested to the consul, in his communication of the 14th of\\nOctober last, he now repeats them, adding that he will have the\\ngreatest pleasure in treating with the undersigned, so soon as he\\nshall present the credentials which would authorize him expressly\\nand solely to settle the questions which have disturbed the harmony\\nand good intelligence of the two republics, and which will lead\\nthem to war if they be not satisfactorily arranged which settle-\\nment was the object of the proposition of the government of the\\nUnited States, and was the express condition of the Mexican gov-\\nernment in accepting it; without it, the undersigned cannot be\\nreceived in the capacity in which he presents himself, since it would\\ncompromit the honor, dignity, and interests of the Mexican repub-\\nlic. The undersigned concurs fully with your excellency in the\\nopinion expressed by him, that the questions which have disturbed\\nthe harmony and good intelligence of the two republics will lead\\nthem to war, if they be not satisfactorily arranged. If this, unfor-\\ntunately, should be the result, the fault will not be with the United", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "250 APPENDIX.\\nStates the sole responsibility of such a calamity, with all its con-\\nsequences, must rest Avith the Mexican republic.\\nThe undersigned would call the attention of your excellency to\\ntlie strange discrepancy between the sentiments expressed in the\\nclause of his letter last cited, and the conclusion at which he ar-\\nrives, that the reception of the undersigned would compromit the\\nhonor, dignity, and interests of the Mexican republic. Your excel-\\nlency says that he will have the greatest pleasure in treating with\\nthe undersigned, so soon as the undersigned shall present creden-\\ntials which would authorize him expressly and solely to settle the\\nquestions which have disturbed the harmony and good intelligence\\nof the two republics. What are these questions? The grievances\\nalleged by both governments and these the undersigned is fully\\nimpowered to adjust. Does the Mexican government, after having\\nformally accepted the proposition of the United States, arrogate to\\nitself the right of dictating not only the rank and title which their\\ndiplomatic agent shall bear, but the precise form of the credentials\\nwhich he shall be permitted to present, and to trace out, in ad-\\nvance, the order in which the negotiations are to be conducted\\nThe undersigned, with every disposition to put the most favorable\\nconstruction on the language of your excellency, cannot but con-\\nsider it as an absolute and unqualified repudiation of all diplomatic\\nintercourse between the two governments. He fears that the Mex-\\nican government does not properly appreciate tlie friendly overtures\\nof the United States, who, although anxious to preserve peace, are\\nstill prepared for war.\\nHad tlie undersigned been accredited by the Mexican govern-\\nment, it would have been free to choose the subjects upon which it\\nwould negotiate, subject, of course, to the discretion of the under-\\nsigned, controlled by his instructions, to treat upon the isolated\\nquestion of Texas and, should it have been found impossible to\\nagree upon a basis of negotiation, his mission, which was not in-\\ntended to be one of mere ceremony, would probably soon have\\nterminated, leaving the relations of the two countries in the state\\nin which the undersigned found them. If the undersigned had\\nbeen admitted to the honor of presenting his credentials to his\\nexcellency the president of the republic, he was instructed to as-\\nsure his excellency of the earnest desire which the authorities and\\npeople of the United States entertain to restore those ancient", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 251\\nrelations of peace and good will which formerly existed between\\nthe governments and citizens of the two republics. Circumstances\\nhave of late estranged the sympathies of the Mexican people,\\nwhich had. been secured towards their brethren of the north by the\\nearly and decided stand which the United States had taken and\\nmaintained in favor of the independence of the Spanish American\\nrepublics on this continent. The great object of the mission of the\\nundersigned was to endeavor, by the removal of all mutual causes\\nof complaint for the past, and of distrust for the future, to revive,\\nconfirm, and, if possible, to strengthen those sympathies. The\\ninterests of Mexico and of the United States are, if well under-\\nstood, identical, and the most ardent wish of the latter has been to\\nsee Mexico elevated, under a free, stable, and republican govern-\\nment, to a distinguished rank among the nations of the earth. Such\\nare the views of the government of the undersigned, and such was\\nthe spirit in which he was directed to act. As for the undersigned,\\nwhile it was made his duty to manifest this feeling in all his official\\nrelations with the government of Mexico, it would have been to\\nhim, individually, a source of great gratification to have contribu-\\nted, by every means in his power, to the restoration of those senti-\\nments of cordial friendship which should characterize the inter-\\ncourse of neighboring and sister republics.\\nThe undersigned is not to have the opportunity of carrying\\nthese intentions into effect Mexico rejects the olive branch which\\nhas been so frankly extended to her, and it is not the province of\\nthe undersigned to criticise the motives and comment upon the\\ninfluences, foreign or domestic, which have induced her to pursue\\nthis course, or to speculate upon the consequences to which it may\\nlead. For a contingency so unexpected and unprecedented, no\\nforesight could have provided and the undersigned consequently\\nfinds himself without instructions to guide him in his very delicate\\nand singular position. He shrinks from taking upon himself tlie\\nfearful responsibility of acting in a matter that involves interests so\\nmomentous, and, as no motive can exist for protracting his stay in\\nthis capital, he will proceed in a few days to Jalapa, where he can\\ncommunicate more speedily with his government, and there await\\nits final instructions.\\nThe undersigned received with the communication of your\\nexcellency a sealed letter, directed to the secretary of state of the\\nUnited States, with a request that it might be forwarded to its ad-", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "252 APPENDIX,\\ndress. He regrets that he cannot comply with this request. The\\nletter from the secretary of state to your excellency, of which the\\nundersigned was the bearer, w^s unsealed, and he cannot consent\\nto be made the medium of conveying to his govermnent any offi-\\ncial document from tliat of Mexico while he is ignorant of its con-\\ntents. If Mr. Peixa y Peila will favor the undersigned with a copy\\nof his letter to tlie secretary of state, the undersigned will be happy\\nto forward the original with his first despatches.\\nHe takes this occasion to tender to his excellency D. Manuel\\nde la Peiia y Feua the renewed assurances of his distinguished\\nconsideration. JOHN SLIDELL.\\nHis excellency Manuel de la Pena y Pena,\\nMinister of Foreign Relations and GoverntnenL\\no.\\nLETTER.\\nPena y Pena to the Council.\\nDepartment op Foreign Relations, Government, and Police,\\nMexico, December 11, 1845.\\nI have the honor to submit to the council, through the medium\\nof your excellency, the documents relative to the appointment of a\\ncommissioner of the government of the United States of America,\\nfor the peaceable settlement of the questions at issue between the\\ntwo republics.\\nAs you will please to observe to the council, the proposition to\\nappoint such a commissioner came spontaneously from the American\\ngovernment, which made it through the medium of its consul in\\nMexico and our government accepted it, with the declaration that\\nit did so in order to give a new proof, that even in the midst of its\\ngrievances, and of its firm decision to exact adequate reparation, it\\nneither repelled nor contemned the measure of reason and peace to\\nwhich it was invited, so that the proposition as well as the accept-\\nance, rested upon the exact and definite understanding that the\\ncommissioner should be appointed ad hoc that is to say, for the set-\\ntlement of the questions of Texas in a pacific and honorable manner.\\nAs the council will also see, in the last official communications", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 253\\namong the documents submitted, Mr. John Slidell has arrived in this\\ncapital, as commissioner of the United States; but it does not appear\\nthat this gentleman has been appointed by his government as a\\nminister instructed specially to treat on the questions of Texas, but\\nwith the general and absolute attributes of an envoy extraordinary\\nand minister plenipotentiary, and tliat he is to reside in that character\\nnear the Mexican government, in the same manner and almost in the\\nsame words used in accrediting Mr. Wilson Shannon, as may be\\nseen by reference to the document on that subject, hereAvith sub-\\nmitted.\\nFrom these facts naturally flow the following reflections\\nFirst. The mission of this commissioner has degenerated sub-\\nstantially from the class proposed on tlie part of the United States,\\nand accepted by our government.\\nSecondly. If this commissioner should be received simply in the\\ncharacter in which he appears, grounds would justly be afforded for\\nthe presumption that the relations between us and the United\\nStates remain free and open a presumption which would be in\\nreality most erroneous, and at the same time most injurious to the\\ndignity and interests of Mexico.\\nThirdly. Should he be admitted in the character in which he\\npresents himself, however explicitly we might protest that he was\\nreceived only for the purpose of hearing his peaceful propositions\\nrespecting the affairs of Texas, it would always appear to the whole\\nworld that he had been received as, and had been a minister plenipo-\\ntentiary residing near the Mexican republic and it is evident that\\nthis fact might serve to conflise or to diminish the most clear and\\ndirect protests.\\nFourthly. The government of Mexico neither could nor ought\\nto refuse the invitation given to it en the part of the United States,\\nto hear and deliberate upon peaceful propositions respecting Texas.\\nIn adopting this course, which morality requires, prudence counsels,\\nand the most learned and judicious publicists recommend, the gov-\\nernment observed the principle which they lay doAvn as just and\\nproper As the evil of war is terrible, in the same proportion are\\nnations called on to reserve to themselves the means of terminating\\nit It is therefore necessary that they should be able to send minis-\\nters to each other, even in the midst of hostilities, in order to make\\npropositions for peace, or tending to diminish the fury of arms.\\nIt ma,y be stated as a general maxim, that the minister\\n22", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "254 APPENDIX.\\nof an enemy ought always to be admitted and heard that is to say,\\nthat war alone, and of itself, is not a sufficient reason for refusing\\nto hear any proposition which an enemy may offer, .c. But if this\\ndoctrine be just and rational, so also it is just, that the fact of a\\nnation s having assented to hear propositions of peace, made to it\\nby its enemy, should not serve as a means of obscuring its rights,\\nand silencing, in that way, the demands of its justice. Such would\\nbe the case, if Mexico, after assenting to receive and hear a com-\\nmissioner of the United States, who should come to make proposi-\\ntions of peace respecting tlie department of Texas, should admit a\\nminister of that nation, absolute and general, a common plenipoten-\\ntiary to reside near the Mexican republic.\\nFifthly It is true, that in the communication addressed to our\\npresident, by the president of the United States, it is declared that\\nthe commissioner is informed of the sincere desire of the latter to\\nrestore, cultivate, and strengthen friendship and good correspondence\\nbetween the two countries but it is clear that neither this clause,\\nnor still less the single word restore, is sufficient to give to Mr. Sli-\\ndell the special character of commissioner to make propositions\\nrespecting Texas, calculated to establish peace firmly, and to arrest\\nthe evils of war by a definitive settlement. The reason of this is,\\nthat the full powers of such a minister should be adequate to the\\nbusiness for v/hich he is appointed.\\nSixthly. The settlement which the United States seek to effect\\nin order to attain peace and good correspondence with Mexico,\\nwhich have been suspended by the occurrences in Texas, is a point\\nnecessarilyto.be determined before any other whatever and until\\nthat is terminated entirely and peacefully, it will be impossible to\\nappoint and admit an American minister to establish his residence\\nnear the government of Mexico.\\nSeventhly. Moreover, the president of the United States cannot\\nappoint ambassadors, nor any other public ministers, nor even con-\\nsuls, except with the consent of the senate. This is fixed by the\\nsecond paragraph of the second section, article second, of their\\nnational constitution. But in the credentials exhibited by Mr.\\nSlidell, this requisite, indispensable to give legality to his mission,\\ndoes not appear.\\nEighthly. Nor could that requisite have appeared, as Mr. Slidell\\nwas appointed by the president on the 10th of November last, and\\nCongress did not assemble until the first Monday of the present", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 255\\nmonth of December, agreeably to the second paragraph of the fourth\\nsection, article first, of the same constitution.\\n^^jYinthly, and finally. It is a principle most salutary and natural\\ntliat he who is about to treat with another has the right to assure\\nhimself by inquiries as to the person and the powers of the individ-\\nual Avith whom he is to enter into negotiation. And this universal\\nprinciple of jurisprudence extends also to affairs between nation\\nand nation. Hence comes the necessity that every minister should\\npresent his credentials and hence his examination and qualification\\nby the government to which he presents himself\\nFrom all these considerations tlie supreme government con-\\ncludes that Mr. Slidell is not entitled to be admitted in the case in\\nquestion as a commissioner of the government of the United States,\\nwith the object of hearing his propositions, and settling upon them\\nthe affairs of Texas that it will admit the commissioner when-\\never he may present himself in compliance with the conditions\\nwanting in the credentials as above mentioned and tliat this should\\nbe the answer given to him. The supreme government, however,\\ndesiring to fortify its judgment, in a case of so delicate a nature, by\\nthe opinion of its enlightened council, hopes that this body will,\\nwithout delay, communicate what it considers proper to be done on\\nthe affair.\\nMANUEL DE LA PENA Y PENA.\\nP.\\nLETTER\\nOf Mr. Black to Mr. Slidell.\\n[Extracts.]\\nConsulate of the United States op America,\\nMexico, Dece7nher 15, 1845.\\nIn compliance with your request, I have the honor to give you,\\nherewith, a written statement of what passed between his excel-\\nlency Manuel de la Peiia y Peiia, minister of foreign relations, c.,\\nof the Mexican government, and myself, in the two interviews had\\nwith the said minister, on the evenings of the 8th and I3th instant,\\nheld at his house, as follows\\nAt the interview of Monday evening, the 8th instant, which", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "256 APPENDIX.\\ntook place between the hours of six and seven, I stated to his excel-\\nlency that I presumed he knew of the arrival in this city of the\\nHon. John Slidell, as envoy, c., from the government of the United\\nStates. He replied that he had been informed of it that day. I\\nthen told him that I had made known to Mr. Slidell what his excel-\\nlency had communicated to me, in our interview of Wednesday, the\\n3d instant, in relation to the fears entertained by the Mexican\\ngovernment on account of his arrival at this time, as it would have\\nbetter suited the Mexican government, and they would be more\\nable to carry out their views in relation to the mission, if the envoy\\nhad arrived a month later and that our minister, Mr. Slidell, had\\nregretted much that he had not known the wish of the Mexican\\ngovernment in relation to this point before he left home, as it would\\nalso have better suited his convenience to have deferred his coming\\na month longer but it was his impression tliat it was the wish of\\nthe Mexican government that he should arrive with as little delay\\nas possible.\\nHis excellency replied that he had been under the impression,\\nfrom what had been intimated by myself and others, that an envoy\\nwould not be appointed by the government of the United States until\\nafter the meeting of Congress, which would not take place until the\\nfirst of December that the Mexican government were engaged in\\ncollecting the opinion of the departments in relation to this affair,\\nin order that they might be prepared and better able to carry out\\ntheir views respecting the same that he himself was well disposed\\nto have everything amicably arranged, but that the opposition was\\nstrong, and opposed the government with great violence in this\\nmeasure, and that the government had to proceed with great caution\\nthat nothing positive could be done until the new Congress meet in\\nJanuary; but that, in the meantime, they would receive the\\nminister s credentials, examine them, and be treating on the subject.\\nHe wished to know Avhen I thought tlie minister would receive the\\nconfirmation of his appointment by the senate. I said, this he would\\nlikely know in a few days.\\nI then presented to his excellency the letter of the Hon. John\\nSlidell, enclosing a copy of his credentials and a letter fi-om the\\nHon. James Buchanan, secretary of state of the United States at\\nthe same time asldng the Mexican minister when it would be con-\\nvenient to give an answer to which he replied, on Wednesday\\nevening, the 10th instant, at the same hour and place, and requested", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "APPEIS DIX. 257\\nthat I would attend to receive the same accordingly to which I\\nconsented but, about four o clock in the afternoon of that day, I\\nreceived a note from Mr. Monasterio, chief clerk of the foreign\\ndepartment, advising me that the minister could not receive me that\\nnight (as agreed on) on account of it having been determined to hear\\nthe opinion of the governm.ent council on the subject of the arrival\\nof the minister from the United States but as soon as he was ready\\nfor the conference arranged with me, he would have the pleasure to\\nadvise me, as will be seen by a copy of said note, which I transmit\\nherewith.\\nOn Saturday evening, the 13th instant, at the request of ]\\\\Ir.\\nSlidell, I called on the Mexican minister, Seiior Peiia, at his house\\nto inquire when an answer would be given to his (Mr. Slidell s)\\naforesaid note. He replied, that the affair had been submitted to the\\ngovernment council, in a special session of this day, and that it had\\nbeen referred to a committee, and that as soon as the committee\\nmade a report, and the council should decide, he would then advise\\nme, through Mr. Monasterio, when he was ready for the conference\\nto present to me the answer for Mr. Slidell as he said when he\\ncame to examine the credentials of Mr. S. he found them to be the\\nsame as those presented by Mr. Shannon, and otlier former ministers\\nas a minister to reside near the government of Mexico, just as if\\nthere had been no suspension of the diplomatic and friendly rela\\ntions between the two governments that the Mexican government\\nunderstood tlie present mission to be a special mission, and confined\\nto the differences in relation to the Texas question, and not as a\\nmission to reside near the Mexican government, as in ordinary\\ncases that of course would follow when the first question Avas\\ndecided.\\nI replied, that as I understood it, the Mexican government had\\nnot only agreed to receive an envoy, intrusted with full powers to\\nsettle the questions in dispute in relation to the affairs of Texas, but\\nall the questions in dispute between the two governments, as pro-\\nposed by the government of the United States. He replied, that the\\ncredentials of Mr. Slidell had not reference to any questions in dis-\\npute, but merely as a minister to reside near the Mexican govern-\\nment, without reference to any questions in dispute, just as if the\\ndiplomatic and friendly relations between the two governments had\\nnot been and were not interrupted that I knew the critical situation\\nof the Mexican government, and that it had to proceed witli great\\n22*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "258 APPENDIX.\\ncaution and circumspection in this affair that the government itself\\nwas well disposed to arrange all differences.\\nHe said he Avas happy to say that he had received very favor-\\nable information in relation to our minister, the Hon. Mr. Slidell\\nthat he understood he was a person indued with excellent qualities,\\nand an eminent lawyer and as he himself was of that profession,\\nthey would be able to understand each other better, and tliat he\\nwould be much pleased to cultivate his acquaintance and that if\\netiquette and the present state of affairs would permit, he would be\\nhappy to pay him a visit, even before he was presented to the govern-\\nment and said he would advise me, through Mr. Monasterio, when\\nhe was ready to present to me the answer to Mr. Slidell s note.\\nThe foregoing, sir, is, as far as my recollection Avill serve, a true\\nstatement of what passed between the aforesaid Mexican minister\\nand myself in the beforementioned interviews.\\nBOUNDARY OF TEXAS.\\nIn his message of December, 184G, Mr. Polk says,\\nThe Texas which was ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty of\\n1819, embraced all the country now claimed by the state of Texas\\nbetween the Nueceg and the Rio Grande. The republic of Texas\\nalways claimed this river as her western boundary, and in her treaty\\nmade with Santa Anna, in May, 1836, he recognized it as such.\\nBy the constitution which Texas adopted in March, 1836, senato-\\nrial and representative districts were organized extending west of\\nthe Nueces. The Congress of Texas, on the 19th of December,\\n1836, passed An act to define the boundaries of the republic of\\nTexas, in which they declared the Rio Grande, from its mouth to\\nits source, to be their boundary, and by the said act they extended\\ntheir civil and political jurisdiction over the country up to that\\nboundary. During a period of more than nine years, which inter-\\nvened between the adoption of her constitution and her annexation\\nas one of the States of our Union, Texas asserted and exercised\\nmany acts of sovereignty and jurisdiction over the teiTitory and\\ninhabitants west of the Nueces. She organized and defined the", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 259\\nlimits of countries extending to the Rio Grande. She established\\ncourts of justice and extended her judicial system over the tei-rito-\\nry. She established a custom-house, and collected duties, and also\\npost-offices and post roads, in it. She established a land office, and\\nissued numerous grants for land, within its limits. A senator and a\\nrepresentative residing in it were elected to the Congress of the\\nrepublic, and served as such before the act of annexation took\\nplace. In both the Congress and convention of Texas, which gave\\ntheir assent to the terms of annexation to the United States, pro-\\nposed by our Congress, were representatives residing west of the\\nNueces, who took part in the act of annexation itself This was\\nthe Texas which, by the act of our Congress of the 29th of De-\\ncember, 1845, was admitted as one of the States of our Union.\\nThat the Congress of the United States understood the State of\\nTexas, which tliey admitted into the Union, to extend beyond the\\nNueces is apparent from the fact, that on the 31st of December,\\n1845, only two days after the act of admission, they passed a law\\nto establish a collection district -in the State of Texas, by which\\nthey created a port of delivery at Corpus Christi, situated west of\\nthe Nueces, and being the same point at which the Texas custom-\\nhouse, under the laws of that republic, had been located, and di-\\nrected that a surveyor to collect the revenue should be appointed\\nfor that port by the president, by and with the advice and consent\\nof the senate. A surveyor was accordingly nominated, and con-\\nfirmed by the senate, and has been ever since in the performance\\nof his duties. All these acts of tlie republic of Texas, and of our\\nCongress, preceded the orders for the advance of our army to the\\neast bank of the Rio Grande. Subsequently, Congress passed an\\nact establishing certain post routes, extending west of the Nu-\\neces. The country west of that river now constitutes a part of one\\nof the congressional districts of Texas, and is represented in the\\nhouse of representatives. The senators from that State were\\nchosen by a legislature, in which the country west of that river was\\nrepresented. In view of all these facts, it is difficult to conceive\\nupon what ground it can be maintained that, in occupying the\\ncountry west of the Nueces witli our army, with a view solely to\\nits security and defence, we invaded the territory of Mexico. But\\nit would have been still more difficult to justify the executive,\\nwhose duty it is to see that the laws be faithfully executed, if in\\nthe face of all these proceedings, both of the Congress of Texas", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "260 APPENDIX.\\nand of tlie United States, he had assumed the responsibility of\\nyielding up the territory west of the Nueces to Mexico, or of re-\\nfusing to protect and defend this territory and its inhabitants, inclu-\\nding Corpus Christi, as well as the remainder of Texas, against tlie\\ntlireatened Mexican invasion.\\nR.\\nPEOCLAMATION OP GENERAL WOLL.\\nHEADaUARTERS OF THE ArMY OF THE NoRTH,\\nMiER, June 20, 18i4.\\nI, Adrian Woll, general of brigade, c., make known,\\n1. The armistice agreed on with the department of Texas\\nhaving expired, and the war being, in consequence, recommenced\\nagainst the inhabitants of that dQpartment, all communication with\\nit ceases.\\n2. Every individual, of whatever condition, who may contra-\\nvene provisions of the preceding article, shall be regarded as a\\ntraitor, and shall receive the punishment prescribed in article 45,\\ntitle 10, treatise 8, of the articles of war.\\n3. Every individual who may be found at the distance of one\\nleague from the left bank of the Rio Bravo, will be regarded as a\\nfavorer and accom.plice of the usurpers of that part of tlie national\\ntemtory, and as a traitor to his country and, after a summary mili-\\ntary trial, shall receive the said punishment.\\n4. Every individual who may be comprehended within the pro-\\nvisions of the preceding article, and may be rash enough to fly at\\nthe sight of any force belonging to the supreme government, shall\\nbe pursued until taken, or put to death.\\n5. In consideration of the situation of the towns of Laredo\\nand Santa Rita de Ampudia, as well as of all the farm-houses\\nbeyond the Rio Bravo, in which remain all the interests of tlie in-\\nhabitants of the line committed to my charge, I have tliis day\\nreceived, from the supreme government, orders to determine the\\nmanner by which those interests are to be protected but, until the\\ndetermination of the supreme government be received, I warn all\\nthose who are beyond the limits here prescribed to bring tliem", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 261\\nwithin the line, or to abandon them, as those who disobey this\\norder will infallibly suffer the punishment here established.\\nADRIAN WOLL/\\nEXTRACT FROM GENERAL RUSK S SPEECH.\\nI might here go back and array names that would command\\nrespect, and among them the names of such men as Mr. Monroe,\\nMr. Madison, Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Clay, to establish the fact that\\nthe territory of Texas extended originally to the Rio Grande. But\\nit is unnecessary for my present purpose to do so. The boundary\\nof Tex||L as now claimed, is the boundary established by revolution,\\nand thaf^oundary is the Rio Grande.\\nMexico, after having adopted constitutions, state and federal,\\nconforming very nearly to those of the United States, passed liberal\\nlaws, and held out strong inducements to the people of every clime,\\nto encourage the settlement of Texas. This was done, not so much\\nfor the benefit of those who might take up their abode within that\\ndistrict of country, as for the purpose of redeeming that valuable\\nportion of her territory from the dominion of the savage, which\\nMexico had struggled to accomplish, but without success, for cen-\\nturies past.\\nBefore Austin went into Texas with his colonists, hostile Indians\\nroamed in bands througliout the country, unrestrained. They\\nwere constantly committing depredations, robbing the people of\\ntheir property, and carrying into abject bondage the women and\\nchildren of the frontier settlements. For the purpose, then, of\\ndriving out this ruthless foe, were inducements held out to the\\ncolonists to settle there. Until the year 1834, with but few inter-\\nruptions, there existed a state of peace and quietness. In that year\\nSanta Anna, at the head of the military poAver, overthrew the con-\\nstitution of 1824, abolished the state governments, and established\\none of tlie most tyrannical and absolute governments that ever\\nexisted. The government thus established by Santa Anna is\\nmisunderstood here it was an absolute government. It is true that\\nthere was the name of a congress, but it was the name alone. The\\npresident was, in reality, the supreme dictator. He called a con-", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "262 APPENDIX.\\ngress of notables around him, but that congress was entirely sub\\nseirvient to his will. Another feature in the central constitution was,\\nthat the president had the power to appoint, at his pleasure, an\\nexecutive council from tlie different portions of the community, the\\nindustrial classes, the priesthood, tlie military, the commercial, and\\nothers. They were, however, from the very nature of the tenure of\\ntheir offices, his creatures, and, if they were not subservient to his\\nviews, he could remove them at his pleasure. Again it was one\\nof the fundamental articles of this central government, that the pres-\\nident, with tlie advice of his council, might suspend the action of\\nany other department of the government, so that, in reality, absolute\\npower was vested in the president.\\nThe people of Texas were unwilling to commence the revolu-\\ntion they were anxious to avoid a collision with Mexico. They\\nsent Austin to Mexico to represent their condition, and to ask some\\nguaranty that they should not be disturbed in the enjoymewof their\\nrights. Without any cause, and even without charges having been\\npreferred against him, he was seized and incarcerated in the loath-\\nsome dungeons of Mexico, where, in fact, he contracted the disease\\nwhich terminated his honorable and useful life. In order to carry\\nout the establishment of this central government, it became necessary\\nfor Santa Anna to possess himself of all the physical power in\\nMexico. With a view to this, he procured the passage of a decree\\nrequiring the States, as well as individuals, to surrender up all the\\narms which they had in their possession. This law was enforced\\ntliroughout Mexico. State constitutions were destroyed States\\nv/ere declared to be mere departments were deprived of all legis-\\nlative authority, and their governors were appointed by the central\\ngovermnent. This law was, as I have said, enforced all over Mexico,\\nalthough there were some States which held out for some time\\nagainst it. The State of Zacatecas, afler a sharp contest, yielded,\\nand other States made but a feeble resistance. Texas could not\\nyield to it she could not yield to such a decree. We were\\nsurrounded by hostile Indians, the Camanches and various other\\ntribes, who were committing depredations on our frontiers. The\\nIndians settled amongst us, greatly exceeded our own population in\\npoint of numbers, and it was known that Mexican agents had been\\namong them urging them to take up the tomahawk and scalping-\\nknife, and exterminate the Texans. If we had submitted to have\\nour arms taken from us, the result would have been indiscriminate", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 263\\nmassacre. Under such circumstances, there is scarcely any one, I\\npresume, who would have asked us to give up our arms, even to\\navoid the charge of being land rohhers. An attempt was made by\\nSanta Amia to enforce this law in Texas.\\nThe people of the various municipalities had elected delegates\\nto meet in general consultation, at San Felipe, to determine whether\\nwe would submit to tlie central government, and to agree upon some\\ndefinite course of combined action. This convention was to\\nassemble in October, 1835.\\nAbout this time, however. General Cos, at the head of an army\\nof central troops, crossed the Rio Grande, left a garrison at Lipan-\\ntitlan, on the west side of tlie Nueces, and one at Goliad, and\\nmarched with his main force to San Antonio, where he established\\nhis headquarters. During this march, there was no movement on\\nour part to take up arms we were quietly assembling at San Felipe\\nto consult as to A\\\\^hat course we should adopt. About the time\\nGeneral Cos reached San Antonio, he sent a detachment of two\\nhundred cavalry to Gonzales, a small town in the neighborhood of\\nthat place, to demand from its citizens the surrender of a small\\npiece of ordnance, which had been purchased by them as a means\\nof defence against the Indians. They asked twenty-four hours to\\nconsider, and finally refused to surrender their cannon, but gave the\\nassailants its contents, and a fight ensued between them and the\\nMexican cavalry and thus, sir, the revolution commenced.\\nAs the news of this occniTence spread, the citizens from all\\nquarters shouldered their rifles and hurried to the contest. Captain\\nDimmit raised a company of men, took the garrison at Goliad,\\nmarched to Lipantitlan, where he was joined by citizens residing on\\nboth sides of the Nueces, as well as some who resided on the Rio\\nGrande and, at the head of this combined force, captured the fort\\nand dispersed the central troops.\\nThe convention, which had in the meanwhile assembled at San\\nFelip6, declared against the central government, and protested\\nagainst the military despotism of Santa Anna, and in favor of the\\nconstitution of 1824, inviting all the States of tlie confederacy to\\njoin them in restoring that constitution and reclaiming their liberties.\\nGeneral Cos, who had been closely besieged in his fortifications at\\nSan Antonio, capitulated, after having been beaten. Many of the\\ncitizens who resided between the Nueces and the Rio Grande, were\\nattached to the army which captured General Cos. Now, sir, I", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "264 APPENDIX.\\nwould ask, was it not right that we should include them in the\\nbenefits of our victory, and provide for their safety I say, sir,\\nwould it have been just or honorable in those of us who resided east\\noT the Nueces, to have provided for our own security, and to have\\nleft those west of that river, from whom we had received valuable\\naid, to the tender mercies of the Mexican dictator We did provide\\nfor their safety many of them have since fallen we have\\nalways asserted and stood by the rights of their widows and orphans,\\nand, anxious as we were for peace and a termination of the war\\nwith Mexico, there never has been a time when Texas would not\\nhave hazarded her very existence as a nation, in any contest,\\nhowever unequal, rather than have abandoned them to the enemy.\\nLife and liberty were the stakes for which we fought mere terri-\\ntory was a secondary, very secondary consideration. These people\\nhad dared to resist the central power they had perilled every thing\\nand had joined us had rendered important services, and we had\\ncheerfully accepted their aid in the hour of adversity, and I, for one,\\nsir, think it was 7wt discreditable to us that we regarded their rights\\nand stipulated for their security in our prosperity. General Cos was\\nforced to enter into a capitulation which protected the rights of those\\ncitizens, and which forms the first link in the chain of our title to\\nthe ten-itory extending to the Rio Grande. Mr. President, I will ask\\nthe favor that the secretary will read the copy of that instrument,\\nwhich I hold in my hand. The secretary read as follows\\nCapitulation entered into by General Martin Perfecto de Cos, of the\\nPermanent Troops, and General Edivard Burleson, of the Colonial\\nTroops of Texas.\\nBeing desirous of preventing the farther effusion of blood, and\\nthe ravages of civil war, we have agreed on the following stipulations\\n1st. That General Cos and his officers retire with their arms and\\nprivate property, into the interior of the republic, under parole of\\nhonor that they will not in any way oppose the establishment of\\nthe federal constitution of 1824.\\n2d. That the one hundred infantry lately arrived with the con-\\nvicts, the remnant of the battalion of Morelos, and the cavalry,\\nretire with the general taking their arms, and ten rounds of car-\\ntridges for their muskets.\\n3d. That the general take the convicts lately brought in by\\nColonel Ugartachea beyond the Rio Grande.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 265\\n4th. That it is discretionary with the troops to follow their\\ngeneral, remain, or go to such point as they may deem proper but\\nin case they should, all or any of them, separate, they are to have\\ntheir arms, c.\\n5th. That all the public property, money, arms, and munitions\\nof war, be inventoried and delivered to General Burleson.\\n6th. That all private property be restored to its proper owners.\\n7th. That three officers of each army be appointed to make out\\nthe inventory, and see that the terms of capitulation be carried into\\neffect.\\n8th. That three officers on the part of General Cos remain for\\nthe purpose of delivering over the said property, stores, c.\\n9th. That General Cos with his force, for the present, occupy\\nthe Alamo and General Burleson, with his force, occupy the town\\nof Bexar and that the soldiers of neither party pass to the other,\\narmed.\\n10th. General Cos shall, within six days from the date hereof,\\nrem.ove his force from the garrison he now occupies.\\n11th. In addition to the arms before mentioned. General Cos\\nshall be permitted to take with his force, a four-pounder and ten\\nrounds of powder and ball.\\n12th. The officers appointed to make the inventory and delivery\\nof the stores, c., shall enter upon the duties to which they have\\nbeen appointed forthwith.\\n13th. The citizens shall be protected in their persons and\\nproperty.\\n14. General Burleson will furnish General Cos with such pro-\\nvisions as can be obtained, necessary for his troops to the Rio\\nGrande, at the ordinary price of the country.\\n15th. The sick and wounded of General Cos s army, together\\nwith a surgeon and attendants, are permitted to remain.\\n16th. No person, either citizen or soldier, to be molested on\\naccount of his political opinions hitherto expressed.\\n17th. That duplicates of this capitulation be made out in Cas-\\ntilian and English, and signed by the commissioners appointed, and\\nratified by the commanders of both armies.\\n18th. The prisoners of both armies, up to this day, shall be\\nput at liberty.\\n19th. The commissioners, Jos6 Juan Sanchez, adjutant-in-\\nspector, Don Ramon Musquiz, and Lieutenant Francisco Rada, and\\n23", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "266 APPENDIX.\\ninterpreter Don Miguel Arciniega, appointed by the commandant\\nand inspector, General Martin Perfecto de Cos, in connection with\\ncolonel F. W. Johnson, Major R. C. Morris, and Captain J. G.\\nSwisher, and interpreter John Cameron, appointed on the part of\\nGeneral Edward Burleson after a long and serious discussion,\\nadopted the eighteen preceding articles, reserving their ratification\\nby the generals of both armies.\\nIn virtue of which, we have signed this instrument in the city\\nof Bexar, on the 11th of December, 1835.\\n(Signed,) JOSE JUAN SANCHEZ,\\nRAMON MTJSQUIZ,\\nJ. FRANCISCO DE RADA,\\nMIGUEL ARCINIEGA, Interpreter,\\nF. W. JOHNSON,\\nROBERT C. MORRIS,\\nJAMES G. SWISHER,\\nJOHN CAMERON, Interpreter.\\n*I consent and will observe the above articles.\\n(Signed,) MARTIN PERFECTO DE COS.\\nRatified and approved.\\n(Signed,) EDWARD BURLESON,\\nComma7icler-in-chief of the Volunteer Ar7mj.\\nA true copy, EDWARD BURLESON,\\nCommander-in-Chief.\\nGeneral Cos, sir, with his convicts and soldiers, retired to the\\nwest bank of the Rio Grande.\\nThus, sir, the citizens of Texas, east of the Rio Grande, had,\\nso far, successfully resisted the change of government The mili-\\ntary despotism had no foothold remaining on this side of that\\nstream. Up to this time we had been contending for the constitu-\\ntion, which had been overthrown, and not for a separate national\\nexistence.\\nSanta Aima, bent upon the possession of absolute power, was\\nnot to be thus balked in his views. He immediately mustered a\\nlarge and well-appointed army, and at its head, put himself en route,\\nfor our extermination. He could not remain quiet while a few\\nfreemen on this side of the Rio Grande were in the enjoyment of\\nrational liberty, and would not bow and worship at the footstool of\\nhis power. The rest of Mexico had submitted no response to the\\nshout of constitutional liberty reached us from beyond the Rio", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 267\\nGrande. Santa Anna was rapidly advancing upon us, tlireatening\\nextermination, and we had no alternative left but to assume a sep-\\narate national existence. A convention was accordingly called in\\nhaste, to which the people between the Nueces and the Rio Grande\\nsent delegates. We declared our independence appealed to the\\ncivilized world for the justice of our cause, and trusting to the God\\nof battles, put ourselves in position to defend our rights. Santa\\nAnna advanced with great rapidity, and the first blood that flowed\\nin tliis campaign was shed upon the territory between the Nueces\\nand the Rio Grande. The Alamo was surrounded, and its brave\\ndefenders, to a man, perished by the sword. Fanning surrendered,\\nand, in violation of the most solemn stipulations for the safety of\\nhis command, he and his gallant men were inhumanly butchered in\\ncold blood. Most of tlie male inhabitants of the country west of\\nthe Nueces found bloody but honorable graves. Santa Anna con-\\ntinued his rapid advance, spreading ruin and devastation on his\\npath. He was met at San Jacinto by seven hundred and eighty\\nfreemen, and the result is before the world half of his force was\\nslain, the remainder, including himself, captured.\\nSanta Anna now occupied a delicate position. His life justly\\nforfeited to us, was held by a doubtful tenure. His government at\\nhome was unpopular with the great mass of the people. The only\\nsupport upon which he could rely for political existence, was the\\narmy at different points in Texas, now reduced to some five thou-\\nsand men, under the command of General Filisola. To save his\\nown life, the remnant of his army, and his government, were im-\\nportant objects. Only the day before, he was the government of\\nMexico^ now he was a prisoner. He obtained permission and wrote\\nto General Filisola, who, in his answer, promised to obey implicitly\\nall orders which he should give him. Santa Anna at once proposed\\nto General Houston and the secretary of war, then in camp, to ac-\\nknowledge the independence of Texas extending to the Rio Grande.\\nThey declined to enter into negotiations, and turned Santa Anna\\nover to the civil government, (which consisted of a president and\\ncabinet, ad interim, elected for the emergency, by the convention.)\\nSanta Anna urged them to enter into negotiations with him, which\\nthey did, and which treaty, (here a senator remarked that it was not\\na treaty.) I think it was a treaty, sir, and I shall have occasion\\nfurther to remark upon it hereafter. (See Appendix G.)", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "268 APPENDIX.\\nAN ACT\\nTO DEFINE THE BOUNDARIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.\\nSec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives\\nof the Republic of Texas in Congress assembled, That from and after\\nthe passage of this act, the civil and political jurisdiction of this\\nRepubic be, and is hereby, declared to extend to the following\\nboundaries, to wit Beginning at the mouth of the Sabine River, and\\nrunning west along the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, to\\nthe mouth of the Rio Grande thence up the principal stream of said\\nriver to its source, thence due nortli to the forty-second degree of\\nnorth latitude, thence along the boundary line, as defined in the\\ntreaty between the United States and Spam, to the beginning; and\\ntliat the president be, and he is hereby, autliorized to open a nego-\\ntiation with the government of the United States of America, so\\nsoon as, in his opinion, the public interest requires it, to ascertain\\nand define the boundary line as agreed upon in said treaty.\\nIRA INGRAM,\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives.\\nRICHARD ELLIS,\\nPresident of the Senate, pro tern.\\nApproved, December 19, 1836. SAM. HOUSTON.\\nJOINT RESOLUTION\\nFIXING THE DIVIDING LINE BETWEEN THE COUNTIES OF BEXAR AND\\nSAN PATRICIO.\\nBe it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the\\nRepublic of Texas in Congi-ess assembled, That a direct line running\\nfrom the junction of the Cibolo or San Bartolo Creek to the Rio\\nFrio, at a point thirty miles above its junction with the Nueces,\\nthence in a direct line to the town of Loredo, shall be considered\\ntlie dividing line between the counties of San Patricio and Bexar,\\nand shall be respected as such by the surveyors of the respective\\ncounties. Provided, That this act shall not affect rights previously\\nacquirea by surveys legally made by the surveyors of the county", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 269\\nof San Patricio below the old road from San Antonio to the Presi-\\ndio of the Rio Grande.\\nJOSEPH ROWE,\\nSpeaker of the House of Representatives.\\nMIRABEAU B. LAMAR,\\nPreside7it of the Senate.\\nApproved, May 24, 1838. SAM. HOUSTON.\\nu.\\nMINUTES OE AN INTERVIEW\\nBetween Brigadier-General W. J. Worth, United States Army, and Gen-\\neral Romulo Vega, of the Mexican Army, held on the right Bank of the\\nRio Grande, 28th March, 1846.\\nOn exhibiting a white fla^ on the left bank of the Rio Grande,\\na boat, with two officers, (represented as cavalry officers,) with an\\ninterpreter, the same who appeared at the crossing of the Colorado,\\nand a fourth person, crossed from the right bank of the river.\\nIt was stated through an interpreter, (Mr. Mitchell,) that a general\\nofficer of the United States army had been sent by his commanding\\ngeneral, with despatches to the commanding general at Matamoras,\\nand the civil authorities, and an interview requested.\\nAfter some conversation explanatory of the above, the Mexican\\nparty recrossed the river, to report to the commanding general at\\nMatamoras, and return with his reply. An open note for the Amer-\\nican consul at Matamoras, with an indorsement on the back in pen-\\ncil, was delivered to the Mexican officer by General Worth, who\\nreplied that he should hand it to the commanding general. Cer-\\ntainly, of course, was General Worth s remark in reply.\\nOn the return of the same party. General Mejia sent word that,\\nif the commanding general of the American forces desired a con-\\nference with the commanding general of the Mexican forces, it\\nwould readily be complied with but as the American commander\\nhad designated a subordinate officer to meet General Mejia, the\\ncommanding officer of the Mexican forces. General Mejia, could\\nnot entertain such a proposition, but that an officer of corresponding\\nrank and position in the Mexican forces would be designated to re-\\nceive any communication sent by General Taylor.\\n23*", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "270 APrENDix.\\nIt was perceived that the relation of the parties was misappre-\\nhended, they supposing that a conference was requested tliis was\\ncorrected immediately, and it was reiterated that General Worth\\nwas merely the bearer of despatches, with authority to relate ver-\\nbally certain matters of interest to the commanding general at Mat-\\namoras.\\nThe proposition of General Mejia was then acceded to, with the\\nremark that this was a mere question of form, which should not be\\npermitted to interfere with any arrangements necessary to the con-\\ntinuance of the friendly relations now existing between the two\\ngovernments.\\nThe Mexican party returned to the right bank, and after a short\\nabsence, returned, stating that General Romulo Vega would receive\\nGeneral Worth on the right bank of the river, (their own proposition,)\\nfor the reception of any communication which General Worth might\\nhave to make from the commanding general.\\nGeneral Worth then crossed the river, accompanied by Lieuten-\\nant Smith, A. D. C., Lieutenants Magruder, Deas, and Blake,\\nattached to his staff, together with Lieutenant Knowlton, as inter-\\npreter.\\nOn arriving at the right bank of the river, General Worth was\\nreceived by General Vega with becoming courtesy and respect, and\\nintroduced to the authorities of Matamoras, represented in the per-\\nson of the Licenciado Casares.\\nOn the Mexican part, were present. General Vega, the Licenci-\\nado Casares, two officers, (represented as cavalry officers,) an inter-\\npreter, with a person named Juan N. Garza, official de defensores.\\nAfter the usual courtesies on meeting, it was stated by General\\nWorth that he was bearer of despatches from the commanding gen-\\neral of the American forces to General Mejia and the civil authori-\\nties of Matamoras a written and unsealed document was produced,\\nand General Vega, desiring to know its contents, it was carefully\\nread and translated into Spanish by the Mexican interpreter.\\nGeneral Vega then stated that he had been directed to receive\\nsuch communications as General Worth might present from his\\ncommanding general, going on to say that the march of the United\\nStates troops through a part of the Mexican territory, (Tamaulipas, j\\nwas considered as an act of war.\\nGeneral Worth. I am well aware that some of the Mexican\\npeople consider it an aggressive act, but (interrupted by the Mex-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 271\\nican interpreter, and after a slight discussion of the international\\nquestion on the part of General Vega,) General Worth repeated\\nthe above remark, adding that it was not so considered by his gov-\\nernment; that the army had been ordered there by his government,\\nand there it would remain; whether rightfully or otherwise, that was\\na matter to be settled between tlie two governments. General Vega\\nstill disposed to argue the merits of the case, was told by General\\nWorth that he came to state facts, not to argue them.\\nGeneral Worth here stated that he had been sent with a des-\\npatch from his commanding general to General Mejia that General\\nMejia h ad refused to receive it from him in person adding with\\nemphasis, and some degree of warmth, I now state that I with-\\ndraw this despatch, having read it merely as an act of courtesy to\\nGeneral Vega that, in addition to the written despatch to General\\nMejia, I am authorized to express verbally the sentiments with\\nwhich the commanding general proposed to carry out the instruc-\\ntions of his government, in which he hoped to preserve the peace-\\nable relations between the two governments, leaving all questions\\nbetween the two countries to be settled by their respective govern-\\nments; and if, hereafter. General Mejia wished to conmiunicate\\nwith General Taylor, he, General Mejia, must propose the means,\\nassuring General Vega that, should General Mejia present himself\\nor his communications by a subaltern officer, in either case they\\nwould be received witli becoming courtesy and hospitality.\\nThe question of right of territoj^^was again opened by General\\nVega, who asked how the United States government would view\\nthe matter, should the Mexican troops march into or occupy a por-\\ntion of the territory of the United States\\nGeneral Worth replied, that General Vega might probably be\\nfamiliar with the old proverb, Sufficient for the day is the evil\\nthereof, and that it would be time enough to reply to such a propo-\\nsition when the act itself Avas perpetrated.\\nThis proverb did not appear to have been translated by the\\nMexican interpreter, but was received by General Vega with a\\nsmile and a slight shrug.\\nGeneral Worth. Is tlie American consul in arrest, or in prison\\nGeneral Vega. No.\\nGeneral Worth. Is he now in the exercise of his proper func-\\ntions\\nGeneral Vega, after apparently consulting with the Licenciado\\nCasares for a moment, replied that he was.", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "272 APPENDIX.\\nGeneral Worth. Then, as an American officer, in the name of\\nmy government and my commanding general, I demand an inter-\\nview with the consul of my country. (No reply.)\\nGeneral Worth. Has Mexico declared war against the United\\nStates\\nGeneral Vega. No.\\nGeneral Worth. Are the two countries still at peace\\nGeneral Vega. Yes.\\nGeneral Worth, Then I again demand an interview with the\\nconsul of my government, in Matamoras in the presence, of course,\\nof these gentlemen, or any other that the commanding general in\\nMatamoras may be pleased to designate. General Vega reiterated\\nthat the consul was in the proper exercise of his functions that he\\nwas not in arrest, nor were any other Americans in arrest in Mata-\\nmoras that he would submit the demand to General Mejia, adding,\\nthat he thought there would be great difficulty.\\nThis demand was repeatedly made in the most emphatic man-\\nner, and a reply requested General Vega stating the consul con-\\ntinued in the exercise of his functions, and that General Worth s\\ndemand would be submitted to General Mejia.\\nHere the interview was suspended, while the licenciado left\\nthe party to submit (as was understood) the demand for an interview\\nwith the consul to General Mejia. While engaged in friendly in-\\ntercourse. General Worth stated to General Vega, in an informal\\nmanner, as an evidence of thei good faith, intentions, and disposi-\\ntion of his commanding general, that he, General Taylor, was well\\naware of the importance of Brazos Santiago to the commerce and\\nbusiness community of Matamoras that he respected their laws\\nand customs, and would freely grant entrance and exit to all Mexi-\\ncan and other vessels trading with Matamoras on the same terms\\nas before its occupation by the United States, leaving all questions\\narising therefrom to be settled hereafter by the two governments.\\nAt the expiration of about a quarter of an hour, the Licenciado\\nCasares returned and reported that General Mejia would not accede\\nto the request for an interview on the part of General Worth say-\\ning nothing, however, relative to the question of the consul.\\nGeneral Vega was then again informed that the despatch in-\\ntended to be delivered to General Mejia by General Worth, in\\nperson, would be returned by him. General Worth, to his command-\\ning general, considering any other disposition of it as disrespectful", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 273\\nto him repeating that it had been read to General Vega as an act\\nof courtesy to him, and that General Mejia must take his own meas-\\nures of communicating with General Taylor, adding, that whether\\nGeneral Mejia should send a superior or subaltern officer to General\\nTaylor, at all times accessible, he would be received with becom-\\ning courtesy and hospitality. General Worth then presented a\\nwritten and sealed document for the civil authorities of Matamoras,\\nwhich was received by General Vega and immediately transfeiTod\\nto the Licenciado Casares.\\nGeneral Vega. Is it the intention of General Taylor to remain\\nwith his army on the left bank of the Rio Grande\\nGeneral Worth. Most assuredly, and there to remain until di-\\nrected otherwise by his government.\\nGeneral Vega remarked that we felt indignation at seeing\\nthe American flag placed on the Rio Grande, a portion of the Mex-\\nican territory.\\nGeneral Worth replied, that was a niatter of taste notwith-\\nstanding, there it Avould remain. The army had been ordered to\\noccupy its present position by its government; it has come in a\\npeaceable rather than belligerent attitude, with a determination to\\nrespect the rights and customs of those on the right bank of the\\nRio Grande, while it oifers protection to all on the left bank within\\nthe territory of the United States.\\nNo reply having been received from General Vega relative to\\nthe demand for an interview with the American consul, the ques-\\ntion was again introduced by General Worth, and the demand for\\nthe last time reiterated.\\nGeneral Vega then promptly refused to comply with the de-\\nmand replying, without waiting for the interpretation, No, no.\\nGeneral Worth. I have now to state that a refusal of my demand\\nto see the American consul is regarded as a belligerent act and,\\nin conclusion, I have to add, the commanding general of the Amer-\\nican forces on the left bank of the river will regard the passage of\\nany anned party of Mexicans in hostile array across the Rio Grande\\nas an act of war, and pursue it accordingly.\\nThe interview here terminated, and General Worth and staff\\nrelumed to the left bank of the river.\\nThe above is the substance of the interview between Generals\\nWorth and Vega is a fair statement of the conversation, and, as", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "274 APPENDIX.\\nnearly as possible, stating the exact words and expressions used on\\nthe occasion.\\n\u00c2\u00ab*M. KNOWLTON,\\n1st Lieut. 1st Artillery.\\n\u00c2\u00abJ. BANKHEAD MAGEUDER,\\n1st Lieut. 1st A7-tillery, Acting A. D. C.\\nED. DEAS,\\n1st Lieut. 4:th Artillery,\\nJ. EDM D BLAKE,\\n1st Lieut. Top. Eng.\\nLARKIN SMITH,\\n1st Lieut, and A. D. C.\\nCORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GENERALS TAYLOR AND\\nAMPUDIA.\\nGeno al Taylor to General Ampudia.\\nHeadquarters, Army of Occupation,\\nCamp near Matamoras, Texas, April 12, 1846.\\nSenor: I have had the honor to receive your note of this date,\\nin which you summon me to withdraw the forces under my com-\\nmand from their present position, and beyond the river Nueces, until\\nthe pending question between our governments, relative to the limits\\nof Texas, shall be settled.\\nI need hardly advise you that, charged as I am, in only a mili-\\ntary capacity, with the performance of specific duties, I cannot enter\\ninto a discussion of the international question involved in the\\nadvance of the American army. You will, however, permit me to\\nsay that the government of the United States has constantly sought\\na settlement, by negotiation, of the question of boundary that an\\nenvoy was despatched to Mexico for that purpose, and that up to\\nthe most recent dates said envoy had not been received by the actual\\nMexican government, if indeed he has not received his passports\\nand left the republic. In the mean time, I have been ordered to\\noccupy the country up to the left bank of the Rio Grande, until the\\nboundary shall be definitively settled. In carrying out these instruc-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 275\\nIrons I have carefully abstained from all acts of hostility, obeying,\\nin this regard, not only the letter of my instructions, but the plain\\ndictates of justice and huvmnity.\\nThe instructions under which I am acting will not permit me to\\nretrograde from the position I now occupy. In view of the relations\\nbetween our respective governments, and the individual suffering\\nwhich may result, I regret the alternative which you offer but, at\\nthe same time, wish it understood that I shall by no means avoid\\nsuch alternative, leaving the responsibility with those who rashly\\ncommence hostilities. In conclusion, you Avill permit me to give\\nthe assurance that on my part the laws and customs of war among\\ncivilized nations shall be carefully observed.\\nI have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nZ. TAYLOR,\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2^Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A.^ comma^iding,\\nSeifior General D. Pedro de Ampudia.\\n[Translation.]\\nGe7ieral Amjmclia to General Taylor.\\nFourth Military Division, i\\nGeneral-in-Chief. y\\nTo explain to you the many grounds for the just grievances felt\\nby the Mexican nation, caused by the United States government,\\nwould be a loss of time, and an insult to your good sense I there-\\nfore pass at once to such explanations as I consider of absolute\\nnecessity.\\nYour government, in an incredible manner you will even\\npermit me to say, an extravagant one, if the usage or general rules\\nestablished and received among all civilized nations are regarded\\nhas not only insulted, but has exasperated the Mexican nation,\\nbearing its conquering banner to the left bank of the Rio Bravo del\\nNorte and in this case, by explicit and definitive orders of my\\ngovernment, which neither can, will, nor should receive new out-\\nrages, I require you, in all form, and at latest in the peremptory term\\nof twenty-four hours, to break up your camp and retire to the other\\nbank of the Nueces river, while our governments are regulating the\\npending question in relation to Texas. If you insist in remaining\\nupon the soil of the department of Tamaulipas, it will clearly result\\nthat arms, and arms alone, must decide the question and in that", "height": "3570", "width": "2041", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "276 APPENDIX.\\ncase I advise you that we accept the war to which^ with so mnch\\ninjustice on your part, you provoke us, and that, on our part, this\\nwar shall be conducted conformably to the principles established by\\nthe most civilized nations, that is to say, that the law of nations and\\nof war shall be the guide of my operations; trusting that on your\\npart the same will be observed.\\nWith this view, I tender you the considerations due to your\\nperson and respectable office.\\nGod and Liberty\\nHeadghtarters at Matamoras, 2 o clock P. M.^ April 12, ISIS.\\nPEDRO D AMPUDIA.\\nSoior General-in-Chief of the United States Artnyy\\nDon Z. Taylor.\\nGeyieral Taylor to Adjuta7it- General Jones.\\nHeadquarters, Army of Occupation, -i\\nCamp near ISIatamoras, Texas, April 26, 1846.\\nSir I have respectfully to report that General Arista arrived\\nin Matamoras on the 24th instant, and assumed the chief command\\nof the Mexican troops. On the same day he addressed me a com-\\nmunication, conceived in courteous terms, but saying that he con-\\nsidered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them. A\\ntranslation of his note, and copy of my reply, will be transmitted\\nthe moment they can be prepared. I despatch this by an express\\nwhich is now waiting.\\nI regret to report that a party of dragoons, sent out by me on\\nthe 24th instant, to watch the course of the river above on this bank,\\nbecame engaged with a very large force of the enemy, and after a\\nshort affair, in which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear\\nto have been surrounded and compelled to surrender. Not one of\\nthe party has returned, except a wounded man sent in this morning\\nby the Mexican commander, so that I cannot report with confidence\\nthe particulars of the engagement, or the fate of the officers, except\\nthat Captain Hardee was known to be a prisoner, and unhurt.\\nCaptain Thornton, and Lieutenants Mason and Kane, were the other\\nofficers. The party was sixty-three strong.\\nHostilities may now be considered as commenced, and I have\\nthis day deemed it necessary to call upon the governor of Texas for\\nfour regiments of volunteers, two to be mounted and two to serve as\\nfoot. As some delay must occur in collecting these troops, I have", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0292.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "APPEiMDIX. 277\\nalso desired the governor of Louisiana to send out four regiments\\nof infantr})- as soon as practicable. Tliis will constitute an auxiliary\\nforce of nearly 5000 men, which will be required to prosecute the\\nwar with energy, and carry it, as it should be, into the enemy s\\ncountry. I trust the department will approve my course in this\\nmatter, and will give the necessary orders to the staff departments\\nfor the supply of this large additional force.\\nIf a law could be passed authorizing the president to raise\\nvolunteers for twelve months, it would be of the greatest importance\\nfor a service so remote from support as this.\\nI am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nZ. TAYLOR,\\nBrevet Brig. Gen. U. S. A., commanding,\\nThe Adjutant- General of the Army,\\nWashington, D. C.\\nw.\\nLETTER.\\nGeneral Taylor to General Ampudia.\\nHeadquarters, Army of Occupation,\\nCamp near Matamoras, Texas, .^j^ril 22, 1846.\\nSir I have had the honor to receive your comnmnication of\\nthis date, in whicli you complain of certain measures adopted by my\\norder, to close the mouth of the Rio Bravo against vessels bound to\\nMatamoras, and in which you also advert to the case of two Mexicans\\nsupposed to be detained as prisoners in this camp.\\nAfter all that has passed since the American army first approach-\\ned the Rio Bravo, I am certainly surprised that you should com-\\nplain of a measure which is no other than a natural result of the\\nstate of war so much insisted upon by the Mexican authorities, as\\nactually existing at this time. You will excuse me for recalling a\\nfew circumstances, to show that this state of war has not been\\nsought by the American army, but has been forced upon it, and that\\nthe exercise of the rights incident to such a state cannot be made\\na subject of complaint.\\n24", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0293.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "278 APPENDIX.\\nOn breaking* up my camp at Corpus Christi, and moving forward\\nwith the army under my orders to occupy the left bank of the Rio\\nBravo, it was my earnest desire to execute my instructions in a\\npacific manner to observe the utmost regard for the personal rights\\nof all citizens residing on the left bank of the river, and to take\\ncare that the religion and customs of the people should suffer no\\nviolation. With this view, and to quiet the minds of the inhabi-\\ntants, I issued orders to the army, enjoining a strict observance of\\nthe rights and interests of all Mexicans residing on the river, and\\ncaused said orders to be translated into Spanish, and circulated in\\nthe several towns on the Bravo. These orders announced the spirit\\nin which we proposed to occupy the country, and I am proud to say\\nthat up to this moment the same spirit has controlled the operations\\nof the army. On reaching the Arroyo Colorado I Avas informed by\\na Mexican officer that the order in question had been received in\\nMatamoras, but was told at the same time that if I attempted to\\ncross the river, it would be regarded as a declaration of war.\\nAgain, on my march to Frontone I was met by a deputation of the\\ncivil authorities of Matamoras, protesting against my occupation\\nof a portion of the department of Tamaulipas, and declaring that\\nif the army was not at once withdrawn, war would result. While\\nthis communication was in my hands, it was discovered that the\\nvillage of Frontone had been set on fire and abandoned. I viewed\\nthis as a direct act of war, and infomied the deputation that their\\ncommunication would be answered by me when opposite Matamo-\\nras, which was done in respectful terms. On reaching the river, I\\ndespatched an officer, high in rank, to convey to the commanding\\ngeneral in Matamoras the expression of my desire for amicable\\nrelations, and my willingness to leave open to the use of the citi-\\nzens of Matamoras the port of Brasos Santiago, until the question\\nof boundary should be definitively settled. This officer received for\\nreply, fi-om the officer selected to confer with him, that my advance\\nt,o the Rio Bravo was considered as a veritable act of war, and he\\nwas absolutely refused an interview with the American consul, in\\nitself an act incompatible with a state of peace. Notwithstanding\\nthese repeated assurances on the part of the Mexican authorities,\\nRnd notwithstanding the most obviously hostile preparations on the\\nright bank of the river, accompanied by a rigid non-intercourse, I\\n-jarefully abstained from any act of hostility determined that the\\n^nus of producing an actual state of hostilities should not rest with", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0294.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 279\\nme. Our relations remained in this state until I had the honor to\\nreceive your note of the 12th instant, in which you denounce war as\\nthe alternative of my remaining in this position. As I could not,\\nunder my instructions, recede from my position, I accepted the\\nalternative you offered, and made all my dispositions to meet it\\nsuitably. But, stiJl willing to adopt milder measures before proceed-\\ning to others, I contented myself in the first instance, with ordering\\na blockade of the mouth of the Rio Bravo, by the naval forces under\\nmy orders a proceeding perfectly consonant with the state of war\\nso often declared to exist, and Avhich you acknowledge in your\\nnote of the 16th instant, relative to the late Colonel Cross. If this\\nmeasure seem oppressive, I wish it borne in mind that it has been\\nforced upon me by the course you have seen fit to adopt. I have re-\\nported this blockade to my government, and shall not remove it until\\nI receive instructions to that effect, unless indeed you desire an\\narmistice pending the final settlement of the question between the\\ngovernments, or until war shall be formally declared by either, in\\nwhich case I will cheerfully open the river. In regard to the conse-\\nquences you mention as resulting from a refusal to remove the\\nblockade, I beg you to understand that I am prepared for them, be\\nthey what they may.\\nIn conclusion, I take leave to state that I consider tlie tone of\\nyour communication highly exceptionable, where you stigmatize the\\nmovement of the army under my orders as marked with the seal\\nof universal reprobation. You must be aware that such language\\nis not respectful in itself, either to me or to my government and\\nwhile I observe in my own correspondence the courtesy due to your\\nhigh position, and to the magnitude of the interests with which we\\nare respectively charged, I shall expect the same in return.\\nI have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,\\nZ. TAYLOR,\\nBrevet Brig. Gen. U. S. Army, commanding.\\nSenor Gen. D. Pedro De Ampudia,\\nCommanding in Matamoras.\\nX.\\nIn a letter of Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Trist, he says,\\nIn the annals of history never has there been a war conducted\\nin the same manner by invading forces. Instead of levying milita-", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0295.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "280 i\\\\PPENDlX.\\nry contributions for the support of our armies in the heart of oui\\nenemy s country, we have paid fair, and even extravagant prices,\\nfor all the supplies which we have received. We have not only\\nheld sacred the private property of the Mexicans, but on several\\noccasions have fed their famishing soldiers, and bound up their\\nwounds. And what has been the return Treachery and cruelty\\nhave done their worst against us. Our citizens have been mur-\\ndered, and their dead bodies mutilated, in cold blood, by bands of\\nsavage and cowardly guerillas and the parole of honor, sacred in\\nall civilized warfare, has been habitually forfeited by Mexican offi-\\ncers and soldiers. Those paroled at Vera Cruz have fought against\\nus at Cerro Gordo and those paroled at Ceito Gordo have doubt-\\nless been in the ranks of the enemy in the battles so glorious to\\nour arms at and near tlie city of Mexico.\\nAfter the battle of Cerro Gordo, the president entertained seri-\\nous thoughts of modifying your instructions, at least so far as\\ngreatly to reduce the maximum sums which you were authorized to\\npay for portions of the Mexican territory but, wishing to afford to\\nthe world an example of continued moderation and forbearance in\\nthe midst of victory, he suffered them to remain unchanged. And\\nwhat has been the consequence\\nAfter a series of brilliant victories, when our troops were at the\\ngates of the capital, and it was completely in our power, the Mex-\\nican government have not only rejected your liberal offers, but have\\ninsulted our country by proposing terms, the acceptance of which\\nwould degrade us in the eyes of the world, and be justly condemned\\nby the whole American people. They must attribute our liberality\\nto fear, or they must take courage from our supposed political di-\\nvisions. Some such cause is necessary to account for their strange\\ninfatuation. In this state of affairs, the president, believing that\\nyour continued presence with the army can be productive of no\\ngood, but may do much harm by encouraging the delusive hopes\\nand false impressions of the Mexicans, has directed me to recall\\nyou fi-om your mission, and to instruct you to return to the United\\nStates by the first safe opportunity. He has determined not to\\nmake another offer to treat with the Mexican government, though\\nhe will be always ready to receive and consider their proposals.\\nThey must now first sue for peace.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0296.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 281\\nY.\\nREPORT\\nFrom the Adjutant- General, m cotrvpliance with a Resolution of the House\\nof Representatives, in relation to the Number of United States Troops\\nthat have been engaged iyi the War vtith Mexico, the Number who have\\nbeen killed, died from Wounds, ^c.\\nWe can only give extracts from this report, and from that portion\\nof it which is explanatory of the tables.\\nThe tables present the following- results\\nTHE REGULAR ARMY.\\nThe strength of the army at the commencement of hostilities\\nwith the republic of Mexico, in April, 1846, 7244 the force on\\nthe frontier of Texas, May, 1846, present and absent, 3554, of\\nwhich 131 were sick troops sent to Mexico, including recruits,\\n23,136, of which 12,551 are of the old establishment, and 10,585\\nnew regiments, which, with the force on the Rio Grande in May,\\n1846, makes the whole number of the regular army employed every\\nwhere in the prosecution of the war, inclusive of December, 1847,\\nabout 26,690, besides a battalion of marines, (350.) Twenty-nine\\nthousand men have been recruited since the 13th of May, 1846,\\nand 23,556 sent to Mexico, which exceeds the number joined as\\nreported on the rolls and returns, many of which are wanting.\\nThe regular force in Mexico, New Mexico, and California, was,\\nin December, about 21,202 and since the 1st of January, 2493\\nrecruits have been sent to the army, which increases the regular\\ntroops in all Mexico, it is estimated, to about 23,695. The six\\ncompanies stationed in the United States, (556,) and 1200 recruits\\nin depot and at rendezvous, (total 1750,) carry up the regular army\\nevery where, on the rolls, to about 25,445.\\nCASUALTIES.\\nOld establishment discharges, by expiration of service, 1435\\nfor disability, 887; by order and civil authority, 253; total, 2575.\\nDeaths. Killed in battle, 45 officers, 434 men died of wounds,\\n19 officers, 331 men total killed and died of wounds, 64 officers,\\n765 men; ordinary deaths, 44 officers, 1787 men: total deaths,\\n108 officers, 2552 mxen. Aggregate, 2660.\\n24*", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0297.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": "282 APFEIMDIX.\\nWounded. In battle, 130 officers, 1799 men aggregate, 1929.\\nResignations. 32, in 1846 and 1847.\\nDesertions. 1637, of which 9 are marines.\\nAdditional regiments discharges, by expiration of service,\\n2 for disability, 248 by order and civil authority, 56 total,\\n306.\\nDeaths. Killed in battle, 6 officers, 62 men died of wovmds, 4\\nofficers, 71 men total killed and died of wounds, 10 officers, 133\\nmen ordinary deaths, 28 officers, 977 men total deaths, 38 offi-\\ncers, 1110 men. Aggregate, 1148.\\nWounded. In battle, 41 officers, 427 men. Aggregate, 468.\\nResignatio7is, 76 deseiiions, 445.\\nTHE VOLUNTEER SERVICE.\\nThe whole number of volunteers mustered into the service from\\nMay, 1846 of which 15,911 are mounted men, 1164 artillery, and\\n54,234 infantry, making an aggregate of 71,309, including 3087\\ncommissioned officers. From this number, it is proper to deduct\\nthe force not called out by authority of the war department, nor\\ncalled out under the act of May 13, 1846, and also the number\\nmustered, but soon after discharged, as supernumerary. This class\\nis embraced in the three and six months men, and two regiments\\nof twelve months men from Ohio and Missouri, and one company\\nfrom Iowa, amounting to 14,383 of which 2774 were discharged\\na few days after being mustered into service, (except the company,)\\nnot being required to proceed to tlie seat of war. Deducting this\\nclass of volunteers from the aggregate mustered and paid, (71,309,)\\nthe force enrolled under the act of May 13, 1846, and under the\\n5th section of the act of March 3, 1847, which authorizes the presi-\\ndent to accept the services of individual volunteers to fill vacan-\\ncies, c., is about 56,926 officers and men. But this number was\\nfurther reduced by discharges, c., before the battalions had left\\nthe United States and it is probable that the number exceeded but\\nlittle, if any 50,000 men, when put en route for the army.\\nSo far as can be ascertained from the latest returns received, it\\nappears that the volunteer force for the war and for 12 months,\\n(2017,) now employed in Mexico, New Mexico, and California,\\n(25,260,) and the eleven companies (1082) within the limits of the\\nUnited States, the sick included, amounts to 1456 officers and\\n24,886 men. Aggregate, 26,342, being 7589 less than the number", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0298.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 283\\nof the same regiments and companies (war men) when first mus-\\ntered into service. But this difference does not show the actual\\nloss first, because the greater number of the individual volunteers\\nenrolled, (i. e., recruited,) among which there is much loss, had not\\njoined their regiments at the date of the last returns, and were not\\nof course taken up on the rolls, but they are included in the table,\\nin the aggregate received into semce. And second, tlie casual-\\nties, i. e., discharges and deaths, (ordinary,) exhibited in the state-\\nment, must be considerably under the actual number, owing to the\\nmissing muster rolls yet due from many of the regiments, from\\nwhich the information alone can be obtained.\\nThe following general statement presents a condensed view of\\nthe various objects of inquiry respecting the volunteer forces.\\nThree months^ men. The strength when mustered into service\\nwas 1390, and when discharged 1269, being a loss of 121.\\nDischarges before the expiration of the term, 82, of which 3 Avere\\nfor disability.\\nDeaths, 18 ordinary, 8 killed in battle and died of wounds, 10.\\nDesertions, 22.\\nSix months men, (but held only for three months, the legal term\\nstrength when mustered into service, 11,150, and when discharged,\\n9559 loss, 1591.\\nDischarges, before the expiration of the term, 826, of which\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2370 were for disability.\\nDeaths, 127 ordinary, 107 killed in battle and died of wounds,\\n6 accidental, 14 desertions, 524.\\nTwelve months^ men. Strength when mustered into service,\\n26,344, and when discharged, 18,724 loss, 7620, (including loss\\nor difference between original and present strength of 21 compa-\\nnies twelve months men still in service, 2017 strong at the last\\nreturns.)\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0^Discharges, before the expiration of the term, 4391 of which,\\n3966 were for disability.\\nDeaths, 2111; ordinary, 1633; killed in battle, and died of\\nAvounds, 423 accidental, 55.\\nDesertions, 568.\\nVolunteers for the war. There are now 31 regiments (or equal\\nto as many) and 4 companies in service the aggregate strength\\nof wliich, when mustered under calls from the war department,\\nrespectively dated June 26, 1846, (1 regiment,) November 16, 1846,", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0299.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "284 APPENDIX.\\n(equal to 8 regiments and 5 companies,) April 19, 1847 (equal to\\n7 regiments and two companies,) August 26, 1847, (5 regiments,)\\nOctober 8, 1847, (2 regiments,) and at various other dates, (equal to\\n7 regiments and 7 companies,) was 31,914, being 2626 less than if\\nall the regiments and companies had been full, as authorized by-\\nlaw. Strength at the last returns officers, 1357 men, 22,968\\naggregate, 24,325 reduced, by this date, probably, to less tlian\\n20,000.\\nDischarges, 1339 of wliich, 1084 were for disahilitij.\\nDeaths, 1691, to wit: ordinary, 1481; killed in battle, and\\ndied of wounds, 171 accidental, 39.\\nDesertions, 1770.\\nThe casualties incident to the whole number of volunteers, un-\\nder various periods of service, so far as can be ascertained from\\nthe rolls received, are as follows, viz.\\nDischarges, before the expiration of the term, 6638 of which,\\n5423 were for disability.\\nDeaths, 3947, to wit ordinary, 3229 killed in battle, 47 offi-\\ncers and 419 men died of wounds, 164, officers and men, as far as\\nnow ascertained accidental, 108.\\nWounded, 129 officers, 1217 men.\\nResignations, 275.\\nDesertions, 2884.\\nTable E of the report, presents a detailed statement of the\\nvolunteers on the rolls for service in Mexico, New Mexico, and Cali-\\nfornia, including eleven companies (1082) within the United States,\\naccording to the latest returns, to wit 5527 horse, 297 artillery,\\n20,518 infantry making a total of 24,886 men, and 1456 com-\\nmissioned officers aggregate, 26,342 of which, 2017 are twelve\\nmonths volunteers. This view includes absent men recruited under\\nthe law of 1847, many of whom will never join and, as is already\\nremarked, it is believed that the actual strength of regiments and\\ncompanies in the field does not exceed 20,000 men, including a\\nnumerous invalid list. The forces called out by regiments, and\\nseparate or independent companies, and now in service, equal 33\\nregiments and 1 battalion, and require not less than 15,000 men to\\ncomplete the establishment.\\nGeneral and staff officers provided for the volunteer troops. The\\nnumber of general and staff officers appointed for tlie volunteer\\nforces, under the acts of July 5, 1838, June 18 and June 26, 1846,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0300.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 285\\nis 289 of which number, 11 are generals, 26 majors, 104 captains,\\n124 surgeons and assistant surgeons, and 24 additional paymasters.\\nThirty-seven of the persons appointed declined acceptance, 47 were\\ndischarged as supernumeraries, 44 resigned, 18 appointed in other\\ncorps, 15 died, and 128 are now in service.\\nJUSTICE OF THE WAE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND CHINA.\\nIn closing his lecture upon the war between England and China,\\nJohn Quincy Adams says,\\nAnd here we might pause, my brethren of the Massachusetts\\nHistorical Society. Do I hear you inquire. What is all this to the\\nOpium question, or the taking of Canton These, I answer, are\\nbut incidents in that movement of mind on this globe of earth, of\\nwhich the war betAveen Great Britain and China is now the leading\\nstar. Of the four questions which I have proposed this evening to\\ndiscuss, we have not even reached the conclusion of the first the\\njustice of the cause between the two parties. Which has the righteous\\ncause You have, perhaps, been surprised to hear me answer, Britain\\nBritain has the righteous cause. But to prove it I have been\\nobliged to show tliat the opium question is not tlie cause of tlie war\\nmy demonstration is not yet complete. The cause of the war is\\nthe Ko-tou the arrogant and insupportable pretensions of China,\\nthat she will hold commercial intercourse with the rest of mankind,\\nnot upon terms of equal reciprocity, but upon the insulting and\\ndegrading forms of the relation between lord and vassal. The\\nmelancholy catastrophe with which I am obliged to close, the death\\nof tlie gallant Napier, was the first bitter fi*uit of the struggle against\\nthat insulting and senseless pretension of China. Might I, in the\\nflight of time, be permitted again to address you, I should pursue\\nthe course of tlie inquiry, through the four questions with which I\\nhave begun. But the solution of them all is involved in the germi-\\nnating element of the first, the justice of the cause. This I have\\nsought in the natural rights of man. Whether it may ever be my\\ngood fortune to address you again, is in the disposal of a higher\\npower but with reference to the last of my four questions. What are", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0301.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "286 APPENDIX.\\nthe duties of the government and the people of the United States,\\nresulting from the existing war between Great Britain and China\\nI leave to your meditations the last event of that war, which the\\nwinds have brought to our ears the ransom of Canton. When\\nwe remember the scornful repulse from the gates of Canton in July,\\n1834, of Mr. Astell, bearing the letter of peace and friendship from\\nLord Napier to the governor of the two provinces, and the contempt-\\nuous refusal to receive the letter itself, and compare it with the\\nransom of that same city in June, 1841, we trace the whole line of\\nconnection between cause and effect may we not draw from it a\\nmonitory lesson, written upon a beam of phosphoric light of pre-\\nparation for ivar, and preservation of peace.^\\nA A.\\nTREATY\\nOf Peace, Friendship, Limits, and Scttlemejit between the United States\\nof America and the Mexican Republic. Dated at Guadalupe Hidalgo,\\nFebruary 2, 1848 ratified by the President of the United States, March\\n16, 1848 exchanged at Queretaro, May 30, 1818 2 ^oclaimed by the\\nPresident of the United States, July 4, 1848.\\nBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.\\nA PROCLAMATION.\\nWhereas, a treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement\\nbetween the United States of America and the Mexican Republic,\\nwas concluded and signed at the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on\\nthe second day of February, one thousand eight hundred and\\nforty-eight, which treaty, as amended by the Senate of the United\\nStates, and, being in the English and Spanish languages, is word\\nfor word as follows\\nIn the name of Almighty God\\nThe United States of America and the United Mexican States,\\nanimated by a sincere desire to put an end to tlie calamities of the\\nwar which unhappily exists between the two republics, and to\\nestablish upon a solid basis relations of peace and friendship, which", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0302.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 287\\nshall confer reciprocal benefits upon the citizens of both, and assure\\nthe concord, harmony, and mutual confidence wherein the two\\npeople should live, as good neighbors, have for that purpose\\nappointed their respective plenipotentiaries, that is to say, the\\nPresident of the United States lias appointed Nicholas P. Trist, a\\ncitizen of the United States, and the President of the Mexican\\nRepublic has appointed Don Luis Gonzaga Cuevas, Don Bernardo\\nCouto, and Don Miguel Atristain, citizens of the said Republic, who,\\nafter a reciprocal communication of their respective full powers,\\nhave, under the protection of Almighty God, the author of peace,\\narranged, agreed upon, and signed the following\\nTreaty of Peace^ Friendship, Limits, and Settlement, between the United\\nStates of America and the Mexican liepublic.\\nArt. I. There shall be firm and universal peace between the\\nUnited States of America and the Mexican republic, and between\\ntheir respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people,\\nwithout exception of places or persons.\\nArt. II. Immediately upon the signature of this treaty, a con-\\nvention shall be entered into between a commissioner or commis-\\nsioners appointed by the general-in-chief of the forces of the United\\nStates, and such as may be appointed by the Mexican government,\\nto the end that a provisional suspension of hostilities shall take\\nplace, and that, in the places occupied by the said forces, constitu-\\ntional order may be reestablished, as regards the political, adminis-\\ntrative, and judicial branches, so far as this shall be permitted by the\\ncircumstances of military occupation.\\nArt. III. Immediately upon the ratification of the present\\ntreaty by the government of the United States, orders shall be\\ntransmitted to the commanders of their land and naval forces,\\nrequiring the latter (provided this treaty shall then have been ratified\\nby the government of the Mexican republic, and the ratifications\\nexchanged) immediately to desist from blockading any Mexican\\nports and requiring the former (under the same condition) to com-\\nmence, at the earliest moment practicable, withdrawing all troops\\nof the United States then in the interior of the Mexican republic,\\nto the points that shall be selected by common agreement, at a\\ndistance from the seaports not exceeding thirty leagues and such", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0303.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "288 APPENDIX.\\nevacuation of the interior of the republic shall be completed with\\nthe least possible delay the Mexican government hereby binding\\nitself to afford every facility in its power for rendering the same\\nconvenient to the troops, on their march and in their new positions,\\nand for promoting a good understanding between them and the\\ninhabitants. In like manner, orders shall be despatched to the\\npersons in charge of the custom-houses at all ports occupied by the\\nforces of the United States, requiring them (under the same con-\\ndition) immediately to deliver possession of the same to the persons\\nauthorized by the Mexican government to receive it, together with\\nall bonds and evidences of debts for duties on importations and on\\nexportations, not yet fallen due. Moreover, a faithful and exact\\naccount shall be made out, showing the entire amount of all duties\\non imports and on exports, collected at such custom-houses, or\\nelsewhere in Mexico, by authority of the United States, from and\\nafter tlie day of the ratification of this treaty by the governm^ent of\\nthe Mexican republic and also on account of the cost of collection\\nand such entire amount, deducting only the cost of collection, shall\\nbe delivered to the Mexican government, at the city of Mexico,\\nwithin three months after the exchange of the ratifications.\\nThe evacuation of the capital of the Mexican republic by the\\ntroops of the United States, in virtue of the above stipulations,\\nshall be completed in one month after the orders there stipulated for\\nshall have been received by tlie commander of said troops, or sooner\\nif possible.\\nArt. IV. Immediately after the exchange of ratifications of\\nthe present ti-eaty, all castles, forts, territories, places, and posses-\\nsions which have been taken or occupied by the forces of the United\\nStates during the present war, within the limits of the Mexican\\nrepublic, as about to established by the following article, shall be\\ndefinitively restored to the said republic, together with all the artil-\\nlery, arms, apparatus of war, munitions, and other public property,\\nwhich were in the said castles and forts when captured, and which\\nshall remain there at the time when this treaty shall be duly ratified\\nby the government of the Mexican republic. To this end, immedi-\\nately upon the signature of this treaty, orders shall be despatched\\nto the American officers commanding such castles and forts, secur-\\ning against the removal or destruction of any such artillery, arms,\\napparatus of war, munitions, or other public property. The city of\\nMexico, within the inner line of intrenchments surrounding the", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0304.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 289\\nsaid city, is comprehended in the above stipulations, as regards the\\nrestoration of artillery, apparatus of war, c.\\nThe final evacuation of the territory of the Mexican republic, by\\nthe forces of the United States, shall be completed in three months\\nfrom the said exchange of ratifications, or sooner if possible the\\nMexican government hereby engaging, as in the foregoing article,\\nto use all means in its power for facilitating such evacuation, and\\nrendering it convenient to the troops, and for promoting a good\\nunderstanding between them and the inhabitants.\\nIf, however, the ratification of this treaty by both parties should\\nnot take place in time to allow the embarkation of the troops of the\\nUnited States to be completed before the commencement of the\\nsickly season at the Mexican ports on the Gulf of Mexico, in such\\ncase a fi-iendly arrangement sliall be entered into betAveen the gen-\\neral-in-chief of the said troops and the Mexican government,\\nwhereby healthy and otherwise suitable places, at a distance from\\nthe ports not exceeding thirty leagues, shall be designated for the\\nresidence of such troops as may not yet have embarked, until the\\nreturn of the healthy season. And the space of time here referred\\nto as comprehending the sickly season, shall be understood to\\nextend fi-om the first day of May to the first day of November.\\nAll prisoners of war taken on either side, on land or on sea, shall\\nbe restored as soon as practicable afi:er the exchange of ratifications\\nof this treaty. It is also agreed that if any Mexicans should now\\nbe held as captives by any savage tribe within the Ihnits of the\\nUnited States, as about to be established by the following article, the\\ngovernment of the United States will exact the release of such cap-\\ntives, and cause them to be restored to their country.\\nArt. V. The boundary line between the two republics shall\\ncommence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, oppo-\\nsite the mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called Rio Bravo del\\nNorte, or opposite the mouth of its deepest branch, if it should\\nhave more than one branch emptying directly into the sea from\\nthence up the middle of that river, following the deepest channel?\\nwhere it has more than one, to the point where it strikes the south-\\nern boundary of New Mexico, thence, westwardly, along the whole\\nsouthern boundary of New Mexico, (which runs north of the town\\ncalled Paso,) to its western termination thence, northward, along the\\nwestern line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of\\nthe River Gila; (or if it should not intersect any branch of that river,\\n25", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0305.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "290 APPENDIX.\\nthen to the point on the said line nearest to such branch, and thence\\nin a direct line to the same tlience down the middle of the said\\nbranch and of the said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado\\nthence across the Rio Colorado, folloAving the division line between\\nUpper and Lower California, to the Pacific ocean.\\nThe soutliern and western limits of New Mexico, mentioned in\\nthis article, are those laid down in the map entitled, Map of the\\nUnited Mexican States, as organized and defined by various acts of the\\nCongress of said republic, and constructed according to the best author-\\nities. Revised edition. Published at Afew York, in 1847, by J. Distur-\\nTidV Of which map a copy is added to this treaty, bearing the\\nsignatures and seals of tlie undersigned plenipotentiaries. And,\\nin order to preclude all difficulty in tracing upon the ground the\\nlimit separating Upper from Lower California, it is agreed that the\\nsaid limit shall consist of a straight line drawn from the middle of\\nthe Rio Gila, where it unites with the Colorado, to a point on the\\ncoast of the Pacific ocean, distant one marine league due south of\\nthe southernmost point of the port of San Diego, according to the\\nplan of said port, made in the year 1782, by Don Juan Pantoja,\\nsecond sailing-master of the Spanish fleet and published at Madrid.\\nin the year 1802, in the atlas to the voyage of the schooners Sutil\\nand Mexicana, of which plan a copy is hereunto added, signed\\nand sealed by the respective plenipotentiaries.\\nIn order to designate the boundary line with due precision, upon\\nauthoritative maps, and to establish upon tlie gTound landmarks which\\nshall show the limits of both republics, as described in the present\\narticle, the two governments shall each appoint a commissioner and\\na surveyor, who, before the expiration of one year from tlie date of\\nthe exchange of ratifications of this treaty, shall meet at the port\\nof San Diego, and proceed to run and mark the said boundary in\\nits whole course to the mouth of the Rio Bravo del Norte. They\\nshall keep journals and make out plans of their operations, and the\\nresult agreed upon by them shall be deemed a part of this treaty,\\nand shall have the same force as if it were inserted therein. The\\ntwo governments will amicably agree regarding what may be\\nnecessary to these persons, and also as to their respective escorts,\\nshould such be necessary.\\nThe boundary line established by tiiis article shall be religiously\\nrespected by each of the two republics, and no change shall ever\\nbe made therein, except by the express and free consent of both\\nnations, lawfully given by the general government of each, in con-\\nformity with its own constitution.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0306.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 291\\nArt. yi. The vessels and citizens of the United States shall,\\nin all time, have a free and uninterrupted passage by the Galf of\\nCalifornia, and by the River Colorado below its confluence with the\\nGila, to and from their possessions situated north of the boundary\\nline defined in the preceding article it being understood that this\\npassage is to be by navigating the Gulf of California and the River\\nColorado, and not by land, witliout the express consemt of the Mex-\\nican government.\\nIf, by the examinations which may be made, it should be ascer-\\ntained to be practicable and advantageous to construct a road, canal,\\nor railway, which should in whole or in part, run upon the River Gila,\\nor upon its right or its left bank, within the space of one marine\\nleague fi om either margin of the river, the governments of both repub-\\nlics will form an agreement regarding its construction, in order that\\nit may serve equally for the use and advantage of botli countries.\\nArt. VII. The River Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del\\nNorte, lying below the southern boundary of New Mexico, being,\\nagreeably to the fifth article, divided in the middle between the two\\nrepublics, the navigation of the Gila and of the Bravo below said\\nboundary, shall be free and common to the vessels and citizens of\\nboth countries and neither shall, without the consent of the other,\\nconstruct any work that may impede or interrupt, in whole or in\\npart, the exercise of this right not even for the purpose of favoring\\nneAv methods of navigation. Nor shall any tax or contribution,\\nunder any denomination or title, be levied upon vessels or per-\\nsons navigating the same, or upon merchandise or effects transport-\\ned thereon, except in the case of landing upon one of their shores.\\nIf, for the purpose of making said rivers navigable, or for maintain-\\ning them in such a state, it should be necessary or advantageous to\\nestablish any tax or contribution, this shall not be done without the\\nconsent of both governments.\\nThe stipulations contained in the present article shall not\\nimpair the territorial rights of either republic within its established\\nlimits.\\nArt. VIII. Mexicans now established in territories previously\\nbelonging to Mexico, and which remain for the fliture within the\\nlimits of the United States, as defined by the present treaty, shall\\nbe free to continue where they now reside, or to remove at any", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0307.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "292 APPENDIX.\\ntime to the Mexican republic, retaining the property which they\\npossess in the said territories, or disposing thereof, and removing\\nthe proceeds wherever they please, without their being subjected,\\non this account, to any contribution, tax, or charge whatever.\\nThose who shall prefer to remain in the said territories, may\\neither retain the title and rights of Mexican citizens, or acquire those\\nof citizens of the United States. But they shall be under the obli-\\ngation to make their election within one year from the date of the\\nexchange of ratifications of this treaty and those who shall remain\\nin the said territories after the expiration of that year, without\\nhaving declared their intention to retain the character of Mexicans,\\nshall be considered to have elected to become citizens of the Uni-\\nted States.\\nIn the said territories, property of every kind, now belonging\\nto Mexicans not established there, shall be inviolably respected.\\nThe present owners, the heirs of these, and all Mexicans who may\\nhereafter acquire said property by contract, shall enjoy with respect\\nto it guaranties equally ample as if the same belonged to citizens\\nof the United States.\\nArt. IX. The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall\\nnot preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican republic, con-\\nformably with what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be\\nincorporated into the Union of the United States, and be admitted\\nat the proper time (to be judged of by the Congress of the United\\nStates) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United\\nStates, according to the principles of the constitution and in the\\nmean time shall be maintained and protected in tlie free enjoyment\\nof their liberty and property, and secured in the free exercise of\\ntheir religion without restriction.\\nArt. X. [Stricken out.]\\nArt. XI. Considering that a great part of the territories, which,\\nby the present treaty, are to be comprehended for the future within\\nthe limits of the United States, is now occupied by savage tribes,\\nwho will hereafter be under the exclusive control of the govern-\\nment of the United States, and whose incursions within the terri-\\ntory of Mexico, would be prejudicial in the extreme, it is solemnly\\nagreed that all such incursions shall be forcibly restrained by the", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0308.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 293\\ngovernment of the United States, whensoever this may be necessa-\\nry and that when they cannot be prevented, they shall be punished\\nby the said government, and satisfaction for the same shall be\\nexacted all in the same way, and with equal diligence and ener-\\ngy, as if the same incursions were meditated or committed within\\nits own territory, against its own citizens.\\nIt shall not be lawful, under any pretext whatever, for any\\ninhabitant of the United States to purchase or acquire any Mexi-\\ncan, or any foreigner residing in Mexico, who may have been cap-\\ntured by Indians inhabiting the territory of either of the two repub-\\nlics, nor to purchase or acquire horses, mules, cattle, or property of\\nany kind, stolen within Mexican territory by such Indians.\\nAnd in the event of any person or persons, captured within\\nMexican territory by Indians, being carried into the territory of tlie\\nUnited States, the government of the latter engages and binds itself\\nin the most solemn manner, so soon as it shall know of such cap-\\ntives being within its territory, and shall be able so to do, through\\nthe faithful exercise of its influence and power, to rescue them and\\nreturn them to their country, or deliver them to the agent or repre-\\nsentative of the Mexican government. The Mexican authorities\\nwill, as far as practicable, give to the government of the United\\nStates notice of such captures and its agent shall pay the expenses\\nincurred in the maintenance and transmission of the rescued cap-\\ntives who, in the mean time, shall be treated with the utmost hos-\\npitality by the American authorities at tlie place where they may\\nbe. But if the government of the United States, before receiving\\nsuch notice from Mexico, should obtain intelligence, tlirough any\\nother channel, of the existence of Mexican captives within its terri-\\ntory, it will proceed forthwith to effect their release and delivery to\\nthe Mexican agent as above stipulated.\\nFor the purpose of giving to these stipulations the fullest possi-\\nble efficacy, thereby affording the security and redress demanded\\nby their true spirit and intent, the government of the United States\\nwill now and hereafter pass, Avithout unnecessary delay, and always\\nvigilantly enforce, such laws as the nature of the subject may\\nrequire. And finally, the sacredness of this obligation shall never\\nbe lost sight of by the said government, when providing for the\\nremoval of the Indians from any portion of the said territories, or for\\nits being settled by citizens of the United States but, on the con-\\ntrary, special care shall be taken not to place its Indian occupants\\n25*", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0309.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "294 APPENDIX.\\nunder the necessity of seeking new homes, by committing those\\ninvasions which the United States have solemnly obliged them-\\nselves to restrain.\\nArt. XII. In consideration of the extension acquired by the\\nboundaries of the United States, as defined in the fifth article of the\\npresent treaty, the government of the United States engages to\\npay to that of the Mexican republic, the sum of fifteen millions of\\ndollars.\\nImmediately after this treaty shall have been duly ratified by\\nthe government of the Mexican republic, the sum of three millions\\nof dollars shall be paid to the said government by tliat of tlie Uni-\\nted States, at the city of Mexico, in the gold or silver coin of Mex-\\nico. The remaining twelve millions of dollars shall be paid at the\\nsame place, and in the same coin, in annual instalments of tln-ee\\nmillions of dollars each, together with interest on the same at the\\nrate of six per centum per annum. This interest shall begin to run\\nupon the whole sum of twelve millions from the day of the ratifica-\\ntion of the present treaty by the Mexican government, and the first\\nof the instalments shall be paid at the expiration of one year from\\nthe same day. Together with each annual instalment, as it falls\\ndue, the whole interest accruing on such instalment from the begin-\\nning shall also be paid.\\nArt. XIII. The United States engage, moreover, to assume and\\npay to the claimants all the amounts now due them, and those here-\\nafter to become due, by reason of the claims already liquidated and\\ndecided against the Mexican republic, under the conventions\\nbetween the two republics severally concluded on the eleventli\\nday of April, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine, and on the thirtieth\\nday of January, eighteen hundred and forty-three so that the Mex-\\nican republic shall be absolutely exempt, for the future, from all\\nexpense whatever on account of the said claims.\\nArt. XIV. The United States do fiirthermore discharge the\\nMexican republic fi*om all claims of citizens of the United States, not\\nheretofore decided against the Mexican government, which may\\nhave arisen previously to the date of the signature of this treaty\\nwhich discharge shall be final and perpetual, whether the said\\nclaims be rejected or be allowed by the board of commissioners pro-", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0310.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 295\\nvided for in the following article, and whatever shall be the total\\namount of those allowed.\\nArt. XV. The United States, exhonerating Mexico from all\\ndemands on account of the claims of their citizens mentioned in the\\npreceding article, and considering them entirely and forever can-\\ncelled, whatever their amount may be, undertake to make satisfaction\\nfor the same, to an amount not exceeding three and one quarter\\nmillions of dollars. To ascertain the validity and amount of those\\nclaims, a board of commissioners shall be established by the govern-\\nment of the United States, whose awards shall be final and con-\\nclusive provided, that, in deciding upon the validity of each claim,\\nthe board shall be guided and governed by the principles and rules\\nof decision prescribed by the first and fifth articles of the unrati-\\nfied convention, concluded at the city of Mexico on the twentieth\\nday of November, one thousand eight hundred and forty-three, and\\nin no case shall an award be made in favor of any claim not em-\\nbraced by these principles and rules.\\nIf, in the opinion of the said board of commissioners, or of the\\nclaimants, any books, records, or documents in the possession or\\npower of the government of the Mexican republic, shall be deemed\\nnecessary to the just decision of any claim, the commissioners, or\\nthe claimants through them, shall, within such period as Con-\\ngress may designate, make an application in writing for the\\nsame, addressed to the Mexican minister for foreign affairs, to\\nbe transmitted by the secretary of state of the United States;\\nand the Mexican government engages, at the earliest possi-\\nble moment after the receipt of such demand, to cause any of the\\nbooks, records, or documents, so specified, which shall be in their\\npossession or power, (or authenticated copies or extracts of the\\nsame,) to be transmitted to the said secretary of state, who shall\\nimmediately deliver them over to the said board of commissioners\\nProvided, That no such application shall be made by, or at the\\ninstance of any claimant, until the facts, which it is expected to\\nprove by such books, records, or documents, shall have been\\nstated under oath or affirmation.\\nArt. XVI. Each of the contracting parties reserves to itself\\nthe entire right to fortify whatever point within its territory it may\\njudge proper so to fortify, for its security.", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0311.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "296 APPET\\\\ DIX.\\nArt. XVII. The treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation,\\nconcluded at the city Mexico on tlie fifth day of April, A. D.\\n1831, between the United States of America and the United\\nMexican States, except the additional article, and except so far\\nas the stipulations of the said treaty may be incompatible with any\\nstipulation contained in the present treaty, is hereby revived for the\\nperiod of eig-ht years from the day of the exchange of ratifications of\\nthis treaty, with the same force and virtue as if incorporated therein\\nit being understood that each of the contracting parties reserves to\\nitself the right, at any time after the said period of eight years shall\\nhave expired, to terminate the same by giving one year s notice of\\nsuch intention to the other party.\\nArt. XVIII. All supplies whatever for troops of the United\\nStates in Mexico, amving at ports in the occupation of such troops\\nprevious to the final evacuation thereof, although subsequently to\\nthe restoration of the custom-houses at such ports, shall be entirely\\nexempt from duties and charges of any kind the government of tlie\\nUnited States hereby engaging and pledging its faith to establish,\\nand vigilantly to enforce, all possible guards for securing the reve-\\nnue of Mexico, by preventing the importation, under cover of this\\nstipulation, of any articles other than such, both in kind and in\\nquantity, as shall really be wanted for the use and consumption of tlie\\nforces of the United States during tlie time they may remain in Mex-\\nico. To this end, it shall be the duty of all officers and agents of the\\nUnited States to denounce to tlie Mexican authorities at the respec-\\ntive ports any attempt at a fraudulent abuse of this stipulation which\\nthey may know of, or may have reason to suspect, and to give to\\nsuch authorities all the aid in their power witli regard thereto and\\nevery such attempt, when duly proved and established by sentence\\nof a competent tribunal, shall be punished by the confiscation of\\nthe property so attempted to be fraudulently introduced.\\nArt. XIX. With respect to all merchandise, effects and prop-\\nerty whatsoever, imported into ports of Mexico whilst in the occu-\\npation of the forces of the United States, whether by citizens of\\neither republic, or by citizens or subjects of any neutral nation, the\\nfollowing rules shall be observed\\n1. All such merchandise, eflTects, and property, if imported\\npreviously to the restoration of the custom-liouses to the Mexican", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0312.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 297\\nauthorities, as stipulated for in the third article of this treaty, shall\\nbe exempt from confiscation, although the importation of the same\\nbe prohibited by the Mexican tariff.\\n2. The same perfect exemption shall be enjoyed by all such\\nmerchandise, effects, and property, miported subsequently to the\\nrestoration of the custom-houses, and previously to the sixty days\\nfixed in the following article for the coming into force of the Mexican\\ntariff at such ports respectively; the said merchandise, effects, and\\nproperty being, however, at the time of their importation, subject\\nto tlie payment of duties, as provided for in the said following\\narticle.\\n3. All merchandise, effects, and property described in the two\\nrules foregoing shall, during their continuance at the place of\\nimportation, and upon their leaving such place for tlie interior, be\\nexempt from all duty, tax, or impost of every kind, under whatsoever\\ntitle or denomination. Nor shall they be there subjected to any\\ncharge whatsoever upon the sale thereof\\n4. All merchandise, effects, and property, described in the first\\nand second rules, which shall have been removed to any place in\\nthe interior Avhilst such place was in the occupation of the forces of\\nthe United States, shall, during their continuance therein, be exempt\\nfrom all tax upon the sale or consumption thereof, and from every\\nkind of impost or contribution, under whatsoever title or denomi-\\nnation.\\n5. But if any merchandise, effects, or property, described in\\nthe first and second rules, shall be removed to any place not occu-\\npied at the time by tlie forces of the United States, they shall, upon\\ntheir introduction into such place, or upon their sale or consumption\\nthere, be subject to the same duties which, under the Mexican laws,\\nthey would be required to pay in such cases if they had been\\nimported in time of peace, through the maritime custom-houses,\\nand had there paid the duties conformably with the Mexican\\ntariff.\\n6. The owner of all merchandise, effects, or property described\\nin the first and second rules, and existing in any port of Mexico,\\nshall have the right to reship the same, exempt from all tax, impost,\\nor contribution whatever.\\nWith respect to the metals, or other property, exported from any\\nMexican port whilst in tlie occupation of the forces of the United\\nStates, and previously to the restoration of the custom-house at such", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0313.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "298 APPENDIX.\\nport, no person shall be required by the Mexican authorities, whether\\ngeneral or State, to pay any tax, duty, or contribution upon any such\\nexportation, or in any manner to account for the same to the said\\nauthorities.\\nArt. XX. Tlirough consideration for the interests of commerce\\ngenerally, it is agreed, that if less than sixty days should elapse\\nbetween the date of the signature of this treaty and the restoration\\nof the custom-houses, conformably with the stipulation in the third\\narticle, in such case all merchandise, effects, and property what-\\nsoever, arriving at the Mexican ports after the restoration of the\\nsaid custom-houses, and previously to the expiration of sixty days\\nafter the day of the signature of this treaty, shall be admitted to\\nentry and no other duties shall be levied thereon than the duties\\nestablished by the tariff found in force at such custom-houses at\\nthe time of tlie restoration of the same. And to all such merchan-\\ndise, effects, and property, the rules established by the preceding\\narticle shall apply.\\nArt. XXI. If unhappily any disagreement should hereafter\\narise between the govermnents of tlie two republics, whether with\\nrespect to the interpretation of any stipulation in this treaty, or\\nwith respect to any other particular concerning tlie political or com-\\nmercial relations of the two nations, the said government, in the\\nname of those nations, do promise to each other that they will\\nendeavor, in the most sincere and earnest manner, to settle the\\ndifferences so arising, and to preserve the state of peace and friend-\\nship in which the two countries are now placing themselves using,\\nfor this end, mutual representations and pacific negotiations. And\\nif, by these means, they should not be enabled to come to an agree-\\nment, a resort shall not, on this account, be had to reprisals, aggres-\\nsion, or hostility of any kind, by the one republic against the other,\\nuntil tlie government of that which deems itself aggrieved shall\\nhave maturely considered, in the spkit of peace and good neigh-\\nborship, whether it would not be better that such difference should\\nbe settled by the arbitration of commissioners appointed on each\\nside, or by that of a friendly nation. And should such course be\\nproposed by either party, it shall be acceded to by the other, unless\\ndeemed by it altogether incompatible with the nature of the differ-\\nence, or the circumstances of the case.\\nmM", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0314.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 299\\nArt. XXII. If (which is not to be expected, and which God\\nforbid!) war should unhappily break out between the two republics,\\nthey do now, with a view to such calamity, solemnly pledge them-\\nselves to each other and to the world, to observe the following rules\\nabsolutely where the nature of the subject permits, and as closely\\nas possible in all cases where such absolute observance shall be\\nimpossible\\n1. The merchants of either republic then residing in the other\\nshall be allowed to remain twelve months, (for those dwelling in the\\ninterior,) and six months, (for those dwelling at the seaports,) to\\ncollect their debts and settle their affairs, during which periods they\\nshall enjoy the same protection, and be on the same footing, in all\\nrespects, as the citizens or subjects of the most friendly nations and\\nat the expiration thereof, or any time before, they shall have full\\nliberty to depart, carrying off all their effects without molestation\\nor hinderance; conforming therein to the same laws which the\\ncitizens or subjects of the most friendly nations are required to con-\\nform to. Upon the entrance of the armies of either nation into the\\nteiTitories of the other, women and children, ecclesiastics, scholars\\nof every faculty, cultivators of the earth, merchants, artisans, manu-\\nfacturers, and fishermen, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns,\\nvillages, or places, and in general all persons whose occupations are\\nfor the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, shall be allowed\\nto continue their respective employments unmolested in their per-\\nsons. Nor shall their houses or goods be burnt or otherwise\\ndestroyed, nor their cattle taken, nor their fields wasted, by the\\narmed force into whose power, by the events of war, they may\\nhappen to fall but if the necessity arise to take, any thing from\\nthem for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at\\nan equitable price. All churches^ hospitals, schools, colleges, libra-\\nries, and other establishments for charitable and beneficent purposes,\\nshall be respected, and all persons connected with the same pro-\\ntected in the discharge of their duties, and the pursuit of their\\nvocations.\\n2. In order that the fate of prisoners of war may be alleviated,\\nall such practices as those of sending them into distant, inclement,\\nor unwholesome districts, or crowding them into close and noxious\\nplaces, shall be studiously avoided. They shall not be confined in\\ndungeons, prison-ships, or prisons nor be put in irons, or bound, or\\notherwise restrained in the use of their limbs. The officers shall", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0315.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "300 .APPENDIX.\\nenjoy liberty on their paroles, within convenient districts, and have\\ncomfortable quarters and the common soldiers shall be disposed in\\ncantonments, open and extensive enough for air and exercise, and\\nlodged in barracks as roomy and good as are provided by the party\\nin whose power they are for its own troops. But if any officer shall\\nbreak his parole by leaving the district so assigned him, or any other\\nprisoner shall escape from the limits of his cantonment, after they\\nshall have been designated to him, such individual, officer, or other\\nprisoner, shall forfeit so much of the benefit of this article as pro-\\nvides for his liberty on parole or in cantonment. And if any officer\\nso breaking his parole, or any common soldier so escaping from the\\nlimits assigned him, shall afterwards be found in arms, previously to\\nhis being regularly exchanged, the person so oiFending shall be\\ndealt with according to the established laws of war. The officers\\nshall be daily furnished by the party in whose power they are with\\nas many rations, and of the same articles, as are allowed, either in\\nkind or by commutation, to officers of equal rank in its own army\\nand all others shall be daily furnished with such ration as is allowed\\nto a common soldier in its own service the value of all which sup-\\nplies shall, at the close of the war, or at periods to be agreed upon\\nbetween the respective commanders, be paid by the other party, on\\na mutual adjustment of accounts for subsistence of prisoners and\\nsuch accounts shall not be mingled with or set off against any\\nothers, nor the balance due on them be withheld, as a compensation\\nor reprisal for any cause whatever, real or pretended. Each party\\nshall be allowed to keep a commissary of prisoners, appointed by\\nitself, with every cantonment of prisoners, in possession of the\\nother; which commissary shall see the prisoners as often as he\\npleases shall be allowed to receive, exempt from all duties or taxes,\\nand to distribute, whatever comforts may be sent to them by their\\nfriends and shall be free to transmit his reports in open letters to\\nthe party by whom he is employed.\\nAnd it is declared that neither the pretence that war dissolves\\nall treaties, nor any other whatever, sliall be considered as annulling\\nor suspending the solemn covenant contained in this article. On\\nthe contrary, the state of war is precisely that for which it is pro-\\nvided and during which, its stipulations are to be as sacredly\\nobserved as the most acknowledged obligations under the law of\\nnature or nations.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0316.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 301\\nArt. XXIII. This treaty shall be ratified by the president of\\nthe United States of America, by and with tlie advice and consent\\nof the Senate thereof; and by the president of the Mexican\\nrepublic, with the previous approbation of its General Congress\\nand the ratifications shall be exchanged in the city of Washington,\\nor at-tlie seat of government of Mexico, in four months from the\\ndate of the signature hereof, or sooner, if practicable.\\nIn faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have\\nsigned this treaty of peace,, friendship, limits, and settlement and\\nhave hereunto affixed our seals respectively. Done in quintuplicate,\\nat the city of Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the second day of February,\\nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight.\\n\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abN. P. TRIST, [l. s.]\\nLUIS G. CUEVAS, [l. s.]\\nBERNARDO COUTO, [l. s.]\\nMIGL. ATRISTAIN, [l. s.]\\nAnd whereas the said treaty, as amended, has been duly ratified\\non both parts, and the respective ratifications of the same Avere\\nexchanged at Quer^taro on the thirtieth day of May last, by Ambrose\\nH. Sevier and Nathan Cliiford, commissioners on the part of the\\ngovernment of the United States, and by Seiior Don Louis de la\\nRosa, minister of relations of the Mexican republic, on the part of\\nthat government.\\nNow, therefore, be it known, that I, James K. Polk, presi-\\ndent of the United States of America, have caused the said treaty\\nto be made, public, to the end that the same, and every clause and\\narticle thereof, may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the\\nUnited States and the citizens thereof\\nIn witness whereot^ I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the\\nseal of the United States to be affixed.\\nDone at the city of Washington, this fourth day of\\n[s. L.] July, one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight,\\nand of the independence of the United States the\\nseventy-third.\\nJA^IES K. POLK.\\nBy the President\\nJames Buchanan, Secretary of State\\n26", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0317.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "302 APPENDIX.\\nBB.\\nThe following is an extract from the message of President Polk,\\nJuly 6, 1848, accompanying the treaty of peace\\nNew Mexico and Upper California have been ceded by Mexico\\nto the United States, and now constitute a part of our country.\\nEmbracing nearly ten degrees of latitude, lying adjacent to the\\nOregon Territory, and extending from the Pacific Ocean to the Rio\\nGrande, a mean distance of nearly a thousand miles, it would be\\ndifficult to estimate the value of these possessions to the United\\nStates. They constitute of themselves a country large enough for\\na great empire, and their acquisition is second only in importance\\nto that of Louisiana in 1803. Rich in mineral and agricultural\\nresources, with a climate of great salubrity, they embrace the most\\nimportant ports on the whole Pacific coast of the continent of North\\nAmerica. The possession of the ports of San Diego and Monterey\\nand the Bay of San Francisco, will enable the United States to\\ncommand the already valuable and rapidly increasing commerce of\\nthe Pacific. The number of our whale ships alone noAv employed\\nin that sea exceeds seven hundred, requiring more than twenty\\nthousand seamen to navigate them, while the capital invested in\\nthis particular branch of commerce is estimated at not less than\\nforty millions of dollars. The excellent harbors of Upper Califor-\\nnia will, under our flag, afford security and repose to our commer-\\ncial marine, and American mechanics will soon furnish ready means\\nof ship-building and repair, which are now so much wanted in that\\ndistant sea.\\nBy the acquisition of these possessions, we are brought into\\nimmediate proximity with the west coast of America, from Cape\\nHorn to the Russian possessions north of Oregon, with the islands\\nof the Pacific Ocean, and by a direct voyage in steamers we will be\\nin less than thirty days of Canton and other ports of China.\\nIn this vast region, whose rich resources are soon to be devel-\\noped by American energy and enterprise, great must be the aug-\\nmentation of our commerce, and with it new and profitable de-\\nmands for mechanic labor in all its branches, and new and valuable\\nmarkets for our manufactures and agricultural products.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0318.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 303\\ncc.\\nEXTRACT FROM THE LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE\\nOF GENERAL CASS.\\nWe make the following extract for the purpose of affording a\\ngood example to all partisans\\nNo party, gentlemen, had ever higher motives for exertion,\\nthan has the great democratic party of the United States. With\\nan abiding confidence in the rectitude of our principles, with an\\nunshaken reliance upon the energy and wisdom of public opinion,\\nand witli the success which has crowned the administration of the\\ngovernment, when committed to its keeping, (and it has been so\\ncommitted during more than three fourths of its existence,) what\\nhas been done is at once the reward of past exertion, and the mo-\\ntive for future, and, at the same time, a guaranty for the accom-\\nplishment of what we have to do. We cannot conceal from our-\\nselves that there is a powerful party in the country, differing from\\nus in regard to many of the fundamental principles of our govern-\\nment, and opposed to us in their practical application, Avhich will\\nstrive as zealously as we shall to secure the ascendency of their\\nprinciples, by securing the election of their candidate in the com-\\ning contest. That party is composed of our fellow-citizens, as\\ndeeply interested in the prosperity of our common country as we\\ncan be, and seeking as earnestly as we are to promote and perpet-\\nuate it. We shall soon present to the world the sublime spectacle\\nof the election of a chief magistrste by twenty millions of people,\\nwithout a single serious resistance to the laws, or the sacrifice of\\nthe life of one human being and this, too, in the absence of all\\nforce but the moral force of our institutions and if we should add\\nto all tliis, an example of mutual respect for the motives of the\\ncontending parties, so that the contest might be carried on with\\nthat firmness and energy which accompany deep conviction, and\\nwith as little personal asperity as political divisions permit, we\\nshould do more for the great cause of human freedom throughout\\nthe world, than by any other tribute we could render to its value.\\nWe have a government founded by the will of all, responsible\\nto the power of all, and administered for the good of all. The very\\nfirst article in the democratic creed teaches that the people are\\ncompetent to govern themselves it is, indeed, rather an axiom than", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0319.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "304\\nAPPENDIX.\\nan article of political faith. From the days of General Hamilton\\nto our days, the party opposed to us, of whose principles he was\\nthe great exponent, if not the founder, while it has changed its\\nname, has preserved essentially its identity of character and the\\ndoubt he entertained and taught of the capacity of man for self-\\ngovernment, has exerted a marked influence upon its action and\\nopinions. Here is the very starting-point of the difference between\\nthe two great parties which divide our country. All other differ-\\nences are but subordinate and auxiliary to this, and may, in fact, be\\nresolved into it. Looking with doubt upon the issue of self-govern-\\nment, one party is prone to think the public authority should be\\nstrengthened, and to fear any change, lest that change might weaken\\nthe necessary force of the government while tlie other, strong in\\nits convictions of tlie intelligence and virtue of the people, believes\\nthat original power is safer than delegated, and that the solution of\\nthe great problem of good government consists in governing with\\nthe least force, and leaving individual action as free from restraint\\nas is compatible with the preservation of the social system, thereby\\nsecuring to each all the freedom which is not essential to the well-\\nbeing of the whole.\\nAs a party, we ought not to mistake the signs of the times\\nbut should bear in mind that this is an age of progress of ad-\\nvancement in all the elements of intellectual power, and in the\\nopinions of the world. The general government should assume no\\npowers. It should exercise none which have not been clearly\\ngranted by the parties to the federal compact. We ought to con-\\nstrue the Constitution strictly, according to the received and sound\\nprinciples of the Jefferson school. But while rash experiments\\nshould be deprecated, if the government is stationary in its princi-\\nples of action, and refuses to accommodate its measures Avithin its\\nconstitutional sphere cautiously, indeed, but Avisely and cheer-\\nfully to the advancing sentiments and necessities of the age, it\\nwill find its moral force impaired, and the public will determine to\\ndo what the public authority itself should readily do, when the in-\\ndications of popular sentiment are clear and clearly expressed.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0320.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 305i\\nDD.\\nBALTIMORE CONVENTION.\\nThe following- are the resolutions of the convention of tlie dem-\\nocratic party, adopted at Baltimore in 1848\\nResolved, That the American democracy place their trust in tlie\\nintelligence, tlie patriotism, and the discriminating- justice of the\\nAmerican people.\\nResolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our\\npolitical creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world,\\nas the great moral element in a form of government springing from\\nand upheld by the popular will and we contrast it with the creed\\nand practice of^tleralism, under whatever name or form, which\\nseeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no\\nimposture too monstrous for the popular credulity.\\nResolved, therefore. That, entertaining these views, tlie demo-\\ncratic party of this Union, through their delegates assembled in a\\ngeneral convention of the States, coming together in a spirit of con-\\ncord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative\\ngovernment, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude\\ni of their intentions, renew and re-assert, before the American peo-\\nple, the declarations of principles avowed by them when, on a former\\noccasion, in general convention, they presented their candidates for\\nthe popular suifrages\\n1. That the federal government is one of limited powers, de-\\nrived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown\\ntherein ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and\\nagents of the government and that it is inexpedient and danger-\\nous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.\\n2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the genera,l gov-\\nernment the power to commence and carry on a general system of\\ninternal improvements.\\n3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the\\nfederal government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of\\nthe several States, contracted for local internal improvements, or\\nThe resolutions adopted in 1844, and re-adopted in 1848, were written\\nby the Hon. il. H. Gillet, the present able solicitor of the United States\\ntreasury.\\n26*", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0321.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "306 APPENDIX.\\nOther State purposes nor would such assumption be just and ex-\\npedient.\\n4. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal government\\nto foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to\\ncherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion\\nof our common country that every citizen, and every section of\\nthe country, lias a right to demand and insist upon an equality of\\nrights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of per-\\nsons and property from domestic violence or foreign aggression.\\n5. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to\\nenforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our pub-\\nlic affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is\\nrequired to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and\\nfor the gradual but certain extinction of the dflit created by the\\nprosecution of a just and necessary war, after peaceful relations\\nshall have been restored.\\n6. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank\\nthat we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the\\nhest interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institu-\\ntions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the\\nbusiness of the country within the control of a concentrated money\\npower, and above the laws and the will of the pdople and that the\\nresult of democratic legislation, in this and all other financial mea.s-\\nures upon which issues have been made between the two political\\nparties of the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical\\nmen of all parties, their soundness, safety, and utility in all busmess\\npursuits.\\n7. That Congress has no power under the Conscitution to inter-\\nfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States,\\nand that such States are the sole and proper judges of every thing\\nappertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution 5\\nthat all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Con-\\ngress to interfere with the question of slavery, or to take incipient\\nsteps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming\\nand dangerous consequences and that all such efforts have an\\ninevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and\\nendanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not\\nto be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.\\n8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from\\nbanking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of\\nthe government and the rights of the people.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0322.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 307\\n9. That the liberal principles imbodied by Jefferson in the\\nDeclaration of Independence, and sanctioned in the Constitution,\\nwhich makes ours the land of liberty, and the asylum of the op-\\npressed of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the\\ndemocratic faith and every attempt to abridge the present privilege\\nof becoming citizens and the owners of soil among us, ought to be\\nresisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition\\nlaws from our statute-books.\\nResolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be\\nsacredly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution\\nand that we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such\\nproceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and re-\\npugnant to the Constitution.\\nResolved, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the\\npresident the qualified veto power, by which he is enabled, under\\nrestrictions and responsibilities, amply sufficient to guard the public\\ninterest, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot se-\\ncure the approval of two thirds of the Senate and House of Repre-\\nsentatives until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon,\\nand which has saved the American people from the corrupt and\\ntyrannical dom.ination of the Bank of the United States, and from a\\ncorrupting system of general internal improvements.\\nResolved, That the war with Mexico, provoked on her part by\\nyears of insult and injury, was commenced by her anny crossing\\nthe Rio Grande, attacking the American troops, and invading our\\nsister state of Texas and that upon all the principles of patriot-\\nism and the laws of nations, it is a just and necessary war on our\\npart, in which every American citizen should have shown himself\\non the side of his country, and neither morally nor physically, by\\nword or deed, have given aid and comfort to the enemy.\\nResolved, That we would be rejoiced at the assurances of a\\npeace with Mexico, founded on the just principles of indemnity for\\nthe past and security for the future but that, while tlie ratification\\nof the liberal treaty offered to Mexico remains in doubt, it is the\\nduty of the country to sustain the administration in every measure\\nnecessary to provide for the vigorous prosecution of the war, should\\nthat treaty be rejected.\\nResolved, That the officers and soldiers who have carried the\\narms of their country into Mexico, have crowned it with imperish-\\nable glory. Their unconquerable courage, tlieir daring enterprise,", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0323.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "308 APPExNDIX.\\ntheir unfaltering perseverance and fortitude when assailed on all\\nsides by innumerable foes, and that more formidable enemy the\\ndiseases of the climate exalt their devoted patriotism into the\\nhighest heroism, and give them a right to the profound gratitude of\\ntheir country and the admiration of th^ world.\\nResolved^ That the democratic national convention of the thuty\\nStates composing the American Republic, tender their fraternal con-\\ngratulations to the National Convention of the Republic of France)\\nnow assembled as the free suffrage representatives of the sove-\\nreignty of tliirty-iive millions of republicans, to establish govern-\\nments on tliose eternal principles of equal right, for which thdr\\nLArAYETTE and our Washington fought, side by side, in the\\nstruggle for our own national independence and we would espe-\\ncially convey to them, and the whole people of France, our earnest\\nwishes for the consolidation of their liberties, through the wisdom\\nthat shall guide their councils, on the basis of a democratic con-\\nstitution, not derived from the grants or concessions of kings or\\ndynasties, but originating from tlie only true source of political\\npower recognized in tlie States of this Union tire inherent and in-\\nalienable right of the people, in tlieir sovereign capacity, to make\\nand to amend their fonns of govermnent in such manner as the\\nv/elfare of the community may require.\\nResolved, That in the recent development of this grand politi-\\ncal truth, of the sovereignty of the people, and their capacity and\\npower of self-government, which is prostrating thrones and erecting\\nrepublics on the ruins of despotism in the Old World, we feel that a\\nhigh and sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility upon\\nthe democratic party of this country, as the party of the people,\\nto sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, equality, and\\nfraternity, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive\\nlegislation for the beneiit of the few at the expense of the many,\\nand by a vigilant and constant adherence to tliose principles and\\ncompromises of the Constitution which are broad enough and strong\\nenough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it\\nis, and the Union as it shall be in the full expansion of the ener-\\ngies and capacity of this great and progressive people.\\nResolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded, through\\nthe American minister at Paris, to the National Convention of the\\nrepublic of France.\\nResolved, That tlie fruits of the great political triumph of 1844,", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0324.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 309\\nwhich elected James K. Polk and George M. Dallas president and\\nvice-president of the United States, have fulfilled the hopes of the\\ndemocracy of the Union in defeating the declared purposes of\\ntheir opponents to create a national bank in preventing the corrupt\\nand unconstitutional distribution of the land proceeds, from the\\ncommon treasury of the Union, for local purposes in protecting\\nthe currency and the labor of the countiy from the ruinous fluctu-\\nations, and guarding the money of the people for the use of the\\npeople, by the establisliment of the constitutional treasury in the\\nnoble impulse given to the cause of free trade, by the repeal of\\ntlie tariflf of 1842, and the creation of the more equal, honest, and\\nproductive tariff of 1846 and that, in our opinion, it would be a\\nfatal error to weaken the bands of political organization by which\\nthese great reforms have been achieved and risk tliem in the\\nhands of their known adversaries, with whatever delusive appeals\\nthey may solicit our surrender of that vigilance which is the only\\nsafeguard of liberty.\\nResolved, That the confidence of the democracy of the Union\\nin the principles, capacity, firmness, and integrity of James K. Polk,\\nmanifested by his nomination and election in 1844, has been sig-\\nnally justified by the strictness of his adherence to sound demo-\\ncratic doctrines, by the purity of purpose, the energy and ability\\nwhich have characterized his administration in all our affairs at\\nhome and abroad that we tender to hun our cordial congratula-\\ntions upon the brilliant success which has hitherto crowned his\\npatriotic efforts, and assure him, in advance, that at the expiration\\nof his presidential term he will carry with him to his retirement\\nthe esteem, respect, and admiration of a grateful country.\\nResolved, That this convention hereby present to the people of\\nthe United States Lewis Cass, of Michigan, as the candidate of\\nthe democratic party for the oflSce of president, and William O.\\nButler, of Kentucky, as the candidate of the democratic party\\nfor the office of vice-president of the United States.", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0325.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "310\\nAPPENDIX.\\nA Statement of the Receipts of the United States,\\nFrom\\nMarch 4,\\n1789, to\\nCustoms.\\nInternal reve-\\nnue.\\nDirect taxes.\\nPostage.\\nPublic lands.\\nDec. 3L\\n1791\\n4,399 473 09\\n1792\\n3,443,070 85\\n4,255,306 56\\n208,942 81\\n337,705 70\\n1793\\n11,02051\\n29,478 49\\n22,400\\n72 909 84\\n1794\\n4,801^065 28\\n5,588,461 26\\n274,089 62\\n337,755 36\\n1795\\n1796\\n6,567,987 94\\n7,549,649 65\\n475,289 60\\n4,8*36*13\\n83,540 60\\n11,963 11\\n1797\\n575,491 45\\n64 500\\n39,500\\n41,000\\n78,000\\n1798\\n7,106,061 93\\n6,610,449 31\\n9,080,932 73\\n644,357 95\\n779,136 44\\n809,396 55\\n1799\\n1800\\n**734,223 97\\n44*3*75\\n1801\\n10,750,778 93\\n1,048,033 43\\n534,343 38\\n79,500\\n167,726 06\\n1802\\n12,438,235 74\\n621,898 89\\n206,565 44\\n35,000\\n188,628 02\\n1803\\n10,479,417 61\\n215,179 69\\n71,879 20\\n16,427 26\\n165,675 69\\n1804\\n11,098,565 33\\n50,941 29\\n50,198 44\\n26,500\\n487,526 79\\n1805\\n12,936,487 04\\n21,747 15\\n21,882 91\\n21,342 50\\n540,193 80\\n1806\\n14,667,698 17\\n20,101 45\\n55,763 86\\n41,117 67\\n765,245 73\\n1807\\n15,845,521 61\\n13,051 40\\n34,732 56\\n3,614 73\\n466,163 27\\n1808\\n16,363,550 58\\n7,296,020 58\\n8,583,309 31\\n13,313.222 73\\n8,210 73\\n19,159 21\\n7,517 31\\n647,939 06\\n1809\\n4,044 39\\n442,252 33\\n1810\\n7,430 63\\n12 ,448 68\\n7,666 66\\n696^548 82\\n1811\\n2,295 95\\n37 70\\n1,040,237 53\\n1812\\n8,958,777 53\\n4,903 06\\n859 22\\n85,039 70\\n710,427 78\\n1813\\n13,224,623 25\\n4,755 04\\n3,805 52\\n35,000\\n835,655 14\\n1814\\n5,998,772 08\\n1,662,984 82\\n2,219,497 36\\n45,000\\n1,135,971 09\\n1815\\n7,282,942 22\\n4,678,059 07\\n2,162,673 41\\n135,000 10\\n1,287,959 28\\n1816\\n36,306,874 88\\n5,124,708 31\\n4,253,635 09\\n149,787 74\\n1,717,985 03\\n1817\\n26,283,348 49\\n2,678,100 77\\n1,834,187 04\\n29,371 91\\n1,991,226 06\\n1818\\n17,176,385\\n955,270 20\\n264,333 36\\n20,070\\n2,606,564 77\\n1819\\n20,283,608 76\\n229,593 63\\n83,650 78\\n7132\\n3,274,422 78\\n1820\\n15,005,612 15\\n106,260 53\\n31,586 82\\n6,465 95\\n1,635,871 61\\n1821\\n13,004,447 15\\n69,027 63\\n29,849 05\\n516 91\\n1,212,966 46\\n1822\\n17,589,761 94\\n67,665 71\\n29,961 56\\n602 04\\n1,803,581 54\\n1823\\n19,088,433 44\\n34,242 17\\n10,337 71\\n110 69\\n916,523 10\\n1824\\n17,878,325 71\\n20,098,713 45\\n34,663 37\\n25,771 35\\n6,201 96\\n2,330 85\\n984,418 15\\n1,216,090 56\\n1825\\n469 56\\n1826\\n23,341,331 77\\n21,589 93\\n6,638 76\\n300 14\\n1,393,785 09\\n1827\\n19,712,283 29\\n19,885 68\\n2,626 90\\n101\\n1,495,845 26\\n1828\\n23,205,523 64\\n17,451 54\\n2,218 81\\n20 15\\n1,018,308 75\\n1829\\n22,681,965 91\\n14,502 74\\n11,335 05\\n86 60\\n1.517,175 13\\n1830\\n21,922,391 39\\n12,160 62\\n16,980 59\\n55 13\\n2;329,356 14\\n1831\\n24,224,441 77\\n6,933 51\\n10,506 01\\n56102\\n3,210,815 48\\n1832\\n28,465,237 24\\n11,630 65\\n6,791 13\\n244 95\\n2,623,381 03\\n1833\\n29,032,508 91\\n16,214,957 15\\n2,759\\n394 12\\n3,967,682 55\\n1834\\n4^196 09\\n19 80\\n*ibo*\\n4,857,600 69", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0326.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n311\\nE E.\\nfrom tJie ith of March, 1789, to Jmie SOth, 1847.\\nDividends and\\nsales of bank\\nstock and bo-\\nnus.\\n8,028\\n38,500\\n303,472\\n160,000\\n1,240,000\\n385,220\\n79,920\\n71,040\\n71,040\\n88,800\\n1,327,560\\n202,426 30\\n525,000\\n675,000\\n1,000,000\\n105,000\\n297,500\\n350,000\\n350,000\\n307,500\\n402,500\\n420,000\\n455,000\\n490,000\\n490,000\\n490,000\\n659,000\\n610,2a5\\n586,649 50\\nMiscellaneous,\\nincluding in-\\ndemnities and\\nChickasaw\\nfund.\\n19,440 10\\n9,918 65\\n10,390 37\\n23,799 48\\n5,917 97\\n16,506 14\\n30,379 29\\n18,692 81\\n45,187 56\\n74,712 10\\n266,149 15\\n177,905 86\\n115,518 18\\n112,575 53\\n19,039 80\\n10,004 19\\n34,935 69\\n21,802 35\\n23,638 51\\n84,476 84\\n60,068 52\\n41,125 47\\n236,571\\n119,399 81\\n150,282 74\\n123,994 61\\n80,389 17\\n37,547 71\\n57,027 10\\n54,872 49\\n152,072 52\\n452,355 15\\n141,019 15\\n127,603 60\\n129,982 25\\n94,288 52\\n1,315,621 83\\n65,106 34\\n112,561 95\\n73,172 64\\n583,563 03|\\n99,276 16\\n334,796 67\\n128,412 32\\nReceipts, exclu-\\nsive of leans,\\nTreasury notes,\\nc.\\n4,418,913 19\\n3,669,960 31\\n4,652,923 14\\n5,431,904 87\\n6,114,534 59\\n8,377,529 65\\n8,688,780 99\\n7,900,495 80\\n7,546,813 31\\n10,848,749 10\\n12,935,330 95\\n14,995,793 95\\n11,064,097 63\\n11,826,307 38\\n13,560,693 20\\n15,559,931 07\\n16,398,019 26\\n17,060,661 93\\n7,773,473 12\\n9,3vS4,214 28\\n14,423,529 09\\n9,801,132 76\\n14,340,409 95\\n11,181,625 16\\n15,696,916 82\\n47,676,985 66\\n33,099,049 74\\n21,585,171 04\\n24,603,374 37\\n17,840,669 55\\n14,573,379 72\\n20,232,427 94\\n20,540,666 26\\n19,381,212 79\\n21,840,858 02\\n25,260,434 21\\n22,966,363 96\\n24,763,629 23\\n24,827,627 38\\n24,844,116 51\\n28,526,820 82\\n31,865,561 16\\n33,948,426 2-5\\n21,791,935 55\\nLoans and\\nTreasury notes,\\nc.\\n5,791,\\n5,070,\\n1,067,\\n4,609,\\n3,305,\\n362,\\n70,\\n308.\\n5,074;\\n1,602,\\n10,\\n5,\\n112 56\\n806 46\\n701 14\\n196 78\\n268 20\\n800\\n135 41\\n574 27\\n646 53\\n435 04\\n125\\n597 36\\n9,532 64\\n128,814 94\\n48,897 71\\n1,882\\n2,759,992 25\\n8,309 05\\n12,837.900\\n26,184,435\\n23,377,911 79\\n35,264,320 78\\n9,494,436 16\\n734,542 59\\n8,766 62\\n2,291\\n3,040,824 13\\n5,000,324\\n5,000,000\\n5,000,000\\nTotal receipts.\\n10,210,025 75\\n8,740,766 77\\n5,720,624 28\\n10,041,101 65\\n9,419,802 79\\n8,740,329 65\\n8,758,916 40\\n8,209,070 07\\n12,621,459 84\\n12,451,184 14\\n12,945,455 95\\n15,001,391 31\\n11,064,097 63\\n11,835,840 02\\n13,689,508 14\\n15,608,828 78\\n16,398,019 26\\n17,062,544 09\\n7.773,473 12\\n12,144,206 53\\n14,431,838 14\\n22,639,032 76\\n40,524,844 95\\n34,559,536 95\\n50,961,237 60\\n57,171,421 82\\n33,833,592 33\\n21,593,936 66\\n24.605.665 37\\n20,881,493 68\\n19,573,703 72\\n20,232,427 94\\n20.540.666 26\\n24,381,212 79\\n26,840,858 02\\n25,260,434 21\\n22,966,363 96\\n24,763,629 23\\n24,827,627 38\\n24,844,116 51\\n28,526,820 82\\n31,865,561 16\\n33,948,426 25\\n21,791,935 55", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0327.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "312\\nAPPENDIX.\\nA Statement of the Receipts of the United States, from the\\nFrom\\nDec. 31,\\n1834, to\\nDec. 31,\\nCustoms.\\nInternal reve-\\nnue.\\nDirect taxes.\\nPostage.\\nPublic lands.\\n183.5\\n1836\\n1837\\n19,391,310 59\\n23,409,940 53\\n11,169,290 39\\n16,158,800 36\\n23,137,924 81\\n13,499,502 17\\n14,487,216 74\\n18,187,908 76\\n7,046,843 91\\n26,183,570 94\\n27,528,112 70\\n26,712,667 87\\n23,747,864 66\\n]?f),459 48\\n370\\n5,493 84\\n2,467 27\\n2,553 32\\n1,682 25\\n3,261 36\\n495\\n103 25\\n1,777 34\\n3,517 12\\n2,897 26\\n375\\n4,263 33\\n728 79\\n1,687 70\\n755 22\\n893\\n10 91\\n14,757,600 75\\n24,877,179 86\\n6,776,236 52\\n3,081,939 47\\n7,076,447 35\\n3,292,2^5 58\\n1,365,627 42\\n1,335,797 52\\n897,818 11\\n2,059,939 80\\n2,077,022 30\\n2,694,452 48\\n2,498,355 20\\n1838\\n1839\\n1840\\n1841\\n1842\\nTo 30th\\nJune,\\n1843\\n1843-4\\n1844-5\\n1845-6\\n1846-7\\n890,817,487 78\\n22,277,688 39\\n12,744,737 56\\n1,092,227 52\\n122,243,240 52", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0328.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n313\\nm of March, 1789, to June SOth, 1847. {Contimml.)\\nDividends and\\nsales of bank\\nstock and bo-\\nnus.\\n569,280 82\\n328,674 67\\n1,375,965 44\\n4,542,102 22\\n1,77*4,513*80\\n672,769 38\\n56,912 53\\n5,000\\n4,346 39\\n21,579,000 05\\nMiscellaneous,\\nincluding in-\\ndemnities and\\nChickasaw\\nfund.\\n696,\\n2,209,\\n5,562,\\n2,517,\\n1,265,\\n874,\\n331,\\n383,\\n279 13\\n891 32\\n190 80\\n252 42\\n068 91\\n662 28\\n285 37\\n895 44\\n286,235 99\\n1,075,419 70\\n328,201 78\\n289,950 13\\n186,467 91\\n21,898,902 50\\nReceipts, exclu-\\nsive of loans,\\nTreasury notes,\\nc.\\n35,430,087 10\\n50,826,796 08\\n24,890,864 69\\n26,302,561 74\\n30,023,966 68\\n19,442,646 08\\n16,860,160 27\\n19,965,009 25\\n8,231,001 26\\n29,320,707 78\\n29,941,853 90\\n29,699,967 74\\n26,437,403 16\\n1,071,194,477 39\\nLoans and\\nTreasury notes\\nc.\\n2,992,989 15\\n12,716,820 86\\n3,857,276 21\\n5,589,547 51\\n13,659,317 38\\n14,808,735 64\\n12,551,409 19\\n1,877,847 95\\n28,900,765 36\\n253,136,287 82\\nTotal receipts.\\n35,430,087 10\\n50,826,796 08\\n27,883,853 84\\n39,019,382 60\\n33,881,242 89\\n25,032,193 59\\n30,519,477 65\\n34,773,744 89\\n20,782,410 45\\n31,198,555 73\\n29,941,853 90\\n29,699,967 74\\n55,338,168 52\\n1,344,330,763 11\\n\u00c2\u00abri,458,782 93 deducted from the aggregate receipts, as per account\\nof the Treasurer, No. 76,922.\\n27", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0329.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "314\\nAPPENDIX.\\nE E.\\nA Statement of tlie Expenditures of the United States, from the. Uh\\nthe. Ti-easurij at the\\nFrom\\nMarch 4,\\n1789, to\\nDec. 31,\\n1791\\n1792\\n1793\\n1794\\n1795\\n1796\\n1797\\n1798\\n1799\\n1800\\n1801\\n1802\\n1803\\n1804\\n1805\\n1806\\n1807\\n1808\\n1809\\n1810\\n1811\\n1812\\n1813\\n1814\\n1815\\n1816\\n1817\\n1818\\n1819\\n1820\\n1821\\n1822\\n1823\\n1824\\n1825\\n1826\\n1827\\n1828\\n1829\\n1830\\n1831\\n1832\\n1833\\nForeign inter\\ncourse, inclu-\\nding awards.\\n757,134 45\\n380,917 58\\n358,241 08\\n440,946 58\\n361,633 36\\n447,139 05\\n483,233 70\\n504,605 17\\n592,905 76\\n748,688 45\\n549,288 31\\n596,981 11\\n526,583 12\\n624,795 63\\n585,849 79\\n684,230 53\\n655,524 65\\n691,167\\n712,465 13\\n703,994 03\\n644,467 27\\n826,271 bo\\n780,545 45\\n927,424 23\\n852,247 16\\n1,208,125 77\\n994,556 17\\n1,109,559 79\\n1,142,180 41\\n1,248,310 05\\n1,112,292 64\\n1,158,131 58\\n1,058,911 65\\n1,336,266 24\\n1,330,747 24\\n1,256,745 48\\n1,228,141 04\\n1,455,490 58\\n1,327,069 36\\n1,579,724 64\\n1,373,755 99\\n1.800.757 74\\n1.562.758 28\\n14,733 33\\n78,766 67\\n89,500\\n146,403 51\\n912,685 12\\n184,859 64\\n669,788 54\\n457.428 74\\n271,374 11\\n395,288 18\\n295,676 73\\n550,925 93\\n1,110,834 77\\n1,186,655 57\\n2,798,028 77\\n1,760,421 30\\n577,826 34\\n304,992 83\\n166,306 04\\n81,367 48\\n264,904 47\\n347,703 29\\n209,941 01\\n177,179 97\\n290,892 04\\n364,620 40\\n281,995 97\\n420.429 90\\n284,113 94\\n253,370 04\\n207,110 75\\n164,879 51\\n292,118 56\\n5,140,099 83\\n371,666 25\\n232,719 08\\n659,211 87\\n1,001,193 66\\n207,765 85\\n294,067 27\\n298,554\\n325,181 07\\n955,395\\nMiscellaneous,\\nMilit ry service,\\nexclusive of\\npensions and\\nIndian dep t.\\n311,533 83\\n194,572 32\\n24,709 46\\n118,248 30\\n92,718 50\\n150,476 14\\n103,880 82\\n149,004 15\\n175,111 81\\n193,636 59\\n269,803 41\\n315,022 36\\n205,217 87\\n379,558 23\\n384,720 19\\n445,485 18\\n464,546 52\\n427,124 98\\n337,032 62\\n315,783 47\\n457,919 66\\n509,113 37\\n738,949 15\\n1,103,425 50\\n1,755,731 27\\n1,416,995\\n2,242,384 62\\n2,305,849 82\\n1,640,917 06\\n1,090,-341 85\\n903,718 15\\n644,985 15\\n671,063 78\\n678,942 74\\n1,046,131 40\\n1,110,713 23\\n826,123 67\\n1,219,368 40\\n1,566,679 66\\n1,363,624 13\\n1,392,336 11\\n2,451,202 64\\n3,198,091 77\\nMILITARY ESTABLISH\\nRevolutionary\\nand other\\npensions.\\n632,804 03\\n1,100,702 09\\n1,130,249 08\\n2,639,097 59\\n2,480.910 13\\n1,260,263 84\\n1,039,402 66\\n2,009,522 30\\n2,466,946 98\\n2,560,878 77\\n1,672,944 08\\n1,179,148 25\\n822,055 85\\n875,423 93\\n712,781 28\\n1,224,355 38\\n1,288,685 91\\n2.900.834 40\\n3,345,772 17\\n2,294,323 94\\n2,032,828 19\\n11,817,798 24\\n19,652,013 02\\n20,350,806 86\\n14,794,294 22\\n16,012,096 80\\n8,004,236 53\\n5,622,715 10\\n6,506,300 37\\n2,630,392 31\\n4,461,291 78\\n3,111,981 48\\n3,096,924 43\\n3,340,939 85\\n3,659,914 18\\n3,943,194 37\\n3,938,977 88\\n4,145,544 56\\n4,724,291 07\\n4,767,128 88\\n4.841.835 bb\\n5,446,034\\n6,704,019 10\\n175,813\\n109,243 15\\n80,087 81\\n81,399 24\\n68,673 22\\n100,843 71\\n92,2-56 97\\n104,845 33\\n95,444 03\\n64,130 73\\n73,533 37\\n85,440 39\\n62,902 10\\n80,092 80\\n81,854 59\\n81,875 53\\n70,500\\n82,576 04\\n87,833 54\\n83,744 16\\n75,043 88\\n91,402 10\\n86,989 91\\n90,164 36\\n69,656 06\\n188,804 15\\n297,374 43\\n890,719 90\\n2,415,939 85\\n3,208,376 31\\n242,817 25\\n1,948.199 40\\n1,780,588 52\\n1,499,326 59\\n1,308,810 57\\n1,556,593 83\\n976,138 86\\n850,573 57\\n949,594 47\\n1,363,297 31\\n1,170,665 14\\n1,184,422 40\\n4,589,152 40", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0330.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n315\\nE E.\\nof March, 1789, to June 30, 1847, and the Balances of Money in\\nend of each year.\\nIndian dep t.\\nincluding\\nChickasaw\\nfund.\\n27,000\\n13,648 85\\n27,282 83\\n13,042 46\\n23,475 68\\n113,563 98\\n62,396 38\\n16,470 09\\n20,302 19\\n3122\\n9,000\\n94,000\\n60,000\\n116,500\\n196,500\\n234,200\\n205.425\\n213,575\\n337,503 84\\n177,625\\n151,875\\n277,845\\n167,358 28\\n167,394 86\\n530,750\\n274,512 16\\n319,463 71\\n505,704 27\\n463,181\\n315,750 01\\n477,005 44\\n575,007 41\\n380,781 82\\n429,987 90\\n724,106 44\\n743,447 83\\n760,624\\n705,084 24\\n576,344 74\\n622,262 47\\n930,738 04\\n1,352,419 75\\n1,802,980 93\\nNaval estab\\nlishment.\\n670\\n53\\n02\\n61,\\n410,\\n274,\\n382,\\n1,381,\\n2,858,\\n3,448,\\n2,111,\\n915,\\n1,215,\\n1,189,\\n1,597,\\n1,649,\\n1,722,\\n1,884,\\n2,427,\\n1,654,\\n1,965,\\n3,959,\\n6,446,\\n7,311,\\n8,660,\\n3,908,\\n3,314.\\n2,953.\\n3,847;\\n4,387.\\n3,319.\\n2,224!\\n2,503;\\n2,904.\\n3,049,\\n4,218.\\n4,263;\\n3,918.\\n3,308.\\n3,239;\\n3,856.\\n3,956,\\n3,901,\\n408\\n562\\n784\\n631\\n347\\n081\\n716\\n424\\n561\\n230\\n832\\n500\\n641\\n064\\n067\\n758\\n244\\n566\\n365\\n600\\n290\\n000\\n278\\n598\\n695\\n640\\n990\\n243\\n458\\n765\\n581\\n083\\n902\\n877\\n786\\n745\\n428\\n183\\n370\\n356\\nExpenditures,\\ne.xclusive of\\nthe public\\ndebt.\\n1,919,589\\n1,877,903\\n1,710,070\\n3,500,546\\n4,350,658\\n2,531,930\\n2,833,590\\n4,623,223\\n6,480,166\\n7,411,369\\n4,981,669\\n3,737,079\\n4,002,824\\n4,452,858\\n6,357,234\\n6,080,209\\n4,984,572\\n6,504,338\\n7,414,672\\n5,311,082\\n5,592,604\\n17,829,498\\n28,082,396\\n30,127,686\\n26,953,571\\n23,373,432\\n15,454,609\\n13,808,673\\n16,300,273\\n13,134,530\\n10,723,479\\n9j827,643\\n9,784,154\\n15,330,144\\n11,490,459\\n13,062,316\\n12,053,095\\n13,296,041\\n12,660,490\\n13,229,533\\n13,864,067\\n16,516,388\\n22,713,755\\nPublic debt.\\n5,287,949\\n7,263,665\\n5,819,505\\n5,801,578\\n6,084,411\\n5,835,846\\n5,792,421\\n3,990,294\\n4,596,876\\n4,578,369\\n7,291,707\\n9,539,004\\n7,256,159\\n8,171,787\\n7,369,889\\n8,989,884\\n6,307,720\\n10,260,245\\n6,452,554\\n8,008,904\\n8,009,204\\n4,449,622\\n11,108,123\\n7,900,543\\n12,628,922\\n24,871,062\\n25.423,036\\n21,296,201\\n7,703,926\\n8,628,494\\n8,367,093\\n7,848,949\\n5,530,016\\n16,568,393\\n12.095,344\\nli;041,082\\n10,003,668\\n12,163,438\\n12,383,867\\n11,355,748\\n16,174,378\\n17,840,309\\n1,543,543\\nTotal.\\n7,207,539\\n9,141,569\\n7,529,575\\n9,302,124\\n10,435,069\\n8,367,776\\n8,626,012\\n8,613,517\\n11,077,043\\n11,989,739\\n12,273,376\\n13,276,084\\n11,258,983\\n12,624,646\\n13,727,124\\n15,070,093\\n11,292,292\\n16,764,584\\n16113,867,226\\n46!l3,319,986\\n05|13,601,808\\n45|22,279,121\\n4439,190,520\\n94 38,028,230\\n35 39,582,493\\n93\\n12\\n62\\n29\\n28\\n62 19,090,572\\n12117,676,592 63\\n48,244,495\\n40,877,646\\n35,104,875\\n24,004,199\\n21,763,024\\n15,314,171\\n31,898,538\\n23,585,804\\n24,103,398\\n22,656,764\\n25,459,479\\n25,044,358\\n24,585,281\\n30,038,446\\n34,356,698\\n24,257,298\\nBalances in\\ntlie Treasury\\nat the end of\\nthe year.\\n973,905 75\\n783,444 51\\n753,661 69\\n1,151,924 17\\n516,442 61\\n888,995 42\\n1,021,899 04\\n617,451 43\\n2,161,867 77\\n2,623,311 99\\n3,295,391\\n5,020,697 64\\n4,825,811 60\\n4,037,005 26\\n3,999,388 99\\n4,538,123 80\\n9,643,850 07\\n9,941,809 96\\n3,848,056 78\\n2,672,276 57\\n3,502,305 80\\n3,862,217 41\\n5,196,542\\n1,727,848 63\\n13,106,592 88\\n22,033,519 19\\n14,989,465 48\\n1,478,526 74\\n2,079,992 38\\n1,198,461 21\\n1,681,592 24\\n4,237,427 oo\\n9,463,922 81\\n1,946,597 13\\n5,201,650 43\\n6,358,686 18\\n6,668,286 10\\n5,972,435 81\\n5,755,704 79\\n6,014,539 75\\n4,502,914 45\\n2,011,777 55\\n11,702,905 31", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0331.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "316\\nAPPENDIX.\\nA Statement oji the Expenditures of the United States, from the Ath\\nthe Treasury at the end\\nProm\\nDec. 31,\\n1833, to\\nDec. 31,\\n1834\\n1835\\n1836\\n1837\\n1838\\n1839\\n1840\\n1841\\n1842\\nTo 30th\\nJune,\\n1843\\n1843-4\\n1844^\\n1845-6\\n1846-7\\n2,080\\n1,905\\n2,110\\n2,3-57\\n2,688\\n2,116\\n2,736\\n2,556\\n2,905\\n,601 60\\n,551 51\\n,175 47\\n,035 94\\n,708 56\\n,982 77\\n,769 31\\n,471 79\\n,041 65\\n1,222,422 48\\n2,454,958 15\\n2,369,652 79\\n2,532,232 92\\n2,570,338 44\\nForeign inter-\\ncourse, inclu-\\nding awards.\\n241,562 35\\n774,750 28\\n533,382 65\\n4,603,905 40\\n1,215,095 52\\n987,667 92\\n683,278 15\\n428,410 57\\n563,191 41\\n400,566 04\\n636,079 66\\n702,637 22\\n409,292 55\\n405,079 10\\nMiscellaneous.\\n2,082,\\n1,549,\\n2,749,\\n2,932,\\n3,256,\\n2,621,\\n2,575,\\n3,505,\\n3,307,\\n565\\n396 74\\n72160\\n428 93\\n860 68\\n340 20\\n35150\\n999 09\\n391 55\\n1,579,724 48\\n2,554,146 05\\n2,839,470 97\\n3,769,758 42\\n3,910,190 81\\n71,327,748 97 37,683,877 03 74,627,140 80 338,998,049 27 59,969,254 10\\nMILITARY ESTABLISH\\nMilit ry service,\\nexclusive of\\npensions and\\nIndian dep t.\\n5,696,\\n5,759,\\n12,169,\\n13,682,\\n12,897,\\n8,916,\\n7,095,\\n8,801,\\n6,610,\\n189 38\\n156 89\\n226 64\\n730 80\\n224 16\\n995 80\\n267 23\\n610 24\\n438 02\\n2,908,671 95\\n5,218,183 66\\n5,746,291 28\\n10,413,370 58\\n35,840,030 33\\nRevolutionary\\nand other\\npensions.\\n3,364,\\n1,954,\\n2,882,\\n2,672.\\n2,156,\\n3,142,\\n2,603,\\n2,388,\\n1,378,\\n285 30\\n711 32\\n797 96\\n162 45\\n057 29\\n750 51\\n562 17\\n434 51\\n931 33\\n839,041 12\\n2,032,008 99\\n2,400,788 11\\n1,811,097 56\\n1,744,883 63", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0332.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\n317\\nof March, 1789, to June 30, 1847, and the Balances of Money in\\nof each year. {Continued.)\\nMENT.\\nNaval estab-\\nlishment.\\nExpenditures,\\nexclusive of\\nthe public\\ndebt.\\nPublic debt.\\nTotal.\\nIndian dep t.,\\nincluding\\nCliickasaw\\nfund.\\nBalances in\\nthe Treasury\\nat the end of\\neach year.\\n1,003,953 20\\n1,706,444 48\\n4,615,141 49\\n4,348,036 19\\n5,504,191 34\\n2,528,917 28\\n2,331,794 86\\n2,514,837 12\\n1,199,099 68\\n578,371\\n1,256,532 39\\n1,539,351 35\\n1,027,693 64\\n1,430,411 30\\n3,956,260 42\\n3,864,939 06\\n5,807,718 23\\n6,646,914 53\\n6,131,580 53\\n6,182,294 25\\n6,113,896 89\\n6,001,076 97\\n8,397,242 95\\n3,727,711 53\\n6,498,199 11\\n6,297,177 89\\n6,455,013 92\\n7,900,635 76\\n18,425,417 25\\n17,514,950 28\\n30,868,164 04\\n37,243,214 24\\n33,849,718 08\\n26,496,948 73\\n24,139,920 11\\n26,196,840 29\\n24,361,336 59\\n11,256,508 60\\n20,650,108 01\\n21,895,369 61\\n26,418,459 59\\n53,801,569 37\\n6,176,565 19\\n58,191 28\\n*21,822 91\\n5,605,720 27\\n11,117,987 42\\n4,086,613 70\\n5,600,689 74\\n8,575,539 94\\n861,596 55\\n12,991,902 84\\n8, 595,039 10\\n1,213,823 31\\n6,719,282 37\\n24,601,982 44\\n17,573,141 56\\n30,868,164 04\\n37,265,037 15\\n39,455,438 35\\n37,614,936 15\\n28,226,533 81\\n31,797,530 03\\n32,936,876 53\\n12,118,105 15\\n33,642,010 85\\n30,490,408 71\\n27,632,282 90\\n60,520,851 74\\n8,892,858 42\\n26,749,803 96\\n46,708,436\\n37,327,252 69\\n36,891,196 94\\n33,157,503 68\\n29,963,163 46\\n28,685,111 08\\n30,521,979 44\\n39,186,284 74\\n36,742,829 62\\n36,194,274 81\\n38,261,959 65\\n33,079,276 43\\n46,800,944 41\\n200,585,95202\\n829,992,966 70\\n481,258,522 08\\n1,311,251,488 78\\n27", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0333.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "318\\nAPPENDIX.\\nF F.\\nDefalcations of the United States Treasury, from 1789 to 1837.*\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2a\\n.s\\nWhole loss each\\nAmount of duties\\n111\\nl1\\n1\\nfour years.\\neach four years.\\nFrom March 4\\nMarch 4,\\nto 1793\\nIl4\\n1789\\n10\\n686 46\\n12,097,850 50\\n.0056\\n1793\\n1797\\n125\\n82,359 84\\n24,552,164 13\\n.0033\\n1797\\n1801\\n148\\n85,179 98\\n33,548,222 90\\n.0025\\n1801\\n1805\\n150\\n61,872 69\\n46,952,705 72\\n.0013\\n1805\\n1809\\n208\\n122,478 51\\n54,172,790 94\\n.0022\\n1809\\n1813\\n263\\n374,654 23\\n44,079,932 82\\n.0084\\n1813\\n1817\\n446\\n688,836 51\\n75,871,937 67\\n.009065\\n1817\\n1821\\n488\\n880,111 67\\n65,470,053 06\\n.01344\\n1821\\n1825\\n431\\n1,568,476 17\\n74,655,234 54\\n.02100\\n1825\\n1829\\n457\\n2,278,558 47\\n88,941,104 61\\n.0256\\n1829\\n1833\\n209\\n299,798 51\\n103,644,579 31\\n.002892\\n1833\\n1837\\nTotal,\\n1,307\\n1,305,305 45\\n70,185,498 66\\n.01859\\n4,242\\n57,748,318 89\\n;g694, 172,034 86\\n.0111\\nTotal amount of duties collected, ^694, 172,034 86\\nNumber indebted, 4,242\\nTotal loss, ^7,748,318 89\\nSee Document of the Secretary of the Treasury, January 14, 1839\\nTwenty-sixth Congress, first session, Vol. I. Doc. 10.", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0334.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 319\\nGG.\\nThe receipts in specie from the 1st January, 1847, to the 30th\\nJune, 1848, amounted to $71,044,840 16\\nThe disbursements in specie from the 1st January, 1847, to the\\n30th June, 1848, amounted to $73,689,883 72\\nTreasury Department,\\nRegister s Orffice, August 10, 1848.\\nDANIEL GRAHAM, Register,\\nHH.\\nStatement of the amount of coinage at the mint of the United\\nStates and branches, from 1st January, 1847, to 30th June, 1848.\\nAmount of coinage during the year 1847, $22,657,671 69\\nFrom 1st January to 30th June, 1848, 2,576,258 87\\n$25,233,930 56\\nTreasury Department,\\nRegister s Office, August 7, 1848.\\nDANIEL GRAHAM, Register.\\nII.\\nWe give the following extract from an able address, by Judge\\nWoodbury, on the remedies for certain defects in American edu-\\ncation\\nCommerce, free and unshackled, supplies wants, comforts, and\\nluxuries, whether to the savage or civilized, and whether near at\\nhand or at the antipodes and, in this way, by rendering the sur-\\nplus productions of all countries more valuable in exchange, it\\nhelps to excite, encourage, and reward the very highest exertions", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0335.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "320 APPENDIX,\\nof both body and mind. It tlius aids to educate all in most impor-\\ntant particulars. It rouses industry in the indolent animates the\\ntorpid to enterprise expands the views of the recluse civilizes\\nthe roughest, and inspires rivalship in the most sluggish. It assists\\nto propagate new opinions and a new faith, under both the equator\\nand the poles fertilizes every region not covered with eternal\\nsnoAvs and pushing human improvement in all its varied forms,\\npenetrates remotest seas, and crosses the Andes, the Alps, and the\\nHimalayan, almost as daringly as the AUeghanies. The moderns\\nhave hardly done justice to former ages in relation to their immense\\ninland trade, enlightening and civilizing wherever it spread\\nwhether up the Nile from Egypt, or into the remotest Ind from Tyre,\\nand thence from Carthage to distant Britain, and in time over-\\nreaching the Atlantides, discovering, under the more adventurous\\nGenoese, a new continent, and gradually pervading the whole west-\\nern hemisphere.\\nThe moderns liave, to be sure, since entered the farthest isles of\\nthe Pacific, and are exploring the ice of both poles but it is prob-\\nable they at last must sigh tliat there a\u00c2\u00bbe no more worlds to find and\\ncivilize which are worth the search.\\nOne illustration of the enterprise and educating character of\\ncommerce, when free, has recently come under my own eye, that\\nmay not be without interest to you in connection with this topic.\\nDuring the last autumn, in a small town in the interior of Mas-\\nsachusetts, I found American lead, which had been dug, partly by\\nYankee industry and adventure, in the remote wilderness of Wis-\\nconsin or Missouri. The same industry and adventure had not\\nonly helped to dig, but had transported it through the active chan-\\nnels of commerce, a circuit of more than two thousand miles from\\nthe mighty west to the rocky east and that on routes unknown, but\\na few years ago, to any thing but the fearless hunter or the birchen\\ncanoe. Fed partly by meat from the same distant source, and corn\\nfrom the south, and flour firom the middle States, (fruits of the same\\ncommercial enterprise,) they were zealously occupied in making\\nthis lead into wat r pipes for operations still more distant, and not a\\nlittle extraordinary.\\nWhat, think you, was to be one of their principal markets\\nSome of this lead was manufacturing by special order, to be freight-\\ned again, under the same Yankee perseverance, not merely two\\nthousand miles, but nearly half the circumference of the globe. It", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0336.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 321\\nwas to double the stormy Cape Horn, twice cross the equator, and\\nfind its pathless way over new seas into the remote Sandwich\\nIslands. And for what use\\nTo advance again, as a labor-saving machine, the commercial\\ninterests of the same spirit which had untiringly explored the forests\\nwhence the raw material was obtained. It was in the form of pipes,\\nto conduct water more cheaply and conveniently on board our whale\\nsliips, which with others resort so frequently to those islands for\\ntheir necessary supplies.\\nThe mode of paying for it evinces with perhaps greater strength\\nthe instructive influence of commerce. It was to be paid for by\\ntaking in exchange, partly sugar, cotton, and oil, the products of\\nnew native labor and skill, among a people not long before (scarce\\ntwo thirds of a century) barbarous in the extreme, and murdering\\nthe immortal navigator who first discovered and blessed them with\\nsome elements of civilization. But now, under the teaching and\\nstimulants of commerce transporting thither, as every where else\\nover the whole habitable globe the new sense of duty inspired by\\nthe religion of the cross, they are advanced somewhat in letters,\\nagriculture, and the arts, as well as engaging considerably in com-\\nmerce itself.", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0337.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "322\\nAPPENDIX.\\nCD\\nt^\\nIX)\\nhd\\nCO\\n(M\\n(M\\n00\\n00 00\\nTt\\nTt^eo\\n,_,\\nr- 1 Tt\\nS^\\n05C0\\n(M\\ncoco\\nM\\ncot^\\nE\\nQ\\nt~\\no\\nS\\nc5\\neo\\ns\\ns\\n^iC \u00c2\u00ab.J W3 sL^\\n2co^\\nSo\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2r 2 3 CO\\n00\\n00 oo\\n1^\\n-u o 2\\nto o .3\\n(U o\\n(D\\no\\ngi\\no a a\\nt*5Cfl M\\n5 o.^ ^S\\nC0l^- 05\\nooeoo CO\\noo --^ooo^\\nCO tCcTco\\nC35(N o\\n(^^co(^f- i^\\nMCO\\nCO 00\\nCO CO\\neo^O\\nrio co\\n^CD_^-*\\noo\u00c2\u00abrooo\\n1\u00e2\u0080\u0094 lO 05\\nr-.-^vo^co\\nco t-^io~ -r\\nt\u00e2\u0080\u0094 cooo o\\nOOOCO(M\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0rt t^.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 1\u00c2\u00ab?\\niMO(MC t\\nCO C5 Oi O\\nCi t\u00e2\u0080\u0094 it^\\nCO Oiio o\\ncxi -H coco\\nOO 00\\n1-H\\n(Uoo\\nOS\\nte p M\\no b\\ni^S ns S i=J la s 1=1\\n:Scoc:i .HzJino -jtoo -S^Z\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a05", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0338.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0339.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3503", "width": "2180", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0340.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3550", "width": "2175", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0341.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n012 605 244 3", "height": "3648", "width": "2170", "jp2-path": "republicofunited01cape_0342.jp2"}}