{"1": {"fulltext": "E45k", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0003.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "012 608 210 1\\niJ", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0004.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "CLARKE S DISCOURSE\\nON THE\\nRENDITION OF BURNS.\\nSecond Edition of Two Thousand.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0005.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "-aiim", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0006.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "The Rendition of Jlnthony Burns. Its Causes and Consequences.\\nCOURSn\\nCHRISTIAN POLITICS,\\nDELIVERED IN\\nWILLIAMS HALL, BOSTON,\\nON WHITSUNDAY, JUNE 4, 1854.\\nBY JAMES FREEMAN CLARKE,\\nMinister of the Church of the Disciples.\\n[PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. SECOND EDITION OF TWO THOUSAND. 1\\nBOSTON:\\nCROSBY, NICHOLS, CO., AND PRENTISS SAWYER.\\n1854.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0007.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "Ik\\nboston:\\nPRINTED BT PRENTISS AND 8AWTER,\\n19 Water Street.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0008.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "INTRODUCTORY SERVICES\\nI. READING OF PSALMS.\\nPsalm 61 and 62.\\nHear my cry, O God, attend unto my prayer.\\nFrom the end of the earth will I cry unto thee, when my heart is over-\\nwhelmed lead me to the rock that is higher than I.\\nTor thou hast been a shelter for me, and a strong tower from the enemy.\\nI will abide in thy tabernacle forever I will trust in the covert of thy\\nwings.\\nTruly my soul waiteth upon God from him cometh my salvation.\\nHe only is my rock and my salvation he is my defence I shall not be\\ngreatly moved.\\nMy soul, wait thou only upon God for my expectation is from him.\\nHe only is my rock and my salvation he is my defence I shall not be\\nmoved.\\nIn God is my salvation and my glory the rock of my strength, and my\\nrefuge, is in God.\\nTrust in him at all times ye people, pour out your heart before him\\nGod is a refuge for us.\\nTrust not in oppression, and become not vain in robbery if riches in-\\ncrease, set not your heart upon them.\\nGod hath spoken once twice have I heard this that power belongeth\\nunto God.\\nAlso unto thee, O Lord, belongeth mercy for thou renderest to every\\nman according to his work.\\nII. HYMN.\\nLord, we adore thy vast designs,\\nThe obscure abyss of providence\\nToo deep to sound with mortal lines,\\nToo dark to view with feeble sense.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0009.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nThrough seas and storms of deep distress\\nWe sail by faith, and not by sight\\nFaith guides us in the wilderness,\\nThrough all the terrors of the night.\\nDear Father, if thy lifted rod\\nResolve to scourge us here below\\nStill let us lean upon our God\\nThine arm shall bear us safely through.\\nIII. SELECTION FROM THE PROPHETS.\\nREAD BY THE MINISTER, AND CONGREGATION.\\nThe Lord standeth up to plead, and standeth to judge the people.\\nThe Lord will enter into judgment with the elders of his people, and the\\nchief men thereof for ye have eaten up the vineyard the spoil of the poor\\nis in your houses.\\nWhat mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces of\\nthe poor saith the Lord God of hosts.\\nWo unto them that join house to house, that lay field to field, till there\\nbe no place, that they may be placed alone in the midst of the earth\\nWo unto them that rise up early in the morning that they may follow\\nstrong drink that continue until night, till wine inflame them\\nAnd the harp, and the viol, the tabret, and pipe, and wine, are in their\\nfeasts but they regard not the work of the Lord, neither consider the\\noperation of his hands.\\nTherefore hell hath enlarged herself, and opened her mouth without\\nmeasure and their glory, and their multitude, and their pomp, and he that\\nrcjoiceth, shall descend into it.\\nAnd the mean man shall be brought down, and the mighty man shall bo\\nhumbled, and the eyes of the lofty shall be humbled\\nBut the Lord of hosts shall be exalted in judgment, and God that is holy\\nshall be sanctified in righteousness.\\nWo unto them that draw iniquity with cords and sin as it were with a\\ncart-rope\\nWo unto them that call evil good, and good evil that put darkness for\\nlight, and light for darkness that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter\\nWo unto them that are wise in their own eyes, and prudent in their own\\nsight Which justify the wicked for reward, and take away the righteous-\\nness of the righteous from him\\nTherefore as the fire devoureth the stubble, and the flame consumeth the\\nchaff, so their root shall be as rottenness, and their blossom shall go up as\\ndust because they have cast away the law of the Lord of hosts, and\\ndespised the word of the Holy One of Israel.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0010.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 5\\nO Lord, the great and dreadful God, keeping the covenant and mercy to\\nthem that love him, and to them that keep his commandments\\nWe have sinned, and have committed iniquity, and have done wickedly,\\nand have rebelled, even by departing from thy precepts and from thy judg-\\nments\\nNeither have we hearkened unto thy servants, which spake in thy name\\nto us.\\nO Lord, righteousness bclongeth unto thee, but unto us confusion of face\\nas at this day\\nO Lord, to us bclongeth confusion of face, because we have sinned against\\nthee.\\nNow therefore, O our God, hear the prayer of thy servants, and their\\nsupplications, and cause thy face to shine upon thy sanctuary for the Lord s\\nsake.\\nO my God, incline thine ear, and hear open thine eyes, and behold for\\nwe do not present our supplications before thee for our righteousness, but\\nfor thy great mercies.\\nO Lord, hear Lord, forgive Lord, hearken and do defer not, for\\nthine own sake, our God.\\nIV. PRAYER.\\nV. READING OF SCRIPTURES.\\nSELECTION FROM THE LAMENTATIONS OF JEREMIAH.\\nHow doth the city sit solitary, that was full of people how is she be-\\ncome as a widow she that was great among the nations, and princess among\\nthe provinces, how is she become tributary\\nShe weepeth sore in the night, and her tears are on her cheeks among all\\nher lovers she hath none to comfort her all her friends have dealt treacher-\\nously with her, they are become her enemies.\\nThe ways of Zion do mourn, because none come to the solemn feasts all\\nher gates are desolate her priests sigh, her virgins are afflicted, and she is\\nin bitterness.\\nHer adversaries are the chief, her enemies prosper; for the Lord hath\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2afflicted her for the multitude of her transgressions her children are gone\\ninto captivity before the enemy.\\nThe adversary hath spread out his hand upon all her pleasant things for\\nshe hath seen that the heathen entered into her sanctuary, whom thou didst\\ncommand that they should not enter into thy congregation.\\nIs it nothing to you, all ye that pass by behold, and see if there be any\\nsorrow like unto my sorrow, which is done unto me, wherewith the Lord\\nhath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0011.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "6 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nThe Lord hath trodden under foot all my mighty men in the midst of me J\\nhe hath called an assembly against me to crush my young men.\\nThe Lord is righteous for I have rebelled against his commandment\\nhear, I pray you, all people, and behold my sorrow my virgins and my\\nyoung men are gone into captivity.\\nAll that pass by, clap their hands at thee they hiss and wag their head\\nat the daughter of Jerusalem, saying, Is this the city that men call the Per-\\nfection of beauty, the Joy of the whole earth\\nAll thine enemies have opened their mouth against thee: they hiss and\\ngnash the teeth they say, We have swallowed her up certainly this is\\nthe day that we looked for we have found, we have seen it.\\nThou hast made us as the off-scouring and refuse in the midst of the\\npeople.\\nAll our enemies have opened their mouths against us.\\nHow is the gold become dim how is the most fine gold changed the\\nstones of the sanctuary are poured out in the top of every street.\\nHer Nazarites were purer than snow, they were whiter than milk, they\\nwere more ruddy in body than rubies, their polishing was of sapphire\\nTheir visage is blacker than a coal they are not known in the streets\\nthen skin cleaveth to then bones it is withered, it is become like a stick.\\nThe kings of the earth, and all the inhabitants of the world, would not\\nhave believed that the adversary and the enemy should have entered into the\\ngates of Jerusalem.\\nFor the sins of her prophets, and the iniquities of her priests, that have\\nshed the blood of the just in the midst of her.\\nThey hunt our steps, that we cannot go in our streets our end is near,,\\nour days are fulfilled for our end is come.\\nOur necks are under persecution we labor, and have no rest.\\nServants have ruled over us there is none that doth deliver us out of\\ntheir hand.\\nThou O Lord remainest forever thy throne is from generation to genera-\\ntion.\\nTurn thou us unto thee, O Lord, and we shall be turned renew our\\ndays as of old.\\nVI. HYMN.\\nBY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL.\\nMen wdiose boast it is, that ye\\nCome of fathers brave and free,\\nLf there breathe on earth a slave,\\nAre ye truly free and brave\\nIf ye do not feel the chain\\nWhen it works a brother s pain,\\nAre ye not base slaves indeed\\nSlaves unworthy to be freed", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0012.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\nIs true freedom but to break\\nFetters for our own dear sake,\\nAnd with leathern hearts forget\\nThat we owe mankind a debt\\nNo true freedom is to share\\nAll the cbains our brothers wear,\\nAnd \u00e2\u0096\u00a0with heart and hand to be\\nEarnest to make others free\\nThey are slaves, who fear to speak\\nFor the fallen and the weak\\nThey are slaves, who will not choose\\nHatred, scoffing, and abuse,\\nRather than, in silence, shrink\\nFrom the truth they needs must think\\nThey are slaves, who dare not be\\nIn the right with two or three.\\nVII. SERMON.*\\nLamentations, Chapter II. 15, 9.\\nIs this the city that men call The perfection of beauty, the joy of the\\nwhole earth\\nHer gates are sunk into the ground he hath destroyed and broken her\\nbars her king and her princes are among the Gentiles the law is no more\\nher prophets also find no vision from the Lord.\\nI have invited you here this morning to meditate on the\\nevents of the week the phenomenon which has occurred in\\nthe streets of Boston. The Slave Power, which has tri-\\numphed in Congress over the Rights of the North, which\\nhas violated sacred compacts, and broken contracts after hav-\\ning taken its own share of the consideration, has come North\\nto Boston, has taken possession of our Court House, of our\\nCity Government, our whole Police force, our whole Military\\nforce, and suspended and interrupted the business of our\\ncitizens until its demands could be satisfied. Not contented,\\nA portion of this Sermon was delivered extempore consequently the\\nprinted copy will vary from it in some particulars, but it is believed in no\\nessential ones.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0013.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "s\\nTHE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nas before, with carrying its victim away under the cloud of\\nnight, it this time must have a more open triumph, and turns\\nour citizens out of their own streets, their banks, post-office,,\\nplaces of business, compels them to shut up their stores,\\nturns them back at the point of the bayonet if they attempt\\nto pass to their affairs, for a whole day suspends all business\\nin order that it may publicly defy Northern sentiment in its\\nmost sacred home.\\nThis event has taken us all by surprise. Great as is the\\naudacity, or let me call it courage, of the South, we did not\\nsuppose there was a Southerner bold enough to come to\\nBoston at this time, in the midst of the universal indignation\\nagainst the Nebraska villany, to look for a Slave or, that\\nif he came, he could by possibility succeed. The clay before\\nthe arrest of Burns, I was riding in the cars with one of the\\nconservative gentlemen of Boston, who had sustained the\\nCompromises in 1850, and I said to him Do you think\\nthey could carry back a Slave from Boston now Not\\nthey, said he, My acquaintances are all opposed to the\\nAbolitionists, but I don t know one who would consent to\\nit. So when I heard in Western New York that a black\\nman had been arrested in Boston as a fugitive, instantly I said,\\nI am glad of it I said it in my simplicity. When I\\narrived in Boston on Tuesday, and saw the soldiery, and the\\ncity in the hands of the Slave Power, I felt a weight of\\nsorrow which death cannot cause. I had just returned from\\nvisiting the new-made grave of my father. I had just come\\nfrom among his children bereaved by his death of the best of\\nparents, of one who loved them with a wonderful affection,\\none whose smile was a perpetual blessing, whose face was\\nlike that of an angel. But the sorrow for Iris loss was not\\nbitter, it was tempered with joy. They shed tears, but no\\nbitter tears. They wore no mourning for him, for they could\\nnot mourn for one whose life was good, whose days were\\nmany and happy, and whose death was the beginning of a\\nhigher life. But now I feel like putting on mourning. Now", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0014.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\nI would say, Hung be the Heavens in black, now I\\nfeel a heaviness in the air as though it were full of sin.\\nOn Friday afternoon as I rode through the beautiful environs\\nof Boston, most beautiful now, I felt as though our prosperity\\nand happiness were poisoned by this baseness as though\\nour own good fortune had made us selfish, and mean, and\\ncowardly. It is not bereavement which is the greatest evil.\\nHow true are those words the sting of death is sin.\\nMy wife said to me, I cannot wear mourning for father\\nfor it seems to me that a Christian ought only to wear mourn-\\ning for his friends when they have committed some great\\nsin. Now would be the time for this community to put on\\nmourning to wear black crape on the arm because Honor\\nis dead, because Humanity is dead, because Massachusetts\\nhas been placed, and by her own acts, beneath the feet of\\nVirginia.\\nBut I wish to be calm to-day. I have no wish to speak a\\nharsh word, or to_ be unjust to any one, or to increase at all\\nany passionate excitement. I wish to produce excitement\\nbut not that of the passions. I wish to excite your conscience,\\nyour heart, and your understanding such excitement I\\nbelieve we need a deep, calm, strong excitement, which can\\nwait, when to wait is necessary which can work, when to\\nwork is timely which will jn-epare us to do our duties here-\\nafter as Christians and as men.\\nFirst, then, let us consider the Facts, and look at our\\nrelation to Slavery and the Slave Power. The relation of\\nFreedom to Slavery in this country was, first, that of Superi-\\nority second, of Equality third, of Inferiority and is now\\nthat of Subjection. At the time the Constitution was formed,\\nthough Slavery existed in the Northern States, the Spirit of\\nFreedom was its master both at the South and the North.\\nSouthern Statesmen, Patrick Henry, Jefferson, Madison,\\ndenounced Slavery then as a great evil and wrong, agreed\\nto exclude it from the North West Territory, refused to\\nre-admit it there again, and expected and desired its speedy", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0015.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "10 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nabolition. That was the condition of tilings at first Slavery\\nunder the feet of Freedom, Southern Statesmen proposing\\nand adopting what we now call the Wilmot Proviso.\\nA few years pass, and we find a change already taking\\nplace. The cultivation of cotton has made slave labor more\\nvaluable. The territory of Louisiana is bought of France\\nunder Mr. Jefferson s administration. Missouri is admitted\\nin 1821 as a Slave State, after a severe conflict, but on the\\nexpress condition that all other territory lying as far North\\nas Missouri shall forever be consecrated to Freedom. Slavery\\nand Freedom now are on a footing of Equality they are to\\nhave an equal share of everything. Right and Principle have\\nnow yielded to Expediency, and the seed is sown to bear\\nbitter fruit afterward.\\nIn the years succeeding the Missouri Compromise, Slavery\\nis constantly gaining ground. Florida is obtained and given\\nup to Slavery without a struggle. The Slave Power drives\\nthe Indians out of Georgia, brings on the Florida War, and\\nat last, grown bolder, proposes the annexation of Texas as a\\nSlave State, and, after a struggle, conquers. The main fea-\\nture of this transaction was, that it was done avowedly to pre-\\nvent the abolition of Slavery and to strengthen the Slave\\nPower. Not only was this purpose proclaimed in Congress\\nby Mr. Henry A. Wise and others, but also by Mr. Calhoun,\\nSecretary of State, in diplomatic correspondence with Mr.\\nPackenham, the British Minister thus, for the first time,\\ncausing the Nation to stand in the attitude of a Slavery Pro-\\ntector before the world. Slavery is now uppermost, and\\nFreedom beneath.\\nBut since the Democratic party at the North assisted South-\\nern Democrats and Southern Whigs to annex Texas, events\\nhave proceeded with a wonderful rapidity. The Slave Power\\nhurled us into a Avar with Mexico, in order to obtain more\\nterritory for Slave-holding purposes. It failed in this as\\nregards California, owing to the discovery of gold, which\\ncaused it to be filled immediately with poor emigrants from", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0016.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 11\\nfree countries, who did not choose to work by the side of\\nSlaves. But in 1850 it succeeded in overcoming by threats of\\ndisunion our avowed Northern purpose, prevented the YVilmot\\nProviso from being applied to the territories, and finally\\npassed by Northern votes, among them that of Samuel A.\\nEliot of this city, this Fugitive Slave Law, under which\\nBurns was on Friday carried through our streets. This Law,\\nas you know, tramples on all the legal and constitutional\\nguarantees of Freedom. The Constitution says (in the 5th\\nArticle of Amendments,) that No person shall be deprived\\nof his liberty without due process of Law, and also that In\\nsuits at common Law, where the value in controversy shall\\nexceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by Jury shall be pre-\\nserved. Burns was in possession of his liberty, ten days ago\\nhe was a self-supporting, tax-paying citizen of Massachu-\\nsetts. He had a right to vote at the polls after a year s resi-\\ndence here. He has been deprived of that liberty, he has\\nbeen turned into a Slave, and he has not seen either Judge\\nor Jury. Now such men as Chas. G. Loring, Horace Mann,\\nRobert Rantoul, Jr., Chief Justice Hornblower of New Jersey\\ndeclare this Law unconstitutional, while Ben. It. Curtis and\\nEdward G. Loring have argued its constitutionality. But\\ntwo things are plain enough. First, If it is constitutional,\\nthen the Constitution has provided no adequate guarantees\\nfor the protection of Liberty. Secondly, If, instead of the\\nSouth threatening to dissolve the Union, it had been the\\nNorth that was uttering this threat if the whole North\\nwas determined to resist the law, and the South did not care\\nwhether it was enforced or not how long would it have taken\\nMr. Ben. E. Curtis and Mr. Edward G. Loring to have\\nshown the unconstitutionality of the law I once put that\\nquestion to a defender of the law a lawyer. He smiled,\\nand said Not five minutes.\\nI am no lawyer, and it may be very presumptuous in me\\nto touch on a question of constitutional law. But there are\\nsome common-sense conclusions, which you and I, though", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0017.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "12 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nnot lawyers, are adequate to. Let me call the attention of\\nthe defenders of this law to the following points, which plain\\nmen among their fellow-citizens would like to have explained.\\nThis examination before the Commissioner is either a trial or\\nit is not a trial of the question of Liberty. If it be a trial, it\\nis a trial without Judge or Jury. If it be not a trial, then a\\nfree citizen of Massachusetts is turned into a Slave without a\\ntrial. Anthony Burns was a free citizen of Massachusetts\\nwhen he came before the Commissioner for the presumption\\nin a free State is that every man is free until he is proved to\\nbe a Slave. He was a free citizen when he came before the\\nCommissioner he left him a Slave, in the hands of his\\nmaster. The Commissioner denies that his examination is a\\njudicial process. Anthony Burns, then, was turned into a\\nSlave, without a trial.\\nUnder that law, on Friday, Anthony Burns was sent back\\ninto Slavery by the decision of the United States Commission-\\ner. It surprised not only the people, but the lawyers. Most\\nof the lawyers believed that there was legal ground for a\\nreasonable doubt of the man s identity. The Commissioner\\nwas satisfied of the identity of the prisoner with the person\\nclaimed, only by his own conversation. He was sent back\\nentirely on the ground of what he said himself on the night\\nof his arrest. And this conversation of his is proved only by\\nBrent, the agent of the claimant, whose testimony on other\\npoints was contradicted by the strongest evidence. The Com-\\nmissioner admits that Brent s testimony was completely\\nneutralized, as regards the point of identity, by the testimony\\nof other witnesses of unimpeachable integrity. Nevertheless,\\nhe allows him to re-establish his own testimony, by means of\\nhis own testimony on another point. The only witness to\\nthe identity has been completely disparaged by unimpeach-\\nable witnesses, and the Commissioner admits that it is thus\\ndisparaged, and yet takes him again as evidence to the con-\\nversation on the strength of which he sends back the man to\\nSlavery.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\n13\\nSetting aside everything else, Mr. Loring accepts Brent s\\naccount of a conversation, held with the prisoner on the night\\nof the arrest, when in a state of terror and on the strength\\nof that conversation sends him into Slavery. And yet the\\nFugitive Slave Law itself declares .that in no trial or hear-\\ning under the Act shall the testimony of an alleged Fugitive\\nbe admitted in evidence.\\nI do not wish to speak harshly of the Commissioner. No\\ndoubt he has a sufficient weight on his own mind and heart\\nto-day. Miserable as is the condition of poor Burns, I do\\nnot know but that it is to be preferred to that of Edward\\nGreeley Loring. He had an opportunity of setting the man\\nfree on grounds which every Boston lawyer would have ad-\\nmitted to be sufficient. He has sent him back to Slavery\\nupon grounds in which half his legal friends will not\\nsustain him. I believe him honest, but biased against the\\ncause of human liberty, by his habits of mind, and his imme-\\ndiate associations. When the Fugitive Slave Law was passed,\\nhe wrote articles, defending its constitutionality and necessity,\\nin the newspapers of this city. I have not those articles at\\nhand, but I recollect that they seemed to me at the time to\\ncontain arguments the fallacy of which, on any other subject,\\nhe would have easily seen. He argued, for instance, that the\\nperson claimed as a Fugitive could lay no claim to the constitu-\\ntional guarantees of liberty, because Slaves were not parties\\nto the Constitution. He thus assumed the very thing to be\\nproved, that the person claimed as a Fugitive, was a Fugitive,\\nand a Slave. And he has now decided the case of Burns\\naccording to the 10th Section of the Statute rather than the\\n6th. According to the latter, he would have had jurisdiction\\nover the three questions of Slavery, Escape, and Identity.\\nThese three points the claimant attempted to prove, thus\\nselecting the 6th Section as the one under which he chose to\\nproceed. But Mr. Loring decides that these two points of\\nSlavery and Escape are beyond Iris jurisdiction thus narrow-\\ning immensely the chances of the defendant. According to", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "14 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nthis ruling, you or I may be seized to-morrow, and the two\\npoints that we were Slaves, and that we escaped, would be\\nconsidered as established by a piece of paper brought from\\nthe South by the person claiming us. Consequently, if the\\nCommissioner had evidence that- 1 was really the James Free^\\nman Clarke described in the Virginia Record he has no right,\\nlegally, to do anything but send me back. He would not do\\nit but by his own interpretation of law he ought to do it.\\nHe would not do it, because I am white and because he thinks\\nhe knows that I never was a Slave. But there is nothing in\\nthe law about white or black, and Northern free-born men\\nare turned into Slaves very easily in this country. Witness\\nthe case of Northop, born in Connecticut, kidnapped in\\nWashington, and for years a Slave on the Red River. Wit-\\nness that poor fellow who, born free in Pennsylvania, was\\nturned into a Slave in Maryland, and lately escaped from\\nCharleston to Delaware Bay on the outside of a steamer,\\nunder the guards, from which he was picked off, half dead,\\nto be sent back to Slavery again by a Delaware Commissioner.\\nNephew, said Algernon Sidney in prison, on the night\\nbefore his execution, I value not my own life a chip, but\\nwhat concerns me is that the Laic which takes away my life\\nmay hang every one of you, whenever it is thought conve-\\nnient. Commissioner Loring s interpretation of this Law\\nmay send you or me, your wife or daughter or mine, into\\nVirginia as a Slave, whenever it is thought convenient. It\\nwill not be necessary for the Georgia Legislature to offer\\n5,000 again for the head of Garrison. All that is necessary\\nis that a certificate shall be made out describing him, or Wen-\\ndell Phillips, or Theodore Parker, as an escaped Slave, and\\nCommissioner Loring being satisfied of their identity must\\nsend them back or change his views of the Statute.\\nThe Law, thus explained, is the one which he has defended\\nbefore this community as constitutional and proper. I blame\\nhim for sending back Burns under the Law. I blame him\\nmore for being willing to act as Commissioner under such a", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 15\\nlaw. Ah but says he, if good men do not administer it, it\\nwill be left to be done by bad men. It seems to me that\\nsuch a course of reasoning would justify us in doing any\\nwrong thing, which we feared others might do, if we did not.\\nNo man who believes Slavery wrong is authorized in turning a\\nMan into a Slave. I blame him then for acting as Commissioner\\nunder this Law. But I blame him most of all for defending\\nsuch an infamous Statute, and for trying to make it acceptable\\nto the community. If those who, in past times, have spent\\nyears of toil and sorrow in securing for us the great bulwarks\\nof personal Freedom, Trial by Jury, the writ of Habeas Cor-\\npus, and the like, under which we live if they are entitled\\nto our lasting gratitude, what are those entitled to who exert\\ntheir ingenuity, learning, and influence to overthrow these\\nsecurities? These things also will be remembered but in\\na different way.\\nAs regards the Mayor of the city, he seems to me to have\\ntaken a most ill-judged and unfortunate step in calling out\\nthe Military to perform escort duty to the United States Mar-\\nshal. No doubt he thought that it was clone to preserve the\\npeace of the city. But the peace of the city was nowhere\\nthreatened, and the great danger was from the armed soldiers\\nthemselves. Orders were actually given them to aim at the\\ncitizens, close to the scene of the old Boston Massacre. If\\nthey had fired, the results no man can tell, but they would\\nhave been most deplorable. Many of the troops behaved\\nwith brutal disrespect of the rights of peaceable citizens, and\\nfurnished us with an example of what it is to live under\\nmilitary ride. The Mayor of the city has, in my opinion, by\\nall this, disgraced us, and shown himself eminently unfit for\\nhis position. He has exposed us to the risk of scenes of\\nviolence, which we have barely escaped by the good sense of\\nthe citizens, and that of some of the officers and soldiers\\nand he has disgraced our military by making them the body-\\nguard of a Virginia Slaveholder and his Slave-catchers. Long\\nmay it be before our troops are called out again for such a\\npurpose as this.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "16 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nIt seemed to me, as I watched the crowd in State Street,\\nthat it depended on the slightest circumstance whether or\\nnot that street should again run red with the blood of citi-\\nzens, murdered because they could not bear to see a man\\nturned into a Slave before their eyes. Had I known what\\norders had been given to the troops by the Mayor of the city,\\nmy alarm would have been greater. If it be true, as has\\nbeen stated, that he gave orders that any citizens who at-\\ntempted to break the lines should be fired upon, then he\\ndeserves to receive the unqualified indignation of the commu-\\nnity. It has, however, done us service in showing us what\\nwe are to expect from the Slave Power, under whose despot-\\nism we now live. Like other despots, it will govern us by\\nmilitary force. That is before us, as a certainty for no\\ndespotism has ever failed to use a soldiery as the necessary\\ncondition of maintaining its supremacy. In a few years, this\\ntoo may come.\\nThe papers also inform us that while bells were tolling in\\nhalf the towns of New England, and the hearts of tens of\\nthousands in Boston were weighed down by irrepressible\\ngrief, the Mayor and the Officers were carousing and giving\\ntoasts to each other at the Albion, as if utterly reckless of the\\npublic feeling.\\nMeantime the eyes of the whole North have turned to us,\\nwaiting to see if the tocsin of liberty was to sound out again\\nfrom Faneuil Hall and State Street. Sadly have they been\\ndisappointed. The bells were tolled in many a town in New\\nEngland Avhen the sad news came of the decision of the Com-\\nmissioner and the removal of his victim. And as a specimen\\nof the feeling out of New England, allow me to read to you\\nan extract from a letter which I received last night from\\nChicago, Illinois\\nOn Saturday, Chicago was thrown into a great state of\\nexcitement by telegraphic despatches from Boston, of the\\nFugitive Slave case. Men of all parties say that they are\\nglad that the first case comes up in Boston, for they think or", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\n17\\nhope that she will take the lead in resistance to oppression,\\nand they are all ready to follow. We arc looking to-day,\\nwith great interest, for the next despatch.\\nI should be willing to prophesy that if Boston says that\\nno Fugitive Slave shall be carried back at any rate the other\\nNorthern cities will follow her example.\\nOh what an opportunity has been lost by Boston And\\nwhy is it that the old spirit has left us the spirit of 76\\nIt is not merely the Commissioners, and the Marshals, and the\\nMayors, who have disgraced us. They are but the creatures\\nof public sentiment. If Boston were unanimous on the side\\nof Freedom and Justice, as I trust it is to be) the Commis-\\nsioners would easily discover the legality of setting free the\\nSine the Marshals and their followers would soon be of\\nthe same mind, and no more Slaves could be carried from\\nBoston. All policemen would imitate the noble act of Capt.\\nHayes, and resign rather than debase themselves by such\\na service.*\\nI blame to-day the Churches and Clergy of Boston, for if\\nthey had been faithful to their Master, this thing could not\\nhave happened. And especially I blame the Unitarian\\nChurches, for they have had the especial and rare fortune of\\nhaving their greatest and best teacher on the side of Justice\\nand Humanity and they have fallen away from his teaching\\nand his example. Dr. Channing s writings read to-day as\\nThe following is the letter of Capt. J. K. Hayes, a document which his\\nchildren and children s children will prize as an inheritance more precious\\nthan houses or stocks.\\nBoston, June 2, 1854.\\nTo His Honor the Mayor and the Aldermen of the City of Boston\\nThrough all the excitement attendant upon the arrest and trial of the\\nFugitive%y the U. S. Government, I have not received an order which I\\nhave conceived inconsistent with my duties as an officer of the Police, until\\nthis day, at which time I have received an order, which, if performed, would\\nimplicate me in the execution of that infamous Fugitive Slave Bill.\\nI therefore resign the office which I now hold as a Captain of the Watch\\nand Police from this hour, 11 A. M.\\nMost respectfully yours, Joseph K. Hayes.\\n3", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "18 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nHistory, not Prophecy. He announced beforehand, in his\\nclear mind, purified by devotion to truth and right, all that\\nhas since come upon us. And yet, out of the Unitarian\\nChurches of Boston have come those who have done the most\\nin this community to lower its moral sense on this subject.\\nThe man who voted for the Law at Washington, and many\\nof those who defended it and have enforced it at home, were\\nmembers of our Unitarian Churches. True, if we sent to\\nWashington a Samuel A. Eliot, Ave have also sent a John\\nQuincy Adams, a John G. Palfrey, a Horace Mann, and a\\nCharles Sumner. But yet, seeing how little influence the\\nteachings of a Channing, a Follen, and a Ware have had on\\nthe Boston Unitarians, we are brought to the conclusion that\\nCommercial Christianity is much the same always that the\\nrich churches in commercial cities, whether calling themselves\\nEpiscopalians, Presbyterians, or Unitarians, will always have\\nmuch the same faith, a faith in the Dollar, rather than a faith\\nin God. They no doubt contain many good men, and more\\ngood women but the ruling spirit of such churches is hard,\\ncold, worldly, and selfish. The words of a Channing will\\nquicken them to inward life only when vernal showers shall\\ncover the granite rock with verdure. Dr. Hitchcock, in his\\nGeology, tells us that in 1828 a mass of ice was found on\\njEtna, lying beneath a current of lava. Probably, he says,\\nbefore this flowed over it, the ice might have been covered\\nby a shower of ashes, which is a good non-conductor of heat,\\nwhich prevented its melting. So when the cold heart is\\nprotected by the ashes of selfish and worldly habits, the warm\\ntide of Christian love and holy truth may flow over it, and\\nleave it hard and cold as ever.\\nThen there are bad newspapers, in such a city as ours,\\nwhich exert an influence like a poisonous miasma. There are\\nreckless and inhuman prints, bought by Federal money, by\\nthe hope or the possession of Federal Offices, which occupy\\nthe exact position to-day in our community which the Tory\\npensioners of the British Government occupied here in", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\n19\\n1770. Traitors to the North, hostile to every free thought,\\nSlaves at heart, and fit to be the tools of the Slaveholder,\\nthey usually call themselves Democrats, when about to sup-\\nport to the utmost the despots and aristocrats of the South.\\nA blind adherance to party is another cause of our present\\nposition. Men allow themselves to vote for the party candi-\\ndate, regardless of his character and convictions. These\\ncandidates are usually those who are chiefly interested in\\nkeeping the party together, in carrying the next election and\\nwho, when they get to Washington, are moulded and influ-\\nenced like soft wax by the ruling powers there. The times\\nrequire different men and in order to have them, those\\nwho see that the great question now is that of Slavery, must\\ninsist on positive pledges from every man before they vote for\\nhim. The mere name of Whig, Democrat, or Free Soiler\\nis now worth nothing. We must have men to vote for,\\nupright, downright, and outspoken. In this is our last hope,\\nour only security.\\nWe have grown too rich in Boston. The rich Boston of\\n1854, with its two hundred millions, has not the same energy\\nand patriotism as the poor Boston of 1776. Here and there\\nwe find rich men who are full of corn-age and the love of\\nfreedom, but too often riches are found to be akin\\nTo fear, to change, to cowardice, and death.\\nNor can we omit here to state, among the causes of our\\npresent position, the. false policy of those who have sought to\\nconciliate the South by concession. In every instance, con-\\ncession to the South has been followed by more desperate\\nattempts for power on the part of the South. If Revolution\\nis before us, if Civil War and Dissolution of the Union is at\\nhand, I believe before God that the responsibility for it will\\nrest upon those who, for the sake of a false peace, have yielded\\nNorthern convictions of right, who have called these convic-\\ntions prejudices, who have sneered at conscience, and have", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "OQ THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\ndefied the Almighty by setting the law of man above the law\\nof God.\\nWhat will be the results of all this What are the prob-\\nable prospects before us Matters will not stand here. The\\nindignation in the public mind, excited by such events, will\\nnot die out, but will grow more intense, bitter, and regardless\\nof consequences. The men who, last Friday, stood still in\\nState Street and submitted to the law, will, on the next occa-\\nsion, be ready for more revolutionary measures. If blood had\\nbeen shed then, if the soldiers had fired on the people and\\nmade another massacre, it would have been the beginning of\\na revolution quite as important as that of 1776. Meantime,\\nthe Slave Power, encouraged by this triumph, will go on more\\nrecklessly in its projects. It feels now, since it can pass a\\nNebraska Bill, and then as soon as it is passed take a man out\\nof Boston at mid-day, that it can do anything. Presently we\\nshall find ourselves in a war with Spain, for the possession of\\nCuba we shall find the Slave Trade re-opened with Africa\\nand when at last the Slave Power has made use of the Union\\nto accomplish its ends, and has gained all the territory it\\nneeds for its ambitious purposes, it will be ready to dissolve\\nthe Union, and form a Slaveholding State. All this is in\\npreparation five years or ten years may see it accomplished.\\nThe amount of the whole is that all these triumphs of\\nSlavery increase its Political Power while they increase the\\nMoral Power of Anti-Slavery. Therefore we find the com-\\nmunity becoming more and more divided into two parties.\\nOn one side stands the Slave Power, with the party Politicians,\\nthe Federal Government, the United States Army, Navy,\\nJudiciary, and Congress making one formidable party.\\nOpposed to these will be the masses, the uncorrupted masses\\nof the Northern People particularly in the country, where\\nthey are not corrupted by direct commercial transactions^ with\\nthe South. With these will be allied the religious sentiment\\nof the country the body of Northern clergy all the litera-\\nture of the land all genius, poetry, art; and all the true", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\n21\\nhearted women. These have been always on the side of\\nFreedom, and will be more so, hereafter, than ever.\\nThere is a great struggle before us, and Ave may as well be\\nprepared for it, It may be a very terrible one, it may involve\\ncivil war, the destruction of property, the temporary overthrow\\nof our social fabric. But if, in the struggle, Slavery is over-\\nthrown, our country has vitality enough in it to recover from\\nany shock, and that root of bitterness, that fatal poison being\\nremoved, it will bloom forth in new and lasting life.\\nBut we are not without grounds of hope to-day. When\\nthe night seems darkest, the day is often about to dawn.\\nSenator Butler says that a law which can only be enforced\\nat the point of the bayonet is no law. The Fugitive Slave\\nLaw could only have been enforced in Boston last Friday by\\nthe point of the bayonet. It was necessary to have a thous-\\nand troops under arms, a piece of artillery with forty rounds\\nof canister shot, three companies of United States Marines,\\nall the Police force of the city, and the Marshal with his\\nposse of thieves and blacklegs, the sweepings of our jails and\\nprisons. Without this force, the man could not, it is well\\nknown, have been removed and even as it was, the firing\\nof a single gun into the crowd might have caused the instant\\nbreaking up of this military force. It was accompanied dur-\\ning its whole march by the groans and hisses of the people-;\\nand many a brave soldier s heart must have sunk within him\\nin thinking of the odious work in which he was engaged. It\\nis very doubtful whether the military will consent to serve\\nagain for such a purpose. Nor shall we have a Mayor again,\\nlet us trust, who will order them out for this object.\\nWe have grounds for hope in the great change going on in\\ntins community in public sentiment. Those who, in 1850,\\nsupported the Compromises, are now signing by thousands the\\npetition for their repeal. As a sign of their feelings, this is\\nwell, though as a practical action it amounts to nothing. It\\nis not by asking Congress to repeal it, but only by determin-\\ning that it shall not be executed, that the present crisis can be", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nmet. The Sybil, each time that we rejecl her offer, demands\\na higher price for her commodities. A\\\\ hat -would have done\\nin 1850 will not do now. What will do now will not do\\nfive years hence. We have long since passed the time for\\npetitions and remonstrances. We can hope little iioav from\\nCongress or its action.\\nThe country is at last awaking. The great West is awak-\\ning. Ohio is wheeling into line and will he, perhaps, the\\nLeader in the coming struggle. Northern enthusiasm, when\\nfully aroused, has always been more than a match for South-\\nern organization, Northern conscience, slow but stubborn,\\nmore than a match for Southern impetuosity. So may it be\\nstill!\\nGod is on our side. Truth, Justice, Humanity, are on our\\nside. These are great allies. We must no1 falter, and we\\ncannot ultimately fail when they are with 11-. The Right is\\nveiy apt to be overthrown at first; it i- sure of the victory in\\nthe end.\\nCareless seems the great Avenger: II. _;es but record\\nOne death-grapple in the darkness, twixt old systems and the Word,\\nTruth forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the Throne,\\nYet that -scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown\\nStandeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above His owu.\\nAs I rode to town this morning, I passed between orchards\\nand groves eaten bare by the canker-worm. It Avas as though\\nafire had passed over them. But I know that in a few\\nweeks the worm will be gone, and that the leaves will again\\nappear, and the trees be again green. The powers of life are\\ngreater than those of destruction. The canker-worm of\\nSlavery may destroy our present peace, our present prosperity\\nbut the powers of life which animate this great nation, and\\ndirect its steps toward universal Freedom and Equality, can-\\nnot be conquered. They will cany us forward over the\\nruins of Slavery, over false democracy, over a commercial and", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.\\ninfidel church, into a new Eden of higher Freedom, and\\nProgress, and Peace.\\nTo-day is Whitsunday. It has a great and. hopeful lesson\\nfor us. Consider what darkness, what despair fell on the\\nhearts of the disciples when Jesus was crucified! What\\nelements of gloom went to make up that power of dark-\\nness The betrayal by Judas, the denial by Peter, the cow-\\nardice of the Twelve, the time-serving spirit of the Judge,\\nthe cruelty of the soldiers, the malice of the priests, the rage\\nof the people. It all fell on the head of the blessed one\\nand crushing him, crushed with him all their hopes. A lew\\nweeks pass and out of that darkness comes a great light,\\nout of that defeat a triumph, out of that weakness strength,\\nout of dispersion union. On the day of Pentecost, fiery\\ntongues rest on their heads, courage and conviction enter\\ntheir hearts they are heard by every man speaking to him\\nin Ms own tongue, united, strong, brave, hopeful, loving\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nthey go forth, to conquer the world.\\nMay to-day be a Pentecost to the cause of humanity.\\nTo-day, may the servants of Christ be everywhere speaking\\nwith new tongues, as the Spirit gives them utterance. May\\nall our divisions and separations be at an end, and all true\\nlovers of liberty, whether they call themselves Whigs, Dem-\\nocrats, Free Soilers, or Abolitionists be united m one calm\\nand earnest purpose and once again all be of one speech\\nand one tongue.\\nLast Friday, Christ was crucified again in the term oi the\\npoor negro Slave. This morning, I feel in my heart that the\\nSpirit has arisen from the grave, and is poured out on many a\\nmind and heart. It was well that this deed should have been\\ndone on Friday and it is well that this Sunday should\\ncome so soon after, with its bright and beautiful sun, to open\\nthrough the land a thousand pulpits to denounce the shame,\\nand to call men to a deep purpose of atoning for it.\\nWhat then can be clone What can we do This is our\\nlast question.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "24 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\n1. We must be united. We must sacrifice everything to\\nunite in one great Northern party all the friends of Freedom\\nand Humanity. Let us forget the past, and gladly receive\\nhelp from all. Let us reproach no one because he comes in\\nat the eleventh hour. Whoever will repent, and do deeds\\nmeet for repentance even though he has been a servant of\\nkidnappers, a United States Commissioner, a Marshal, the\\nEditor of a sham Democratic paper, or worse than all, a\\nLower Law Doctor of Divinity whoever will repent,\\nlet him be welcome.\\n2. Let us be calm. Let us put the calmest, coolest men\\nin front, to lead us. Let the most conservative advise, and\\ntell us what we are to do. Let those of us who for years\\nhave been speaking, now listen for words from those whose\\nturn has come to speak. The Anti-Slavery Platform wel-\\ncomes its new orators from State Street and Long Wharf.\\nLet us not, by any rashness, lose the opportunity of uniting\\nall men who are in earnest.\\nIt is not for me, therefore, to say what we shall do next.\\nBut it can do no harm to read a little History, so that we\\nmay see by the example of our fathers how, without violence\\nor bloodshed, this Statute may hereafter become a dead letter.\\nIn 1765, the British Parliament passed the Stamp Act,\\nwhich was opposed as a usurpation by Parliament, and as\\ndenial of Trial by Jury in cases of property. This was the\\naddress then made by the legislature of Massachusetts to the\\nGovernor.*\\nYou are pleased to say that the Stamp Act is an Act of\\nParliament, and as such ought to be observed. This House,\\nSir, has too great reverence for the Supreme Legislature of\\nthe Nation to question its just authority. It by no means\\nappertains to us to adjust the boundaries of the power of\\nParliament, but boundaries there undoubtedly are. So we\\nThis, and some other things in this Discourse, are taken from Charles\\nSumner s admirable Speech in the Senate of the United States, Aug., 1852,\\non his motion to repeal the Fugitive Slave Bill.", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 25\\nmay say that it by no means pertains to us to adjust the\\nboundaries of the power of Congress ^but boundaries there\\nundoubtedly are.\\nThe tories of that day in Massachusetts welcomed the\\nStamp Act then, just as the organs of the Administration\\nwelcome the Nebraska Bill and. the return of Fugitives now.\\nGovernor Bernard demanded submission. The Officers of\\nthe Customs, as now the Marshals, called for military force\\nto assist them in executing it. Then, as now, the military\\nMere opposed to the people. A British Major of Artillery in\\nNew York said, I will ram the Stamps down their throats\\nwith the end of my sword.\\nBut the whole country soon organized itself into a peaceful\\nunion to oppose the execution of the Act. John Adams,\\nin his Diary, says\\nThe year 1765 has been the most remarkable year of my\\nlife. That enormous engine, fabricated by the British Parlia-\\nment for battering down all the rights and liberties of Amer-\\nica I mean the Stamp Act has raised and spread through\\nthe whole continent a spirit which will be recorded to our\\nhonor with all future generations. In every colony, from\\nGeorgia to New Hampshire inclusively, the Stamp distrib-\\nutors and inspectors have been compelled, by the unconquer-\\nable rage of the people, to renounce their offices. Such and\\nso universal has been the resentment of the people, that every\\nman who has dared to speak in favor of the Stamps, or to\\nsoften the detestation in which they are held, how great\\nsoever his abilities and virtues have been esteemed before,\\nor whatever his fortune, connections, and influence had been,\\nhas been seen to sink into universal contempt and ignominy.\\nLet the people be united, and they are irresistible. No\\ndoubt the Stamp distributors would have been glad to have\\nkept their offices and salaries no doubt they argued that it\\nwas best to have the Stamps sold by good men, but\\nthey had to resign. No man can live in a community, made\\nunanimous by a common conviction of Bight and Truth, and\\nresist its will on such points as these.\\n4", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "26 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nIf the whole community should call upon the United States\\nCommissioners and Marshals to resign, rather than to enforce\\nthe law, they would do so for no man, I say again, can live\\nin a community, and feel that he is deprived of its sympathy.\\nTherefore no shadow of violence would be necessary, and\\nought never to be used. The calm request would be heard\\nand obeyed.\\nThis is the only thing which can save us from a Revolu-\\ntion. Perhaps even this cannot now save us. But if we can\\nsever ourselves, wholly, from connection with Slavery, peace\\nmay return again. But if scenes like those of last week are\\nto be re-enacted at the North, how long will it take to make\\nthe North ready for a dissolution of the Union\\nAs regards the Southern threat of dissolving the Union,\\nthat has now lost its terror. If we had disregarded it ten\\nyears ago, we should not be in such danger of dissolution of\\nthe Union as we are to-day. The majority of the North to-day\\nhave no objection to a dissolution of the Union. In this com-\\nmunity, where one man was opposed to the Union a week ago,\\none hundred are opposed to it to-day. The danger of disso-\\nlution of the Union now, is from the North, not the South.\\nAnd that danger will increase with wonderful rapidity, if\\nsome effectual measures are not taken to prevent the rendition\\nof another Fugitive from the Northern States.\\nMen have now come generally upon the ground taken years\\nago by Dr. Channing. In his essay on the duties of the Free\\nStates, he speaks of the great advantages of the Union, and of\\nthe dangers and difficulties which would result from its disso-\\nlution. He speaks with great earnestness of conviction but\\nhe closes thus, after arguing at great length in its favor.\\nIn all this I do not mean that the Union is to be held fast\\nat whatever cost. Vast sacrifices should be made to it, but\\nnot the sacrifice of duty. For one I do not wish it to continue,\\nif, after earnest, faithful effort, the truth should be made clear,\\nthat the Free States are not to be absolved from giving support\\nto Slavery. Better that we should part, than be the police of", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 27\\nthe Slaveholder, than fight his battles, than wage war to up-\\nhold an oppressive institution.\\nThat is the voice from the grave of Dr. Channing. Is it\\nstrange that many should think the time indicated has come\\nIs not the truth clear that the North are not to be absolved\\nfrom giving support to Slavery I On last Friday, were we\\nnot literally made to act as the police of the Slaveholder\\n3. We can all determine to support no man hereafter for\\nany public office in the Federal or State Governments, who is\\nnot openly pledged to five things\\n1. The repeal of the obnoxious clause in the Nebraska Bill.\\nThe right of trial by Jury for Fugitives.\\n3. The exclusion of Slavery from the Territories.\\n4. The admission of no more Slave States.\\n5. The abolition of the Union if these cannot be obtained.\\n4. And, finally, there is the work of individual consecration\\nto the cause of Freedom. What better time than this to\\nmake that consecration Here on this Whitsunday, the first\\nafter the rendition of Burns, let us each and all consecrate\\nourselves to labor and pray and speak and suffer for the\\ncause of Universal Freedom. If we have done a little, let\\nus do more. If we have spoken softly, let us speak more\\nloudly. Let us enlist in this warfare for life.\\nFor myself, I here renew, before you, my dedication of\\nmyself to this cause. I pledge myself to devote to it the rest\\nof my life, be it longer or shorter. As a Christian and as a\\nminister of the gospel, I devote myself to it. I am ready to\\ngive to it time, thought, heart, hand, means. I am ready to\\nact with all in this cause who will act with me, from the most\\ntimid conservative to the most ultra radical. Henceforth I\\nshall reckon it no small part of my professional work to speak,\\nto act, and to pray for the American Slave. I have done\\nsomething of this hitherto. I did not learn my opposition to\\nSlavery here, or yesterday but years ago, and in the midst\\nof Slavery itself. I haye friends among the Slaveholders", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "28 THE RENDITION OF ANTHONY BURNS.\\nwhom I love and prize, and always shall do so. I can see\\nreasons why they should continue to be Slaveholders and de-\\nfenders of Slavery. I can excuse them. But I cannot excuse\\nany Northern man, born on free soil, nursed on the bosom of\\na free mother 4 who can in any way encourage or support a\\nsystem, which degrades man into a tiling, which corrupts\\nsociety, separates families, and gives irresponsible power over\\nmen and women to the meanest wretch who has a little money.\\nFor Northern defenders of such a system I have nothing but\\nan irresistible loathing, pity, and sorrow.\\nBut let us end in Hope. We are to-day cast down but not\\ndestroyed. Fraud and force, allied with fear and cupidity,\\nmay conquer much, but they cannot conquer God Almighty.\\nLet us work in his cause. It will make your life sweet, it\\nwill make your dying pillow soft as down. When that su-\\npreme hour shall come to us, and the world s illusions fade\\naway, what will most console us That we have kept the\\nCompromises inviolate, and have aided in sending back one of\\nGod s poor into unrequited toil, to die on a plantation, far\\nfrom family perhaps, a Slave Will that console us Will\\nit be pleasant to think that all the respectability and wealth\\nof the community have said, Ye did well, if the voice in\\nthe conscience whispered, You are the accomplice of man-\\nstealers Which had Ave rather be, in that dying hour\\na Commissioner, sending back the Slave a Mayor, calling\\nout troops to repress public sympathy with the victim a\\nMarshal, earning base bread by doing the Slaveholders be-\\nhests an Editor, defending the cause of the tyrant, and\\nscoffing at freedom Or should we not rather be of those\\nwho, without reward, defended the persecuted one who\\nsympathized with his woes and wrongs who have labored\\nto break every yoke and let the oppressed go free and who\\nshall hear Christ say at last Inasmuch as ye have done it\\nto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "012 608 210 1\\npenmalife\u00c2\u00ae\\npH8J", "height": "3260", "width": "2131", "jp2-path": "renditionofantho00lcclar_0038.jp2"}}