{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3268", "width": "2046", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "SLAVE\\nINSURRECTIONS IN VIRGINIA\\n(1830-1865)\\nA Dissertation Presented to the Board of University Studies\\nof the Johns Hopkins University for the Degree\\nof Doctor of Philosophy\\nBy\\nWilliam Sidney Drewry\\nwashington\\nThe Neale Company\\n1900", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": ".5\\n,fK\\nCopyright, 1900, by William S. Drewry\\nt?d QO", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "TO\\nMY VALUED FRtEND AND KIND\\nINSTRUCTOR,\\nRichard Heath Dabney, M. A., Ph. D.,\\nPROFKSSOR OF HISTOKY, UNIVERSITY OK VinGINIA,\\nWHOSE INCITATION AND SYMPATHY HAVE\\nEVER INSPIRED ME,\\nTHIS VOLUME\\nIS GRATEFULLY INSCRIBED.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS\\nCHAPTER 1.\\nREVIVED 1MP0RTA ;CE OF SDAVERY\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Industrial, so-\\ncial and political development\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Revived study of eco-\\nnomies\u00e2\u0080\u0094Virginia s progress in internal improvements\\nand education\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Improved condition of the negro, socially,\\npolitically, and intellectually 9\\nCHAPTER II.\\nTHE INSURRECTION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Description of Southampton Coun-\\nty-Its condition, social, political, and financial\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The de-\\nvelopment of the plot: time chosen for arousing the\\nslaves; character of the originator of the insurrection\\nThe raid: from the meeting in the woods to the first re-\\nsistance at Parker s Field; from Pai ker s Field to Nat s\\nreturn to the rendezvous in the woods Pursuit and\\ncapture of the insurgents; why the negroes were not\\nsooner suppressed by the citizens; cause of the delay of\\ndistant militia; aid furnished by Virginia and Carolina\\ntroops; efficient service of cavalry; cases of rashness\\nand escape of guilty negroes; reason and humanity pre-\\nvail; captm*e of Nat Turner\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Trials and executions. 20\\nCHAPTER HI.\\nEEIiATIONS TO SLAVERY AND THE SOUTH\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Condi-\\ntion of the negroes of the county\u00e2\u0080\u0094 System of labor such\\nas to inspire ambition in the slave\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Class system and\\npride\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Pew overseers and poor whites Reciprocal con-\\nfidence of master and servant\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Great emancipation senti-\\nment Only one sign of rebellion previous to 1831, and\\nthis by negroes smuggled into the countj^-- Causes of\\nthe insurrection: fanaticism and love of self-importance;", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "CONTENTS. 5\\nCHAPTER III.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Continued.\\ninclination for robbery and plunder; influence of tlie St.\\nDomingo massacre; foreign policy of the United States,\\n(a) with South American Republics and West Indies,\\n(b) with Mexico; Indian troubles, (a) Creeks and Chero-\\nkees, (b) Seminoles of Florida; abolition movement\\nGeneral character of the insurrection Results: its influ-\\nence on slave legislation, the emancipation sentiment,\\narid the abolition movement throughout America lOS\\nCHAPTER IV.\\nCONCLUSION\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Insurrection largely responsible for more\\nstringent laws against negToes\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Insurrections not due to\\ncruelty of the slave system\u00e2\u0080\u0094 ^The more sensible negroes\\nremained loyal, while the weaker ones rebelled Poreign\\ninfluence on negro revolts Contiguity of three bodies\\nof free negroes to the United States\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Indian troubles^\\nAbolition movement in distant sections Slave legisla-\\ntion\u00e2\u0080\u0094The negro as a free citizen 181\\nAPPENDIX.\\nA. List of negi oes brought before the Court of Southaimpton. 195\\nB. List of white persons murdered in the InsiuiTection 196\\nG, Principal citizens Interviewed personally 197\\nD, Bibliography 198", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "ILLUSTRATIONS.\\nBirthplace aud Home of Gen. G\u00c2\u00aborge H. Thomas Frontispiece\\nMap of Southampton County 19\\nSite of the Residence of Mr. Joseph Travis ^ft\\nPortrait of Nat Turner 28\\nNat Turner s Bible 32\\nPersons Mill Pond 34\\nHome of Mr. Salathiel Francis 38\\nThe Turner Farm 42\\nHome of Mrs. Catherine Whitehead 44\\nBarnes M. E. Chm-ch 47\\nHome of Mr. Richard Porter 49\\nHome of Nathaniel Francis 50\\nCuddy at Nathaniel Francis 52\\nPortiiiit of Mrs. Lavinia Francis 54\\nPortrait of Hardie Musguave 56\\nSite of the Home of Capt. John T, BaiTow 58\\nElm Growing on the Grave of Capt. J. T. Barrow 60\\nCapt. Newit HaiTis Brandy Cellar 62\\nSite of Kitchen at Levi Waller s 64\\nPortrait of Mr. and Mi-s. Wall 67\\nOld Shop at Waller s 69\\nHome of Mrs. Rebecca Vaughn 70\\nBlackhead Sign Post 72\\nResidence of Mr. James Parker 75\\nParker s Gate\\nBattlefield in Parker s Field 76\\nBridge Over Nottoway River at Jerusalem 78\\nCypress Bridge Over Nottoway River 80\\nRidley s Quarters o2\\nResidence of Dr. Simon Blunt oi\\nTui-ner s Methodist Church 86\\nNat Turner s Cave\\nNat Turner s Sword\\nHome of Benjamin Phipps\\nCross Keyi\\n96\\nHome of James Trezevant 98\\nSouthampton Court House IJJ^\\nSouthampton Jail 1^*\\nPortrait of Mr. Collin Kitchen ^^f\\nTree Under Which Nat Turner Was Hung llo\\nPlace of Burial of Insurgent Negroes li", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "PREFACE.\\nThis attempt to separate truth from fiction has been\\nexceedingly difficult, owing to the numerous misrepre-\\nsentations and exaggerations which have grown up about\\nthe subject. I have studied slavery, slave legislation, and\\nthe condition of the negro in every phase that might\\nthrow light upon slave insurrections. Citizens of all\\nclasses, former slaves as well as masters, have been inter-\\nviewed. The scenes of this and other insurrections have\\nbeen visited in company with persons thoroughly ac-\\nquainted with the country and with the facts and condi-\\ntions under which they occurred. Among those inter-\\nviewed were members of every family that suffered at the\\nhands of the Southampton insurgents. Persons who had\\nguarded the prisoners and seen them executed, relatives\\nof Nat Turner, Hark Travis, Nelson Williams, Jeff. Ed-\\nwards, and other negroes who had known the insurgents\\npersonally and labored with them, all furnished me infor-\\nmation. These oral traditions I have endeavored to verify\\nby comparison with each other, with official letters, pro-\\nceedings of legislatures, county records, proceedings of\\ncounty and superior courts, and other historical sources.\\nThe map of Southampton county has been compiled\\nfrom data in the Agricultural Handbook of Virginia and\\nfrom personal investigation. I went several times care-\\nfully over the route traversed by the blacks, and, as far", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "8 PREFACE.\\nas possible, took note of the general directions and places\\nin detail. Still, owing to want of adequate appliances, it\\nwas impossible to mark accuratelj^ every distance.\\nThe thanks of the author are due to Col. Robert A.\\nBrock, Prof. Frank P. Brent, and Mr. W. G. Stanard for\\nvaluable assistance during his researches in the Virginia\\nState Library and the Virginia Historical Society. It\\nis impossible to mention here the many persons, both\\nwhite and colored, who, by their interest in my undertak-\\ning, have rendered it less burdensome.^ But it is both a\\npleasure and a duty to acknowledge my obligations to\\nmy friends, Messrs. W. S. Francis and B. P. Woodard,\\nwho accompanied me in my journeys and rendered me\\ndistinct service in securing a better knowledge of South-\\nampton county and the illustrations of this book. I wish\\nalso to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. J. C. Ballagh,\\nof the Johns Hopkins University, for important sugges-\\ntions. W. S. D.\\nJohns Hopkins University, January, 1900,\\niSee Appendix B.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nCHAPTER I.\\nREVIVED IMPORTANCE OF SLAA ERY.\\nThe third and last period into which the history of\\nslavery in Virginia may be divided extends from 1830 to\\n1865. This is the period during which the nation was\\nwelded into a composite whole, the States retaining their\\nidentity, but the Union becoming one and inseparable.\\nThis is well illustrated in national matters, such as the\\nIndependent Treasury Act. An industrial revolution took\\nplace, fostered by an era of most important inventions,\\nand there arose in economics and politics some of the\\nmost momentous questions which have ever confronted\\nthe United States of America. Nor was the Slave Section\\na laggard in the general progress. In education, politics,\\nand industry the South took the first stand. The first\\nsteam locomotive in America was run over a short road\\nbuilt from Charleston to Augusta, through the rice and\\ncotton fields of South Carolina and Georgia, while the\\nsecond one started from Baltimore over the Baltimore\\nand Ohio Railway. Both were in that section of the\\ncountry where slavery existed. Also, the first message by\\nthe magnetic telegraph was sent, in 1844, from Baltimore\\nto Washington, and this invention was the basis of the\\ngreat network of submarine telegraphs which now encir-\\ncle the world. The first steamer, the Savannah, sailed\\nacross the Atlantic from Savannah, Georgia. These,\\ntogether with other inventions which improved the means\\nof communication, served to bring men closer together,\\nand connected Europe and America more closely than", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "10 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nRichmond and New York had formerly been. It was a\\nnatural consequence of this development that the great\\nimportance of the United States should be so impressed\\nupon the world that all nations desired her friendship and\\nalliance, and, reversely, that the events of the outside\\nworld should make a marked impression on America.\\nThe Administration of Andrew Jackson was the land-\\nmark of this period, a time of re-formation, when the\\nspoils system was introduced permanently to demoralize\\npolitics, and when all parties forgot the good of the whole\\ncountry in their sectional differences. Fully conscious\\nof this fact, in 1835 a committee of the Senate, with Mr.\\nCalhoun as chairman, said the spoils system was as per-\\nfect a scheme as could be desired for enlarging the power\\nof patronage, destroying love of country, and substituting\\na spirit of subserviency and man-worship, encouraging\\nvice and discouraging virtue, preparing for the subversion\\nof liberty and the establishment of despotism. His\\nPresidency, says Woodrow Wilson of Jackson, was a\\ntime of riot and of industrial revolt, of bawling turbu-\\nlence in many quarters, and of disregard for law; and it\\nhas been said that the mob took its cue from the example\\nof arbitrary temperament set them by the President.\\nFor the first forty years of our National Government the\\nablest and most conscientious men of both parties were\\nthe candidates for office, but since 1830 the grade of men\\nholding office, if we except Webster, Calhoun, Clay and\\na few others, has by no means represented the highest\\nmoral and intellectual sentiment and force of the coun-\\ntry. Particularly was the truth of this shown by the\\nevents of the period between 1856 and 1865.^ Through\\nimproved means of communication, material and intel-\\nlectual especially the improved postal service and\\niDivision and Reunion, p. 115.\\n-BrycB, Ainerican Commonwealth, vol. II., p. 37.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 11\\ncheap newspapers these less superior men were more\\neasily rendered the mere puppets of a public sentiment,\\nsupported by unreflecting masses. Such false sentiment,\\nencouraged by scheming politicians, gradually forced the\\ncountry into the most useless and bloody controversy\\nrecorded in history, which was inevitable only in the\\nabsence of a broad patriotism and patience.\\nThis new democracy was made doubly important by\\nthe fact that at the beginning of the period a property\\nqualification for voting, both in Europe and America, had\\nbeen abolished and a general tendency to universal suf-\\nfrage introduced. In 1830 Charles X. of France was suc-\\ncessfully dethroned and forced by the people, in spite of\\nthe bravery of the Royal Guards and the Swiss, to abdi-\\ncate in favor of a plain and simple King of the People\\nLouis Philippe who accepted a charter imposed upon\\nhim by the Deputies. How different the time of Louis\\nXVin., who granted a charter in 1815 apparently only\\nas an act of grace! So, further under Louis Philippe the\\nabolition of heredity in the peerage and of the censorship\\nof journals were accomplished, the suffrage extended, and\\nreligious toleration procured. This awakening and revo-\\nlution spread to all Europe. The aristocratic government\\nfell in Switzerland; liberal innovations were established\\nin Germany; Italy was violently agitated; Belgium sep-\\narated from Holland; the Spanish Refugees wished to\\nattempt a revolution in their own country, and England\\nforced the Tories to grant the Reform Bill, so nobly advo-\\ncated by William Cobbet, Francis Place, and Joseph\\nHume. England had already, in 1828, repealed the Cor-\\nporation and the Test Acts and emancipated the Cath-\\nolics. Even Africa and Asia felt the mighty wave of\\nreform, and Mohammed Ali, the Peter the Great of\\nEgypt, did much toward centralizing his government\\nand suppressing the slave-trade. Mrs. Latimer says:", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nSome thousands of tlie fellaheen, disgusted with the\\nendless and systematic exactions of the Egyptian Gov-\\nernment, crossed the deserts which separated Africa from\\nAsia, and sought refuge in the territory of the Pasha of\\nAcre. This was in 1831, when Europe was too much\\ninterested in its own revolutions to pay much attention\\nto the affairs of the East.\\nCharles Greville graphically describes the state of\\naffairs in Europe, when he says: I never remember days\\nlike these, nor read of such, the tenor and lively expec-\\ntation that prevails, and the way in which people s mind-s\\nare turned backward and forward from France to Ireland,\\nthen range exclusively from Poland to Piedmont, and fix\\nagain on the burnings, riots, and executions that are\\ngoing on in England.\\nAmidst all of this excitement the slaves were not for-\\ngotten. In 1841 the Kingdom of France recognized the\\nright of visitation on the part of England for the repres-\\nsion of the slave trade, but it excited so much opposition\\nthat the Chamber forced the Ministers to cancel the treaty.\\nIn 1848, however, when the world was again aroused by\\nanother French revolution, a decree was signed emanci-\\npating the blacks in all the colonies of France. Social-\\nistic doctrines were triumphant everywhere in Europe,\\nand their influence upon America was but increased by\\nthe leverage of distance. Immediate contact would have\\naroused to opposition the American Party. In the\\nUnited States there was a general democratic upheaval,\\na willful self-assertion of a masterful people which gave\\nto the national spirit its first self-reliant expression of\\nresolution and of consentaneous power, which exhibited\\nits evils in the first National Conventions of 1831 and\\nlEurope iu Africa in tiie Nineteenth Century, p. 35.\\n2E. W. Latimer, France in the Nineteenth Century, p. 35.\\nsWilson, Division and Reunion, p. 115.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 13\\n1832, the creatures of pure voluntary effort. Even the\\nwomen took up the cue, and spinsteps preached an invet-\\nerate crusade against the opposition of the other sex. So\\ngreat was the agitation that not even the President and\\nhis Cabinet could agree with each other, and the latter,\\nas well as the Vice-President, resigned in 1831. Every-\\nthing was changing, both society and politics, and the\\nagitation did not cease until it w^as all centred on slavery.\\nThe tariff had, previous to this period and at its begin-\\nning, agitated the Union, and in 1832 came near wrecking\\nit, when Congress empowered the President to use the\\nArmy and Navy in forcing the collection of tariffs in\\nSouth Carolina, in accordance with the acts of 1828 and\\n1832, which she had declared unconstitutional and Null\\nand Void. But the crisis was avoided by a reduction of\\nthe tariff, and henceforth the field was cleared for the\\ndiscussion of the slavery question.\\nThe unrest in this political field found its cause and\\ncounterpart in that of the social and economic. There\\nwas a general revival of the study of economics. In all\\nparts of the United States publishing houses were estab-\\nlished, such as the Georgetown Press; and the works of\\nAdam Smith, Malthus, RicaPdo, Carlyle, Ruskin, and of\\nother students of social and economic conditions were\\nissued. And now for the first time important publica-\\ntions of native Americans began to appear. Consequently,\\nmuch of their attention was devoted to the cause of inter-\\nnal improvements, the sale of the public lands, and other\\neconomic questions, which dominated politics in our\\nnational history and probably did more to increase the\\npower of the National Government than any other factors\\nin our development. This result was largely brought\\nabout by the new States, which, possessed of the strongest\\ndemocratic spirit, were eager for the undertaking of pub-\\nlic improvements by the National Government, as, on", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "14 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\naccount of their poverty and restricted revenue, they were\\nunable to undertake them on an extended scale without\\nincuiTing a public debt. Jefferson and others had\\nadvanced like views, but were successfully opposed until\\n1823, when the first appropriation for harbor improve-\\nments was passed.^ Jackson checked the movement, but\\nthe work was continued by distributing to the States sur-\\nplus revenue for this purpose. In this period then was\\nbegun a work both by the national and State govern-\\nments which resulted in great material advancement in\\nthe expansion of both agriculture and commerce.\\nThe method of State initiative in these matters was\\nmore in accord with the States Rights principles to which\\n^^irginia and the South remained firmly attached. Though,\\nviolently agitated by the slavery question, Virginia still\\nmade rapid industrial, social and literary progress, and\\nwas in the foremost rank of the States in internal develop-\\nment. She violently opposed the measures of the Presi-\\ndent in the Nullification Controversy, and her distin-\\nguished son, John Randolph, the representative of Vir-\\nginia sentiment, bitterly denounced the Administration.\\nWith her strong conservatism, she finally assumed the\\nposition of pacificator, and sent Benjamin Watkins Leigh,\\none of her most renowned citizens, as a commissioner to\\nSouth Carolina. The Virginia Commonwealth stood for\\npeace at home and abroad, and no internal dissensions\\ndisturbed her own society. Her agriculture was flour-\\nishing and internal improvements were advancing on\\nevery hand.\\niFederalist (Ford s Edition), p. 280.\\n2At the head of the juov^ement for improremerits was a presi-\\ndent and directors of public works. The report of the Public\\nEngineer to this board in December, 1831. was a^^ follows: For\\nnine years, gentlemen, I have used my best exertions in promot-\\ning the cause of internal improvements in the State. While col-\\nlecting a great mass of local information, I have often reflected\\nthat Virginia did not avail herself immediately of advantages.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 15\\nSeveral of these improvements are of especial interest\\nto us. Applications were made to the Legislature in the\\nearly part of 1S32 for a charter for a railway from Ports-\\nmouth, Virginia, to Weldon, North Carolina, and also\\nfor one for the Petersburg Railway. Both of these roads\\nwere built a few years later, and now run within a few\\nmiles of the scenes of the insurrection of 1831. They form,\\nwth the Norfolk and Western, which was built in the lat-\\nter part of this period, a triangle having its vertices at\\nNorfolk, Petersburg, and Weldon. Within this triangle\\nlies that part of Southampton county which was deso-\\nlated by Nat Turner and his followers. The Chowan,\\nBlackwater, Nottaway, and Meherrin rivers, which pass\\nnear these scenes, were improved for purposes of inter-\\ncourse and commerce, and, together with the Three\\nCreek, surround the same portion of Southamp-\\nton, leaving one narrow passage at Belfield. The\\nLegislature of 1831-32 also investigated the expe-\\ndiency of completing the Dismal Swamp Canal, whidh\\nwas considered of great economic advantage to Suffolk\\nand the neighboring districts of Nansemond, Isle of\\nWight, Southampton and the other counties of the Black\\nBelt.\\nNor had Virginia neglected her intellectual develop-\\nment. The mass of education in Virginia before the\\nRevolution, wrote Mr. Jefferson, placed her with the\\nwhich, without a prophetic spirit, it may be said, will at some\\nfuture day make the first State in the Union. To those less ac-\\nquainted with her resources, and who have reflected less on her\\ngeographical situation and topographical features, this assertion\\nmay appear bold, but time will establish its correctness, when\\nthe oircumstances which have hitherto embarrassed her progress\\nshall have been modified; internal improvement itself is one of\\nthe means best calculated to effect this purpose. These circum-\\nstances were slavery and its necessary encumbrances, but the\\nLegislature, which was in session at this time, took the sugges-\\ntion of the Public Engineer and passed many bills for internal\\nimprovements and general economic progress.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "16 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\n1\\nforemost of her sister colonies. These words are appli-\\ncable also to the period of which we write. She had as\\ncomplete a system of education as the majority of the\\nStates. Her university stood at the head of the arch and\\nfurnished a most liberal education to representative sons\\nof every State in the Union. Her academies and private\\nschools were excellent, and no educators in secondary\\nschools were better known than Major Stone, of Bruns-\\nwick; Frederick Coleman, of Concord Academy; Lewis\\nColeman, of Hanover Academy, and Rev. Peter Nelson, of\\nWingfield, Hanover county. This debt was due chiefly\\nto the inspiration and example of her illustrious states-\\nmen, many of whom were still left to direct her energies.\\nThe convention called in 1829 to revise the State Constitu-\\ntion was so remarkable in its personnel as to evoke the\\nstatement that it was composed of more distinguished\\nmen than had ever assembled in any other public body in\\nthe United States. Among its members were Madison,\\nMonroe, Marshall, John Randolph, and others who had\\noccupied important positions under the State and Federal\\nGovernments.^ Bishop Meade, the great Episcopal cler-\\ngyman and historian, then in his prime, was one, and\\nanother was Commodore Matthew Fontaine Maury, who,\\nby his charts of the winds and currents, had won from\\nall the crowned heads of Europe and the scientific men of\\nthe world the title of Geographer or Pathfinder of the\\nSeas. Still another, John Mercer Brooke, by his Deep\\nSea Sounding Apparatus, which had been suggested by\\nthe investigations of Maury, had enabled scientists to\\nascertain the character of the beds of the great plateau\\nunder the ocean between Newfoundland and Ireland. To\\nMaury we are also indebted for the great network of sub-\\nmarine telegraphs, and the commerce of the world owes\\nI\\n^Randolph, Writings of Jefferson, vol IV, p. 23.\\nCooke, History of Virginia, p. 488.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTIOX. 17\\nhim an incalculable obligation. Tlie two most valuable\\ngeneral histories of Virginia appeared within the period\\nunder discussion one by Robert E. Howison, in 1847,\\nand the other by Charles Campbell, in 1849. The latter\\nof these is especially valuable as a type of the best State\\nhistories. There were also many authors of i lction, and\\nyhile Virginia literature of this period may not be of the\\nfirst rank, yet it is valuable for its respect for good morals\\nand manners and as an indication of her great impulse\\ntoward literary development. Nor should we forget the\\nyounger line of distinguished soldiers and statesmen,\\nprominent among whom were John Y. Mason, the distin-\\nguished Cabinet officer and Minister to France, and Henry\\nA. Wise, the statesman, soldier and author.\\n[Notwithstanding these wise and patriotic citizens, to\\nwhose wisdom and sound judgment, no doubt, Virginia\\nis indebted for the comparative quiet and prosperity\\nwhich she enjoyed between 1830 and 1865, it would have\\nbeen a wonderful phenomenon, had no signs of rebellion\\nmanifested themselves among the slaves, who had many\\nfacilities to learn the general progress of the times, the\\nriots occurring, and the general party discussion in regard\\nto their state of senatude. They, too, favored by the\\ngreater leniency of their owners, had advanced in intelli-\\ngence, morals and manners. This was true, in spite of the\\nunequal working of federal legislation and administra-\\ntion, which gave the majority of benefits to the non-slave\\nholding, and most of the burdens to the slave-holding sec-\\ntion. This was the point on which Southern discontent\\nwas aroused, and on which it rested until shifted to the\\ndangers threatening slave property,^ so that Madison\\nmight well prophetically exclaim, The visible suscepti-\\nbility to the contagion of nullification in the Southern\\nStates, the sympathy arising from known causes, and the\\niBenton, Thirty Years in the United States Senate.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "18 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUBRECTION.\\ninculcated impressions of a permanent incompatibility of\\ninterest between the North and the South, may put it in\\nthe power of popular leaders, aspiring to the highest sta-\\ntions, to unite the South on some critical occasion in some\\ncourse of action of whidh nullification may be the first\\nstep, secession the second, and a farewell separation, the\\nlast. It is indeed remarkable that there were only two\\nattempts at insurrection during these thirty-live years\\nthe one undertaken by a wild, fanatical negro at the\\nbeginning of the period, and the other led by a white\\nfanatic, near its close. And this was the case, though\\nevery effort was made, at home and abroad, to cause\\ndiscontent among Hhe slaves and to incite them to impos-\\nsible and murderous undertakings.^\\nNever in the history of slavery, however, was there less\\ndanger to owners, more contentment among the slaves\\nthemselves, fewer runaways, and greater advantages,\\nsocial, financial, and political, gained from this insti-\\ntution. This was due partly to the fact that,\\nthough the country was filled with internal strife,\\nthe Union was gradually assuming the importance\\nwhich had previously been held by the individual\\nStates. After the end of the war of 1812, which\\niThus, an Englishman, writing at the time, says that Eng-\\nland s philanthropic zeal for the suppression of the slave trade\\ncovered their jealousy of the American commerce in Jamaica and\\nin the Indian archipelago; that he regretted the hostile feeling\\ngrowing up in England against America, all caused by the bitter\\nharangues of American abolitionists, delegates from the Ameri-\\ncan Anti-Slavery party; that Englishmen believed all these things\\ncoming from Americans, and truly longed for war on the bound-\\nary question, in order to hurl upon the slave States thousands of\\ncolored troops from Jamaica, and desti oy the whole Union by a\\nservile war.\\nWilliam L. Garrison, tJie representiitive of the Anti-Slave\\nSociety, founded January 6, 1832. went to England in 1833, and\\nwas the means of the loss of all future influence of the American\\nColonization Society among the English Abolitionists.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Sehouler s\\nHistory of the United States, vol. IV., p. 215.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": ",1 lit- m m m, mn,\\\\^ m\\nJieii* tit u, tfu% i^ it\\nX ilu\\n^m. M iii- Dili J4. iiii. Mu. ik\\nto iit b^ t ii NORFOLK\\njj, jii\\nOru/hmonds^ to\\nC^*^ J jf /ZaA-e. to UiU 4lfc jiy;\\nA A V4i\\nJ14/ Jl/a -Hi", "height": "2340", "width": "4629", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 19\\nterminated our vital interest in European politics,\\nthat in domestic political questions became intense,\\nand with these questions the introduction of direct\\nforeign influence disappeared, very quickly followed\\nby a reaction, to the extreme of intense dread of foreign\\ninfluence. The people had learned to bear with the har-\\nangues of foreigners and to keep up with the course of\\nforeign events, which had a marked influence on all\\nclasses of citizens, white and black, but direct foreign\\ninterference in governmental affairs was resented. The\\nchief expression of this feeling was the American, or\\nKnow Nothing party, which began about 1835, and,\\nwith varying power, manifested itself until the outbreak\\nof the war between the States.^ This, then, was a period\\nof indirect foreign influence, When the pen was used\\ninstead of the sword, and foreigners worked through\\nnegro leaders and fanatics, instead of personal leadership.\\nConsequently their personal influence could not be so\\nstrongly felt. Seeing that stealth was necessary, the\\nslaves were no longer able to be deluded to such an extent\\nby the hope of foreign aid, and grew to have more love\\nfor and faith in, the country which, apparently, they\\nbegan to look upon as their native land. This was, how-\\never, not in all things the most fortunate period in Vir-\\nginia history, for the reason that much of her best talent\\nwas directed against the attacks of the abolitionists,\\ninstead of being devoted to more profitable undertakings.\\nThe event which aroused that talent to the consideration\\nof the slavery question more than any other, in that it\\ninvolved grave danger to the slaves as well as to the\\nState, was the Southampton insurrection of 1831.\\nf\\niFord, Federalist, p. 138.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER II.\\nTHE INSURRECTION.\\nDESCRIPTION OF SOUTHAMPTON COUNTY.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nSouthampton county lies in the southeastern corner of\\nVirginia, in what is known, from its large negro popula-\\ntion, as the Black Belt, one hundred and fifty miles\\nsouth of thy National Capital, ^Vashington. It was a part\\nof Warrasqueake, the Indian name for that region\\nknown as Smith s Hundred, one of the original shires into\\nwhich Virginia was divided in 1634, extending from the\\nJames River on the northeast to North Carolina on the\\nsouthwest. The name of this district was changed to Isle\\nof Wight Plantation in 1637, and, as by 1748 the popula-\\ntion had become too numerous and its area too extensive\\nfor one county, it was divided and that portion west of the\\nBlackwater River was called Southampton.^\\nThis county can be taken as representative of eastern\\nCarolina and Virginia, its inhabitants being characterized\\nby the chivalrous spirit of the Old North State, as well\\nas by the justly famed Virginia hospitality and family\\npride. The relation between the two States is well\\nembodied in the words of Governor James Bar-\\nbour, of Virginia, to Captain Calvin Jones, of Ra-\\nleigh, North Carolina: We turn with disgust and\\nhorror from the foul blot in the characters of\\nmen and dwell with peculiar complacency upon your gen-\\nerous friendship, so ennobling to our nature, enhanced by\\nthe honorable mention you make of the aid furnished you\\nby our fathers in the hour of your distress, and the ac-\\niln 17.56 Governox Dinwiddle, in a list of tithables sent the\\nLords of Trade, rates the population of Southampton at 973\\nwhites and 1,036 blacljs, a population greater than that of the Isle\\nof Wigtit in the same list.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 21\\nknowledgment that the commingled blood of Virginia and\\nNorth Carolina is the current of our connection. These\\nwords, written July 15, 1813, refer to the degrading deeds\\nof the British troops in enticing away the slaves, inciting\\nthem to rebellion, and other acts of depredation, but they\\nexpress the tie that has ever bound and will continue to\\nbind together Virginia and North Carolina. The soil of\\n,the county is rich and the climate delightful, the two,\\nwith other circumstances, combining to make a noble, in-\\ndustrious, and liberty-loving population, well typifying\\nthe best Southern character. These people were alive to\\nthe progressive spirit of the age. Everywhere roads were\\nbeing constructed and lands cleared. In the words of a\\nmost worthy citizen, who lived during this period: Never\\nwere the people so progressive as between the year 1830\\nand the Civil War. Mr. James W. Parker said he was\\nmaking money as rapidly as he cared to until the insur-\\nrection came along to interrupt him. For several years\\nthis delayed the progress of a portion of the county, and\\nmany citizens, becoming discouraged at the large destruc-\\ntion of property and life, sought other homes, but interest\\nsoon revived, and there was more effective energy and\\ndevelopment than ever.^\\nSpecial attention was given to education. Schools and\\nacademies existed in great numbers. The Milltield Acad-\\nemy had been established in 1790 by a special act of the\\nGeneral Assembly, which empowered Benjamin Blunt\\nand others to raise by lottery^ money for this purpose.\\nAt the home of Mr. Thomas Pretlow there was an\\nacademy and another at Mr. James Parker s, both of\\niThe settlement of Indians in the county left their name in\\nthe Indian words on Nottoway River. Their lands were pro-\\ntected, and a special board of such citizens as James Trezevant,\\nBenjamin Blunt, and William Urquhart, was appointed to look\\nafter their interests and education.\\n2This was the favorite means of raising money for internal\\nimprovements.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "22 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nwhicli were progressiye, and at wMcli were educated such\\npublic-spirited men as Capt, J. J. Darden and Gen. George\\nH. Thomas. There were flourishing schools at Waller s\\nand Mr. Nat Francis s. The Drewrysville Female Acad-\\nemy educated true Virginia women. The influence of the\\nlatter still lives in some of the model mothers and wives\\nof the county. In this county were born and lived some\\nof the most noted characters connected with the history\\nof America, such as John Y. Mason, the statesman;\\nGeorge H. Thomas,^ the soldier; William Mahone, the\\nfamous Virginia railroad president. Senator, and politi-\\ncian. Such were the citizens of 1831 and the years pre-\\nceding 1865. The home of such progress, the mother of\\nsuch men, and the scene of Nat Turner s massacre,\\nSouthampton is interesting as one of the historic counties\\nof the United States.\\nDEVELOPMENT OF THE PLOT.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The month of\\nAugust has been generally selected as the most suitable\\ntime of year for arousing the slaves to hostility; nor is this\\nmore remarkable than the fact that the quiet and stillness\\nof some Saturday or Sunday night has been considered by\\nthe negroes most appropriate for the execution of schemes\\nof murder and pillage. Only in a few instances has\\nChristmas or some national holiday been selected for\\nsuch purposes. This can be explained by the fact that\\nVirginia was an agricultural State, there being compara-\\ntively few large farms at this time, and consequently\\nmuch confidence and mutual intercourse between master\\nand slave. By August the cultivation of the crops of\\ncorn, cotton, and tobacco was completed. There were\\nonly a few minor duties to be performed, which would be\\n1. In recognition of his gallantry in the Mexican War, General\\nThomas s natlive county presented him with a costly sword, which\\nhe prized above all gifts and deemed too precious to be worn ex-\\ncept on the occasion of his marriage. This sword is now in the\\npossession of General Thomas s sisters, Misses Judith and Fan-\\nnie Thomas, of Newsom s Depot, Va.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 23\\nallotted to the children, leaving the adults to hunt and\\niish and attend religious services. In fact, this month was\\nthe month of jubilee, when it was a sacrilege to labor;\\nit was the month of worship and camp-meetings, where\\nweek after week was spent, each person taking his tent\\nand provisions with him, laying aside all temporal cares.\\nIt is impossible to describe the ease, happiness, and sense\\nof security felt by all.\\nThe servants had a freedom almost equal to their\\nowners. Many of them were left at home to spend their\\nholiday as they pleased, while those who delighted to\\nattend the meetings of the whites had ample time to\\nassemble and converse, and, after the services of the\\nwhites, to attend services conducted by ministers of their\\nown color. But Saturday and Sunday were the principal\\nleisure days. Saturday afternoon was a general holiday\\nfor all slaves who had been industrious and obedient\\nduring the week, when they could work their own crops\\nand spend the time in fishing with their master s outfit or\\nhunting with his gun.^ By many Sunday was spent in the\\nsame manner, but most of the slaves were very religious,\\nand attended Sunday-school and church. No master could\\nforce a slave to work on the Sabbath. It was, a pleasure\\nto the master and his children to devote this day to wor-\\nship with, and instruction of, the negroes. They generally\\nworshiped together and had the same pastors. No church\\nwas built in the South without provisions for the negro\\nservants.^ And at the present day many will remember\\niThe broken and missing guns, etc., were the means by wtiich\\nmany slaves were convicted in the massacre of 1831.\\n2Col. Robert Carter, known as King Carter from his owner-\\nship of so many slaves, rebuilt the historic Christ s Church, Lism-\\ncaster county, in 1732, which was first built by his father John\\nCarter in 1670, and he reserved a large portion of it for his slaves,\\nbesides a pew near the pulpit for his immediate family. Mead,\\nOld Churches and Families, vol. II., pp. 116-118.\\nGillie, in his Historical Collections, vol. II., pp. 335-338,\\nsays of Rev. Samuel Davies: From the year 1747, when Mr.\\nDavies was settled in Virginia, to 1751, he baptized about forty", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "24 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthe invitation to commune given to the former slaves\\nafter the communion of the whites. Four days for Christ-\\nmas, a week when the crops were laid by, Easter, the\\nnegroes, of whom he says he had as satisfying evidences of the\\nsincere piety of several of them as he ever had from any person\\nin his life. And in May, 1754, when he was at Edinburgh, con-\\ncerning the affairs of New Jersey College, he said that when he\\nleft Virginia, in August, 1753, there was a hopeful appearance\\nof a greater spread of religious concern among the negroes, and\\nthat a few weeks befox-e he left home he had baptized in one day\\nfifteen negroes, after they had been catechised for some months.\\nMr. Fred Noble, in the Redemption of Africa, says: Negro\\nBaptists to some extent are a monument of the religious activity\\nof Southern white Baptists. In 1801 the Charleston Association\\npetitioned the legislature of South Carolina to remove restrictions\\non the religious meetings of slaves.* Planters frequently paid\\nliberally toward the support of home missionaries to the negroes.\\nBetween 1845 and 1861 the white Southern Baptists\\ndid much for negro evangelization, but from 1865 till recently\\nthey showed only slight interest. The other churches were\\nequally active in this line.\\nThe Richmond Times of October 26, 1899, says: The Northern\\npeople will never completely understand the relationship that\\nexisted between the Southern white man and his slave. The\\nslaves were members of the family and were always treated as\\nsuch from the old mammy down to the youngest child. When\\nthey were sick they had the attention of a physician, if neces-\\nsary, and always the attention and nursing of the mistress of the\\nhousehold, who was herself a good doctor. Everything necessary\\nto the comfort and welfare of the sick slave was done and With\\nthe same spirit that these noble women administered to the sick\\nmembers of their immediate family. The bare suggestion that\\nthis was done from sordid motives is a shameful libel upon the\\nbest women that God ever made, for if there ever was a model\\nwoman in this world she was the Southern matron, who was\\nalways worshipped as the family saint and who fairly lived up\\nto the responsibilities of that exalted position.\\nAnother thing in this connection. The women of the South,\\nold and young, matrons and maids, whom the North had pictured\\nas indolent, exclusive and indifferent to the sorrow and distress\\nand ignorance of the slaves, spent a goodly portion of their time\\nin training the minds and morals of the black members of their\\nhousehold. On the large plantations there was a chapel, where\\nservices were held every Sunday, when and where the slaves\\nwere gathered to receive religious instruction. In the smaller\\nfamily circles the slaves were assembled on the Sabbath in some\\nconvenient place and ole Mis and young Mis read the Bible to\\nthem and taught them the way of life.\\nNo doubt these facts partly account for the superiority of the\\nAmerican missionary of today in Africa.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAIMPTON INSURIIECTION. 2o\\nFourth of July, and other holidays through the year were\\nallowed the slaves. In addition, they seem to have been\\nallowed the free disposal of the entire night, which might\\nbe spent in sleep, attending dances, corn and cotton\\nmatches, or in hunting for the possum and the coou.\\nOn all of these occasions the negroes were trusted, and no\\none could be persuaded that his slaves would be guilty of\\na breach of this confidence.\\nSuoh a Saturday and Sunday were the 20th and 21st of\\nAugust, 1831. Many of the ringleaders of the plot that\\nwas forming had been especially industrious and obe-\\ndient, and consequently had been permitted to have holi-\\nday on Saturday. To escape all suspicion, the ringleader\\nfeigned sickness and refused to go to the dining room as\\nusual for his meals. He was afraid that the kindness of\\nhis mistress would soften his heart and cause him to show\\nhis guilt. But with her own hands she prepared him a\\nspecial supper and took it to him. Sunday was even\\nmore quiet, if possible, and unruffled by suspicion. Mr.\\nJoseph Travis, the master of the two leaders of this band,\\nwith his family, attended services at church in the morn-\\ning, and, as was the custom of this neighborhood, went\\nhome with friends, not returning to his plantation until\\nlate Sunday evening. But the slaves had not been idle.\\nThey had been going from house to house collecting for a\\nfeast which was to be held that day. Hark, the second in\\ncommand of the gang, had gone several miles away to\\nprocure cider and provisions. On Saturday three slaves\\nHenry Edwards, Hark Travis, and Nat Turner had\\nagreed to prepare a dinner for the men they expected the\\nnext day, and there to concert plans of action, as they had\\nnot previously agreed upon one. So, on the following\\nday. Hark brought a pig and Henry brandy, and, being\\nlit was a negro who had heen hunting that first discovered\\nand reported the hiding place of Xat Turner.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "26 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\njoined by other slaves Sam, Nelson, Will, and Jack,\\nthey prepared the proposed feast on the banks of the\\nCabin Ford, near Travis s.^ There it was decided that\\nthey should begin that night at their master s and murder\\nall the white people of the county, sparing neither age\\nnor sex. It was a beautiful Sabbath and not the least\\nsuspicion had been aroused of their intention. Such\\nwas the quiet and peace of mind of the inhabitants\\non this beautiful Sabbath that many of them had\\ngone to Gates county, North Carolina, to attend a camp-\\nmeeting, and those who remained at home deemed it\\nuseless to lock the doors of their houses, which were left\\nopen to receive the fresh breeze of this balmy August\\nnight. They felt safer for the reason that the slaves were\\nthere to keep guard. But a few were destined to betray\\nthis trust.\\nThe instigator of this plot was Nat Turner, a wild,\\nfanatical Baptist preacher, born the property of Mr. Ben-\\njamin Turner, on October 2, 1800, just five days before\\nthe execution of Gabriel Prosser, who, in August of that\\nyear, incited the slaves of Richmond and vicinity to\\nrebellion. The notoi;ioui3\u00e2\u0080\u009eJohn Brown had been born just\\nlive months before Nat. Thus 1800 was an important year\\nin the history of slave insurrections in Virginia, the date\\nof the birth of the leaders of the two last and most impor-\\ntant insurrections in the South, and of the Gabriel Insur-\\nrection of Henrico county and vicinity. It is an interest-\\ning coincidence that Gabriel was executed on the 7th of\\nOctober, Nat Turner captured on the 31st, and John\\nBrown on the ITth of the same month.\\nAfter the death of his master, Nat became the property\\nof Mr. Samuel Turner, brother of Ben Turner, whose wid-\\now the insurgents later murdered. Mr. Thomas Moore\\niThis place now belou^s to Mr. Joshna Powell, of Bovkln s dis-\\ntrict.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "--^.-*ife..^^a^\\nm^amm\\nP^i\\n;,#j-^\\nIH^^^^^H^^^^\u00c2\u00a3% \\\\~m j y .11; v4\\n--^^l^^igiEip\\n#R", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 27\\nafterward bought him, and at his death left hiir(^to his son\\nPutnam. Mrs. Moore had married Mr. Joseph Travis/\\nand this explains why Nat had been living with the latter\\nsince 1830, and why he was often called Nat Travis. He\\nhad always been fortunate in having a kind and indulgent\\nowner. He acknowledged this, and seemed to love his\\nmistress and her children. Though he had never been\\nsold out of Boykins District, yet he was thoroughly\\nacquainted with every by-path and corner in the county,\\nand had gained many social and intellectual advantages.\\nHe had at the time of the massacre developed into a stout,\\nblack negro of the pure African type, but in childhood he\\nhad been delicate and consequently was more indulged\\nthan was usual. Exceedingly precocious in his youth, he\\ndeveloped into a man of considerable mental ability and\\nwide information, especially in the sciences. He learned\\nmuch in the Sunday-schools, where the text books for the\\nsmall children were the ordinary speller and reader, and\\nthat for the older negroes the Bible. Nat said that he\\nlearned to read with so much ease that he did not know\\nwhen he learned it, and when a book was given him one\\nday to stop his crying he began spelling the names of the\\ndifferent objects. This story made a great impression, not\\nonly on his mind, but on the minds of the neighbors. But\\nit is well known that Mr. J. C. Turner, his young master,\\ngave him instruction, assisted by Nat s parents, who seem\\nto have been intelligent negroes. His mother, Nancy, is\\nsaid to have been imported directly from Africa, and to\\nhave been so wild that at Nat s birth she had to be tied\\nto prevent her from murdering him. She later developed\\ninto a useful and faithful servant. His father was also\\nlit is very probable that this man was related to the Travis\\nfamily of Jamestown, and, if so, was from one of the distinguished\\nfamilies of Virginia. Champion Ttavis is an^ historical character\\nin the history of Virginia of the Revolutionary Period.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "28 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nvery high-spirited, and ran away when Nat was a boy,\\nand was never recaptured.\\nNat himself had, up to the time of the insurrection,\\nbeen faithful and highly trusted, and was rftade an over-\\nseer. In fact, he was quite unrestricted, and, being a\\npreacher, was allowed many privileges. There was only\\none person who mistrusted him, and that was Mr. Sala-\\nthiel Francis, the brother of Mrs. Travis, who told her\\nthat Nat was a negro of bad character, and that it would\\nbe best for her not to trust him so much. But, thinking\\nher brother somewhat uncompromising, wild and reckless\\nin general, she continued lenient with Nat. Nat s son,\\nRedic, survived him and proved to be a worthy and highly\\nrespected slave, much like his father in ability, but not\\nfanatical. There are still many of his relatives living in\\nSouthampton, and one of them, though now in the lunatic\\nasylum at Petersburg, Virginia, well illustrates the trend\\nof his early ancestors. Intelligent and well informed on\\nmost subjects, this man. Hack Brown, is at times wild\\nand raving, bearing a special grudge against the officers\\nof the institution, as may be natural with lunatics, but he\\nalso seems to be a religious fanatic, and in response to any\\nquestion will reply, So saith the Lord.\\nFrom childhood Nat was very religious, truthful, and\\nhonest, never owning a dollar, never uttering an oath,\\nnever drinking intoxicating liquors, and never committing\\na theft. He never had any cause to steal, as he alwaj-^s\\nhad plenty, but he often did the planning for negroes on\\nplundering expeditions, as they trusted his superior gen-\\neralship and ability.\\nNat s own words, better than those of any other, will\\ngive an insight into the development of his character,\\nillustrate his treatment as a slave, and show how his\\nmind, attempting to grapple with things beyond its reach,\\niDr. William F. Drewry, Siiperintendent of Asylum.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "Xat Turner.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 29\\nlirst became bewildered and confused, till he was finally\\ndeluded and led to the conception and perpetration of the\\nfoulest butchery. In a confession, when a prisoner in the\\ncounty jail, he said: In my childhood, a circumstance\\noccurred which made an indelible impression upon my\\nmind and laid the groundwork of that enthusiasm which\\nhas terminated so fatally to many, both white and black,\\nand for which I am about to atone on the gallows. It is\\nnecessary to relate this circumstance, trifling as it may\\nseem. It was the commencement of that belief which\\nhas grown with time, and even now, sir, in this dungeon,\\nhelpless and forsaken as I am, I cannot divest myself of it.\\nBeing at play with other children, when three or four\\nyears old, I was telling them something, which, my\\nmother overhearing it, said happened before I was born.\\nI stuck to my story, however, and related some things\\nwhich went, in her opinion, to confirm it. Others being\\ncalled in, were greatly astonished, knowing that these\\nthings had happened, and caused them to say in my hear-\\ning that I sure ly would be a prophet, as the Lord had\\n.shown me things that had happened before my birth.\\nAnd my father and mother strengthened me in this, my\\nfirst impression, saying in my presence that I was\\nintended for some great purpose, which they had always\\nthought from certain marks on my head and breast.^ My\\ngrandmother who was very religious and to whom I was\\nmuch attached, mj master who belonged to the church,\\nand other religious persons who visited at the house, and\\nwhom I often saw at prayers, noticing the singularity of\\nmy manners, I suppose, and my uncommon intelligence\\nfor a child, remarked I had too much sense to be raised,\\nand if I was, I would never be of any service to anyone\\nas a slave. To a mind like mine, restless, inquisitive and\\niThese marks were excrescences which are often seen on the\\nperson of negroes.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Thos. R. Gray.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "30 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nobservant of everything that was passing, it is easy to\\nsuppose that religion would be the subject to which it\\nwould be directed; and, although this subject principally\\noccupied my thoughts, there was nothing that I saw, or\\nheard of it to which my attention was not directed.\\nCount Marboeuf predicted that Napoleon would create\\nfor himself a path of more than ordinary splendor.^ So\\nothers had impressed upon him the greatness in store for\\nhim, until he believed Providence had destined him for\\nthe master of the world. A person may hear or tell a story\\nover and over again, until it is so vividlj^ impressed upon\\nhis mind that he finally believes that it happened, as was\\nthe case with the little boy who related that he was sitting\\non the doorsteps when his parents were married. Thus\\nNat believed that these things had actually been told him\\nby the Lord, and his earnestness and intellectual supe-\\nriority impressed all the negroes who saw him with the\\ntruth of his claims. Their astonishment did not escape his\\nnotice and made him believe all the more that he was to\\nbe a great man and the deliverer of his race.\\nThus surrounded by religious and educated persons, in\\nwhom he had the utmost confidence, and having parents\\nand grandparents who had been instructed by their own-\\ners, this restless, inquisitive, and observant youth, daily\\nImpressed with the consciousness of his superior intellect\\nand religion, was incited to a life of seclusion from his\\nfellow-servants, prajdng, experimenting in casting differ-\\nent things in molds made of earth, and trying to make\\npaper, gunpowder and many other articles.^ His master\\nwas a coach-maker, and in his labors with this workman\\nNat had become quite expert in mending such articles as\\ntin buckets, old bells, etc., and in making into various\\nlAbbott, Histoiy of Napoleon, vol. I, p. 22.\\n2Upon examination, it was found that he had much knowledge\\nof these subjects and was well acquainted with the movements\\nof the planets, etc.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 31\\nuseful forms the old iron and wood taken to bim by his\\nfellow-servants. Taking them to the woods, he would\\nskillfully transform them as desired, and returning them\\nto their owners nicely polished in the shape of a sword or\\nany desired article, he would impress these credulous\\nbeings with a sense of his superiority.\\nRecognizing the fact that to be great he must appear so,\\nhe wrapped himself in mystery and allowed his mind to\\nbe occupied with religious notions. He faithfully attended\\nreligious meetings, and, being very ambitious, he was\\nstruck with the text, Seek ye the Kingdom of God;\\nand all these things sh*all be added unto you. As\\nhe was one day praying at his plow the spirit repeated the\\ntext, which greatly astonished him. By the spirit, he\\nsaid, he meant the spirit that spoke to the ijrophets of\\nold. Praying continually for two years, whenever his\\nduties would permit, he again had the same revelation,\\nwhich fully convinced him that he was ordained for some\\ngreat purpose in the hands of the Almighty. Several\\nyears having rolled around, in which many events\\noccurred to strengthen him in this belief, his mind forci-\\nbly reverted to the admiring remarks made of him in his\\nchildhood, and the supernatural things that he believed\\nhad been shown him. So, having arrived at manhood,\\nseeing himself still a slave, and knowing the influence he\\nhad obtained over the minds of his fellow-servants, by his\\nausterity and air of mysticism, he determined to prepare\\nthe negroes for an uprising by telling them that some-\\nthing was about to happen v/hich would fulfill a great\\npromise which had been made to him. But about this\\ntime he was put under an overseer whom he did not like,\\nno doubt because he had been accustomed to more privi-\\nleges, so he ran away. After 30 days, however, he returned,\\nto the astonishment of some of the negroes, who mur-\\nmured against him and said, if they had Nat s sense, they\\nwould not serve any master in the world. The reason he", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "32 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUKRECTION.\\nreturned was that he imagined the spirit appeared to him\\nand told him that he had his wishes directed towards the\\nthings of this world and not to the Kingdom of Heaven,\\nand that he should return to the service of his earthly\\nmaster, for, said the spirit, he who knoweth his mas-\\nter s will and doeth it not shall be beaten with many\\nstripes, and thus have I chastened you. He also saw a\\nvision which revealed white spirits and black spirits con-\\ntending in battle, the sun darkened, the thunders rolling\\nin the heavens and blood flowing in streams, and a voice\\nspoke unto him, saying: Such is your luck, such are you\\ncalled to see, and let it come rough or smooth, you must\\nsurely bear it.\\nHe now withdrew himself as much as possible from the\\nintercourse of his fellow-servants in order to serve more\\nfreely the spirit, which had again appeared to him and re-\\nminded him of the things which it had already shown\\nhim, and promised that it would then reveal to him the\\nknowledge of the elements, the revolutions of the planets,\\nthe operation of the tides and the changes of the seasons.\\nThis was in 1825, and he began to believe that he had been\\nmade perfect in faith and holiness and that the Holy\\nSpirit was saying to him: Behold me in the heavens.\\nHe said he looked and saw the forms of men in different\\nattitudes, and lights in the sky, which he called the hands\\nof the Savior, stretched forth from east to west. Won-\\ndering greatly at these miracles, he prayed to be informed\\nof their meaning, and shortly afterwards, while laboring\\nin the field, he discovered drops of blood on the corn, as\\nthough it were dew from heaven. He communicated this\\nfact to many, both white and black. He found on the\\nleaves in the forest hieroglyphic characters and numbers,\\nwith the forms of men in different attitudes, portrayed in\\nblood and representing the figures he had seen in the\\nlieavens. He took some of these to his mistress and told\\nher that they were signs shown him by the Lord, but she", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAJSIPTON INSURRECTION. 33\\nonly dismissed him with her usual kind and indulgent\\nwords. Nat, however, perceiyed in them the explanations\\nof the signs which he had seen in the heavens, and\\nbelieved, he said, that the Savior was about to lay off the\\nyoke which he had borne for the sins of men, and that the\\ngreat day of judgment was at hand. He told these things\\nto a white man Ethelred T. Brantley^ on whom it had\\na wonderful effect, and who, in Nat s words, ceased from\\nhis wickedness and was attacked immediately with a\\ncutaneous eruption, and blood oozed from the pores of his\\nskin, and after praying and fasting nine days he was\\nhealed. Believing themselves converted, and that the\\nSavior commanded them to be baptized, he and Nat pro-\\nceeded to Persons mill pond and in turn baptized each\\nother in the sight of many who had been attracted hither\\nby curiosity.\\nNat said: On the 12th of May, 1828, I heard a loud\\nvoice in the heavens and the spirit instantly appeared to\\nme and said the serpent was loosed and Christ had laid\\ndown the yoke he had borne for the sins of men, and that\\nI should take it on and fight against the serpent, for the\\ntime was fast coming when the first should be last and\\nthe last should be first. He now felt certain of his work,\\nand only waited for the sign in heaven to tell him to\\nbegin, until which time he was to make his plan known to\\nno one, but, on the appearance of the sign, he was to\\narise and slay his enemies with their own weapons. This\\nsign he recognized in the eclipse of the sun, in February,\\n1831, and, immediately conceiving the seal to be removed\\nfrom his lips, he communicated the work to be done to his\\nfour confidants Henry Porter, Hark Travis, Nelson\\nWilliams,- and Sam Francis. They planned to begin\\niThis man was a respectable overseer, but after his inter-\\ncourse with Nat no one v/ould have anything to do with him, so,\\nit is said, he left the State.\\n2This Nelson was the brother of the wife of Jeff. Edwards, who\\ndistinguished himself in his efforts to save his master s family\\nand other white people.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "34 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURBECTIOX.\\ntheir work of death on the 4th of July, but Nat s mind was\\nso impressed with the greatness of the plot and the\\nvarious schemes for its accomplishment that he fell sick\\nand the time passed. It was not to take place on the day\\nof Independence, and it is possible that Nat only saw the\\ndanger of keeping this date after its selection. For\\nspecial arrangements had been made for celebrating\\nit, and men, having assembled at every public place,\\nwould have more readily suppressed this undertaking\\nthen than was possible a few days later. But the time\\nwas not spent in idleness. The negroes continued to form,\\nand reject new plans, until Nat imagined that his sign\\nhad again appeared unto him. The sign now was the\\npeculiar appearance of the sun on the morning of August\\n13th. The sun s disk seemed, on rising, to have changed\\nfrom its usual brilliant golden color to a pale, greenish\\ntint, which soon gave place to cerulean blue, and this also\\nto a silvery white, all owing to some change or derange-\\nment of the atmosphere of the sun. In the afternoon it\\nappeared as an immense circular plane of polished silver,\\nand to the naked eye there was exhibited upon its surface\\nan appearance that was termed a black spot.* The sun\\nshone with a dull, gloomy light, and the atmosphere was\\nmoist and hazy. These phenomena excited much aston-\\nishment and wonder among the people generally. The\\nsuperstitious believed that some awful calamity was\\nabout to happen, while the speculations of the more intel-\\nligent citizens appeared unsatisfactory.^ The conspira-\\ntors took advantage of the excitement and fixed upon the\\nnight of Sunday, August 21, 1831, as the date upon which\\nto put their plot into execution.\\nThe feast of the conspirators began in the morning on\\nSunday, but Nat, as was his custom, again exhibited\\niForest, Historical and Descriptive Sketches of Norfolk: How-\\nison, History of Virginia. In Judith Marion Harland describes\\nthe excitement that existed among the whites and colored.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 35-\\nshrewdness in not joining them until about 3 o clock in\\nthe afternoon, thus giving his men time for eating and\\ndrinking, while he retained his usual reserve and conse-\\nquence, which he knew were the only means by which he\\ncould succeed. On going up, Nat saluted them, and see-\\ning Will,^ whom he had not informed of the scheme, in\\nthe company, with great caution and foresight he asked\\nhim how came he there. This fellow showed by his\\nanswer that he was a most cruel and determined convert\\nto the cause, as, with his broadax, he amply afterwards\\nproved to be. He replied that his life was worth no more\\nthan others and his liberty as dear to him, and that he\\nwould obtain this or lose his life. This satisfied the\\ngeneral, and as Jack- was a mere tool in the hands of\\nHark, they soon had their plans arranged. Now were tc\\nbegin those frightful scenes of the memorable year 1831,.\\nin Boykin s District, near Cross Keys.\\nTHE RAID. The section of the county embraced in\\nthe raid was the most recently settled, and the inhab-\\nitants had not reached that stage of larger cultivated\\nestates and imposing dwellings enjoyed by the farmers of\\nthe more eastern counties. The country was thinly set-\\ntled, consequently the blacks, concealed by the large\\nexpanse of forest which surrounded them, could quietly\\nenjoy their reveling undetected. In this lonely den they\\nremained until ten o clock in the night. Ample time hav-\\ning been given the hardy farmers and their families to\\nbecome composed in sleep, these fanatics, in the solemn\\nstillness of the night, proceeded to murder the best friends\\niHe belonged to Mr. Nathaniel Francis.\\n2Jaek was indeed weak, as the records of the county show, and\\nHark, who married his sister, being an influential negi o, wouldn t\\nlet him go home when he pleaded sick. Colonel Worth, who saw\\nHark after his capture, said he was one of the most perfectly\\nframed men he ever sav/ a regular black Apollo.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "36 THE SOUTHAISIPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthey had on earth Mr. Joseph Travis and his family.^\\nOn reaching the yard, they met another negro Austin\\nwho made the eighth member of their band. All except\\nNat went to the cider press and drank their fill, thus\\nbeginning a course which would the sooner, and ulti-\\nmately did, lead to their ruin. They seemed to hesitate\\nbefore making a start, but the die was cast, and, proceed-\\ning to the house, they consulted as to the best manner\\nof entering. Hark, Nat s lieutenant, proposed to break\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2open the door with his axe. He knew that the excited\\nvictims would be no match for them. Nat s cool and wise\\njudgment, however, prevailed. Hark placed against the\\nchimney a ladder upon which Nat ascended to the upper-\\nmost window. Quietly he descended the stairs, removed\\nthe guns from their places, and then opened the doors to\\nliis comrades.\\nNat said he could not kill his kind master and mistress,\\nand the task was made doubly hard when the little baby,\\nwhich he had often fondled, looked him in the face and\\nsweetly smiled, as he reached down to take it in his arms.\\nThis was more than even he could stand, and he put it\\nback in the cradle, to remain in safety until the negroes\\nhad got some distance from the house. Then, remem-\\nbering his resolve to spare neither age nor sex, and reflect-\\ning, as he said, that nits make lice, Nat sent Henry and\\nWill back to take it by its heels and dash its brains out\\nagainst the bricks of the fireplace. But the followers\\ndecided that the leader was to strike the first blow. One\\nhatchet and a broad-ax seem to have been their only\\nweapons. This was a small beginning for a massacre\\nwhich was not quelled until the perpetrators numbered\\niThe Cabin Pond was on Mr. Giles Reese s farm and nearer\\nto his home than to Travis s. Mr. Reese asked Nat on the gallows\\nwhy he slighted him, and Nat replied: Marse Giles, you were\\ntoo powerful a man to begin with, and besides we were afraid\\nof your two fierce bulldogs. But Ave were going to return to you\\nafter we had collected a sufficient force.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHA]\\\\IPTON INSURRECTION. 37\\nat least sixty, all mounted and armed with every con-\\nceivable weapon.\\nMiss Maria Pope, who lived at Travis s, and for whom\\nNat had a special dislike, had been chosen as the first vic-\\ntim, but she was away on a visit and thus escaped. So\\nNat and Will entered their master s chamber. The dark-\\nness and, no doubt, a remorseful conscience were the\\nmeans of saving Nat from the guilt of the murder of his\\nown friends and protectors. Nat s hatchet glanced and\\nMr. Travis sprang from his bed, calling for his wife. These\\nwere his last words. Will struck him dead with his axe.\\nMrs. Travis was at least fortunate in one respect she was\\nspared the horror of witnessing the terrible death of her\\nhusband. One blow was sufficient to dispatch her. Put-\\nnam Moore, Nat s young master, and Joel Westbrook,^\\nwho was apprenticed to Mr. Travis, lads of sixteen, were\\nsleeping in an upper chamber. Both were murdered in\\ntheir sleep. These people had been murdered quietly in\\norder to avoid any possible alarm. Quite a different course\\nwas pursued after the number of the band was increased.\\nThey took here four guns and several muskets, a pound or\\ntwo of powder and shot, besides several horses and other\\ninstruments suitable for their bloody work. To impose a\\nsort of discipline upon them, Nat formed his band in\\nline as soldiers, took them through all the manoeuvres\\nwith which he was acquainted, and paraded them up and\\ndown for some time in the barn-yard. In the meantime\\nthey had decorated themselves in the most ludicrous and\\nfantastic style, with feathers in their hats and long red\\nsashes around their waists and over their shoulders.-\\niHe now rests in the family bui ying-ground, owned by bis\\nbrother, Mr. James D, Westbrook, of Drewrysville, Virginia.\\n2The sashes were made of the blood-red material with which\\nthe tops of the old-fashioned gigs were lined, and when this gave\\nont, they used sheets dyed in the blood of their victims. The\\nold- fashioned gig somewhat resembled the modern dog-cart.\\nIt had two wheels, and, being very tall, was overturned at the\\nleast provocation.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "38 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nA quarter of a mile to the southeast dwelt Mr. Salathiel\\nFrancis, a brother of Mrs. Travis. This gentleman was a\\nbachelor, living in a small, single-room house, with no one\\nbut a faithful slave Nelson. He was a powerful man,\\nbrave, determined, and unmindful of death. No one\\nknew this better than these eight negroes, and they were\\ncertain that he would make quick work of them if they\\nbroke his door open. After proceeding, then, silently and\\nin good order to this place, they concluded to secure him\\nin an artful manner. Sam and Will were slaves of Mr.\\nNat Francis. They called to Mr. Salathiel Francis and\\ntold him that they had a note from his brother. Unarmed\\nand unsuspicious, he went to the door in his night clothes.\\nWhen he opened it they seized him and by repeated blows\\nover the head murdered him while bravely defending him-\\nself and calling to Nelson for his gun. But Nelson had to\\nsee to his own life. He was known to be loyal. They shot\\nhim, but he managed to escape through the back door,^\\nand was instrumental in saving the life of the wife of his\\nmaster s brother.\\nContinuing to bear to the southeast for half a mile, the\\nnegroes reached the home of a Mrs. Harris. She was a\\nwidow with several children and grandchildren. The\\ninsurgents passed through the yard of this farmhouse,\\nbut no one was killed, nor was any depredation com-\\nmitted. Unfortunately no one asked Nat why this was,\\nbut the slaves said that one of their number Joe Harris\\nrefused to join the band unless they promised to spare\\niTo see tbis house of one story and a jump might dispel a\\nprevalent idea in the Northern section of the country that the\\nlife of the Virginian has been one of selfish luxury and ease.\\nMany owning a smaller number of slaves, while constricted in\\nprovision for tlieir own families, yet maintained, in every humane\\nprovision, the well being of their servitors and dependents, and\\nin doing this constantly disregarded their own comfort. This is\\ntrue of the treatment of old family negroes at the present day.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 39\\nhis white people. Whether this is true or whether it\\nwas offered as a means of rescuing Joe from the gallows\\n,(^annot be ascertained. However, circumstances are in\\nfavor of the version. Being appreciative, though ignorant,\\n-this frightened negro did not see the necessity of killing\\nall the whites, especially a family of women and children,\\nand, besides, when threatened with the loss of his life, he\\nprobably deemed it best to accept the proposition in order\\nto see if their professions of ultimate success would prove\\ntrue. In either case, he may have intended the welfare of\\nhis people. He possibly intended to escape, but after see-\\ning the success at the next plantation, decided it was use-\\nless to do so. The leaders, as they had not made one addi-\\ntion to their number, very likely were glad, under any con-\\ndition, even at the expense of their maxim to kill all, to\\nmake recruits.^ He was hanged, however, as after the\\nsuppression of the band he had returned home dressed in\\nthe clothes of Mr. Peebles, who had been killed at the\\nTurner farm. So quietly and cautioush had the insur-\\ngents formed their plan that the next morning the family\\nVi ere unconscious of their narrow escape, and proceeded\\nto their daily tasks. The children went to school, several\\nmiles away, and it was an hour or more before they were\\nwarned of the state of affairs. They had met a negro,\\nGeorge Porter, who advised them to go home, as the Brit-\\nish were killing all the people in the country. But, being\\nsmall, and giving but little credence to this report, they\\nproceeded to school, within a few miles of which the\\ninsurgents were at that time. This negro George was\\nbelieved by the grown people, however, who had by this\\ntime heard the same report from other sources. The cruel-\\niMrs. .James Barnes (nee Miss Bettie Powell), granddaughter\\nof Mrs. Harris, and then a child of eight years of age, living at\\nthis place.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "40 THE S0UTHA3IPT0N INSURRECTION.\\nties of the British at Hampton in 1812 were still remem-\\nbered and also lent credence to the report.^\\nThe Newsom place, a short distance from Mrs. Harris\\nwas left to the right, and, continuing their southeastern\\ncourse for a mile, the negroes came to Mrs. P. Reese s.\\nThe door of the house was unlocked. Mrs. Reese and her\\nson William were asleep within. The former was killed\\nwithout being aroused from her slumbers. The latter,\\nwho was in another room, called to know who was there,,\\nbut he was not long kept in doubt. Mr. James Barmer\\nwas manager of this farm and was in the house. He\\nawoke and tried to escape, but was discovered and ren-\\ndered helpless by repeated Mows from axes and grubbing\\nhoes. At first he called for help, but soon decided that it\\nwas better to feign death. Wounded and bleeding and\\nkicked about, he bore it patiently and sur-vived. Several\\ndays later he was found in this exhausted condition, his\\nwounds exposed and festered. It left him maimed for life\\nand ever afterwards unable to do manual labor.\\nThe next place visited by Nat and his associates was\\nthe house of Mr, Wiley Francis,^ who lived three miles to\\nthe south of the Reese farm. Mr. Francis, notwithstand-\\ning the pleading of his wife and daughters, refused to flee.\\nThey were hid in the woods and provisioned by faithful\\nslaves, who had declared that they would die for the\\nwhites, and took their stations in the yard to await the\\narrival of the insurgents. These soon put in their appear-\\nance and were greeted by Mr. Francis with Here I am,\\nboys; I will not go from my home to be killed! His\\niSo accurate was Goorge s description of the route taken by\\nthe insurgents and of the victims l^illed that people believed af-\\nterwards t^iat he had joined the gang, but his heart failing him\\nhe had returned, as did several others. He was not harmed,,\\nhowever, but lived an obedient servant, dying several yeai s after\\nthe War of Secession.\\n2This farm is now owned by Mr. William Powell.\\n3Mr. Hemy Smith now owns this farm.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUKRECTION. 41\\nslaves then warned Nat s band that they could not come\\nfarther than the fence without losing their lives. They\\npleaded that they were thirsty and asked for water and\\nalso brandy, but the faithful negroes saw through this\\npretense. Perceiving that it was useless to resist further,\\nNat remarked that the old man was not worth killing, but\\nthat he would be taken later and his slaves forced to yield.\\nThese threats neither affected the slaves, who were wise\\nenough to see the folly of such a reckless attempt, nor the\\nmaster, who sat peacefully in his door and declared he\\nwould suffer death before he would run. So the attempt\\nwas abandoned.^\\nSeveral miles to the northeast of Mr. Francis and one\\nmile east of the home of Mrs. Reese was the residence of\\na widow, Mrs. Elizabeth Turner, It was now sunrise on\\nMonday morning. A rush was made for the distillery,\\nwhich was located on the side of the lane which led to the\\nhouse. Mr. Hartwell Peebles, the overseer, was there.\\nHe was immediately shot down by Austin and his clothes\\nappropriated by one of the band. There were some, how-\\never, who were not onlj bent on plunder, but who wished\\nto gratify their bloody passions. They advanced to the\\ndwelling. With repeated blows from the axe which had\\nhitherto wrought such execution in the hands of Will, the\\ndoor,^ which had been locked at their approach, was\\nbroken open, and Will, seizing Mrs. Turner, dispatched\\nher, while Nat, taking Mrs. Newsom by the hand, struck\\niNat did not mention this visit in his confession, but it seems\\nvery probable. It is based on the evidence of those who heard\\nMrs. Lavinia Francis relate it. Nat maj^ have left this out, as\\nhe did other facts, which showed the spirit of the majority of\\nthe slaves, the cowardice of his men and the discouragement\\nhe met with on all sides. Besides his followers were still few\\nin number and thus offered less inducement to join than advau\\ntage in resisting them, to slaves accustomed to the orders of their\\nkind master.\\n2The gashes are still to be seen on the door and the blood on\\nthe floor of his house, which is owned by Mr. Elias Vick.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "42 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nher several blows over the head. His sword was too dull,\\nso this murder was committed also hj the murderer of\\nMrs. Turner. Trembling, frightened nearly to death, and\\npleading for their lives, these defenseless women were\\npitilessly slaughtered. The next business in order was\\nthe destruction of property and a search for money and\\nammunition.\\nAlthough several plantations had now been visited, on\\nall of which there were a number of slaves, the company\\nconsisted of only fifteen men, six on foot and nine\\nmounted. They now decided to divide, as they did also\\non several occasions afterwards, roaming the country in\\nsquads, but always uniting at some fixed point. Those on\\nfoot proceeded through a by-path to the home of Mr.\\nHenry Bryant, several hundred yards to the northeast.\\nAfter Mr. Brj^ant, his wife and child, and his wife s\\nmother had been killed, and the programme of plunder\\nand destruction repeated, the blacks turned towards Mrs.\\nCatherine Whitehead s,^ whither their companionsi had\\ngone. This place was one mile east of Mrs. Turner s, but\\nthe}^ found the work had been completed there and the\\ngang ready to march when they arrived.\\nMrs. Whitehead was a wealthy lady, known through-\\nout Eastern Virginia and North Carolina for her hospi-\\ntality.^ Mr. Richard Whitehead, one of the sons, a Meth-\\nodist preacher, was in the cotton patch with his slaves\\nwhen the negroes rode up the lane to the house. He asked\\none of his servants what all that meant, but his slave\\nseemed not to know. Mr. Whitehead, though addressed\\nas Dick by the gang and ordered to conje to them, with-\\nout hesitation obeyed and was attacked and cut to pieces\\niTMs place belongs to Mr. John Sykes. The Bryant place is\\nowned by Mr. Vick.\\n2The Whiteheads of Virginia are members of this family. Many\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ot them are famous preachere and lawyers.\\n3He had just returned from feeding his hogs.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "^m\\n^^fc\\nI", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 43\\nby Will s fatal axe.^ This occurred near an old cedar\\ntree, which still stands to mark the spot. Even when\\nattacked, he was ignorant of the meaning of it all, and\\nthe more he asked why they were killing him, the louder\\nthe band yelled, Kill him! Kill him! They were deter-\\nmined that none should escape. Nat pursued a servant\\ngirl who fled at their approach, but, perceiving her to be\\ncolored, he returned to the scene of the murder. His com-\\npanions had not been idle. Three daughters, and a child,\\nwho was receiving its morning bath at the hands of a lov-\\ning grandmother, had been murdered. Will was dragging\\nthe mother of the family from the house as Nat ap-\\nproached. She told him that she did not wish to live\\nsince all of her children had been murdered, so, in Nat s\\npresence, Will severed her head from her body. But there\\nwere two daughters still alive. Miss Margaret concealed\\nherself in the space formed by the projection of the cellar\\ncap from the house between two brick chimneys, but she\\nfled and was pursued by Nat and killed with a fence rail,\\nrepeated blows with his sword being insufficient for the\\npurpose. This is the only murder that Nat directly com-\\nmitted.\\nHubbard was a servant of this family. He and\\na majority of the slaves of his mistress remained\\nfaithful and were valuable witnesses at the trials\\nof Nat s gang. When they approached, Hubbard\\nhid his young mistress. Miss Harriet, between\\nthe bed and the mat. After the murderers left he went\\nfor her and said: Miss Harriet, thank God, you are\\nsaved. Don t stay here; come along with me to the\\niThe day before he had preached at Barnes Church, which is\\nabout thirty miles to the southeast, near the Carolina line; and\\nat this protracted meeting the concluding hymn was,\\nHow happy every child of grace\\nWho feels his sins forgiven.\\nA worthy prelude to so untimely a death.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "44 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nwoods. She obeyed and remained there while this loyal\\nman returned to the house and procured food and bedding.\\nBut she began to fear that he had returned for the insur-\\ngents, so she changed her hiding place. True to his faith,\\nthe old man returned and she heard him in his grief\\nmoan out, Oh, Lord, they have caught her! Still fright-\\nened, the poor girl refused to show herself, and allowed\\nthe disconsolate protector to return to the house. The\\nnext day some soldiers on the trail of the blacks arrived,\\nand, having heard Hubbard s story, told him to go again\\nto search for his mistress. Terribl} bitten by the mosqui-\\ntoes, she had suffered enough to heed any succor. She dis-\\nclosed herself, but was afraid to go to the house, so she\\nwrote on a shingle signs which convinced the whites that\\nshe was alive. She was rescued and taken to Cross\\nKeys.^ In a single grave in one corner of the garden, not\\none hundred yards from the door of this historic home,\\nrest the bodies of her seven relatives, a monument to base\\ncruelty and barbarity, as that of Miss Harriet, near by, is\\none to witness the devotion of a faithful slave and to show\\nthat slavery in Virginia was not such as to arouse rebell-\\nion, but was an institution which nourished the strongest\\naffection and piety in slave and owner, as well as moral\\nqualities worthy of any age of civilization.\\nOne party now traveled about a mile to the west to\\nMr, Trajan Doyle s, and thence a few hundred yards to-\\nwards Mr, Howell Harris the second party took a north-\\nward course to Mr. Kichard Porter s and Mr, Nathaniel\\nFrancis who lived, respectively, about one and two miles\\naway. Mr. Doyle was found on his way to the mill,\\niBut what was this lone individual to do? All of her people\\nhad been murdered, and the old homestead was haunted by the\\ncries and prayers of lier dear ones. She adapted herself bravely\\nto circumstances, however, and spent the remainder of her days\\nin this home, surrounded by the slaves who had proved loyal\\nand true, notwithstanding the persuasions and threats of mem-\\nbers of their own race.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "saar aat..^\u00c2\u00bb.^^Ki\u00c2\u00abaBHiH^^yMHr.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 45\\naccompanied by his servant, Hugh. The former was ruth-\\nlessly murdered, but the latter, instead of joining the\\ninsurgents, made his way home to save his mistress and\\nher baby. Rushing into the house, he seized and dragged\\nthem to the thicket of an old graveyard, not taking time\\nto tell his story until they were safely concealed. In this\\nway he robbed the negroes of two of their intended vic-\\ntims.\\nThis band was joined by other negroes, who informed\\nthem that Mr. Harris^ had made his escape, having\\nbeen warned of the insurrection by a mulatto girl, Mary.\\nConsequently they were retracing their course, when they\\nmet Nat, who learned at Mr. Porter s that the alarm had\\nspread. The blacks had been spreading destruction far\\nand wide for eight or nine hours and not the least alarm\\nhad been given until now. The second squad had been\\nat Mr. Porter s, but the mulatto girl had given them the\\nalarm also and they had made their escape to the woods.\\nThey then advanced to the home of Mr. Nathaniel Francis.\\nHark or Will must have been in command of this division.\\nWhen they arrived Mr. Francis was away. That morning\\na little negro boy, simple and stammering, had rushed\\nover from Mr. Francis sister s, Mrs. Travis, and related\\nthat some folks had killed all the white folks at his\\nmaster s. Mr, Francis smiled and said: You don t\\nknov/ what you are talking about. But whether this\\nindifference was to evade all appearance of alarm or from\\nincredulity, he was impressed sufficiently to ride over to\\ninvestigate. His mother also went through a by-path to\\nsee if she could be of any assistance. It was in this\\nmanner that these lives were saved. The negroes had\\nindeed been there and had gone away by a southeastern\\ndirection as Mr. Francis appeared from the northeast. He\\niMr. Howell Harris married the daughter of Mr. Wiley FraHr-\\ncis. His farm and the Doyle farm (sometimes called the J. 0.\\nTm iier place) belong to Mr. Hines.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "46 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nwas returning home, when he met some men, who told\\nhim his own people had been killed and that he must\\njoin them to form a guard. So, deeming it useless to\\nreturn, he took his mother to a farmhouse on Pate s Hill^\\nin the rear of the operations of the gang. She remained\\nthere until later in the day, while he set out to join the\\nguard.\\nIt appears that these men, having gone to the home of\\nMr. Francis, had found no one alive. But one person had\\nbeen saved. In those days a young farmer always built\\nhis house so that It might be enlarged as his means\\nincreased. The usual style of house for a farmer of small\\nmeans consisted of one square room on the first floor,\\nwith what was called a jump above and a kitchen in\\nthe rear. This was the style of the Francis house. The\\njump was fashioned into a neat and serviceable room by\\nlathing and plastering it in such a manner as to form a\\nsemi-cylindrical apartment with a window in each gable\\nend. Thus there were considerable spaces between the\\nroof and the plastering, which were called cuddies, and\\nused for plunder rooms and were accessible by doors\\nnear the end. These recesses were very dark. It was in\\none of these that Mrs. Lavinia Francis, the wife of this en-\\nergetic farmer, was concealed by old Red Nelson, who\\nhad been forced to flee from the murderers of his master.\\niHe was called Red Nelson to distinguish him from another\\nnegro of the same name, who was black. Red Nelson was a\\nmulatto. He had been sold to a slave dealer and was to be sent\\nSouth, but at his own solicitation he had been bought and kept in\\nVirginia. He amply repaid this service, and no one recognized this\\nmore than his neigtibors. After this he was the real master of\\nthe plantation, receiving and entertaining the gentlemen who\\nvisited his master. A gentleman who knew him well relates that\\nhe has seen him drink with the whites, and that he went\\nwherever he pleased, from one section of the county to another,\\nhospitality received at every home, where his deeds were fully\\nesteemed and commended. He lived at Mr. Nat Francis until\\nafter the CivU War, and then he went to Ohio.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "y^.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. -iT\\nWhen the blacks asked for her, Nelson pretended to sym-\\npathize with them and joined heartily in the search. He\\nwent to the cuddy and shoved aside baskets, clothes, etc.,\\nbut took special pains not to betray his mistress. She was\\nalso favored by the dark clothes in which she was dressed.\\nThen, turning away, Nelson said she must be in the gar-\\nden concealed behind the tall cabbage. As the negroes\\ncame out of the house the} met Mrs. John K. Williams\\nand her little child in the lane. This lady was the wife of\\nMr. Choctaw Williams/ and as he was teaching school\\nshe had decided to spend the day with Mrs. Francis.\\nWith her infant she was murdered before she reached the\\nhouse. Mrs. Williams being taken for Mrs. Francis, no\\nfurther search was made for the latter.\\nTwo little boys named Brown, nephews of Mr. Francis,\\nlived with him. He was their guardian, since both of\\ntheir parents were dead. The younger of them, about\\nthree years of age, was standing in the lane as the negroes\\nrode up, and ran to meet them, begging that he might\\nride, as he had probably often done of the plowmen as\\nthey returned from their work. He was taken up, to be\\ncast down with his head severed from his body. At this\\nsight his eight-year-old brother, who was hid near by in\\nthe weeds of the barn-yard, screamed out. He was caught,\\nand suffered the fate of his brother. The negroes were\\nthen on their way to the still, which was generally the\\nrendezvous. Mr, Henry Doyle, the overseer and stiller,\\nsaw them coming and ran to the house to tell Mrs. Francis\\nof the danger. He was shot down as he emerged from\\nthe front door just under the cuddy in which this lady\\nwas hid. She had heard the screams of her nephews and\\nhad now to listen to the groans of Mr. Doyle. She could\\nstand it no longer, and fainted. It is well she did, other-\\niHe was so called because he wore his hair in waves dowu his\\nback and resembled an Indian in some respects.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "4:8 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nwise she might have revealed her place of concealment, as\\nher nephew had done. When she revived the negroes had\\ndrunk their fill of cider-wine, and many of them, much\\nintoxicated, had proceeded on their journey, having been\\njoined by nearly all of the family slaves. Much frightened,\\nMrs. Francis emerged from her cuddy and descended the\\nstairs. She had heard some of her servants quarreling,\\nand as she reached the door she saw them dividing her\\nwedding dresses. They were very much surprised to see\\nher, and one of them said: I thought you were dead,\\nand, making for her with a dirk, continued, If you are\\nnot dead you shall soon be. But the other negro, Easter,\\nwho had belonged to her before her marriage to Mr.\\nFrancis, rushed up and said You shall not kill my mis-\\ntress, who has been so kind to me. Touch her if you dare\\nand I will kill you. Mrs. Francis then asked where the\\nnegroes were, and the wicked Charlotte replied that they\\nhad gone, but would be back to dinner, as they had killed\\nseveral chickens for the purpose. Without further delay,\\nexcept to hang up her keys and to take from the rack a\\nhome-made cheese, she went in search of her husband\\nwith Nelson, the slave who had saved her. Cautiously\\nadvancing through the woods, she reached the Travis\\nplace. Climbing upon the gate-post, she saw two men at\\nthe house, and fainted from fright and exhaustion. These,\\nMr, Womac and Mr. Sam. Ellis, also saw her, and after\\nthey had revived her by pouring water in her face, Mr.\\nEllis^ took her on his horse and carried her to Pate s Hill,\\nwhere she found her husband s mother, but had little\\nopportunity to rest from her trials and excitement.\\nPeople there were too much alarmed to allow anyone to\\nrest. The least unusual occurrence was suflScient to pro-\\nduce the wildest confusion. A flock of sheep running\\niThese men lived near Pate s Hill, the former a school teacher\\nfor Mr. Joseph Claud at the Claud place, and the latter a planter\\non a portion of the farm now owned by Mr. AVilliam Leigh.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 49\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0down the road was taken for the insurgents, and in a\\nmoment women and children, many of whom had col-\\nlected at Pate s Hill, were flying to the swamps. Here\\nthey remained for two nights, sleeping upon the leaves of\\nthe forest and making use of the provisions hastily gath-\\nred as they rushed from their homes. This crowd proved\\nmore than Mrs. Francis could stand, so she decided to\\nleave, declaring that she would rather die at the hands of\\nthe negroes than rethain in such society. As she ap-\\nproached the country road she heard the sounds of horses\\nhoofs. Looking through the bushes, she recognized her\\nliusband as the third man of the company. Hearing her\\ncall, he went to her and took her, behind him, to Cross\\nKeys and thence to her mother s home, near Seaboard,\\nNorth Carolina, where she remained for some weeks nurs-\\ning her sick mother.^\\nOne mile from Mr. Francis farther to the north, lay the\\nhome of Mr. Peter Edwards. This same division of the\\nnegroes now made their appearance here, to find that\\nold Jeff had assisted Mr. Edwards and his family to\\nescape to the woods, where they were cared for by the\\nslaves until all alarm was dispelled. Five of the slaves\\nof this farm joined the insurgents. The rest were assem-\\nbled after the departure of the raiders and the absentees\\niShe had heard the cries of her loved ones; had ridden twenty-\\nmiles on horseback, besides having walked several; had spent\\nseveral daj^s and nights in the swamps, and was now nursing\\nthe sick. This was the experience of a woman who within a\\nmonth brought forth her first born. How she survived it all\\nwas ever a wonder to her and still remains an example of what\\ncould be done by our ancestors. She lived, however, to tell the\\nstory of the crusade against the white inhabitants of her county\\nand died only a few years since, leaving many children and\\ngrandchildren.\\n2His sou, Hardie Musgrave, lives at Newsom s,^ Virginia, a hale\\nand hearty old man of eighty summers, industrious and respected\\nby all. He remembers Nat well, and says that the foregoing\\npicture is the exact image of him. His master, Mr. Benjamin\\nEdwards, did not live far from the Travis place.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "50 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nwere noted by Jeff and reported to his master. After the\\ndefeat of the gang these five returned home and were\\nshot down in turn by the neighbors. Jeff, who had always\\nbeen overseer, was now trusted more than ever for liis\\nfaithfulness.\\nPrevious to this time the insurgents seemed to be going\\nfrom home to home without any aim as to final purpose\\nand destination. But now, having drunk freely of apple\\nbrandy, mixed with gunpowder, and being extremely\\nintoxicated, they took the main road to Jerusalem, the\\ncounty seat. Capt. John T. Barrow lived three-quarters\\nof a mile away. Mr. Nat Francis had sent him word that\\nthe British were coming, but not wishing to show any\\nsigns of concern in the presence of the negro messenger,.\\nCaptain Barrow dismissed him very amicably. Mr. Drewry\\nBittle, a neighbor, had also brought the news that there-\\nwas an insurrection of some kind. Captain Barrow had\\nthus decided to flee to the home of his mother, who had\\nmarried Capt. Newitt Harris, and he was waiting for his;\\nwife when the leaders of the band came in sight. Being\\nvery beautiful, and accustomed to dress very tastefully,\\nshe did not wish to appear beyond her home in her dail}^\\ncostume, and was making her usual preparations. Mr.\\nBittle was keeping watch for the negroes, but he did not\\nhave time to give the signal. Two or three negroes, seeing\\nhim, put spurs to their horses, and came near capturing\\nhim. However, casting aside his shoes, he safely reached\\nthe swamp, and they, unable to proceed farther, called to\\nhim, Never mind, we will get you yet! With some\\nhumor he replied, Not today. Captain Barrow s lot was\\nnot to be so fortunate. The delay was fatal, and he per-\\nceived that it was useless to flee. The negroes were now\\nwithin thirty .yards of the dwelling. Taking his stand\\nupon the porch, his pistol, rifle, and shotgun by his side,\\nBarrow told his wife to fly for her life, while he fought\\nfor his home and his loved ones. It is said that she still", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INStlRRECTION. 51\\nlingered and hindered his aim. But finally she fled, while\\nhe held them at bay, first with his gun, pistol and rifle,\\nand, when these had been fired, with the butt end of his\\ngun, which he broke to pieces over their heads as they\\nforced him from the porch into the hall and thence into a\\nside room. He scorned to surrender and was not over-\\ncome until a window was raised and one of the band on\\nthe outside, reaching in, cut his throat with a razor. Never\\ndid man fight more desperately, and no hero should be\\nmore honored than John Barrow. The insurgents recog-\\nnized his bravery and drank his blood to make tl^em\\nbrave and determined. This was the only corpse respected.\\nWrapping it in a bed-quilt, they placed it in the mid-\\ndle of the floor of his bedchamber with a plug of tobacco\\nupon his breast. When Nat was told the story of his\\ncourage and resistance he said he was sorry such a man\\nhad to be killed, and that the insurrection would not\\nhave proceeded far if he had met this man in\\nthe beginning. His resistance sufficed, however, to\\nsave Mrs. Barrow. As she fled a negro girl, named\\nLucy, seized her with the determination of holding\\nher for the rebels, but Aunt Easter came to the aid\\nof her mistress and fled with her to the woods, where they\\nfound Captain Harris.^ Mr. George Vaughan, brother of\\nMrs. Barrow, was on his way to his sister s for a fox hunt.\\nFortunately for the gang, he did not reach his brother-\\nin-law s house, or the result might have been more unfa-\\niMrs. Barrow was one of the principal witnesses against the\\ninsurgents. She had seen them ride up to her home, and she\\nknew most of them, as they belonged to her neighbors. To one\\nwho had yelled at her as she fled, Never mind, we will catch\\nyou yet, she remarked in court: I know every one of you\\nscamps, as you belong to my neighbors. With a scornful grin,\\nhowever, the fellow replied, No, it wasn t me. Her maiden\\nname was Mary Vaughan, daughter of Mrs. Rebecca Vaughan,\\nwho was killed by the insurgents. She afterwards married a,\\nMr. Rose, and later a Mr. Moyler.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0096\u00a052 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nvorable for them. As they journeyed toward the next\\nfarm he was met and ruthlessly slain.\\nThe farm of Captain Harris lay about a mile to the\\nnorthwest. This gentleman had been a soldier in the War\\nof 1812 and was now old and feeble. His large and pros-\\nperous farm was entrusted mostly to the care of the negro\\noverseers, Aaron and Ben, who were also stillers, and\\nmanufactured the apple brandy which caused much insub-\\nOrdination among the blacks. On Sunday Ben went to\\nDr. Jones to visit his wife, and Monday morning while\\nreturning home he heard the report that the British were\\nin the county killing the people. Most of Captain Harris\\nchildren were married, and his wife was in Sussex county\\nvisiting her daughter, having left the charge of the house-\\nhold affairs to Aunt Edie, Aaron s wife. Captain Har-\\nris would not believe Ben s story and refused to fly. This\\nwas very natural for a man of his intelligence. But Ben\\nknew there was some danger afloat, and, with a heart full\\nof love for his master, replied: You shall go, and,\\ntaking the invalid upon his shoulders, bore him to the\\nswamps behind the house.^ Making him as comfortable\\nas possible, Ben and Edie returned to look after the duties\\nof the farm, and reached the house just as the negroes\\ncame in sight.\\nTwo roads, one from the southeast and one from the\\nsouthwest, meet at the lane gate and form the Barrow\\nroad.- Mrs. Robert Musgrave, the daughter of Capt. Har-\\nris, had been advised by a slave to flee to her father s, as\\nthe negroes had risen. George Musgrave, her husband s\\niTMs place is owned by Mr. Samuel Drewiy. A road now\\npasses through the swamp.\\n2This road took its name from Captain J. T. Barrow, who con-\\nstructed the greater part of it. It enters the Jerusalem and\\nCross Keys road at the Blaclihead Sign-post, which is so named\\nbecause the head of one of the insurgents who had been shot\\nwas cut off and stuck on it. It was ever afterwards painted\\n:black as a warning against any future outrage.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0082.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0083.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0084.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 53-\\nbrother, had also returned from school with the report\\nabout the British. Mrs. Musgrave s husband being away\\nshe took her twelve-months-old bab}^ and this lad of ten\\nupon her gig and went to her father s. She arrived from\\nthe southwest as the insurgents came from the southeast.\\nSeeing her and the insurgents about the same time, Ben\\nran and told her to make through the house and close the\\ndoor, so that the negroes could not see the direction she\\ntook. According to his orders, she had climbed over the\\ngarden fence and was proceeding dovv^n a corn row in\\nsearch of her father, when she fainted, and but for the as-\\nsistance of Aunt Edie, who came up with restoratives,\\nshe would have been caught. They could not find Captain\\nHarris for some time and also were in danger of being\\nbetrayed by the cries of the baby, which was tired and\\nthirsty. Mrs. Musgrave was afraid to be left alone, and,\\nbesides, feared betrayal. All the slaves had been trusted,\\nand many of the ringleaders equally as much as this wor-\\nthy woman. A want of confidence was natural. Aunt\\nEdie realized this and did not blame her young mistress,\\nbut she saw the necessity of prompt action. Though not\\nin theory, yet in practice, she was the mistress of the\\nhousehold. Stuffing a handkerchief in the child s mouth\\nto prevent its crying, she set out in search of water, which\\nwas scarce in the woods in the month of August. But\\nshe was successful and soon returned with the water.^\\nShe had also found her master, whom they joined imme-\\ndiately.\\nThe insurgents, however, had seen Mrs. Musgrave and\\nasked Ben who it was. He told them, but said she was in\\nthe house in search of her parents, who had gone from\\nhome. Searching in vain, the negroes threatened to shoot\\nBen, but he insisted that she was in a cuddy. Thinking\\niShe is Sfllid to have found it in a cow s traclv and gave it to\\nthe child from a cup made of oak leaves.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0085.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": ".54 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthis his last hope, and determined not to betray his people,\\nhe turned and ran. He saved his life, but was sprinkled\\nwith bird-shot. Ben and Aaron saved their people, and in\\naddition supported the other slaves in their loyalty. Not\\none joined the insurgents, but, armed with pitch-forks and\\nhoes, they prepared to defend their master if an attempt\\nwas made to find him. This was not the only test of Ben s\\nloyalty. Soldiers came the next day in search of the\\nnegroes, and, thinking from his stammering that he\\nwished to conceal them, they also threatened to shoot him.\\nHe again ran, to suffer the same fate as before. The insur-\\ngents having been routed at Dr. Blunt s on Tuesday morn-\\ning, appeared the second time at Captain Harris They\\ndid not go to the house, as some soldiers were there.\\nAaron saw the negroes and told them that the devil was\\nat the house and enough white people to eat them up. He\\nthen slipped to the house to report the facts, and a charge\\nwas made, which, as we shall see, completely ended the\\ninsurrection. He had been in the War of 1812 as Captain\\nHarris body servant, and when the negroes first appeared\\nat his master s he tried to dissuade them from the plot,\\ntelling them that it was impossible, and that they had\\nbetter return home, which fact they would realize if they\\nhad seen as many white people as he had seen in Norfolk.\\nThey would not heed his advice, but threatened to kill\\nhim. He replied that he was not afraid of them, and by\\nhis bold stand successfully defied their threats.^\\nlAfter this Ben and Aaron were complete despots in their own\\nsphere. Everyone recognized their services and respected them.\\nAt his death Captain Harris left Aaron to the care of his son\\nand Ben to Mrs. Musgrave\u00e2\u0080\u0094 as it was she whom he had saved\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nwith provisions that they were to do as they pleased and have\\nall possiible comforts. These instructions were faithfully obeyed.\\nNo one was too good to care for them. Three times a day the\\nwhite children took Ben his meals, and when they did not suit\\nhim he would demand something else in the most authoritative\\ntone. Of course, the children did not like this\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they were too\\nsmall to understand. But their mother knew too well what was", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0086.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "v\\\\ III iji iiHfcWiiHiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii irT i T\\nMrs. Laviaia Francis.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0087.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0088.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 55\\nFinding no victims, the insurgents began a search for\\nmoney and other valuables, breaking open furniture, clos-\\nets, and cellars for this purpose. The main object of their\\nsearch brandy was found in abundance. Eolling the\\nbarrels into the yard and knocking out one end of each,\\nthey began their frolic. Nat had told this division he\\nwould bring up the other at Mr. Francis but following\\nthe trail from there he found the work had been so speed-\\nily and thoroughly done that he was unable to overtake\\nthem until now. The negroes seemed to number about\\nforty, some of whom were drinking, some loading their\\nguns, and the greater part mounted and ready to start,\\nwhen Nat and his division rode up. He was greeted with\\nshouts and hurrahs, which only incited him to prompt\\naction. It being between nine and ten o clock, he gave the\\ncommand to mount and march immediately. He placed\\nthe best armed and most trusted confederates in front,\\nwith orders to approach the houses as fast as they could\\nride for the purpose of carrying terror and devastation\\nwherever they went, and also to prevent the escape of\\ntheir victims and the spread of alarm. For this reason\\nNat never reached the scene of slaughter after leaving\\nMrs. Whitehead s, except in one case, until the murders\\nhad been committed, but he got in sight in time to see\\nthe work of death completed, viewed in silent satisfaction\\nthe mangled bodies as they lay, and immediately started\\nin quest of other victims.\\nIn this manner the home of Mr. Levi Waller was vis-\\ndue Ben, and wlien they complained of his bearing toward them\\nshe would always forbid any discourtesy and reply, Remember\\nwhere your mother would be if it had not been for him. He suf-\\nfered his back to be shot for us. This was a fit recognition of\\nthe service of one of the truest of friends, and at the same time\\na lesson in morality, obedience, and respect, which these children\\nremember to the present day. It cannot be said, then, that\\nslaves were never honored nor received the recognition due\\nthem.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0089.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "56 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nited. It was about three miles from Captain Harris and\\nthe center and general meeting place of the neighborhood.\\nThe boarding school there, of which Mr. AVilliam Crocker\\nwas principal, was well attended. The distillery, the\\nblacksmith shop, and the wheelwright shop were other\\nattractions for the neighbors. Many of the insurgents\\nwished to turn to the left at Pond s shop and make for\\nMajor Humphrey Drewry s, who was noted for his excel-\\nlent apple brandy. If their wishes had been obeyed the\\nresult might have been different. But Nat was making\\nfor Jerusalem, where he expected many reinforcements,\\narms, and ammunition. Thus they bore to the northeast\\njust as Mrs. John Drewry, with her baby and nurse, came\\nin sight. She was on her way to her brother s, Mr. Nat\\nFrancis, but the harness having broken, she stopped for\\nher nurse to fix it, and the negroes passed on by the other\\nroad. Returning home, she spent several days in the\\nwoods, cared for by faithful slaves.^\\nIt was nine or ten o clock on Monday morning before\\nany report of the insurrection reached Mr. Waller s, and\\nthe negroes were then within a few miles. It was here that\\nthe true nature of the plot was first discovered, it having\\nbeen previously reported that the British were the perpe-\\ntrators. Mr. Waller was at his still and the children\\nat school, a quarter of a mile away, when some of the\\nslaves reported to him that the negroes had risen and\\nwere on their way to his home. He sent to the school to\\nreport the news, and when the teacher appeared with the\\nchildren Mr. Waller sent him to the house to load the\\nguns. But before he could do so the insurgents arrived.\\nThough several men and boys were here, they Avere forced\\nto flee, being unarmed. Mr. Waller fled into the corner of\\nthe fence and was saved by his blacksmith, Davy, who\\ni Aimt .Jinnie was the nurse, and Uncle Sip, the negro who-\\ncared for Mrs. Drewry.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0090.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0091.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0092.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAIMPTON INSURIIECTION. 57\\nran in the opposite direction, yelling, ^Here goes the old\\nfox, thus drawing the blacks after him. Davy then\\nreturned and helped his master to escape to the plum\\norchard. Crocker^ ran into the cornfield, pursued by a\\nnegro, and, stopping after he had gotten out of sight of\\nthe others, he dropped his unsheathed sword and pre-\\npared to shoot. But at that moment a little girl ran\\nacross the lane and the negro turned to pursue her. This\\nlittle girl was Clarinda Jones, a girl of tw elve years. She\\nhad tried to persuade her sister, Lucinda, to flee with her\\nto the weeds, but when the latter decided to climb the\\nkitchen chimney, Olarinda hid on the outside in a corner\\nbetween the house and the chimney. Lucinda was dis-\\ncovered and killed. She clung so firmly to the sway-\\npole- that the flesh was torn from her fingers as she was\\ndragged down. Alarmed by the fate of her elder sister,\\nClarinda ran just in time to attract the attention of the\\nnegro who was pursuing her teacher. As she mounted\\nthe fence the negro shot her. She fell, and though slightly\\nwounded, she had the presence of mind to remain per-\\nfectly quiet, so that the darky did not discover her, though\\nhe rode so close that his horse ate of the weeds w^hich\\nconcealed her. After his departure she crawled out and\\nhid under an old shop and counted the blacks as they\\nmarched away to the next point of attack. She went to\\nthe sw^amp and was discovered there the next morning by\\nmen hunting for the insurgents. In response to their\\ninquiries in regard to the manner of her escape, she said\\nThe Lord helped me. Taking her upon his horse, one\\niCrocker s daughter, Mrs. Richard Stephenson, of Seaboard,\\nNorth Carolina, owns the gold watch of her father, which he\\ndropped as he was fleeing from the negroes, but which he stopped\\nto pick up in order to leave no clue as to the direction which he\\ntook.\\n2This is a pole stretching across the chimney from which the\\ncooking utensils were hung by means of the pot-hooks.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0093.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "58 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUBRECTION.\\nof these neighbors took her to her father, Mr. Burrel\\nJones.^\\nFrom the plum ordhard Mr. Waller saw the movements\\nof the negroes and heard the screams of his family and\\nfriends as they were murdered. Between ten and fifteen\\npersons suffered death at this place. Many escaped,\\nhowever, by concealing themselves in the weeds.\\nAmong them were Mr. Waller, two of his sons,\\nand Mr. William Crocker, who finally made their\\nway to Cross Keys. From there Mr. Waller pro-\\nceeded to Murfreesboro, North Carolina, and commu-\\nnicated the news to the Old North State, which imme-\\ndiately prepared for assistance. John H. Wheeler, the\\nhistorian, says: Well does the author remember the\\narrival of Levi Waller in Murfreesboro to tell the story\\nof his family. Mrs. Waller had advised the men to flee,\\nas she thought the negroes would not kill the women and\\nchildren. How mistaken, poor woman! One of her own\\nslaves slashed her with a razor as she defended herself.\\nMartha Waller was concealed by the nurse under her\\nlarge apron, but the child could not endure the reckless\\ndestruction of furniture, so arose and threatened to tell\\nher father. One of the negroes seized her and dashed her\\niMr. Jones moved to Mississippi, but afterwards lived in\\nNortliampton county, Nortli Carolina, not far from his old home.\\nHe had sufficient reason to make him dislike Southampton, and\\nit cannot be atti-ibuted to a want of feeling if he had a prejudice\\nagainst the negroes. After the dispersion of the insurgents he\\nwas guarding a captive, and was advised by a friend to kill the\\nnegro. He refused to do this, but cut the prisoner s heel-strings\\nand left. His wife also, a few months later passing from one\\nfarm to another about sunset, was accosted by a runaway negro,\\nwho, in response to her inquiry as to who he was, replied:\\nChief cook and bottle AA^asher, secret keeper and bottle stopper!\\nThe woods were surrounded and the fellow taken and punished.\\nClarinda married a Mr. Wall, of Northampton, North Carolina,\\nwhere a large number of children now survive her, one of them\\nbearing the name of Lucinda. Mrs. Wall died only a few years\\nago, carrying to the grave two buck-shot which she had received\\nin the calf of her leg.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0094.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0095.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0096.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURIIEOTION. 59\\nto death against the ground. Only two of Waller s slaves\\nAlbert and Yellow Davy took part in these depre-\\ndations.\\nThe band of insurgents had their number greatly\\nswelled by forced recruits as well as by volunteers, so\\nmuch so that when Nat gave the usual order, Mount and\\nmarch immediately, he had to compel several, who were\\ntrying to escape, to join him. All were further intoxi-\\ncated at Mr. Waller s, and as they staggered along the\\nroad in the direction of the county seat, some fell from\\ntheir horses and were left behind. Mr. Thomas Gray\\nliyed on this road. He had several sons and daughters,\\nbut they were not disturbed, which can be explained only\\nby the fact that the insurgents had become insubordi-\\nnate and careless from the effect of large amounts of\\nintoxicants they had taken, Mr. William Williams, who\\nlived three miles from Waller s shop, had been recently\\nmarried and lived in a neat and comfortable little cottage\\nnear the road. He and two boys, Miles and Henry John-\\nson, were in the fodder-field, Mrs. Williams being at the\\nhouse alone. The negroes appeared, asked her where her\\nhusband was, and gave her the choice of dying there or\\ninth him. She preferred the latter, but as they went in\\nsearch of him she fled and was some distance from them,\\nwhen she was pursued, overtaken, and made to get up\\nbehind one of their number and forced to view the man-\\ngled and lifeless bodies of her loved ones. Then, pillow-\\ning her head upon the bloody sod at her husband s side,\\nshe was shot to death.\\nMr. Williams uncle, Mr. Jacob Williams, was away\\nfrom home early Monday morning, and when he returned,\\nabout eleven o clock, he found Nelson, one of his slaves,\\nand one of the principal instigators of the rebellion,\\ndressed in his best clothes. Being in a hurry to go to the\\nwoods to measure timber for Mr. Drewry Simmons, Mr.\\nWilliams did not stop to investigate the overbearing man-", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0097.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "60 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nner of Nelson. A few days previous to this Nelson re-\\nmarked to Mr. Caswell Worrell, Mr. Williams overseer,\\nthat the white people might look out and take care of\\nthemselves, as something was going to happen before long\\nwhich anyone of his practice could tell. He was a negro\\nof bad character, and professed to have prophetic power,\\nbut such remarks had been so common with him, and the\\nslaves in general were so contented, that no attention was\\npaid to him and not the least suspicion of the insurrection\\nwas aroused until the blacks arrived, about twelve o clock\\non Monday, the 22d of August. Nelson had been waiting\\nfor them. He went to the field where Mr. Worrell was\\nsuperintending the field hands and got permission to go\\nto the house, saying he was sick. He also persuaded the\\noverseer to accompany him, thinking to deliver him into\\nthe hands of the insurgents, but Mr. Worrell escaped\\nto the woods. Nelson was not very sick, however,\\nwhen he saw his confederates aproaching. He was\\nthe leader in this section and seems to have worked\\nfaithfully for the cause. Going into the kitchen, he\\nhelped himself to the dinner then preparing, remarking to\\nthe cook: Cynthia, you don t know me. I don t know\\nwhen 3^ou will see me again, and then, stepping into the\\nyard, walked over the mangled bodies of his mistress and\\nher three children, who had been slain without the least\\nmanifestation of grief or pity. The other slaves of Mr.\\nWilliams were actuated by the spirit which filled the ma-\\njority of the slaves of the county. Though Nelson was\\nallowed the greatest freedom, liberty, and intercourse\\nwith them, and was a pretended leader or prophet, yet he\\nwas unable to persuade one of his master s servants ro\\nrevolt. This is one of the most striking features of the\\ninsurrection. Even when all the whites of a family had\\nbeen killed, the slaves remained faithful and gladly testi-\\nfied at the trials of the culprits. Any account of South-\\nampton would be defective which failed to compliment", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0098.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "r.;r.i CMiwiu.u (.11 llie Crave of Capt. John 1 IJ.p.rcw.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0099.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0100.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 61\\nthe good sense, fidelity, and affection of the slaves on this\\noccasion. It was only the deluded and fanatical who\\ntook part.\\nWhen the insurgents arrived at Mr. Williams the first\\nmurder perpetrated was that of Mr. Edwin D re wry. He\\nwas overseer for Mr. James Bell, and had come, with Ste-\\nphen, a slave of the latter, for a load of corn. They were\\ntrying to decide which should go for a measure, when,\\nlooking out of the crib, Mr. Drewry exclaimed, Lord,\\nwho is that coming? He ran, but was pursued, shot, and\\ndisemboweled. Stephen was made to mount his horse and\\njoin the company, but at his trial he was acquitted, for\\nat Parker s field he escaped and rode into Jerusalem, hal-\\nlooing at the top of his voice who he was and why he was\\nriding so rapidly. This was to avoid alarming the people.\\nMr. Worrell lived a few hundred yards from the great\\nhouse, as the darkies call the residence of the landlord.\\nAfter visiting tfhis and killing his wife and two children,\\nthe insurgents came back for dinner to the home of Mr.\\nWilliams, who had just returned from the woods. He\\nbarely had time to view the bodies of his murdered family,\\nwhen he was forced to flee to the corn-field, from which he\\ncould view the actions of the negroes and hear Nelson\\nsay, Now, we will have the old fox.\\nMrs. Rebecca Vaughan, a highly respected and hospita-\\nble widow, lived, with her two sons, a quarter of a mile\\nnorthwest of Mr. Jacob Williams George had gone to\\nhis brother-in-law s for his sister and was expected to\\nreturn with the fox hunters, who were to be entertained\\nbj his mother. The negroes were taken for these hunters\\nand no attempt to escape was made. Mr. Arthur Vaughan,\\nanother son, and the overseer were murdered between the\\nhouse and the still. Proceeding to the house, the negroes\\nfound two defenseless women Mrs. Vaughan^ and Miss\\niHer husband was Mr. Thomas Vaughan, This farm is now\\nowned by the Myricks. i", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0101.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "62 THE SOUTHAIVIPTON INSURRECTION.\\nAnne Eliza, daughter of Mr. John T. Vaughan, who wagf\\nvisiting her aunt and was at this time upstairs. Hearing\\nmuch talking below, she came down to see the meaniag\\nof it. She was murdered and her body thrown into the\\nyard, to decay in the hot August sun. Thus perished a\\nlovely young girl of eighteen, the beauty of the county.\\nHer aunt asked to be allowed to pray. But she prayed\\ntoo long, and after repeated oaths and threats, the negroes\\nascended the stairs and murdered her upon her knees, hec\\nblood staining the floor, upon which its traces may still\\nbe seen.\\nAfter feasting and partaking again of the famous and\\nenticing Southampton fluid, the march was resumed. The\\nnegroes now numbered about sixty, armed with guns,\\naxes, swords, clubs, and every conceivable form of\\nweapon, and Nat determined to lead them directly to\\nJerusalem. He succeeded in persuading them to pass the\\nhomes of several poor white people, but the intoxication\\nand licentiousness into which they had fallen proved too\\npowerful for him. Passing the Blackhead sign-post,\\nthey turned to the left. The courthouse was only four\\nmiles away, but they were destined not to reach it. After\\nadvancing upon this road for three-quarters of a mile,\\nthey came to the lane gate which led to the dwelling^ of\\nMr. James W. Parker. Nat wished to pass on, but his\\nmen desired to go up and enlist some of the servants, who\\nhad relatives among the insurgents. The subordinates\\nprevailed. With seven or eight men, the leader remained\\nat the gate, while their comrades proceeded to the house,\\nwhich was half a mile away. Mr. Parker s servants were\\nfaithful, however, and remembered the thoughtfulness of\\ntheir mistress,^ who, in the midst of danger and excite-\\nment, took time to prepare rations for them, as she was\\niThis place now belongs to Mr. Willie Story, of Newsom s, Va,\\n2Her maiden name was Martha Vaughan. She was a sister\\nof Mrs. Barrow and daughter of Mrs. Rebecca Vaughan.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0102.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0103.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0104.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 63\\nuncertain when she would return. Only three- of them\\nwere brought to the bar of justice; one was acquitted and\\nthe other two were discharged without trial on the testi-\\nmony of their master, that if they were guilty it was due\\nto evil influences, and that they had hitherto been faithful\\nand true. Nor did the band find any victims. Mr. Harry\\nVaughan, Mrs. Parker s uncle, had heard of their\\napproach and warned his relatives to fly to the county\\nseat. They barely escaped. Mrs. Parker returned for the\\nlittle baby, which in the excitement had been left in the\\ncradle, and she would certainly have been overtaken had\\nnot the negroes made a halt instead of obeying their\\nleader.\\nThe Parkers cellar was well stored with Southampton\\nbrandy and all the necessaries of a typical Southern\\nhome, for Mr. Parker^ was an industrious and prosperous\\nfarmer, and had accumulated much wealth previous to\\nthis unexpected occurrence. Barrels of brandy were rolled\\ninto the yard, poured into tubs, and sweetened with the\\nbest quality of loaf sugar. The blacks drank of this until\\nthe sugar was crusted upon their lips, and then lay down\\nunder the shade of the trees to slumber before returning\\nto their leader. In the meantime Nat had become impa-\\ntient and set out in search for them. He found them,\\nsome slumbering and others relating their bloody deeds.\\nThey were immediately ordered to march, as they had\\npreviously plundered the furniture in their search for\\nmoney and other valuables.-\\nRetracing their steps, they were suddenly met by a\\nbody of white men. Captain Arthur Middleton was com-\\niMr. Parker moved to Tennessee after the insurrection. He,\\nhowever, returnecl later and bought of Mr. James Trezevant the\\nfarm which Mr. Henry Ferguson now owns.\\n2lt is difficult to explain wliy they tooli all the silver and left\\nthe gold, except by the fact that only the most ignorant and\\ndeluded slaves were connected with the plot, and they had never\\nseen enough of the latter metal to know its value.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0105.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "64 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ninander of the county militia and bad collected about\\ntwenty men to resist tbe onslaught of tbe negroes. Tbey\\nreached Waller s soon after tbe blacks bad left. Seeing\\ntbe bodies of the victims, not yet cold in death, and one\\nof them, a little girl,^ still having life in it, Middleton told\\nhis men that he was going to return and look after his\\nown family. Eighteen of them refused to return, and,\\nunder command of Captains Alexander P. Peete and\\nJames Bryant, followed the trail of the negroes, now\\nmore than fifty strong, until they were overtaken in Par-\\nker s Field.-\\nThis band of eighteen whites, opening fire on those at\\nthe gate and dispersing them, advanced up the lane to\\nmeet tbe main body of the blacks, who knew nothing of\\nwhat had happened and were expecting nothing of the\\nkind. The negroes had traversed a distance of thirty\\nmiles without the least resistance, except that of a single\\n]nan, and bad committed nearly sixty murders. Yet it\\nseems remarkable that they were not determined and\\nthat a band actuated by such purposes should have\\nI esisted so feebly the first opposition. It might be thought\\nthat mere desperation would have led to greater effort for\\ndefense. But upon discovering the whites, their brave\\nspirits, due to want of forethought of the consequences,\\niiAve way and alarm seized them. Consequently, Nat\\niRer body was removed from the sun and placed under a tree,\\nbut when Captain James Bryant returned it was lifeless.\\n2Soon after leaving Waller s these men found Albert, one of\\nMr. Waller s slaves, who had fallen from his horse in a fit of\\nintoxication and was now making his way baclv home. They\\nfelt certain that he had joined the rebels, but to give him the\\nbenefit of the doubt as well as to avoid being burdened with a\\nprisoner Sampson Reese cut his heel-scrings. His master was\\nbinding up tliese wounds when the Greenesville Cavalry, under\\nDr. Scott, appeared. It very much incensed this gentleman to\\nsee a man binding up the wounds of one of the murderers of his\\nown family when their bodies were still unburied. After a se-\\nvere reprimand to the master, he ordered the negro to be tied to\\na tree and shot.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0106.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0107.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0108.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 65\\nlliouglit it best to halt and take a defensive position. Cap-\\ntain Peete^ ordered bis men to reserve their fire until\\nwithin thirty feet of the blacks. This order was obeyed\\nuntil they were within one hundred yards, when Hartie\\nJoyner,- who was second from the front, accidentally fired\\nhis gun and his horse rushed headlong into the midst of\\nthe negroes. One of the negroes was riding the mother\\nof this horse, and this fact partially explains his headlong\\ndash. Such confusion was caused among the advancing\\ncolumn that seven of the whites retreated. Thinking his\\nmen would take courage at this and that the whites had\\nonly fallen back to meet others with ammunition, Nat\\ngave the command, Fire, and, G d n them, rush!\\nThe whites, however, were not disheartened, and ten of\\nthem stood their ground until the negroes were within\\nfifty yards. They then fired and retreated. The blacks\\npursued them for two hundred yards, when, crossing a\\nlittle hill, they discovered that the whites, reinforced by\\nanother party from Jerusalem, had halted and were\\nreloading their guns. Two of the whites had been left\\nupon the field, but they were only stunned. Captain Bry-\\nant had also narrowly escaped, his horse having become\\nunmanageable. But several of the negroes being killed\\nand the bravest wounded, the others became panic-\\nstricken and scampered over the field. Seeing that his\\ncause was defeated and that more men were coming up\\nthan he saw at first, Nat determined to go by a private\\nroad, crossing the Nottoway river at the Cypress bridge,\\nthree miles below Jerusalem, and to attack the place in\\nthe rear, as he knew he was expected to come over the\\nipor his bravei-y and cool bearing on tiiis occasion tie was\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0commissioned, and qualified September 22, 1831, as colonel of\\ncavalry in the Fourth Regiment, Second Brigade.\\n2He escaped to Jerusalem, but his horse was sprinkled with\\nshot, and curiously every spot hit was afterward covered with\\nj^rey hair.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0109.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "66 THE SOUTHA]MPTON INSURRECTION.\\nJerusalem bridge. This was his only hope, as his ammu-\\nnition had almost given out.\\nThe reinforcing party proved to be from Jerusalem and\\nknew nothing of the party which had gone with Captain\\nPeete. They had been told by Mr. Parker and his family\\nthat the negroes were in the field, and had just fastened\\ntheir horses to await the return of the negroes to the road.\\nHearing the firing, they immediately rushed to the spot\\nand arrived just in time to arrest the progress of the\\nnegroes and save the lives of their friends and fellow-\\ncitizens.^ For the people of Jerusalem this was the most\\nimportant battle on record. More than sixty victorious\\nnegroes were within three miles. At least four hundred\\nwomen and children had assembled in the town and were\\nguarded by only a few men, the rest having set out in\\npursuit of the enemy. If the blacks had succeeded in\\nconquering the whites at Parker s Field they would have\\nmurdered these helpless creatures, gained arms, ammuni-\\ntion and recruits, and would have marched to the Dismal\\nSwamj), where it would have been very difficult to subdue\\nthem. As it was, not a white man was lost. This was due\\nto several causes. In the first place, the negroes fired\\nover the heads of their enemy. Secondly, they were armed\\nwith few rifles, fowling-pieces loaded with bird-shot being\\nthe general weapons. The negroes were also in want of\\nammunition and used gravel for shot, Nat insisting that\\nthe Lord had revealed that sand would answer the same\\npurpose as lead.^ The militia, too, might have effected a\\ncomplete destruction of the negroes if they had been prop-\\nyl John Vaughan, transformed into a perfect dare-devil by the\\ndepredations made upon liis relatives, three times shot the horse\\nfrom under Hark, who remounted every time, Nat himself catch-\\ning a horse that was running past and holding it for him.\\n2No doubt this was a device to prevent panic among his men-\\nHe thought he would reach Jerusalem before any very serious\\nneed would arise for ammunition, the axe and club in the mean-\\ntime sufficing for weapons of execution.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0110.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0111.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "Mrs. Clarind.i W :^U (nee Jones) and Hnsbajid.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0112.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 67\\nerly armed. But some time before the Legislature had\\nmodified the semi-annual drill and had called in the arms.\\nConsequently the whites were also armed with shot-guns\\nand insufficiently drilled. Nevertheless, the blacks had\\nbeen sufficiently routed to render further depredations\\nimpossible. The majority fled to their homes and many\\nescaped punishment by convincing their masters that they\\nwere not in the fight or that they had been forced to join\\nthe insurrectionists.^\\nTwenty, however, followed their leader toward Jerusa-\\nlem, but after going a short distance on the private road\\nthey overtook several others, who told them that the rest\\nwere dispersed in every direction. They no doubt also\\nlearned that Cypress bridge was guarded. These facts\\ndid not discourage Nat. He had more of the spirit of des-\\nperation, and, after making in vain every effort to collect\\nsufficient force to proceed to Jerusalem, he determined to\\nreturn, as he was sure the negroes had deserted toward\\ntheir old homes, where they would join him. He intended\\nto raise new recruits and begin the raid anew, and he\\nsent some of his men ahead to notify those who had\\nreturned to meet him on the Wednesday or Thursday fol-\\nlowing. Together with others, he proceeded to return by\\nanother route to Boykin s District, where most of the\\ninsurgents lived. Bending his course to the southwest, he\\nvisited the home of Mr. Sugars Bryant,^ who fled as the\\nblacks came in sight. All the whites had escaped and no\\nmore victims were found. It was now late in the afternoon\\nand there had been sufficient time for the news to spread.\\nMany of the slaves who had been forced to join the band\\nlOne of them, terribly wounded, one arm having been shot off,\\ncame to Mr. Nat Francis a few days later and asked what\\nduties he wished him to perform. Mr. Francis calmly replied\\nthat he would show him in a short time. So, talcing him up be-\\nhind his gig, he took him to the court house, had him tried and\\nhung.\\n2Mr. J. L. Bishop now owns this place.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0113.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "68: THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nlagged behind and finally deserted to inform the whites of\\nthe danger.^\\nMrs. John Thomas lived two miles to the southwest of\\nMr. Bryant s. This is one of the most beautiful and his-\\ntoric places in Virginia, surrounded by lovely oaks and\\nspacious lawns. Such now is the home and birthplace of\\nGen. George H. Thomas, at this time a mere boy of fifteen\\nyears. Mr. James Gurley, a neighbor, was on the lookout\\nfor the negroes. Keeping at a distance, he moved along\\nbefore them to warn the neighbors of their approach. It\\nwas he who rode up and told Mrs. Thomas that the insur-\\ngents had mistaken the main road and were approaching\\nby one which led to the rear of the residence. Thus she\\ndrove out of the front gate just before the rebels appeared\\nfrom the other direction. Fearing they might be over-\\ntaken if they continued in the road to Jerusalem, the\\nThomases abandoned the carriage and escaped on foot\\nthrough the woods. The stiller, seeing the insurgents\\ncoming, jumped over the well and hid in the bushes, where\\nhe could see and hear them as they assembled under his\\nEstill shed. No plundering was done, and, as the family\\nfound the dwelling as they left it, it is probable that the\\ninsurgents simply insisted that the slaves should follow\\nthem. Forcing the family slaves to halter their horses and\\nmount, Nat hastened on his way. Sam, the negro overseer,\\ntook his son Leonard with him, but whispered to him to\\ns!lide quietly off the first chance he got and to tell his\\nmother to get the keys, which he had hid in the cider-press\\nloft, and look after the affairs of the farm in his absence.\\nSam also found a chance to escape, and, putting spurs to\\nlAmong this number was a slave of Mrs. Gideon Bell. He re-\\nlated tliat his courage failed him in his determination to escape,\\nbut the brandy and powder which they gave him to incite him\\nto desperation only inspired courage, and watching his clianee\\nhe put spurs to the thorough-bred horse upon which he was rid-\\ning, and, leaving his pursuers far behind, he spread far and\\nwide intelligence of the movements of the blacks.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0114.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0115.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0116.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "THE S0UTHA3\u00c2\u00bbIPT0N INSURRECTION. 61\\nhis horse, he rode to Jerusalem, followed by the other\\nThomas negroes, and reported to his mistress. For safe\\nkeeping they were lodged in jail that night, but were\\nreleased the next morning without trial.\\nMr. James Gurley saw the insurgents following a cart\\nfilled with women and children and reported the fact to\\nMajor Pitt Thomas.^ Placing himself between the negroes\\nand the cart, Major Thomas held them at bay until the\\nlady, who proved to be Mrs. Barrett, and her children\\nescaped to the home of her mother, Mrs. Lucy Gurley.\\nThis lady w^alked up and down her front porch, declaring,\\nTil be dad if I am afraid of any negro who may come to\\nmy house. Fortunately the negroes did not come and\\nshe was saved, but her servants were not as brave as their\\nmistress and fled to the corn-field.\\nBearing around to tjhe southwest, the darkies came to\\nthe Spencer place.- They broke open the door, but the\\nfamily had fled to Cross Keys. With the same result they\\nvisited Mr. Henry Blows and other places. Then, turning\\nto the northwest, the negroes crossed the Barrow road and\\ntook the Belfield road. Walnut Hill was the first home\\non this road. Mr. Harry Vaughan, a bachelor, lived here,\\nand, on hearing of the rising of the negroes, he assembled\\nhis servants and told them that they were at liberty to do\\nas they liked, either to remain or to go with the insur-\\ngents. They chose the former course, and not one of them\\ndeserted, though their gate was passed as the band pro-\\nceeded to Buckhorn, Major Thomas Ridley s Quarter,\\nwhere they stopped to spend the night. Sterling Lanier,\\nthe overseer, jumped into the cotton patch and escaped.\\nFour of the Ridley negroes joined the insurgents, who had\\nagain recruited to the number of forty. Two of the four\\niThe commission of Major of Infantry in the Sixty-fiftli Regi-\\nment was given liim, and lie qualified September 8, 1831. This^\\nwas in recognition of his deeds on this occasion.\\n2N0W owned by Mrs. Bettie Pope.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0117.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "70 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nCurtis and Stephen were sent off to make new recruits\\nin the neighborhood of Newsom s and Allen s Quarter,^\\nhaving been told by Nat that the whites were too much\\nalarmed to make any resistance. But they soon discov-\\nered their delusion, were captured, and hanged.\\nPosting sentinels, Nat lay down to sleep for the night.\\nBut he was soon aroused by the signal of one of the senti-\\nnels, who reported that they were about to be attacked.\\nHe awoke and found a great stampede, some of his men\\nmounted and others in great confusion. Some of the\\nbravest were ordered to ride around and reconnoitre. On\\ntheir return, the other men, not knowing who they were,\\nbecame alarmed and fled, so that the number was again\\nreduced to about twenty. It was now necessary to take\\nactive measures and to exert every effort to make a grand\\nrally in the neighborhood from which they had started.\\nSo, marching at rapid speed, Nat led his men to the house\\nof Dr. Simon Blunt,^ who lived a mile and a quarter away.\\nThis gentleman w^as a positive but indulgent master. On\\nthe morning of the 22d, when he heard that the negroes\\nhad risen, he assembled his slaves and stated the facts of\\nthe case. True to his trust, he told them to take their\\nchoice remain and defend him and his family or join the\\ninsurgents. The advice and warning of the master had its\\neffect. His slaves had the utmost confidence in his words,\\nand replied that they would die in his defense. There were\\nonly six guns, one more than enough for the whites, two\\nmen and three boys. So, arming themselves with grubbiiig-\\nhoes, pitch-forks, and other farm implements, the slaves\\nstationed themselves in the kitchen at the side of the\\nhouse, while the whites protected the dwelling. Such\\nmutual confidence is remarkable, slaves defending a white\\nfamily and whites preferring their protection to that of a\\niNow Sunbeam.\\n2Mr. Sugars Pope now owns Belmont.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0118.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "^.S^ iT 5.-. rfa*?i", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0119.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0120.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 71\\nbody of their own race, who had fortified the home of\\nMajor Thomas Eidley, a few miles away, where the women\\nand children of the neighborhood were assembled.^ Nat\\ndid not expect to find any of the White people at home,\\nimd only intended to enlist the servants. The yard gate\\nwas locked and chained, and when one of the men tried\\nto unlock it Nat remarked that he could not be stopped\\nby a fence, and ordered the gate to be broken down. Hark-\\nwas the commander on this occasion. On riding through\\nthe yard, he fired a gun, to ascertain whether any of the\\nfamily were at home, and immediately young Simon\\nBlunt^ and Futrell, the overseer, opened fire.* Jt was just\\nlAmong those who had fled here were the wife and children\\nof Mr. Robert Nicholson, who lived at the Yellow House, the\\nfarm adjoining Dr. Blunt s. He was away from home, and his\\nwife was undecided what to do when she was told by one of her\\nservants that the negi-oes had risen. She feared betrayal to the\\ninsurgents, but the faithful old darliy pleaded, and raising his\\nhands with the utterance, I declar fore God dey is commin he\\npersuaded her to follow him to Major Ridley s. Every moment\\nthe guard here assembled expected the arrival of the insurgents\\nand resolved to die or conquer. So great was their indignation\\nthat it was all the ladies could do to save the nurse of Mrs,\\nNicholson from being thrown from the window when she re-\\nmarked that she wished that they would come along, as she\\nwished to see them fight. This expectation was not to be real-\\nized, however.\\n2Hark was the negro version of Hercules, and they also called\\nhim General Moore, as he had originally belonged to Mr.\\nThomas Moore. Probably the name Hark was the more readily\\nassumed from the fact that Hark Travis had heard of a famous\\nnegi o general named Hark, who served under Saood II., the\\nleader of the Wahabees, the reforming Mohammedans of Arabia.\\nThis general, about 1810, carried his arms across the Euphrates\\nand threatened Damascus.\\nsGommodore Elliott, of the United States steamer Natchez,\\nrendered efficient aid in suppressing this insurrection, and he\\nwas much impressed with the bravery of young Blunt. The\\nRichmond Compiler of September 8, says: Elliott is a fine fel-\\nlow. The good feeling he manifested by his prompt action in\\ndefense of Southampton has endeared him still more to me, as I\\nam sure it will to every true-hearted Virginian. This was the\\nman who related the story to President Jackson. The latter was\\nso impressed with the account of the defense at Blunt s that he", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0121.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "72 THE SOUTHAJNIPTOX INSURRECTION.\\nbefore the break of day ou the morning of August 23, and\\nall night had the arrival of the negroes been awaited.\\nFutrell was on the porch and the others on the inside.\\nThey had established a systematic mode of defense. Those\\non the inside, assisted by the women, were, in addition ta\\nfiring, to load the guns and pass them out of the windoAV\\nto him, and after the rebels had been put to confusion the\\nslaves were to rush out and make an attack. The gate\\nwas eighty yards from the house and the negroes entered\\ncautiously until within twenty yards, when the gun was\\nfired. This shot was fatal. The commander. Hark, fell\\nat the first fire and crawled off into the cotton patch,\\nwhere lie was ca})tured by the slaves.^ One other was\\nkilled and several wounded and captured, but the rest of\\nthe negroes retreated in all directions, w hen the slaves\\nrushed out and assisted most heartily in the repulse and\\ntaking of prisoners. It was one of them, Frank, who\\nmade the first capture.- This was the last stand made by\\nimmediately commissioned Simon Blunt, a lad of fifteen, a mid-\\nshipman in the United States Navy under Elliott s command.\\nBlunt distinguished himself under such an efficient commander\\nand rose to the ofiice of lieutenant. Loved and esteemed by all,\\nhe died in Baltimore, April 27, 1854.\\nMr. W. N. Ragland, of Petersburg, owns a clock which be-\\nlonged to Dr. Blunt, and which still has the shot embedded in it\\nwhich was fired bj^ the insurgents.\\niHe was dangerously wounded, and Dr. Blunt kept him for\\nseveral days, nm sing his w^ounds. He was then taken to the\\ncounty jail, where every attention was paid him, his wounds\\ndressed and the best of food given him. It is proverbial in the\\ncounty how he cracked the chicken bones with his teeth. He\\nwas too valuable a witness, and it was necessary to have his\\ntestimony in the trials of his associates. It was in this helpless\\ncondition, the doctors feeling his pulse and propped up on pil-\\nlows so he could see them, that he, at his own request, received\\nthe Thomas family, to whom he talked freely and remarked. If\\nyou had been at home you would not be here now.\\n2His prisoner was ^.loses, who belonged to Mr. Thomas Bar-\\nrow, and who, when within thirty feet of the liouse, dismounted\\nand chased ^lary, a negro girl, who, according to the instructions\\nof her mistress, was fleeing with her little child. She ran into", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0122.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0123.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0124.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 73\\nthe blacks. Nat determined to retrace the route he had\\ntaken the day before. But he was very much discouraged,\\nas the people of his own color had turned against him.^\\nHe turned to the southwest and came to Captain Harris\\nwhere he had been the day before. In the woods near this\\nplace the Greenesville cavalry charged the few who still\\nclung together and killed nearly all of them, among the\\nkilled being Will, the savage executioner.-\\nTwo, however, Jacob and Nat remained faithful to\\ntheir leader and, with him, concealed themselves in the\\nswamp until nearly night, when Nat sent them in search\\nof Henry, Sam, Nelson, and Hark, to direct them to rally\\ntheir men at the Cabin Pond, the rendezvous of the pre-\\nceding Sunday. He himself immediately retired thither.\\nThe next day he saw white men riding around in search\\nof him. He then concluded that Jacob and Nat had been\\ntaken and compelled to betray him. They were taken,\\nand, it is very likely, betrayed him, as the whites had dis-\\ncovered the place of general rendezvous, but they had also\\nhelped to encourage the fugitives and to circulate their\\nleader s orders. Nat was discouraged by the appearance\\nof the white men on Wednesday and gave up all hope for\\nthe present. On Thursday night, supplying himself with\\nthe garden and made the child hide in the bushes, while she\\nreturned to meet her pursuer. But Frank had seen the chase\\nand followed Moses, who ran, shouting, G d d n you, I have\\ngot you, and captured him, without the least resistance, in the\\ncorner of the fence.\\nJit is said he remarked, We must turn to the north.\\n2For months skeletons could be seen in these woods.\\n3At the trial of Mr. Benjamin Edwards negroes, two who had\\nremained constant testified that on Tuesday, while the white\\npeople and some other slaves were at Waller s burying the dead,\\nThomas Haithcock, a free negro, and four boys came to Mr.\\nEdwards and stated that General Nat would be there on\\nWednesday or Thursday to enlist four likely boys belonging\\nto this gentleman. These negroes confessed that they had been\\nwith the insurgents and intended to join them again, and per-\\nsuaded three of these likely boys to consent to go with them.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0125.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "74 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nprovisions from Mr. Travis he scratched a hole under a\\npile of fence rails in a field and concealed himself therein.^\\nHe knew that he was suspected of being concealed in the\\nwoods, so was careful to select a spot elsewhere. Here\\nhe lay hid for six weeks, never venturing out except for a\\nfew minutes in the dead of night to get water, which,\\nhowever, was very near.\\nThe course traveled by the insurgents is somewhat\\nroughly represented by the figure eight, and well char-\\nacterizes their ideas and knowledge of the country, and\\nshows a general want of aim, purpose, and discipline.\\nDetachments visited the places lying within this bound-\\nary, as also those contiguous to its exterior, but no one\\nwas there murdered. The whites had been warned by\\nloyal slaves and fled.-\\nPURSUIT AND CAPTURE OF THE INSUR-\\nGENTS. The resistance offered at Parker s Field\\nand at Belmont was sufficient to completely quell\\nthe insurgents. For a day and night the negroes\\nhad traversed the country, leaving desolation in their\\niThis cave is on the farra now owned by Mr. Albert Francis.\\n2Many residences of important and distinguished citizens\\nschools and chm-clies lay within this space. Mr. John K. Wil-\\nliams was the principal of the school attended by the chddren of\\nthe neighborhood of Cross Keys, and he had assembled his pu-\\npils when it was announced that the negroes were making in\\nthe direction of his school, which was a short distance from the\\nmain road and about a mile from Mr. Nat Francis s. This man\\nnever recovered from the shock. He became almost insane\\nfrom grief, and at Branch s Bridge, which is on the Virginia\\nand Carolina line, and was consequently well guarded and a\\nplace of refuge, Mr. Williams wished to kill every negro who\\ncame in siglit. It was with difiiculty that he was restrained\\nfrom killing a negro boy who had been sent to report the condi-\\ntion of affairs in the neighborhood of the riot. Mrs. Nathan\\nPope, of Newsom s, is the daughter of Mr. Williams.\\nTurner s Old Meeting House, which claimed the membership\\nof the majority of the murdered victims, stood within these\\nbounds. This church still stands, and though its name is changed,\\nbears witness to the days of August, 1831.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0126.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0127.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0128.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSTIRIIECTION. 75\\ntrack, and had yet met with no resistance. This might lead\\nto the supposition that the people of Southampton were\\nignorant, undisciplined, or cowardly. But sucli was not\\nthe explanation of Nat s success. No sign of rebellious\\nspirit had appeared among the slaves, and the leaders had\\nbeen especially industrious and obedient preceding the\\n21st of August. The citizens had been thrown completely\\noff their guard. Many of them were attending the camp-\\nmeeting^ in Gates county. North Carolina, whither had\\nassembled people from all the neighboring counties of\\nVirginia and North Carolina to spend some days in the\\naccustomed manner of such religious meetings. Thirty\\nmiles from home, they could know nothing of what was\\ngoing on. Monday morning a man rode at full speed into\\nthe camp, crying at the top of his voice: The negroes\\nare in a state of insurrection in Southampton county and\\nare killing every white person from the cradle up, and\\nare coming this way. No organized effort, under such\\ncircumstances, could be made. Each one thought first of\\nhis own home, and set out immediately to find his rela-\\ntives, some murdered and others in the greatest state of\\nconfusion. Then, too, the commencement of the raid\\nwas in the dead of night, and the murderers, proceeding\\nnoiselessly from farm to farm, had spared none who\\nmight spread the alarm. When morning came no one\\nwas left but slaves, and they were threatened with their\\nlives if any signs of loyalty to the whites were exhibited.\\nMany of them had witnessed the great success of the\\ninsurgents and the lack of opposition. These circum-\\nstances gave a temporary security to the negroes. The\\nservants who gave the alarm were members mostly of\\nhomes which had not yet been visited. Seeing the insur-\\ngents in time, they had rescued their owners before ap-\\npearing among the blacks. Even those negroes who had\\niCamp-meetings were not so frequent in this section after this.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0129.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "76 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nbeen persuaded or forced to join the band, and who after-\\nward became disheartened, were afraid to report the true\\nnature of the insurrection, and said the British were the\\noffenders. The white people would more readily believe\\nthis than that their slaves were guilty. This report like-\\nwise reached the neighboring counties, where some of\\nthe negroes signified their desire to join the British in\\nkilling the whites. The Greenesville cavalry, on its way\\nto the scene of the massacre, was met by some women\\nand children fleeing to Belfield. Taking the cavalry for a\\nbody of the British, they fled precipitately. Not until nine\\nor ten o clock on Monday was it fully and generally ascer-\\ntained that the slaves had risen. There was, as in all Vir-\\nginia counties, a local militia, but it was difficult to assem-\\nble it quickly. The members lived some distance apart,\\nand each naturally thought of the safety of his family\\nbefore answering the summons to assemble at Jerusalem.\\nConsequently, it was Tuesday before the regiment could\\nbe mustered. Still a small force had assembled on Mon-\\nday, and it was this body that came to the rescue of the\\neighteen whites at Parker s Field.\\nOn account of the first report that the British were in\\nthe county, and afterward, when the number of slaves\\nwas so exaggerated, the people thought it best to fortify\\nthe principal rivers and roads to prevent the spread of the\\ninsurrection into other counties of Virginia and North\\nCarolina. They knew that the enemy were between the\\nBlackwater, the Nottowaj the Chowan, and Meherrin\\nrivers. Consequently, Cross Keys, Branch s bridge. Boy-\\nkin s bridge, Haley s bridge, Belfield, Cary s bridge, and\\nother places were fortified and made rendezvous for the\\nwomen and children. This done, a small squad was left\\nto protect the helpless, and the rest set out in search of\\nthe rebellious blacks. The young men and those who\\nhad no families assembled first, many being drafted as\\nthev were met. The men east of Nottowav river col-", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0130.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "tt^iLli^\\nParker s Gate.\\nBattk rield in Parker s Field.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0131.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0132.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUHRECTION. 77\\nlected the women and children under a sufficient guard\\nat such places as Vicksville before rendering aid to the\\ncitizens of West Southampton. Ample assistance was\\nafterward oifered, but the riot had been practically sup-\\npressed by the Southampton militia and patrol before the\\nknowledge of it had reached to any distance.\\nThere were no ready means of communication, and the\\nsoldiers had to make their way up the navigable rivers to\\nthe nearest points and then on foot over the country roads\\nto the scene of action. Consequently, it took some time\\nfor assistance to arrive, though lines of communication\\nwere established by means of couriers traveling from\\nJerusalem to Petersburg, Richmond, Smithfield, Suffolk,\\nNorfolk, Murfreesboro, and other places of importance.^\\nSuch exaggerated reports, too, were in circulation that the\\ndistant militia had to look to the security of their own\\nsections before leaving home.- Such was the excitement\\nin Richmond and its vicinity that patrols were estab-\\nlished in every section, and no one could enter a district\\nafter dark without danger of being killed or arrested,\\nunder suspicion of inciting rebellion among the slaves.^\\nlit Is said that Mr. Thomas Joues killed two horses in carrjang\\nthe report of the trouble to the Governor.\\n2The report was that the insurgents numbered one hundred\\nand fifty mounted and the same number on foot, all armed with\\nclubs, axes, scythes, fowling-pieces, and had killed sixty or sev-\\nenty people. The battle at Parker s Field was said to have\\namounted to only a defeat of the blacks, in which but six were\\nkilled, eight wounded and the rest of the above number left\\nto make their way to South Quay and probably to the Dismal\\nSwamp. As late as the 23d it was reported in Richmond that\\nseventy whites had been killed, and the militia in a body of\\nthree hundred, the powder with which they loaded their shot-\\nguns having been ruined, as reported, by a shower of rain, were\\nretreating before six or eight hundred negroes.\\n3Mr. John G. Stanard, of Roxbury, Spottsylvania county, on\\nMonday evening, when the news of the insurrection reached\\nRichmond, was in the city and intended leaving that night. He\\ncame by private conveyance, as there were no railroads. He\\nhad to hasten away before guards were stationed to prevent the", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0133.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "78 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nGen. W. H. Brodnax, who had retired to Greenesville\\ncounty to take command of the forces there, and with\\nwhom General Eppes had established communication,\\nwrote the Governor, on the 25th: The consternation\\nunfortunately was not confined to the county where the\\ndanger existed, but extended over all immediately about\\nit. Not a white family in many neighborhoods remained\\nat home, and many went to other counties, and the rest\\nassembled at different points in considerable numbers for\\nmutual protection. In numerous instances females, with\\ntheir children, fled in the night with but one imperfect\\ndress and no provisions. I found every hovel at Hicks\\nFord literally filled with women and children, with no\\nway to lodge but in heaps on the floors, without an article\\nof food or the means of procuring or cooking provisions.\\nOther engagements of primary necessity prevented any\\nattempt to ascertain their numbers. The charity of the\\nfew residents of the village would have been greatly\\ninadequate to their support, and many seemed willing to\\nencounter starvation itself rather than return home\\nunprotected and while their husbands and sons were in\\nthe field. In Mecklenburg county the committee of\\nsafety wrote the Governor as follows: Properly armed,\\nwe have entire confidence in our ability to defend our-\\nselves, as well as to give aid to other places which may\\nbe threatened. Up to this time (August 25) there has\\nbeen no insurrection or movement in this county, but we\\ncannot expect forbearance if the insurgents below us are\\npassa.!^ of citizens. When be reached Merry Oak Tavern, in\\nHanover county, it was closed. After repeated knocking and\\nbanging at the door, someone polced his head out from a garret\\nwindow and yelled that no one could get in there that night.\\nRiding on, he was charged upon by a body of patrol, who\\nthought at first that he was a negro and afterwards an accom-\\nplice. He, too, had taken them for negroes. But having con-\\nvinced them of his true character he was released. It was, how-\\never, late in the night before he secured a resting place.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 W. G.\\nStanard, Secretary of the Virginia Historical Society.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0134.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0135.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0136.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 79\\nnot speedily quelled. We consider that less time will be\\nlost by Your Excellency s pressing or otherwise procuring\\nwagons to transport arms hither. This expresses the\\nstate of affairs in a county whose inhabitants consisted\\nof eight thousand whites and twelve thousand blacks. In\\nGreenesville county the negroes, several hundred strong,\\nwere reported to be in communication with those of\\nNorth Carolina and to be marching to the assistance of\\nthe insurgents of Southampton, and videttes were estab-\\nlished between Hicks Ford and Lawrenceville, Bruns-\\nwick county.\\nNor was the excitement and exaggeration less in South-\\nampton. The people fled to North Carolina and the neigh-\\nboring counties, or collected at the public places under\\nguard. A citizen^ says: ^I recollect some of the incidents\\nwith as much vividness as if they had occurred only yes-\\nterday; the arrival of my Aunt Pierre at our farm from\\nher abode a mile distant the meeting took place at a\\nwell on our farm she had in her hand a bag of bank\\nnotes, for my uncle was a capitalist she burst into tears\\non meeting my mother, and lamentations by both and\\ncries of distress were heard. It was but natural. All the\\nfamilies for some miles arOund assembled at Vicksville,\\na mile from our farm; a number of men guarded them,\\nwhile a still more numerous body went together in search\\nof the negroes who had risen in rebellion. We were in\\nVicksville some days; I know I slept on the floor, and the\\nfiring of shotguns was almost incessant.\\nThe same excitement prevailed in North Carolina, and\\nthe people rushed to the county seats and little villages\\nfor protection. It was court week, says John Wheeler,\\nof Miirfreesboro,- and most of our men were twelve miles\\naway, in Win ton. Fear was seen in every face; women\\niW. O. Denegre. St. Paul, Minn.\\n^Baltimore Gazette.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0137.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "80 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\npale and terror-stricken, children crying for protection,\\nmen fearful and full of foreboding, but determined to be\\nready for the worst. The alarm was given by a lily-\\nlivered boy, who rode post haste into town, that a hostile\\nforce was within eight miles. This report caused the\\ngreatest consternation. A respectable and aged gentle-\\nman, Mr. Thomas Weston, was so disturbed that he died\\nof excitement. The citizens immediately formed a com-\\npany and set out to meet the enemy, but the report proved\\nfalse.^ Such was the state of things in all the other coun-\\nties. A citizen- of Northampton county, North Carolina,\\nsays: One of the most memorable years in the history of\\nNorthampton county was the year of 1831, the year of\\nNat Turner s Southampton insurrection, which occurred\\nin August of that year. Railroads and telegraphs were\\nthen unknown; couriers and fast horses supplied their\\nplaces. The day after the insurrection over night, couriers\\nwere sent in every direction to notify the people. North-\\nampton county, on Roanoke river, was the central point\\nof attraction. Several thousand negroes were known to\\nbe on the great river plantations between Weldon and the\\nline of Bertie county. Some of the negroes who had\\nbeen captured in Southampton with arms in their hands\\nhad stated that the uprising on Roanoke was to have\\nbeen simultaneous with that in Southampton, but that\\nthe mistake of a week in point of time had prevented it.\\nThe Johnsons, Longs, Amises, Lockharts, Exums, Pol-\\nlocks, and others owned thousands of negroes on their\\nextensive plantations on the river. The news left the im-\\npression on the minds of many that the Roanoke negroes\\nwould rise at the appointed time, which was just one week\\nafter the Southampton insurrection. The whole country\\nlA citizen of Murfreesboro, in Norfolk Herald, first Saturdav in\\nSeptember, 1831.\\n2Col. D. H. Hardee, in Patron and Gleanor, Rich Square, Nortli\\nCarolina.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0138.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0139.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0140.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 81\\nwas thrown into the greatest consteruation. Almost every\\nday some reports were started which produced great\\nalarm. Many horses were killed by the couriers from rapid\\nriding carrying the latest news from point to point. One\\ncourier from the river plantations brought the news to\\nJackson that five hundred negroes from Pollock s planta-\\ntion were within six miles of Jackson. Other alarming\\nreports were hourly coming in. In Gumberry, where\\nmy father lived, three or four families would meet\\ntogether at a neighbor s house for mutual protec-\\ntion. A letter from Halifax, North Carolina, dated\\nAugust 24, says: I want you to send me, per the\\nfirst boat, two kegs of gunpowder. The negroes have\\nrisen against the white people and the whole country is\\nin an uproar. We have to keep guard night and day.\\nWe have had no battle yet, but it is expected every\\nhour.\\nIt was natural, under the circumstances, that homes\\nshould be well fortified and guarded before any assist-\\nance was sent to the people of Southampton. This having\\nbeen done, forces poured in from all directions, so that by\\nThursday, the 25th, there were three thousand troops on\\nthe way to Southampton and more preparing to set out.\\nRichmond lies about eighty miles to the north of South-\\nampton, but a. courier had made his way thither by Mon-\\nday night. The Governor immediately took prompt and\\nefficient means to render assistance. He called out the\\nmilitia of all the eastern counties and forced into service\\nall the horses and wagons convenient to bear arms and\\nammunition to the scene. Eight hundred stand of arms\\nwere sent for the militia of Nansemond, Isle of WMght,\\nand Surry counties, besides those sent to Southampton\\nand to the other counties of Virginia. After a temporary\\ncompany of cavalry had been formed for home protection\\niNorfolk Beacon, Saturday, August 27, 1831.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0141.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "82 THE SOUTHAIVIPTON INSURRECTION.\\nand a force provided for nightly patrol, the two volunteer\\ncompanies of Richmond the Light Dragoons, under\\nCaptain Randolph Harrison, and the Lafayette Artillery,\\nunder Captain John B. Richardson ^left for the scene of\\naction. The former left at 5 o clock on Tuesday, to travel\\nthe country road, and reached Southampton on Wednes-\\nday night; the latter, with four field pieces, embarked\\nupon the steamboat Norfolk, to land at Smithfield, at\\nwhich place they arrived, with one thousand stand of\\narms, on Thursday.\\nA gentleman, riding from Suffolk, reported the uprising\\nin Southampton to the people of Norfolk on Tuesday\\nmorning. The authorities of Norfolk immediately\\nappealed, through Captain Capron, of the Norfolk Inde-\\npendent Volunteers, to Colonel House, who w^as at the\\ntime in command at Fortress Monroe. At o clock on\\nWednesday morning Colonel House embarked on board\\nthe steamer Hampton, with three companies of soldiers\\nand a piete of artillery. Colonel House, however, turned\\nover the command to Colonel Worth and Major Kirby,\\nwho were reinforced in Hampton Roads by detachments\\nfrom the United States ships Warren and Natchez. These\\ndetachments were commanded by Commodore Elliott,\\nwho, though just from a long cruise, insisted on going in\\nperson to the scene of action. This force of near*ly three\\nhundred men landed at Suffolk and marched to South-\\nampton, which they reached Saturday evening and left\\nSunday at 2 p. m. The Norfolk Junior Volunteers, under\\nLieutenant Newton, and the Portsmouth Greys, under\\nCaptain Watts, left Tlmrsday morning on the steamboat\\nConstitution for Smithfield, where, on Friday, they were\\nmet by the Richmond Artillery as they were returning\\nhome. The Norfolk and Portsmouth companies conse-\\nquently reversed their course. The citizens of Norfolk\\nand Portsmouth also accoutred, formed themselves into\\ncompanies of ca^ alry and set out to aid their fellow", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0142.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0143.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0144.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 88\\ncitizens. Commodore Warrington, at the request of the\\ncivil authorities of Norfolk, forwarded from the Gosport\\nNavy Yard muskets, pistols, swords, and ammunition, to\\nbe sent by way of Suffolk to the citizens of Southampton,\\nThe Sussex regiment, four companies from Petersburg,.\\nand one from Prince George, under Captain Edward Ruf-\\niin, marched for Southampton. In addition to these. Gen-\\neral Brodnax held the Brunswick and Greenesville militia,\\ntogether with a fine troop of cavalry from Mecklenburg,\\nready to lend assistance at any moment. The Isle of\\nWight, Nansemond, and Surry troops were guarding the\\nborders of the counties to prevent an escape of the insur-\\ngents to the Dismal Swamp. Their citizens also did active\\nservice in furnishing horses and carts for the transporta-\\ntion of the above-mentioned arms and ammunition from\\nSmithfield and Sullolk to Southampton, as well as in pro-\\nviding couriers for carrying news.^\\nNorth Carolina, too, gave generous and I eady aid.\\nHertford county proceeded to fortify her bridges, ferries,\\nand villages, and, this accomplished, troops liastened to\\nSouthampton. Winton, the county seat, retaining a\\nguard of seventy-five men, armed and equipped sixty\\nothers and sent them to the scene of insurrection, while\\nMurfreesboro sent one hundred, between two and three\\nhundred having been left to protect her inhabitants. The\\nNorthampton militia actually reached Southampton and\\nthe Gates militia was called out and ready to march at the\\nfirst summons. The Roanoke Blues, of Halifax county,\\ncommanded by Colonel Jesse H. Simmons, reached\\nVirginia Tuesday evening, while the rest of her militia,\\nunder Colonel Johnson, was held in readiness in case of\\nan emergency. Couriers were passing to and fro to notify\\nthem in case they were needed and to keep the Carolinians\\niThe Legislature of the succeeding Avinter rewarded many of\\nthese citizens for the losses they had experienced on this ac-\\ncount.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0145.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "S4: THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ninformed of the state of affairs. The militia of many of\\nthe counties of Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina\\nwere called out and held in readiness to suppress any\\nattempt at servile insurrection. General Eppes, of Sussex\\ncounty, was in command of the eastern division of Vir-\\nginia, and consequently all forces reported to him.\\nThe Southampton militia and citizens had fought well,\\nhad dispersed the rebels, and captured or killed all of\\nthem hj Thursday except Nat Turner. But they were\\ngreatly assisted in the capture by the cavalry troops from\\nabroad. Southampton was deficient in cavalry, which\\nwas especially needed. Consequently, many of the troops\\nof cavalry remained, while the infantry returned,^ in obe-\\ndience to the general orders of General Eppes, issued on\\nWednesday, the 24th, which said the scene of the mas-\\nsacre was perfectly quiet and no more troops were needed.\\nIn a letter of the same date to the Governor he stated that\\nall the insurgents had either been killed or captured\\nexcept the leader.^\\nThe condition of atfairs in Southampton for about ten\\ndays after the massacre is best described by a committee\\nof citizens in a letter to President Jackson, on the 29th\\nof August, of which the following is an extract: Most of\\nthe havoc has been confined to a limited section of our\\ncounty, but so inhuman has been the butchery, so indis-\\ncriminate the carnage, that the tomahawk and scalping\\nknife have now no horrors. Along the road traveled by\\nlOne of the Norfolk volunteers wrote on Friday, August 27:\\nWe succeeded in taking twelve men and one woman prisoner\\nwho, it appeared, had taken part in the massacre of the inhabi-\\ntants of this county, together with the celebrated Nelson, fre-\\nquently called by the blacks General Nelson. in fact,\\nall the ringleadei s, with the exception of the prophet, have been\\ntaken or killed. Several of those who have been taken prisoners\\nhave confessed partly to the murder. Norfolk Beacon.\\n2lt appears from this that the report was true that Nat told\\nhis men at Blunt s that he was going to look out for himself\\n-and that they must do the same.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0146.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0147.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0148.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURIIEOTION. 85\\nour rebellious blacks, comprising a distance of something\\nlike twenty-seven miles, no white soul now lives to tell\\nhow iiendlike was their purpose. In the bosom of almost\\nevery family this enemy still exists. Our homes, those\\nnear the scenes of havoc, as well as others more remote,\\nhave all been deserted and our families gathered together\\nand guarded at public places in the county; and, still\\nfurther, the excitement is so great that were the justices\\nto pronounce a slave innocent, we fear a mob would be the\\nconsequence. Consequently, many rebels were shot, and\\nsome innocent negroes suffered.^ Some prisoners taken\\nnear Cross Keys were shot by the Murfreesboro troops,\\nunder Mr. John Wheeler.- The heads of these negroes\\nwere stuck up on poles, and for weeks their grinning\\nskulls remained, a warning to all who should undertake\\na similar plot. With the same purpose, the captain of the\\nmarines, as they marched through Vicksville on their way\\nhome, bore upon his sword the head of a rebel. The fol-\\nlowing is from the Norfolk Herald of August 29th Our\\nWinton, friend says, report says four of the desperadoes\\nwere preachers, and the one who commanded at the\\nbattle was a preacher, and assisted in murdering his mis-\\ntress (Mrs. Whitehead). After they were dispersed this\\nrascal returned home and pleaded that he was forced bj^\\nthe others. Ten of the mounted men from this county\\ncalled at Whitehead s to see the horrors that had been\\nlit is said that some citizens who had been on Tuesday in\\nsearch of rebels stopped at the Turner place for the night. Next\\nmorning a negro servant, while getting the saddles to harness\\nthe horses, was taken for a rebel and shot dead by Mr. Howell\\nHarris, Avho was suddenly aroused from his sleep.\\n2He was father of the historian, John H. Wheeler. Mr. Fran-\\ncis entered the old store house at Cross Keys, where several\\nprisoners were confined, and catching sight of Easter, who had\\nsaved his wife, embraced her with tears in his eyes and caused\\nher immediate release. But, beholding Charlotte, he dragged\\nher out, tied her to an oak tree, and she was riddled with bul-\\nlets, he firing the first shot. The tree died from the number of\\nshot which pierced it.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0149.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "86 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ncommitted there, when this fellow came out, meeting\\nthem with smiles, and commenced telling them how\\nroughly the negroes had also treated him. Some South-\\nampton gentlemen who were with them as guides told\\nthem that he commanded the group at Parker s old field,\\nwhen they all fired on him and he fell dead near the\\nremains of his mistress.\\nBut, considering that Southampton was the scene of\\nthe massacre, her citizens did not commit as many errors\\nas did those of other counties. General Eppes, in an\\nofficial letter, dated August 31, noting the apprehension\\nwhich prevailed among the negroes, said: Coupled\\nwith the violence done upon some in the neighborhood,\\nwho had been shot at sight, even without knowing who\\nthey were, it does not seem to me remarkable that they\\nshould be under apprehension. But, referring to a case\\nin a neighboring county, where a negro had been exam-\\nined, discharged, and afterward shot, he adds: I put an\\nend to this inhuman butchery in two days, dispersed the\\ntroops from where they were assembled: the citizens\\nretired, and I have not heard of an act of violence since,\\nexcept upon the rebels in arms who refused to surrender.\\nThere was far less of this indiscriminate murder than\\nmight have been expected, and as many guilty negroes\\nescaped as innocent ones perished. Two of the negroes\\nof Mr. James Parker were discharged on his evidence\\nthat they had previously been of good character and that\\nif they were guilty it was due to evil persuasion. They\\nwere sent South, however. Some years later Mr. Parker\\n.saw an account of the execution of a negro in Mississippi\\nfor attempted insurrection and rebellion. On the gallows\\nhe gave his name and confessed that he formerly belonged\\nto Mr. James W. Parker, of Virginia, and had been sent\\niThis fellow probably commanded the group dispersed at\\nParker s gate.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0150.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "s\\nT\\ntn\\nOi\\nn\\no\\nS-\\nO\\n\u00c2\u00abn", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0151.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0152.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 87\\nthither for a crime similar to the one for which he was\\nabout to atone.\\nMr. Henry DeBerry lived in Northampton county,\\nNorth Carolina, about thirty miles from Cross Keys. Mrs.\\nDeBerry, her fourteen-months-old infant and nurse,\\naccompanied by two lady friends, were at the camp-\\nmeeting in Gates county when it was reported that the\\nnegroes were in a state of rebellion in Southampton. In\\nthe wi^d and hurried excitement, Mrs. DeBerry did not\\nnotice the route her driver had taken, having perfect\\nconfidence in him, until she met four men, who told her\\nshe had taken the wrong road and was within a few miles\\nof the scene of the insurrection. The driver insisted\\nhe was going the right way, but on the appearance of Mr.\\nDeBerry, who had heard of the insurrection and started\\nin search of his wife, the negro admitted that he intended\\nto carry the ladies to Nat Turner, kill them, take the\\nhorses and join the insurgents. Only the pleadings of his\\nwife and these gentlemen restrained Mr. DeBerry in his\\ndetermination to kill the negro. He was sent South and\\nabout twent} years ago the children of the family received\\nA letter from this former slave, who was then in Lou-\\nisiana, desiring to know about the family. He said For\\nfear the old people are dead and the young ones will not\\njecognize me, I am Otie, the carriage driver, who\\nattempted to carry my kind and good mistress to old Nat\\nTurner s insurrection. Many other negroes escaped\\nthrough the charity of their owners or the reason and\\nprotection of some influential person. Major Pitt Thomas\\nprevented the murder of several prisoners at Cross Keys\\nby stepping between the negroes and those about to\\nhoot, and saying it was time for such things to stop, and\\nthat the prisoners should be treated well and have fair\\ntrials. Colonel W. C. Parker, who had served in the War\\nof 1812 on the Canadian border, and who was at this time\\na distinguished lawyer of Jerusalem, persuaded the people", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0153.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "80 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nto spare the prisoners in the Jail. Colonel Parker had also\\ncommanded a party of thirty or forty men who took part\\nin capturing the insurgents.\\nIt was throug h the influence of such men that confi-\\ndence was restored and the citizens returned to their\\nhomes. General Eppes wrote the Governor on the 24th\\nthat the affair had been exaggerated, and that twenty\\nresolute men could at any time have overcome the insur-\\ngents. General Brodnax substantiated this evidence in a\\nletter dated the 25th, in which he said to the Governor he\\nhad dismissed the Sixty-sixth and Ninety-sixth Kegi-\\nments, of Brunswick, who, with the Greenesville militia\\nand a body of cavalry from Mecklenburg, had assembled\\nat the first alarm, and that so completely had the people\\nbeen convinced of the futility of the alarm that they had\\nreturned home from Hicks Ford.\\nBut the citizens could not be entirely at ease. The\\nleader of the insurgents was still at large. For weeks he\\nlay in his cave, though diligently hunted, and it is said\\nmen rode over him in their search. Not only were the\\npeople of Southampton active, but all Virginia, as well\\nas Maryland and North Carolina, exerted every effort ta\\neffect his capture. In September the Governor of Virginia\\nissued a proclamation offering a reward of five hundred\\ndollars for the capture of Nat, and urged the people to\\nuse their best efforts for his apprehension, that he might\\nbe dealt with as the law directed.^ Southampton county\\nalso offered a reward of five hundred dollars, besides one\\nof several hundred dollars offered by individual citizens.\\nEvery suspicious character was taken for the fugitive.\\nConsequently, the Governor received letters on different\\noccasions announcing that he had been caught. The Nor-\\nfolk Herald of October 1st said: A young man from\\nJerusalem reported at Smithfield that Nat was captured:\\niXational Gazette, September 21, 1S31.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0154.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 89\\nin some weeds on Nottoway river; that, when a body of\\nhorsemen appeared he ran and hid himself, but sank so\\ndeep in the mud that he was captured and put in the\\ncounty jail. He also reported that Nat was well armed\\nwith a musket, two pistols, a sword, and a dirk, but that\\nhe did not fire a shot. There was a report from Bote-\\ntourt that a very suspicious character was met on the road\\nbetween Fincastle and Sweet Springs, near Price s Tav-\\nern, by two young white men, who, while disputing over\\nhis dirk, let him run off, leaving his package behind.\\nSome free negroes a few days later told Mr. Price that\\nthey had seen this same man, and that they were going\\nwith him to Ohio. The ferryman on New river reported\\n(hat the man tried to cross over, and, when refused pass-\\nage, ran off down the river.^ It was also reported that\\nNat had been captured in Baltimore, Maryland. These\\nreports continued until the people thought he had escaped\\neither to Ohio or the West Indies, and began to subside\\ninto quietude once more. But at no time had he been five\\nmiles from the scene of the massacre. After remaining\\nin his cave^ for six weeks without leaving except for\\nwater in the dead of night, he became bolder, and con-\\ncluded he could venture out. Consequently, he spent the\\nday in sleep and the night in eavesdropping at the houses\\nin the neighborhood, seeking information regarding the\\ntrials, etc., and returning before morning. Nat continued\\nthis course for a fortnight without gaining any informa-\\ntion, and, fearing to speak to any human being, he might\\niThis resembles the true story of his capture, but it was a\\nmonth later before he was captured.\\n2Norfolk Herald, September 28, 1831. This* negro proved to be\\na Methodist preacher. He was dressed in a blue-cloth coat, and\\nin his hymn-book was written Mesheck Turner. In another\\nplace was richman Wheeler, in child or negro writing, sup-\\nposed to stand for Richmond Wheeler.\\n3This was not a natural cave, but a simple hole dug in the\\nground and covered with fence rails.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0155.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "90 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nliave continued it for some time had lie not been acci-\\ndentally discovered/ Eed Nelson, as we have seen, was\\nallowed many liberties. Passing near Nat s cave one night\\nwhen he was out, Nelson s dog entered and stole some\\nmeat. A few nights afterward Nelson and a friend were\\nagain out hunting and their dog entered the cave a second\\ntime. This time Nat was on the outside walking around,\\nand the dog, on emerging, saw him and barked. Convinced\\nthat he was discovered, Nat spoke to the negroes, told\\nthem who he was, and begged them to conceal him. But\\nas he was armed, they fled and reported the fact to the\\ncivil authorities. Immediately a body of citizens armed\\nthemselves and set out in pursuit. But he had moved.\\nFor the next fortnight he had many narrow escapes, and\\nwas several times seen by whites as well as by blacks. He\\nseems to have lost all hope and to have had no definite\\nplace of concealment. He meditated surrender. One\\nnight Mrs. Lavinia Francis and her mother heard a knock\\nat their door. They were afraid to wake Mr. Francis for\\nfear of his being murdered in the manner in which his\\nbrother had been, Seceiving no response, the intruder\\nleft. Nat afterward confessed he was the person, and\\nsaid he came to surrender to Mr. Francis,^ who, he\\nbelieved, would be more merciful to him than anyone\\nelse. He also started for Jerusalem for this purpose and\\ngot within a few miles of the place, but his heart failed\\nhim. He then meditated getting out of the country, but\\nas he could not travel by day and the patrols were so\\nvigilant by night, this was impossible. He continued to\\nroam from place to place, bis chief place of concealment\\niHe kept an accurate account of the time by means of a\\nnotched stick, which was found in the cave at tiie time of his\\ncapture.\\n2Mr. Francis was a Christian and active member of Turner s\\n^\u00e2\u0096\u00a0lethodist Church.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0156.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0157.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0158.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 91\\nbeing a fodder stack^ on Mr. Nathaniel Francis farm.\\nHere he was seen a few days before his capture by Mr.\\nFrancis, who shot at him as he ran, but he chanced to\\nfall at the discharge and the contents of the pistol only\\npenetrated his hat.^\\nThis was October 27th, the Thursday before his cap-\\nture. Men scoured the woods in the neighborhood, but he\\nwas not captured until Sunday morning, the 30th of Octo-\\nber. He had been seen twice in an open field, so he con-\\ncluded to move to the woods. Going about two miles to\\nthe northwest, he dug a cave under the top of a fallen\\nilu eastern Virgiuia and Nortli Carolina the blades of foddet\\nare stripped from tlie cornstalks, cured, and tied into large\\nbundles, and then firmly paclied around a pole into a tall stack.\\nThen the upper parts of tJae stallis, called the tops, with five or\\nsis blades of fodder on each, are cut and stacked near the fodder\\nin a V-shaped heap, somewhat resembling a Gypsy tent, leaving\\na space beneath. It was here that Nat was concealed.\\nHe wore this hat at the time of his capture and exhibited it\\nwith much pride.\\nsThis cave is like the first and is between one and two miles\\ndistant from it. It was dug with a fine dress sword, whfch has\\nan ivory handle and is tipped with silver, and which was used\\nby Nat in the massacre. It is now in the possession of Mr.\\nJames D. Westbrook, of DrewrjrsriHe, Virginia, a relative of Mr.\\nPhipps. The cave may still be seen on the farm of Mr. J. S.\\nMusgrave, marked by the remains of a large pine, which stood\\nat its entrance and which bears three gashes, cut by Mr. Phipps\\nwith Nat s sword.\\nMr. Frank Alford, of Suffollf, claims to have Nat Turner s\\nsword and musket, which his father, who was a member of\\nthe Portsmouth Cavalry, captured at Southampton. But Nat\\nwas uot captured until two months after the return of the cav-\\nalry. Besides, Nat does not appear to have been armed with anj\\nweapon but a sword. Capt. J. .J. Darden, who remembers the\\ninsurrection and has handled Nat s sword, says. In the Suffolk\\nHerald:\\nIn your issue of July 14, 1899, appeared an item stating that\\nthe sword of Nat Turner, leader of the negro insurrection\\nwhich occurred in Southampton county in 1831, was in the pos-\\nsession of Mr. Frank Alford, of Suffolk, whose father was a\\nmember of Captain Day s Portsmouth company that captured\\nNat.\\nI wish to say that if Mr. Alford has Nat Turner s sword it\\nmust have come from Mr. James D. Westbrook, of this county,", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0159.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "92 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ntree and covered it with pine brush. Mr. Benjamin\\nPhipps/ a poor but highly respected, hospitable and in-\\ndustrious citizen, was on this Sunday making his way to\\nthe home of a neighbor, and, as was the general custom for\\nthe last two months, had his gun with him. He does not\\nappear to have been on the hunt. A squad of men on the\\nsearch, however, passed through the woods just ahead of\\nhim, and he had taken a seat by a large tree to rest.\\nThinking all had passed, Nat poked his head out among\\nwho owned it up to a few years ago, to my certain knowledge.\\nA cavalry company from Norfolk or Portsmouth came to this\\ncounty, but they did not capture Nat, for he was not caug ht for\\nsome two or three months.\\nThe insurrection collapsed at the residence of Dr. Blunt, the\\nplace where Mr. R. S. Pope now lives, near Pope station, on the\\nAtlantic and Danville Railroad. Dr. Blunt s negroes told him\\nthat they were going to fight for him, and he directed them to\\nget their axes and grubbing hoes and stay in his yard. (Negroes\\nAvere not allowed to have firearms of any kind.) The insurrec-\\ntionists reached Dr. Blunt s about sunrise, and when in his yard,\\nhalf-way from the gate to the house, the whites upstairs opened\\nfire and hit some of them, but did not kill anyone. Nat, seeing\\nDr. Bluftt s negroes ready to fight, told his men that as the ne-\\ngroes and whites were alj against them he should leave and\\nshift for himself, and they could do the same. There were only\\nabout eight whites in the house. Dr. Blunt had a son sixteen\\nyears old, who displayed great bravery, for which he was made\\na midshipman in the United States Navy. He has been dead\\nmany years.\\nNat went off and dug a cave in the ground, but after awhile\\nhe found that a dog had discovered his hiding-place. He then\\nwent to the neighborhood where he was raised and dug another\\ncave on the land of Dr. Musgrave, my wife s father. The neigh-\\nbors got up parties and went through the woods hunting for\\nhim. The last time they went to look for Nat they scattered\\nthrough the woods, and finally a man named Benjamin Phipps\\nfound the cave. He called for the others, and stuck his gun\\nthrough the top covering and told Nat to throw out everything\\nhe had or he would kill him, and Nat threw out his gun and\\nsword. I do not believe that Nat made the sword. Mr. Benja-\\nmin Phipps certainly found Nat and captured him.\\nI do not write this thinking you knew you were publishing\\nwhat was not true, but only to correct a mistake as to the facts\\n:n the case.\\niHis sons were soldiers in the war between the States.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0160.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0161.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0162.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 93\\nthe pine brush to reconnoitre, when Mr. Phipps suddenly\\nspied him, leveled his gun, and demanded: Who are\\nyou? Answer! Nat immediately replied: I am Nat\\nTurner, and begged Phipps not to shoot. He knew the\\nwoods were full of armed men, and, if he succeeded in\\novercoming Phipps, he \\\\vould only add one more crime to\\nthe list for which he must soon suffer. Not a gun had\\nbeen fired for several weeks. This had been agreed upon\\nas a signal of danger for the women and children to\\nassemble at places of refuge.^ Nat realized that the firing\\nof the gun probably meant immediate death, and con-\\ncluded it best to surrender and trust to fortune.^\\nPhipps now fired his gun in the air and the news of his\\ncapture spread so rapidly that in less than an hour one\\nhundred men had collected at Mr. Edwards Old Jeff\\nand Nelson had been sent to spread the news and assem-\\nble the people at the above place for a feast. Guns were\\nfired on all sides and rendered the Sabbath one of general\\n.alarm and excitement. The women thought the firing\\nmeant that Nat had assembled another force and was\\nlaying waste the country. The approach of horsemen\\nincreased the alarm, and many females, hugging their\\ninfants to their bosoms, rushed to the swamps, misinter-\\npreting the cry, Nat is caught! for Nat is coming!\\nBut alarm soon gave way to rejoicing. So great was\\npublic resentment at sight of the prisoner that it was\\ndifficult to convey him alive to Jerusalem. Persecuted\\nwith pin-pricks and soundly whipped, he was taken from\\nEdwards to Cross Keys, and thence from house to house,\\ngrinning and refusing to repent of his deeds. The negroes\\njoined in the persecution and showed their contempt by\\niThe accidental firing of a gun at Jerusalem caused a general\\nalarm, and the men rushed to arms, while the women and chil-\\ndren assembled in churches for safety.\\n2Mr. Phipps was alone. Still he offered to give Nat a fair\\nchance if he wished to fight. But, preferring unconditional sur-\\nrender, Nat lay flat upon the ground and was firmly bound.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0163.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "94 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUBRECTION.\\ncalling him Old Nat, whicli is the title by which he i\\nstill known. Many citizens would scarcely know who was\\nmeant by the name Nat Turner.^\\nSunday night Nat was taken to the home of Mr. David\\nWestbrook, who was Phipps nearest neighbor, and well\\nguarded. It is said he was rolled downhill in a barrel.\\nBut many of the guard, being overcome with drink, the\\nmost conservative and reasonable citizens concealed the\\nprisoner and protected him against excessive persecution.\\nThe next morning, Monday, October 31st, Nat was taken\\nto Jerusalem, at w^hich place he arrived at 1 :15 p. m. The\\njourney had necessarily been slow on account of the\\ncuriosity of the citizens and the necessity of securing him\\nagainst insults and injury. He was well guarded,\\nand reason and forbearance prevailed. The reports\\nthat he was burnt with hot irons, gashed with\\nknives, and had coals of fire thrust into his\\nmouth, at all of which Nat scoffed, are false. From the\\nfact that he refused to repent of his deeds, he has been\\ndescribed as brave, and for this reason his persecution\\nhas been greatly exaggerated, ladies actually being\\naccused of sticking pins in him. He could not have sur-\\nvived the persecutions which have been handed down by\\noral tradition, and his condition on his arrival at the jail\\ndisproved them. A citizen of Petersburg, who was in\\nJerusalem when Nat arrived, said that much praise was\\ndue the citizens of Southampton for their forbearance, and\\nthat not the least personal violence was offered him, who\\nwas the most miserable object he ever saw, dejected, ema-\\nciated, and ragged, possessed of no qualities of a hero or\\ngeneral, but without spirit, courage, and sagacity, Thus\\nNat was saved and his confession and treatment have\\ni Annt A iney, sister to Ben :ind Aaron, and Mrs. Musgrave s\\ncook, asked to be allowed to whip him for causing her son s\\ndeath. Her son had told Mrs. Musgrave of the rebellion of the\\nnegroes, but was later forced to join them. He escaped, how-\\never, but he had been seen with the insurgents, so was shot.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0164.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0165.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0166.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 95\\nvindicated the inhabitants of Southampton and proved\\nthat they were humane, considerate, and law-abiding peo-\\nple. He was delivered over to Justices James W. Parker\\nand James Trezevant, who examined him for one and a\\nhalf or two hours, Nat speaking intelligently, clearly, and\\nwithout the least confusion, and advising other negroes\\nnot to attempt any such plots as he had undertaken\\nthrough the misinterpretation of revelations. After the\\npreliminary examination Nat was lodged in jail to await\\ntrial by the county court, great pains being taken to\\nsecure his safety by the appointment of a special guard.\\nThis w^as the last capture. Much excitement and rash-\\nness had prevailed in the pursuit and capture of the reb-\\nels, but the cases of mercy and humanity overshadow\\nthose of barbarity and leave the decision in favor of the\\nformer. Other motives than humanity also worked in\\nbehalf of the culprits. In the first place, as many wit-\\nnesses as possible were wanted in order to justify the\\npeople in the eyes of the world. Thus the four leaders\\nHark, Nelson, Sam, and Nat were spared and were\\ninstrumental in bringing many culprits to justice.\\nSecondl}^, there was a very strong economic motive\\nwhich was in favor of mercy. All slaves convicted\\nby legal process and executed or transported, or who\\nescaped before such trials, were paid for by the Common-\\nwealth. But those who escaped before arrest or who\\nwere killed without trial were complete losses to the\\nowners.^ There were special reasons why Nat was spared.\\nPublic curiosity had been puzzled to understand the ori-\\ngin and purpose of this dreadful conspiracy and the\\nmotives which influenced its instigators. The insurgent\\nslaves had all been destroyed or apprehended, tried and\\nexecuted, with the exception of the leader and a few oth-\\niThus Richard Porter, Levi Waller, Peter Edwards and others\\npetitioned for pay for slaves shot, but their claims were rejected\\nby the Legislature of 1831.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0167.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "96 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ners, without revealing anything at all satisfactory in\\nregard to these matters. Everything connected with the\\naffair was wrapped in mystery. Thus the testimony of this\\nfanatical leader was needed to clear away the cloud,\\nwhich he did in his confession to Mr. Thomas R. Gray and\\nthe magisterial court. Further, Mr. Phipps was a poor\\nman and had many friends. Consequently, he needed the\\nrewards offered, which would not have been granted had\\nthe prisoners been mutilated or murdered.\\nTRIALS AND EXECUTIONS.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Fifty-three of the\\nsixty or seventy negroes connected with the massacre\\nw^ere brought before the county court. The county jail\\nwas crowded with prisoners for days, and many had to be\\nkept under guard on the outside for want of prison room.\\nBut no trial was begun before the eighth of September.\\nAmple time was given for excitement and passion to give\\nway to order and reason. Never were more pains taken\\nto give fair trials and justice to prisoners. Howison s\\nHistory of Virginia says: The trials were conducted\\nwith a patience and care highly creditable to the magis-\\ntracy of the county. Preliminary trials were given before\\ntwo magistrates, and, if the prisoner was deemed guilty,\\nhe was sent on to the county court, but if innocent he was\\ndismissed.\\nFree negroes could not be convicted by a county court.\\nOf the five brought before the court four were sent on\\nfor further trial before the Superior Circuit Court, the\\nevidence being sufficient, and one was acquitted. The\\ncounty court was composed of all the magistrates of the\\ncounty, of whom five were necessary for a quorum. A\\nunanimous vote of the magistrates present at a trial\\nwas required for conviction. The Court of Oyer and\\nTerminer, which convicted Nat Turner and his comrades,\\nwas composed of the most distinguished and intelligent\\nmen of the county, some of whom had been members of\\nthe famous convention of 1829. No one was allowed to", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0168.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0169.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0170.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 97\\npreside as a justice who was interested in, or prejudiced\\nagainst, the prisoners. Nor were witnesses permitted who\\nwere known to be biased. A separate trial was assigned\\neac h prisoner and every possible chance given him to sum-\\nmon witnesses and defend himself. Also, the three most\\nprominent and able lavv^yers available Vi. C. Parker,\\nJames K. French, and Thomas R. Gray were assigned\\nas counsel. They exerted every possible effort to secure\\njustice and protection for the prisoners. Several were\\nacquitted on the testimony of their owners as to their\\ngood characters. Trial was postponed if further witnesses\\nAvere needed, and several prisoners were discharged on the\\nground of insufficient evidence. Invariably the negroes\\npleaded not guilty of the charge brought forth in the\\narraignment of the able prosecuting attorney, Mere-\\nwether B. Brodnax. On the 6th of September, as it had\\nbeen intimated that the militia would soon be discharged,\\nthe court, which had been in continual session since a\\nweek succeeding the first arrest, unanimously petitioned\\nGeneral Eppes to retain fifty men as a necessary guard\\nto the prisoners. The young negroes, too, and those\\ndeceived or forced into the insurrection had their sen-\\ntences commuted from execution to transportation, upon\\nthe recommendation of the justices, of the attorney for\\nthe Commonwealth, and of their counsel. These are evi-\\ndence that the court was uninfluenced by motives of per-\\nsonal safety or prejudices against the prisoners.^\\nAll the negroes known to have been connected with the\\nplot were executed or transported before the 1st of Octo-\\niThree boys, Nathan, Tom, and Davy, belonging to Mr. Nat\\nFrancis, were forced to participate, and tlireatened with their\\nlives if they escaped. The oldest of these was only fifteen years\\nold and, besides, was deformed. They were assigned one of the\\nabove-mentioned lawyers as counsel, ti ied and condemned to be\\nhung, but on the recommendation of the court they were trans-\\nported.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0171.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "98 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nber, except Nat and one other.^ It was very important\\nthat the trial of the leader should be conducted with\\nespecial fairness and patience. The court met on Satur-\\nday, November 5th, ten of the leading men of the county,-\\ninstead of the customary five, presided as justices, and\\nordered the summoning of a sufficient additional guard to\\nrepel any attempt that might be made to take the pris-\\noners from the custody of the sheriff. After assigning\\nWilliam C. Parker counsel for the defense, the court pro-\\nceeded to the consideration of the bill of information filed\\nagainst the prisoner by Mr. Brodnax, attorney for the\\nCommonwealth. Nat. upon his arraignment, pleaded not\\nguilty, declaring to his counsel that he did not feel so,\\nThe first witness sworn was Levi Waller, who stated\\nthat he saw the prisoner, whom he knew before, at his\\nhome, and saw him force several reluctant slaves to mount\\ntheir horses and follow him. He further stated that Nat\\nwas in command of the forces. Mr. James Trezevant\\nstated that he and Mr. James Parker were the justices\\nbefore whom the prisoners were examined previous to\\nhis commitment; that the prisoner was at the time in\\nconfinement, but no threats or promises were held out to\\nlOf tliis number only one was a woman, she being the only\\nfemale in any way guilty of participation, with the exception of\\nCharlotte, who threatened the life of Mr. Lavinia Francis. This\\nwoman was Lncy, the slave of Mr. John T. Barrow, who at-\\ntempted to prevent the escape of Mrs. Barrow, and who was con-\\nvicted on the evidence of her mistress and other important wit-\\nnesses, among these Dr. Robert T. Miisgrave. On the 26th of\\nSeptember she was taken from the jail, and, riding npon her\\ncoffin, to the place of execution, and was hnng and buried in the\\nwell-known burying ground of the insurgents.\\n-.Jeremiah Cobb, Samuel B. Hines, James D. Massenburg.\\nJames W. Parker, Robert Goodwin, James Trezevant, Oris\\nBrowne, Carr Bowers. Thomas Pretlow, and Richard A. Urqu-\\nhart. Mr. Cobb presided over the court as chief magistrate and\\ndelivered the sentence, which has been deemed worthy of a\\nUnited States Chief Justice of today.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0172.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0173.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0174.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 99\\nhim to make any disclosure that he admitted that he was\\none of the insurgents engaged in the late insurrection and\\nthe chief among them, that he gave to his master and mis-\\ntress Mr. Travis and his wife the first blow before they\\nwere dispatched, that he killed Miss Peggy Whitehea,d,\\nthat he was with the insurgents from their first movement\\nto their dispersion on the Tuesday morning after the in-\\nsurrection took place; that he gave a long account of the\\nmotives that led him finally to commence the bloody scene\\nwhich took place; that he pretended to have had signs\\nand omens from God that he should embark in the desper-\\nate attempt; that his comrades and even he were\\nimpressed with the belief that he could, by the imposition\\nof his hands, cure diseases; that he related a particular\\ninstance in which it was believed that he had in that\\nmanner effected a cure upon one of his comrades; and\\nthat he went on to detail a medley of incoherent, confused\\nopinions about his connection with God, his command\\nover the clouds, etc., etc., which he had been entertaining\\nas far back as 1826. Other witnesses were examined and\\nMr. W. C. Parker exerted his best efforts in behalf of his\\nclient. He had made a thorough examination of the inci-\\ndents of the massacre, and was well acquainted with it\\nfrom beginning to end. He had defended at least one-third\\nof the prisoners brought before the court, among them\\nHark, a most Intelligent and enthusiastic conspirator, who\\nhad been introduced as witness in many trials and had tes-\\ntified to the innocence or guilt of the prisoners. But the\\ntestimony was so strong against Nat that the case was\\nsubmitted without argument. Nat could not plead cru-\\nelty at the hands of an imperious and barbarous master\\nas an excuse for the crime, for he confessed that he had\\nhad a kind and considerate master, and, in fact, an over-\\nindulgent one. Nor could the plea of insanity be made, for\\nthe prisoner had answered questions most intelligently,\\nliOfC", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0175.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "100 THE SOUTHAJklPTON INSURRECTION.\\nand showed a marked degree of sound judgment. Conse-\\nquently, the court was of the opinion that the prisoner\\nwas guilty in manner and form as in the information\\nagainst him alleged. It was then demanded of him if he\\nhad or knew anything to say why the court should not\\nproceed to judgment and execution against him of and\\nupon the premises. Nat replied that he had made a full\\nconfession to Mr. Thomas R. Gray.^ Having nothing to\\nsay in his defense, he was commanded to stand up and\\nattend to the sentence of the court, which was pro-\\nnounced b} Jeremiah Cobb.-\\niTlie confession was made on Tuesday, the 1st of November,\\nand two succeeding days thereafter in the county jail. Mr. Gray\\nthoroughly examined him and compared the testimony of each\\nday s interview with that of the preceding day or days and with\\nthe confessions of all the prisoners who had been previously\\ntried and whom Nat had neither seen nor had any knowledge of\\nsince the 22d of August. Mr. Gray, too, had taken an active\\npart in defending these prisoners. But Nat proved accurate and\\ndid not blunder.\\n2The sentence was in the following words: You have been\\narraigned and tried before the court and convicted of one of the\\nhighest crimes in our criminal code. You have been convicted\\nof plotting, in cold blood, the indiscriminate destruction of men,\\nof helpless women, and of infant children. The evidence before\\nus leaves not a shadow of doubt but that your hands were often\\nimbued in the blood of the innocent; and your own confession\\ntells us that they were stained witli the blood of a master, in\\nyour own language, too indulgent. Could I stop here, your crime\\nwould be sufhciently aggravated; but the original contriver of a\\nplan deep and deadly, one that can never be effected, you man-\\naged so far to put into execution as to deprive us of many of\\nour most valuable citizens; and this was done when they were\\nasleep and defenseless, under circumstances shocking to human-\\nity. And while upon this part of the subject, I cannot but call\\nattention to the poor, misguided wretches who have gone before\\nyou. They are not a few In number\u00e2\u0080\u0094 they were your bosom asso-\\nciates\u00e2\u0080\u0094and the blood of all cries out aloud and calls upon you\\nas the author of tlieir misfortune. Yes! You forced them un-\\nprepared from time to eternity. Borne down by the load of guilt,\\nj-our only justification is that you were borne away by fanaticism.\\nIf this be true, from my soul I pity you; and while you have my\\nsympathies, I am, nevertheless, called upon to pass the sentence\\nof the court. The time between this and your execution will", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0176.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0177.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0178.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAJNIPTON INSUKRECTION. 101\\nThe sentence was received, as his late deeds and inten-\\ntions had been spoken of, with calm, deliberate com-\\nposure. Mr. Gray says: The expression of his fiendlike\\nface when excited by enthusiasm, still bearing the stains\\nof helpless innocence about him, clothed with rags and\\ncovered with chains, yet daring to raise his manacled\\nhands to heaven, with a spirit soaring above the attributes\\nof man, I looked on him and my blood curdled in my\\nveins. Without an exception the insurgent slaves appre-\\nhended, tried and convicted, had, under no coercion or\\npersuasion, confessed the names of all connected with the\\nconspiracy, the part they took, the names of those killed,\\netc., but they pleaded that they were forced or misled by\\nthe leaders. They could not tell what they expected to\\naccomplish, but invariably referred to the confidence\\nand belief the leader had inspired in them. They were\\nthus ignorant of their undertaking, had no other purpose\\nthan plunder and murder, and now tried to exculpate\\nthemselves. But Nat Turner explained the entire plot, and\\nfrankly acknowledged his full participation in the guilt of\\nthe transaction, and that he was not only the contriver,\\nbut struck the first blow toward the execution of the con-\\nspiracy.\\nOn the 11th of November the last sentence of the court\\nwas executed. Nat Turner and three of his associates\\nwere hanged, one having been sentenced before his arrest,\\nand the others convicted upon his testimony. Fifty-three\\nnegroes had been arraigned. Of these seventeen were\\nexecuted and twelve transported. The rest were dis-\\ncharged, except the four free negroes sent on to the Supe-\\nrior Court. Three of the four were executed. The bodies\\nnecessarily be short, and your only hope mnst be in another\\nAvorld. The judgment of the court is, that you be taken hence to\\nthe .I ail from whence you came, thence to the place of execution,\\nand on Friday next, between the hours of 10 a. m. and 2 p. m., be\\nhunsT by the neck until you are dead! dead! dead! and may the\\nLord have mercy upon your soul,", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0179.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "102 THE SOUTHAJVIPTON INSURRECTION.\\nof those executed, with one exception, were buried in a\\ndecent and becoming manner. That of Nat Turner was\\ndelivered to the doctors, who skinned it and made grease\\nof the flesh. His skeleton was for many years in the pos-\\nsession of Dr. Massenberg, but has since been misplaced.^\\niThe famous remedy of the doctors of ante-bellum days\u00e2\u0080\u0094 cas-\\ntor oil\u00e2\u0080\u0094 was long dreaded for fear it was old Nat s grease, and\\nit is doubtful if the old prejudice has entirely died out among\\nthe older darkies.\\n2There are many citizens still living who have seen Nat s skull.\\nIt was very peculiarly shaped, resembling the head of a sheep,\\nand at least three-quarters of an inch thick. Mr. R. S. Barham s\\nfather owned a money purse made of his hide. During the\\nFrench Revolution, books are said to have been bound in the\\nskins of victims of the guillotine, and now in the British M^useum\\nbooks are exhibited bound in tanned human skin. Our news-\\npapers have recorded frequently that in other States are preserved\\nmany memorials of like morbid and depraved taste.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0180.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "Soiithnuipton Jail.\\niBovn \u00e2\u0096\u00baSeptember 12, 1806.\\n:\\\\lr. Co liii KUelieu.\\nHe was One of the Special Police Appoiuted to\\nGuard the Jail).", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0181.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0182.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER III.\\nRELATIONS TO SLAVERY AND THE SOUTH.\\nCONDITION OF THE NEGROES.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Southampton is\\none of the most prosperous counties of Virginia. It is the\\ndividing line between the agricultural systems of the\\nSouthern and Middle Atlantic States, growing the prod-\\nucts of both sections to perfection, and requiring a diver-\\nsity of agricultural knowledge seldom found elsewhere.\\nVegetables grow in abundance and variety, and the dis-\\ntance from a market has alone hindered their cultivation\\nto a greater extent. The soil is especially suited to the\\ntuitivation of grain, and thus the farmers are independent,\\nthe extensive low-grounds furnishing acorns in abundance\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2for the droves of hogs annually slaughtered. The county\\nis the banner cotton section of the State, and its average\\nproduction per acre is as great as that of any of the older\\ncotton States. This is a fact seldom noticed, Virginia not\\nbeing especially adapted to the production of cotton.\\nHer peanuts are superior to those of any country. To-\\nbacco Is also one of the money crops, and apples, pears,\\npeaches, and other fruits grow luxuriantly and yield\\nabundantly. Some of the largest and finest apple orch-\\nards of the State are found here, and in former years\\nnot so much so now these orchards received much atten-\\ntion and great care. They yielded large quantities of\\napples, which were manufactured into the finest brandy\\nand cider vinegar known in the trade.^ Southampton\\napple brandy, as well as Southampton bacon, has for\\nyears been the Jbest in the market, and a citizen is strongly\\nlit is within the memory of the youngest citizens that these\\ndistilleries have generally disappeared.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0183.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "104 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nimpressed with this fact by the gentle reminders of those\\nwhom he tells of his native county. Every farm has its\\napple orchard, and many an old settlement is today known\\nonly by the decaying apple trees which mark the spot.\\nApple brandy was the principal source of revenue. Cot-\\nton, corn, and tobacco grew in the orchard, and while\\nthey were maturing the apples were gathered and manu-\\nfactured into brandy and cider. Thus the apple crop was\\nclear profit. The following are the words of a native of\\nSouthampton at the time of our narrative: Apple brandy\\nwas a factor, and an important one, in those bloody scenes.\\nBut for that many more would have been murdered.\\nNearly everybody at that time had an orchard, and it was\\nprobably the largest source of revenue in a county where\\nrevenues were small. I know my father s income was de-\\nrived chiefly from the brandy he made and sold. When-\\never they (the negroes) stopped in their raids they drank\\nabundantly of it.\\nIt is true that the revenues were small at this time, and\\nlikewise that all supplies were produced at home nails,\\nhorseshoes, and plows, as well as vehicles. Every farm\\nhad its carpenter and shoemaker, who was, in many\\ncases, the master, and the weaving house was, until re-\\ncently, to be seen in the rear of the dwelling, presided over\\nby the mistress and her chief colored weaver. The old\\nslaves also made the best physicians and nurses. They\\nwere gentle and sympathetic, and their services v*^ere\\nespecially valued. The gradual disappearance of this class\\nof negroes marks the changes of modern times. Bishop\\nPotter, of New York, says: I listened the other day to\\nthe story of a charming woman, of marked culture and\\niThis is evidently one cause why more discipline was not ob-\\nserved and more whites not killed by Nat Turner and his band.\\nEvery person who witnessed the scenes of 1831, men and women,\\ne\\\\en the most earnest advocates of temperance, concludes his\\nor her story with the honest confession, This is one case In\\nwhich brandy did good.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0184.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 105\\nrefinement, as she depicted, with unconscious grace and\\nart, the life of a gentlewoman of her own age and class\\nshe was young and fair and keenly sympathetic on a\\nSouthern plantation before the Civil War. One got such\\na new impression of those whom, under other skies and in\\nlarge ignorance of their personal ministries or sacrifices,\\nwe have been wont to picture as indolent, exclusive, indif-\\nferent to the sorrow and disease and ignorance that, on\\na great rice or cotton or sugar plantation in the old days,\\nwere all about them; and one learned, with a new sense of\\nreverence for all that is best in womanhood, how, in days\\nthat are now gone forever, there were under such condi-\\ntions the most skillful beneficence and the most untiring\\nsympathies. But, in the times of which I speak, the service\\non the plantation for the sick slave (which, an ungracious\\ncriticism might have suggested, since a slave was ordi-\\nnarily a valuable piece of property, had something of a\\nsordid element in it) was matched in communities and\\nunder conditions where no such suspicion was possible.\\nNo one who knows anything of life in our smaller commu-\\nnities at the beginning of the century can be ignorant of\\nwhat I mean. There was no village or smallest aggrega-\\ntion of families that had not its Abigail, its Aunt Han-\\nnah, its Uncle Ben, who, when there was sickness or\\nwant or sorrow in a neighbor s house, was always on hand\\nto sympathize and to succor.\\nThe slaves were acquainted with the diseases of hogs,\\ncattle, and all domestic animals. In fact, the best veter-\\ninarians of ante-bellum days were slaves, and much of the\\nmodern science is indebted to them. Every farm had its\\nnegro chaplain (negro preacher), who was only second to\\nthe master, the spiritual adviser of all. The Richmond\\nTimes of October 26, 1899, says:\\nA few months ago an old negro down South was:\\niPopular Science Monthly, October, 1899.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0185.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "106 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\narraigned in court on the charge of criminal assault. He\\nhad no evidence to offer in support of his innocence,\\nexcept his previously good character. He introduced the\\nwhite men of the community to the court and called upon\\nthem to give evidence as to his standing. They all cheer-\\nfully stood up and told the court, under oath, that, so far\\nas they knew to the contrary, he had led an exemplary\\nlife. The Commonwealth s attorney refused to prosecute.\\nThe case was dismissed, and the judge, from the bench,\\ncomplimented the old man on the high character that he\\nhad proved. Yes, said the old man, through his tears,\\nand I got that character from my old marster, who\\nshowed me the right way. The more intelligent negroes\\nalso acted as advocates before the tribunal presided over\\nby the master.\\nConsequently there was a division of labor under the\\nslave regime exceeding that of any farm of the present\\nday, which made it possible to assign each set of hands\\ntheir duty and to dispense with the cruelties which have\\nbeen mistakenly attributed to the slave sj stem employed\\nin the production of large tobacco and cotton crops. There\\nwere valuable cotton and tobacco farms, but none of\\nthem were very extensive, and no one owned more than\\nseventy-five or eighty slaves, the average number owned\\nby a family being live or six. No overseer was needed,\\nand when employed he occupied the position of general\\ndirector and not of arbitrary lord and master. He was\\nresponsible to the owner of the slaves, but the negro\\nforeman also exercised authority and reported irregulari-\\nties to his master. Thus the former v\u00c2\u00bb^as restrained by\\nfear of losing his position. But the general custom was\\nfor each master to manage for himself, and place a fore-\\nman in the person of one of their own number over each\\nsquad of slaves assigned to a special duty. This system\\ndispensed more or less with that class of poor whites\\nwhich has so often been depicted as the evil of slavery.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0186.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 107\\nThey did not consider it a disgrace to work side by side\\nwith the slaves, since tliey did not have the legal equality\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0of the negro continually thrust at them.\\nWith the consciousness of being able to rise to the posi-\\ntion of foreman, each slave was incited to interest in his\\nwork. He realized that his master s interest was his. The\\nhog feeder was proud to exhibit his drove of hogs, the\\nherdsman and shepherd pointed to their flocks with pride,\\nand the hostler boasted of the fastest and best bred horses\\non the road. The old stiller smiled when his brandy\\nwas praised, and the cook was aware of her superiority.\\nThe old nurse was conscious of her power and the love\\nand respect of all the whites. Each department had its\\nnegro foreman and his or her associates, the former a\\nmaster in his profession, instructing the latter in the\\nmysteries thereof. By means of this class system among\\nthe slaves, the barriers of which could be overcome by\\ndiligence and respect, they were controlled with ease and\\ninspired with ambition far surpassing that of the negro\\nof today, who is conscious of his inability to attain the\\nboasted equality with whites, and consequently meditates\\nrevenge and cherishes hatred.\\nFealty and diligence were also encouraged by confi-\\ndence on ithe part of the master, who rewarded his serv-\\nants with crops, gardens, and other property, the proceeds\\nfrom which were spent at their discretion. Slaves were\\noften allowed to choose their own employer and make\\ntheir own contracts.^ Holidays were frequent. From\\nsunrise to sunset was the time for labor, but breakfast\\nand dinner, in the meantime, occupied at least three\\nhours. This limit Was not strictly insisted on, as is shown\\nby the reply of an old negro, who, when asked by his mis-\\ntress why he was sitting on the fence while the sun was\\nstill above the horizon, replied: Waitin for de sun to\\n1 Journals of Virginia Legislature: Page, Social Life in Virginia.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0187.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "108 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ngo down, mum. Saturday was a holiday for the deserv-\\ning, and Sunday was spent as the slave liked. If he was\\nnot promptly on hand Monday morning he was not pun-\\nished.^\\nThe emancipation sentiment in Southampton was very\\nstrong, and it was fostered by the numerous Quakers of\\nthe county. In the county records are to be found num-\\nbers of emancipation deeds. Thus the slaves were encour-\\naged by the possibility of freedom. The free negroes\\nwere prosperous and many owned land and were em-\\nployed by the whites as any other laborers. They were\\nalso assisted in their efforts, if they wished, to emigrate\\nto Liberia. They increased rapidly, and from a propor-\\ntion of less than one to ten in 1790 the ratio of free\\nnegroes to slaves had decreased to an average of one to\\nevery four and a third in 1830.^ The county had a greater\\nproportion of free negroes than any of the neighboring\\ncounties except Nansemond and Isle of Wight. The\\nwhites had, in the meantime, remained about the same,\\nlAn old negro who knew Na t Turner said the latter could go\\nawaj on Sunday, and if he did not return until Monday morning\\nnothing was said to him. This, he continued, was the case with\\nall the faithful slaves before the insurrection, but afterward if\\none did not return in time, dis here thing was tuck off, an de\\nback picked jest like a chicken pickin corn.\\n^Hou. Anthony W. Gardner, born January 24, 1824, of free\\nparents, in Southampton county, emigrated with them to Liberia\\nin January, 1S31, and in 1879 was elected president of the colony.\\nHis inaugural address was eloquent and able, and he rendered\\nA ^aluable service to his country. Sixty -second Report of the Amer-\\nican Colonization Society.\\nsTable showing the population of Southampton for each decade\\nfrom 1790 to 1830:\\nAll other\\nYear. Whites. free persons. Slaves. Total.\\n1790 (;.812 5.^9 5,993 12.864\\n1800 6,461 839 6,625 13,925\\n]810 5.982 1,109 6,406 13,497\\n1820 6,127 1,300 6,737 14,170\\n1830 G,573 1,745 7,756 16,074", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0188.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 109\\nwhile the free blacks increased on an average of thirty\\nand the slaves on one of forty-four per year during the\\nforty years from 1790 to 1830.^\\nThe slaves were cared for with the greatest kindness.^\\nThe white master did not treat his slave as his ox. Slavery\\nwas simply domestic servitude, under practically efficient\\nguarantees against ill-treatment. The system was more\\non the order of that in the Mosaic law, where the slave\\nwas a member of the family, and to insult or maltreat a\\nslave was an insult which had to be atoned for upon the\\nfield of honor. The slave quarters formed a long street\\nin the rear of the dwelling of the master, resembling a\\nmediaeval village community, and during the cold winter\\nnights the last duty of the master before retiring was to\\nvisit these quarters to see that the children were well\\nprovided with food, covering, and fuel. In many respects\\nthe slave fared better than the master. There was an\\niTable showing population of counties contiguous to South-\\nampton:\\nCounty. Whites. Slaves. Free blacks\\nGreenes ville 2,104 4,681 332\\nIsle of Wight 7,023 4,272 1,222\\nNansemond 5,143 4,943 1,698\\nSurry 2,865 3,377 866\\nSussex 4,118 7,736 866\\nThe populations of the neighboring counties of North Carolina\\nwere as follows: Bertie, 12,276; Gates, 7,866; Hertford, 8,541;\\nNorthampton, 13,103, of whom about one-half were blacks, and\\na large proportion of the latter were free.\\n2lt was from this direction that the evil came, and not from\\nbad treatment, and the South now thanks the God of Battle for\\nthe freedom of the slaves.\\n3They had no responsibility and never suffered for food or cloth-\\ning. The general consensus of opinion among the old slaves is\\nthat they fared better as slaves than at the present time. This\\nwant of responsibility explains the more rapid increase of the\\nnegroes as slaves than as free citizens. This also accounts for the\\nfact that pulmonary diseases were almost unheard of among the\\nslaves. The want of such care at the present day in turn explains\\nthe great prevalence of the disease, among the negroes of the\\npresent day.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0189.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "110 THE SOUTHAINIPTON INSURRECTION.\\nattachment between the blacks and whites which is diffi-\\ncult to describe, and which was exhibited until within a\\nfew years past, when the population of Southampton was\\ncontaminated by the influx. of foreigners employed in saw-\\nmills and railroad work/ Both races were benefited and\\na noble people developed, the native blacks being the\\nequals of any of their race.- Gentle treatment rendered\\nthe slave not only more faithful and affectionate, but\\nmore intelligent, and his condition, in fact, approximated\\nthat of a free servant. Slaves were the happiest laboring-\\nclass in the world, and under these most favorable condi-\\ntions furnished a contradiction of the ^orthodox eco-\\nnomic theory as to the unproductiveness of slave labor.\\nThe oldest inhabitants of the count}^ state that South-\\nampton saw its most prosperous and progressive days\\nbetween 1830 and 1861, notwithstanding the fact that\\ntobacco and cotton had declined, and the most severe\\niThis spirit was not even lessened by the horrors of the Nat\\nTurner insurrection. Gilbert, who belonged to Ma.ior Thomas\\nPretlow, one of the justices who sat on the trial of Nat, was\\ngiven the privilege of being free by Mrs. Pretlow, but he de-\\nclared he would never leave* the family, and died a member of it.\\nDuring the war Federal forces visited the neigbboring counties,\\nbut very few of the negroes of Southampton ran away, and those\\nwho escaped did so through the persuasion of the scouts roaming\\nthe country.\\n2The superiority and more refined feelings of the uegro of\\nSouthampton and the foreign influences are illustrated by the fol-\\nlowing. One of them expressed his horror and disgust at the\\nterrible butchery committed by Nat and his band at Mr. Wal-\\nler s, and said it was an outrage. A negro who was on a visit\\nto the county for the purpose of learning more about the insur-\\nrection was incensed at this remark and replied that it was the\\ndesert of the Avhites and that the insurrection was not cruel\\nenough. This incident occurred only a few years ago.\\n3lt did away with idleness arid improved not only the condition\\nof the people in general, but the products of labor were greater.\\nFor instance, the hog and chicken cbolera, now so prevalent in\\nthe county, were comparatively tmknown. Their prevalence now,\\nno doubt, is due to the half-fed dogs, hogs, etc., which roam the\\ncounti v and which then did not exist.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0190.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. Ill\\npanic in the history of the United States occurred in 1837\\nand 1841.^ The condition of the Southern States is much\\nimproved since 1865. This is partly the effect of the gen-\\neral advance of civilization, and cannot be entirely attrib-\\nuted to the abolition of slavery. Besides, the greatest\\nadvance is seen in the cities, while in the rural districts,\\nwhere the greatest number of slaves were owned, the\\ncondition of agriculture is very little improved, and in\\nsome sections is on a decline. The system of labor seems\\nto have been an ideal one.\\nPrevious to 1831 there had been only three negroes\\nexecuted and four transported for crimes in Southampton,\\nand the neighboring counties had equally as good records.\\nIsle of Wight had one executed; Nansemond transported\\none and executed three before and executed one for con-\\nspiracy and rebellion in 1831, though thirty or forty were\\ntried; Surry executed one and transported one before and\\ntransported one in that year for participation in the\\nSouthampton insurrection; Sussex had one executed and\\nthree transported before, and four executed and two\\ntransported in 1831 for suspicious connection with the\\nsame plot; Greenesville had none executed and none\\ntransported before or during 1831. The only case of dis-\\ncontent among the slaves on record in Southampton pre-\\nvious to the Nat Turner insurrection was in October, 1790,\\nand that was participated in by only four negroes, who\\nhad been smuggled from Maryland. There had been sus-\\npicions of rebellions in other sections, but the fidelity of\\nthe slaves here had never been doubted. Nat had acted\\nfanatically and Nelson Williams had actually said that\\nthere was going to be trouble, but no one could conceive\\n1 Tobacco has fallen beyond all calculation. Cotton Is down\\nfrom seventeen to ten cents per pound. Instead of exporting any\\nbreadstuffs. we have been compelled by the scarcity of our har-\\nvests to draw upon the granaries of Europe. Richmond En-\\nquirer (Niles, L.II, p. 131).", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0191.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "112 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nof the dislo^-alty of the negroes. A citizen of the county,\\nliving near Jerusalem at the time of the insurrection,\\nsays: Southampton is a pretty large county. Whether\\n(.here were premonitions of coming events in the neighbor-\\nhood of Cross Keys, where the movement occurred, I\\nIcnow not. I think it came upon the people suddenly and\\nwithout warning. In our section of the county nothing\\never happened to forecast such an event. We had no\\nreason to suspect the loyalty of the negroes. I recollect\\nthat Capt. Billy Kitchen, one of our neighbors, had quite\\na number of slaves. One of his slaves had for a wife our\\ncook. On hearing of the insurrection, he took his family\\ninto a piece of woodland, cut down trees, erected barriers,\\nsomething in the shape of fortifications, armed his slaves\\nwith axes, hoes, pikes, and anything at hand, and, having\\nfull faith in their loj^alty and devotion, he left to join the\\nmain body in pursuit of the revolutionists. The words\\nof Mr. Gray well described the condition of the county\\nat the time, the nature of the plot, and its murderous\\nexecution: It will thus, he says, appear that whilst\\nupon the surface society wore a calm and peaceful aspect;\\nwhilst not one note of preparation was heard to warn the\\ndevoted inhabitants of woe and death, a gloomy fanatic\\nwas revolving in the recesses of his own dark, bewildered,\\nand overwrought mind schemes of indiscriminate massa-\\ncre of the whites schemes too fearfully executed as far\\nas his fiendish band proceeded in their desolating march.\\nNo cry for mercy penetrated their flinty bosoms. No acts\\niSuch cases of confidence were shown on all sides. Mr. Jolin\\nIvey, who lived near Haley s Bridge, about ten miles from Cross\\nKeys, left his plantation in charge of his slaves. One of the ne-\\ngroes caught a horse and started to join the insurgents. But the\\nother slaves caught him and delivered him to their leader, old\\nJohn, who gave him a thorough thrashing and chained him until\\nhis master returned. This was the case, though Mr. Ivey told\\nJohn that he might have all the farm and property if he did not\\nreturn.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0192.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 113\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0of remembered kindness made the least impression upon\\nthe remorseless murderers. Men, women, and children,\\nfrom hoary age to helpless infancy, were involved in the\\nsame cruel fate. Never did a band of savages do their\\nwork of death more unspa)ringl3^ Apprehension of their\\nown personal safety seems to have been the only principle\\nof restraint in the whole course of their bloody pro-\\nceedings.\\nCAUSES OF THE mSURRECTION.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Such was the\\nstate of society in which was reared Nat Turner. He was\\nendowed with a natural intelligence and quickness pos-\\nsessed by few men, with a mind capable of high attain-\\nments, but warped and perverted by the influence of early\\nas well as later impressions. His case should be an im-\\nportant and useful lesson in the experience of a mind like\\nhis endeavoring to grapple with things beyond its reach.\\nHe was a careful student of the Bible, a Baptist preacher,\\nread the newspapers and every book within his reach,\\nand listened attentively to the discussions of political\\nand social questions by the best and most enlightened\\nmen of the country. His sphere of action was too small\\nfor such a mind, and, consequently, he deemed it possible\\nto conquer the county, march to the Dismal Swamp, col-\\nlecting the slaves as he went, and so gradually overcome\\nthe State, as the Americans had the British in the Revo-\\nlutionary War, all to call the attention of the civilized\\nworld to the condition of his race. After his failure he\\nconfessed that he had been mistaken in the practicability\\nof his-3cheme, frustrated both by the ready assembling\\nof the whites and the want of discipline among his men.\\nCruel treatment was not a motive for the rebellion. If\\nthis had been the case, it would have been urged in miti-\\ngation of Nat s punishment. On the contrary, he stated\\nin his testimony that he had no reason to complain of Mr.\\nTravis, who was a kind master, and placed the greatest", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0193.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "114 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nconfidence in him.^ Nat was a complete fanatic, and\\nbelieved the Lord had destined him to free his race. The\\nred tint of the autumn leaves was a sign of the blood\\nwhich was to be shed.^ And his last text at Barnes\\nChurch, a few days before the massacre, indicates the\\ntrend of his mind. It reads: And I saw, and behold a\\nwhite horse: and he that sat on him had a bow; and a\\ncrown was given unto him: and he went forth conquering\\nand to conquer. Though Nat was a religious fanatic,\\nyet he deemed am- means justifiable for the accomplish-\\nment of his purpose and for making the impression that\\nhe waiS a prophet and servant of God. He wrote hiero-\\nglyphics and quotations on leaves and blades of fodder,\\nand these found, according to his prediction, caused the\\nslaves to believe him a miraculous being, endowed witli\\nsupernatural powers. He spat blood at pleasure, but it\\nproved to be the coloring matter of the log-wood, stolen\\nfrom his master s dye pots. At his baptism crowds gath-\\nered, some from curiosity and others from a belief in his\\nprophecy that a white dove would descend from heaven\\nand alight upon his shoulder. This prophecy explains the\\nreviling to which he refers in his confession, no doubt,\\nwith the intention of making the impression that the\\nwhite people disapproved of religious toleration. That\\nNat was believed must not be taken as proof of the igno-\\ni-ance and exclusive superstition of the blacks. It is the\\ncustom to consider the whites as far advanced as they are\\nat present, and the slaves as debased, ignorant, and super-\\nstitious creatures as in their native state. But the eclipse\\nof the sun in February, and its peculiar appearance in\\n3 He told Mrs. Mnsgrave. who had beeu confined to her bed on\\naccount of the great excitement, that to kill his master s family\\nwas the most difficult task he ever had to perform.\\n2He told Mrs. In rancis, the mother of Mrs. Travis, and Mr.\\nSalathiel Francis, that he killed her children because the Lord\\nhad commanded him.\\n^Revelations, vi, 2.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0194.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0195.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0196.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 115\\nAugust, 1831. had as grave an effect upon tlie former as\\nupon the latter. The green or blue day is still re-\\nmembered by some of our citizens, and at the time some-\\nthing terrible was hourly expected.^ Upon the scaffold\\nNat declared that after his execution it would grow dark\\nand rain for the last time. It did actually rain, and there\\nwas for some time a dry spell. This alarmed many of the\\nwhites as well as the negroes. Conjuring was the South-\\nern counterpart of the old Puritan belief in witchcraft.\\nIt is generally attributed to the negroes, some of whom\\nprofessed to be conjur doctors, but many a gouty\\nmaster believed himself conjured. Nor are such signs of\\nsuperstition and fear wanting at the present day. The\\nnegroes are still afraid to pass graveyards and places\\nwhere murders have been committed, and see the wrath\\nof God in every unusual occurrence.\\nThus the insurrection was not instigated by motives of\\nrevenge or sudden anger, but the result of long delibera-\\ntion and a settled purpose of mind, the offspring of\\ngloomy fanaticism acting upon materials but too well\\nprepared for such impressions, and of love of self-impor-\\ntance, encouraged by the efforts of negro preachers, who\\nwere influenced by external affairs, and employed in circu-\\nlating inflammatory and seditious periodicals. Those\\ni.Iuditli, Marion Harland, p. 61 et seq.; Forest, Norfolk and\\nVicinity, pp. 192-193.\\n-^Some of these abuse the confidence imposed in them and fright-\\nen some of their weaker bretliren by tlireats and gi eat preten-\\nsions.\\n3The Norfolk Herald, of August 29, 1831: We have just re-\\nceived letters from Winton and Murfreesboro, N. o. Our\\nWinton friend say\u00c2\u00ab: It seems that the whole affair\\nwas arranged by negro preachers who were suiTered to hold their\\nmeetings at pleasure, by day and by night, and it seems those\\n.scoundrels have poisoned the minds of the negroes. The negro\\nwho was taken for Nat in Botetourt county was a negro preacher,\\nas was also the negro condemned in Nansemond county for signi-\\nfying his intention to join a conspiracy against the whites at the\\nsolicitation of a negro preacher from Isle of Wight.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0197.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "116 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nwho have received most are the most jealous and ready\\nto complain. Nat Turner, as the Southampton slaves in\\ngeneral, was like a spoiled child, who, having been\\nallowed too many privileges in youth, soon thinks he\\nought to be master of all he surveys. The calling of a\\nConstitutional Convention, to meet in October, 1829,\\nInspired in the slaves of Matthews, Isle of Wight, and the\\nneighboring counties hopes of emancipation, and in case\\nof failure of such declaration a determination to rebel and\\nmassacre the whites. Doubtless Nat had heard the same\\nsubjects discussed, and, being conscious of the results of\\nthe convention, which not only failed to emancipate the\\nslaves, but limited the right of suffrage to the whites, he\\ncon,sidered it time to carry out his threats.^ He was\\nundoubtedly inspired with the hope of freedom, and the\\nmere discussion of emancipation by a convention may\\nhave led him to believe that many of the whites would\\nsympathiize with his schemes. He is said to have passed\\nthe home of some poor white people because he consid-\\nered it useless to kill those who thought no better of\\nthemselves than the} did of the negroes. He also said\\nthat after he had gained a firm foothold he intended to\\nspare all the women and children and the men who\\noffered no resistance. But the watchword of all was\\nindiscriminaife slaughter and plunder.\\nNat was certainly no coward, and would never have\\nsurrendered to Phipps, except that he saw no chance of\\n?scape, and thus believed it better to surrender and trust\\nto fortune. Hark was also brave, but not one of the\\nothers could claim this quality or that of religious fanat-\\nilu a pamphlet publisihed in 1830 by a negro of Boston this con-\\nvention is spoken of. The authox* refers to the Great, happy,\\nand eloquent harangues of .John Randolph, in which he claims\\nOhio as a slave State, and accuses the Honorable Slaveholder of\\ndeceiving the ignorant. Walker s Appeal, p. 77.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0198.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. llf\\nicism.^ Nat, when he was asked what he had done with\\nall the money taken, said he had received only four and\\nsix pence (75 cents), and, turning to a free negro, who was\\nalso a prisoner, declared, You know money was not my\\nobject. Still, each negro meditated returning within a\\nfew days to take possession of his master s home.- Thus\\nthe houses and barns were not burned, nor the furniture\\ndamaged, except so far as to enable them to procure the\\nvaluables therein, though victims were robbed of their\\nclothes, jewelry, and other valuables.\\nSome say that victims were murdered and no further\\noutrages committed, and the fact has been attributed to\\nthe very success of their hideous enterprise, but this is\\nan error.* Women were insulted, and it is said that Nat\\noffered protection to one beautiful girl if she would con-\\nsent to be his wife, but death was to this noble woman a\\nblessing in comparison with such a prospect. Bodies\\nwere chopped to pieces and tortured to death, and chil-\\niThe Richmond Enquirer, of August 26, 1831, says: It is\\nsupposed most of these marauders and murderers were runaway\\nnegroes, who had broken in on the whites for robbing and other\\nmischief. There is no appearance of concei t .among the slaves,\\nnothing that can deserve tiie name of insurrection, which it was\\noriginally denominated.\\n2Some actually did this. Mr. Collin Kitchen, when he re-\\nturned home after the insurrection had been suppressed, found\\none of his servants dressed in his wife s clothes, entertaining one\\nof her friends. She had taken possession of the farm and was\\neating at his table and sleeping in his bed.\\nHowison s History of Virginia^\\n^Governor Floyd, in his message calling the attention of the\\nLegislature of 1831-32 to the necessity of immediate legislation\\non the subject of slavery, said: Whilst we were enjoying the\\nabundance of last season, rejoicing in the peace and quiet of do-\\nmestic comfort and safety, we were suddenly aroused from that\\nserenity by receiving information that a portion of our fellow-\\ncitizens had fallen victims to the x elentless fury of assassins and\\nmurderers, even whilst wrapped in profound sleep, and that these\\ndeeds had been perpetrated in a spirit of cruelty unknown to\\nsavage warfare, even in their most revolting form.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0199.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "118 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ndren had their brains knocked out.^ The Enquirer of\\nAugust 30th, says: What strikes us as the most remark-\\nable thing in this matter is the horrible ferocity of those\\nmonsters. They remind one of a parcel of blood-thirsty\\nwolves making down from the Alps, or, rather, like a\\nformer incursion of the Indians upon the white settle-\\nments. All along the route lay the murdered victims, so\\nmangled by the murderers and disfigured by hogs as to be\\nunrecognizable even ito their friends. Nor did those\\nnegroes escape who refused to participate in the massacre.\\nOne of the slaves of Mr. Nat Francis, who was milking\\nwhen the insurgents arrived, had his heel-strings cut\\nbecause he refused to join them. Such were the horrors\\nand depredations that they have been handed dov^^n to\\nour own time. As wrote a citizen of 1831, Many a\\nmother, as she presses her infant darling to her bosom,\\nwill shudder at the recollection of Na,t Turner and his\\nferocious band of miscreants.\\nThe influence of the French refugees still lingers in\\nsome of the customs and habits of the people of Baltimore,\\nNorfolk, Charleston, and New Orleans, and for years after\\nthe San Domingo rebellion negroes were heard to refer\\nto those scenes. No foreign event ever created a greater\\nimpression on the Southern portion of the United States,\\nlA wi-iter to the Beacon says: That part of the county which\\nwe have passed through is comparatively deserted. We saw\\nseveral children whose brains were knocked out, and have ac-\\ncounts of the murder of sixty-eight men, women and children.\\nSeveral reported to have been killed were found hid in the\\nwoods, but more than fifty-five, as commonly believed, were\\nkilled.\\n2The Norfolk Hei-ald, of August 26, contains the following:\\nIndeed, nothing is known with certainly, but the painful fact\\ntliat fifty-eight persons have been massacred. All accounts, how-\\never, concur in representing the affair as one which originated\\nwith a few without any concert, or understanding, even, with the\\nslaves of their own county. The number that com-\\nmenced the bloody worlc was only seven three white men and\\nfour blacks\u00e2\u0080\u0094 mere marauders bent on plunder; but having steeped\\ntheir hands in human sacrifice became infuriated and like blood-\\nhounds pursued their game of murder in mere wanton sport.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0200.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAINIPTON INSURRECTION. 119\\nContiguous to whose shores lay this island, calling atten-\\ntion to t^e fact that such a catastrophe was possible in\\nthe United States so soon as the slaves increased in the\\nsame proportion.^ This fact had much influence upon\\niBut the influence of the French Revolution and, through it, of\\nthe San Domingo rebellion, was realized before such an increase\\nof the slave population. The negroes of Louisiana rose in re-\\nbellion, and but for disagreement among themselves would have\\nmurdered many of tlie inhabitants of this province. Mr. Charles\\nGuan-e, who was later elected to a seat in the United States Sen-\\nate but resigned, in his Bssai Historique sur la Louisiane, says:\\nThe white population of Louisiana was not the only population\\nwhich was agitated by the French Revolution. The blaclis, en-\\ncouraged without doubt with the success their race had obtained\\nin San Domingo, dreamed of liberty and sought to shake off the\\njoke. The insurrection was planned at Pointe Coupee, which\\nwas then an isolated parish and in which tlie num ber of slaves\\nwas considerable. The conspiracy took birth on the plantation of\\nMr. Jullen Poydras, a rich planter, who was then traveling in\\nthe United States, and spread rapidly througli the parish. The\\ndeath of all the whites was resolved. Happily, the conspirators\\ncould not agree upon the day for the massacre, and from this\\ndisagreement resulted a quarrel, which led to the discovery of the\\nplot. The militia of the parish immediately toolc arms, and the\\nBaron de Caropdelet caused them to be supported by the troops\\nof the line. It was resolved to arrest and punish the principal\\nconspirators. The slaves opposed it; but they were quickly dis-\\npersed, with the loss of twenty of tlieir number killed on the spot.\\nFifty of the insurgents were condemned to death, sixteen were\\nexecuted in difl erent parts of the parish; the rest were put on\\nl)oard a galley and hung at intervals all along the river as far as\\nNew Orleans (a distance of one hundred and fifty miles). The\\nseverity of the chastisement intimidated the blacks, and all re-\\ntired to perfect order. Mr. Benton said in the United States\\nSenate in 1835 that the effect of the Society in Paris Les Amis\\ndes Noirs upon the French island was known to the world, but\\nwhat is not known to the world, or not sufficiently known to it. is\\nthat the same societies which wrapped in flame and drenched In\\nblood the beautiful island, which w^as then a garden and is now\\na wilderness, were the means of exciting an insurrection on our\\ncontinent in Louisiana, where a French slave population ex-\\nisted and where tlie language of Les Amis des Noirs could be\\nunderstood, and where their emissaries could go. The knowledge\\nof this event ought to be better known, both to show the dangers\\nof rli?se societies, howevoi* nisMnt. and thoagn oceais ni.-iy loll\\nbetween them and their victims, and the fate of the slaves who\\nmay be excited to insurrection by them on any part of the Ameri-\\ncan Continent. Thirtv Years in the United States Senate, vol.\\nI., p. 578.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0201.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "120 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nSouthern legislation and was the cause of the compara-\\ntively slow increase of slaves, especially in the older slave\\nStates. Mr, Brackett^ says: In the summer of 1793\\nthere arrived in Baltimore, Maryland, some twelve hun-\\ndred refugees from San Domingo, flying from the horrors\\nof servile insurrection. They brought half as many slaves\\nwith them. They were, reported a committee in the\\nAssembly, in a state of distress which exceeded descrip-\\ntion. The Assembly appropriated five hundred dollars\\nweekly for two months, and thousands of dollars were\\nraised for them throughout the State. The horrors of\\nthis insurrection had not been forgotten, when, in the\\nautumn of 1831, there came the report of the revolt of\\nthe slaves in Southampton county, Virginia. Similar\\nreports of distress were made to several of the Legisla-\\ntures of the Southern States, and in response to petitions\\nfrom these distressed people liberal appropriations were\\nmade by the liCgislatures, as well as by private persons.\\nThe result was soon seen in Virginia. In 1793 the slaves\\nof Northampton and other sections of Eastern Virginia\\n.showed signs of discontent. The Gabriel Prosser insur-\\nrection, which occurred in Richmond in 1800, was due to\\nFrench statements that the scenes of St. Domingo might\\nbe even more successfully executed in Virginia. Gabriel\\nProsser s example did much to keep alive the recollections\\nof St. Domingo, and in 1801 and succeeding years rebel-\\nlious slaves in various sections of Virginia confessed that\\nthey had been inspired by hopes that Gabriel s plans and\\nthose of the negroes of Hayti might be successfully re-\\npeated. This was especially the case immediately preced-\\ning and during the war of 1812; when the possibility of\\nEnglish assistance rendered a servile insurrection moi e\\ncertain of success.\\niThe Negro in Maryland, p. 96.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0202.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "THE S0UTHA3IPT0N INSURRECTION. 121\\nThrough these recorded facts, the other attempts at\\nservile insurrection, and the traditions of the refugees,\\nthe recollections of St. Domingo were still vivid in 1831.^\\nIt is probable that the negroes who murdered their\\nmasters in Southampton in 1799 circulated reports of this\\ncatastrophe. From the investigation of the Governor of\\nVirginia it was found that they had traveled to and from\\nmany of the seaports and had ample means of communi-\\ncation with the cooks and other servants of the vessels\\nplying between the United States and the West Indies,\\nand of conversing with the slaves forced aboard ves-\\nsels by the French refugees. The shrewdness, device, and\\nwickedness of these negroes also seem to indicate the\\ntruth of this statement. The abolition papers, too, kept\\nthese scenes before the public, and pictured the leaders as\\nheroes.^ The Genius of Universal Emancipation, edited\\nby Benjamin Lundy, of Baltimore, gave a detailed history\\nof such affairs in successive numbers in 1828. There was,\\nhowever, a more direct source. Some of these refugees\\nfrom St. Domingo settled in Southampton, having\\nbrought their negroes with them. Nat being a preacher,\\nfreely passing from one section of the country to another,\\nvery probably had his dreams fired by the recitals of\\niln the legislatures, as well as in the foreign correspondence\\nof the United States and petitions to Congress, references were\\ncontinually made to the Republic of Hayti. This was especially\\nthe case in the debates in the Cabinet and Congress in regard to\\nCuba. The Journals of the Virginia House of Delegates and Sen-\\nate of 1792, 1804, and 1831-32. Callahan, Cuba and Anglo-\\nAmerican Relations.\\n2A pamphlet which appeared in 1830 urges the negroes to re-\\nmember Carthage and Hayti and the manner in which they were\\noppressed by the whites. After declaring American slavery more\\ncruel and vile than that of Greece or Rome, the author says,\\nBut why need I to refer to antiquity, when Hayti, the glory\\nof the blacks and the terror of tyrants, is enough to convince\\nthe most avaricious and stupid of wretches. Walker s Appeal.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0203.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "122 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nevents occurring in their former homes. A gentleman,^\\nwho distinctly remembers the execution of seven of the\\nleaders of Nait s band, says: I have no recollection of\\nPhilip, who came from St. Domingo with my father. From\\ntradition I know him well. Whether he saved my father s\\nlife or not is not know^n to me. I think it likely it was so.\\nI do not recollect having heard in the family that it w^as\\nso. He seems to have had some disagreement with his\\nwife, became discontented, and left the farm. My father\\nsupposed he went to Norfolk and thence made his way to\\nSt. Domingo. He never heard from him. It is more than\\nlikely that Philip may have had communication with\\nsome of those who were ringleaders in the drama and a\\nbloody one it was that occurred in our county in 1831.\\nNow, what gave rise to this insurrectionary move-\\nment, to what extent it may have been influenced by the\\nSt. Domingo affairs, whether Philip s recital of events\\nthere may have entered as elements in these commotions,\\n1 do not know\\\\ I think it likely Nat Turner knew all\\nabout them, and think it not unlikely he obtained them\\nfrom Philip. Another citizen writes: Denegre came\\nto Southampton from the Island of St. Domingo, making\\nhis escape in a small boat, with the assistance of a faithful\\nnegro servant, who informed him of the attempted upris-\\ning of the negroes. Mr. Denegre, as soon as he landed in\\nthe United States, gave this man his freedom, who\\nremained wdth him some twenty years, and then went\\nback to his old home, the island, and wrote back he had\\niW. O. Deneg-re (born 1825, left Southampton in 1840), St.\\nPaul, Minn., son of Jolin Denegre, wlio settled in Southampton\\nin 1793. Mr. John Denegre married a Miss Cobb, a near relative\\nof the chief magistrate who presided at the trial of Nat Turner.\\nHe was a merchant at Vicksville, and, in the words of a citizen\\nof the county, represented the county in the Legislature when\\nit was an honor and none but the most prominent men could\\nbe elected.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0204.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHjOiIPTON INSURRECTION. 123\\nreturned. These letters also illustrate the ease of com-\\nmunication between slaves of the United States and the\\npeople of the West Indies by means of the negroes and\\ncorrupt whites of the vessels plying between the two\\ncountries. There were at this time, and had been for\\nsome years, organizations for revolutions in Cuba and\\nother West Indian Islands for the purpose of freeing the\\nslaves. In 1822 the negroes of Charleston, South Carolina,\\nwere detected in active communication with St. Domingo,\\nand in 1829 there was an insurrection in Antigua. Again\\nin 1830 these influences were seen in an armed attempt at\\ninsurrection in South Carolina, which, however, was local\\nand soon put down.\\nThe state of affairs in South America and the neighbor-\\ning islands was not such as to inspire tranquillity and con-\\ntentment among the slaves of the United States. By\\n1829 all the South American provinces, said Metternich,\\nhad gone the way of the flesh. Peru was the last to go,\\nand Spain was driven to the islands. The example of the\\nUnited States had been a powerful incentive in the asser-\\ntion of their independence, and she served their cause by\\nher neutrality. The Southern States considered it a\\nmeans of gradually driving slavery from their borders.\\nBut when these provinces established independent gov-\\nernments, ideas of the equality of man had spread so\\nrapidly, especially through the influence of England, who\\nfelt compelled to make retribution to the negro for the\\nsins of slavery which she had inflicted upon all of her\\ncolonies, that thej^ each separately declared the slaves\\nfree, and by 1830 there was no slavery from Mexico to\\nGape Horn, except in Brazil. The presence of free\\nlOaptain W. H. Hood, Henderson, North Carolina. He married\\nthe granddaughter of Mr. John Denegi-e.\\n2Autobiograt)hy of Metternich, vol. IV. p. 165, et seq. I am\\nindebted to Dr. .J. M. Callahan for verifying numerous references\\nin this section on the foreign relations of the United States.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0205.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "124: THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nnegroes so near the borders of the United States and the\\nBritish possessions was an encouragement to rebellion on\\nthe part of the slaves, yet the United States, in 1822,^ and\\nEngland, in 1825, were the first to acknowledge the inde-\\npendence of these States, since they found it practicable\\nto emancipate their slaves and at the same time maintain\\nindependence without the protection of some other power.\\nBut the question of the independence of Cuba and the\\nother West Indies was different. Their population was\\nsuch that it was doubtful whether any of them could\\nmaintain their independence except under the protection\\nof some other power. Consequently, England and the\\nUnited States did not desire any extension of the princi-\\nples of emancipation, w^hich might endanger their slave-\\nholding interests. The United States especially desired\\nthat no negro republics should be established near her\\nshores, and on account of its political constitution she had\\nrefused to acknowledge the government of Hayti. Cuba s\\nposition made it a special object of concern both to the\\nUnited States and England, neither of which desired to\\nsee it in the possession of any power save Spain. But so\\nlong as Cuba remained in the hands of Spain it was open\\nto attacks from Mexico and Colombia, and if conquered\\nby them there was danger of its becoming a bone of con-\\ntention which would lead to war, during which some\\nforeign power might claim the right to conquer it as well\\nas the two contestants. For this reason England and the\\nUnited States opposed the contemplated expedition of\\nthese two States under Santa Anna, which was intended\\nto arouse the slaves of Cuba against Spain, who was\\nzealously striving to subjugate them. Great Britain and\\nthe United States admitted that as belligerents Mexico\\nand Colombia had a right to attack their enemies and cap-\\niRichardsou, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. II, p.\\n331 et seq.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0206.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 125\\nture their possessions, but addled that they ought to\\nremember that this warfare might be very prejudicial to\\nEngland and the United States by causing an insurrection\\nof the blacks, and by the pretext which it opened to other\\nnations to interfere in the affairs of Cuba, and perhaps to\\nforcibly occupy the island. The extension of such a ser-\\nvile war was especially threatening to the United States.\\nThe St. Domingo rebellion had been felt too sensibly to\\nsuppose that the blacks of Cuba would be restrained with\\nless difficulty. For the mulattoes of the French and Span-\\nish colonies were far more numerous and intelligent than\\nthose of countries settled by Englishmen. Many of the\\nSouthern statesmen feared a Mexican invasion of Cuba\\nmore than any European possession of it. Mr. Hamilton,\\nof South Carolina, said that a cession of Cuba to England\\ncould not be near so dangerous to the United States as\\nthe erection of a second Carthage or Hayti to shadow\\nour shores.\\nBesides, there was danger of Spain s calling France to\\nher aid in case of a panic as to the intentionis of the United\\nStates and England in regard to Cuba. Mr. Canning,\\ntherefore, proposed an alliance, hy which England,\\nFrance, and the United States should each disclaim any\\nintention of occupying Cuba, and should protest against\\nsuch occupation by the others. Mr. King, United States\\nMinister at London, however, thought the omission of any\\nmention of Mexico and Colombia might cause an imme-\\ndiate invasion of Cuba and give rise to questions which\\nwould throw the whole West Indies into disorder and\\nperhaps excite much anxiety in the Southern part of the\\nUnited States, instead of leading to a suspension of hos-\\ntilities on the part of Spain.^ France, too, refused to sign\\niCallahan, Cuba and An^lo-AmeriCan Relations J. Q. Adams\\nMemoirs; Debates in Congress; Government Documents; Col-\\nlection of Correspondences in British and Foreign State Papers,\\nvol. 26.\\n2Thlrty-two Dispatches (Great Britain), August, 1825.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0207.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "126 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthe agreement, and Canning then proposed signing with\\nthe United States alone, but Mr. Clay, Secretary of State^,\\nconsidered it no longer necessary and proper to consider\\nthe subject, and stated that after the friendly communi-\\ncation between the British and American Governments,\\neach must now be considered as much bound to a course\\nof forbearance and abstinence in regard to Cuba and\\nPorto Rico as if they had pledged themselves to it by a\\nsolemn act. He also informed the French Government\\nthat he could not suppose any European power would\\nattempt to occupy Cuba without the concurrence or\\nknowledge of the United States. His policy was in accord\\nwith the Monroe Doctrine, that America, having made\\nherself free and independent, was not hereafter to be\\ngoverned by any European power, and that any attempt\\nat this would be regarded by the United States as dan-\\ngerous to their own peace and safety.\\nThis sympathy with the colonies in revolt caused much\\nfriction with the Spanish authorities, who, from fear of\\nhis influencing revolts, refused to admit a Consul or agent\\nfrom the United States to Cuba, though they were unable\\nto protect American commerce against the pirates. This\\nwas a subject of much controversy in the Cabinet and\\nCongress and with the public in general, and caused\\ngreat hostility to Spain in America. Many advocated\\nblockading Cuba and Porto Rico, and privateers were\\nfitted out against the pirates, and, in some cases, very\\nlikely, became pirates themselves. Finally both England\\nand the United States claimed and executed the right of\\npursuing the pirates, who had taken refuge on the coast\\nof Cuba. Still, public sentiment was aroused and Cuba\\ncontinued an uncertain prize. France, England, Colom-\\nbia, and Mexico were only held off by fear of each other\\nand of the United States. The latter, though appealed to\\nfor assistance by the inhabitants, used her influence to\\nprevent a change in the political condition of Cuba, and", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0208.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 127\\nwas determined that no nation should have it except\\nSpain. For, under any other control, there would have\\nbeen an attempt at independence and a probable slave\\ninsurrection. These dangers were the keys to much\\nstatecraft and diplomacy on the part of the United\\nStates.^ Spain continued to oppress Mexico and Colombia\\nfor the purpose of forcing England and America to guar-\\nantee her the possession of Cuba, and even offered to\\nreceive a United States Consul at Havana on this condi-\\ntion, but the United States Government, considering this\\ntoo great a risk in proportion to the benefits derived,\\nurged Russia to prevail upon Spain to make peace at once\\nif she wished to retain Cuba and Porto Rico. The Mexi-\\ncan Minister at London advocated the propriety of making\\nCuba independent, under the guaranty of all the Ameri-\\ncan States and Great Britain. Mr. Gallatin wrote Mr.\\nClay that it was the only policy which could give a per-\\nmanent security to the United States, and told Mr. Can-\\nning that complications in Anglo-American relations\\nmight result from an Anglo-Spanish war, especially as to\\nCuba, which, it is understood, should not fall into the\\nhands of either the United States or England. But the\\nsuggestion received no further consideration.\\nThe American policy toward the Panama Congress in\\n1826 was largely connected with Cuba and slavery.^ An\\ninvasion of Cuba and Porto Rico was stated to be an\\nobject of the Congress. It was seen that such an invasion\\nmight lead to internal convulsions and a servile war\\nwhich would endanger the institutions of the Southern\\niJ. Q. Adams Memoirs; Monroe Papers; Jefferson Papers;\\nCongressional Debates; British and Foreign State Papers, vol.\\n26; Cuba and Anglo-American Relations; Select Documents of\\nUnited States History, Macdonald; Messages and Papex s of the\\nPresidents, vol. II.\\nsCongressional Debates, March and April, 1826.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0209.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "128 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nStates. President Adams^ favored sending delegates to\\nPanama, as such a step might discourage any project to\\nchange the existing conditions in Cuba. The debate was\\nwarm in regard to sending delegates, but all parties\\nagreed that they should interfere if any foreign power\\nattempted to take territory contiguous to our shores.\\nThey thought that self-preservation compelled us to watch\\nanxiously over Cuba.\\nIn 1829 England put on foot schemes to stir up revolu-\\ntion in Cuba.- The Spanish Minister at London in June of\\nthat year informed his government that the British had\\nsent a frigate to the Canaries with commissioners to inves-\\ntigate what preparations were being made for an expedi-\\ntion against the new Spanish-American States; that they\\nalso went to Havana, where they found many ready to\\nrevolt, and that they left emissaries in Cuba to guide\\njjublic opinion,- By this means England hoped to get\\npossession of the island, either on mortgage for money\\nloaned Spain or by an invitation for protection from the\\ninhabitants of the island. This information caused much\\nuneasiness in the United States, as the report was based\\non the authority of the Duke of Wellington, who advised\\na British officer to give immediate notice of any signs of\\ndisaffection in Cuba. But England was careful to frus-\\ntrate all attempts at seizure of the island by any other\\ncountr} During the year Bolivar had gathered ships and\\nforces at Caracas for a contemplated invasion of Porto\\nRico, but Mr. Cockburn, the British Minister to Colombia,\\nenergetically discouraged such an attempt against any of\\nthe Spanish islands and frustrated the plans of Bolivar.\\nThe indemnity treaty which Spain made with Great\\nBritain and France lessened the possibility of interference\\niMessages and Papers of tlie Presidents, vol! II, pp. 329, 356,\\n385.\\n233 Dispatches (Spain); 28 Dispatches (Spain); Everett to Clay,\\nAugust 17, 1827.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0210.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 129\\nm Spanish afifairs, but the United States Government did\\nnot consider that it entirely obviated the danger of an\\nattempted occupation of Cuba. Thus the United States\\nMinister at Madrid was instructed that, while it was not\\nthe American policy to give a direct promise to guarantee\\n-Cuba to Spain, the United States would be ready to pre-\\nA^ent any blow that might threaten Cuba, or any objec-\\ntionable project which might affect the affairs of nations\\nin American commerce. The unsuccessful expedition\\nwhich Spain sent from Cuba against Mexico in 1828 was,\\nhowever, a cause of some solicitude to the American Gov-\\nernment, and Secretary Van Buren stated that, although\\nthe government had preserved Cuba to Spain when\\nMexico and Colombia were ready to strike a blow, and\\nalthough the possession of Cuba by the new States might\\ngive England and France a chance to get it, yet the\\nUnited States could hardly interfere with a defensive\\nattack which Mexico or Colombia might think it to their\\ninterest to make, unless such attack should threaten to\\ndisturb the internal condition of the island, or result in\\nmeasures w^hich would tend to incite the island to revolt.\\nBy 1830, when a second attack against Mexico was threat-\\nened by Spain, the English Government also ceased to\\noffer any objection to a Mexican defensive expedition\\nagainst Cuba. But by her weakened condition and by\\npopular sentiment at home Spain was forced to discon-\\ntinue her attempts for the reconquest of her former colo-\\nnies on the American Continent. Threatened by revolu-\\ntion within, she was unable to form any satisfactory for-\\neign relations, and in 1833, when her King died, the king-\\ndom was in a precarious condition.^ Thus the interna-\\ntional complications which might have arisen if Spain\\nhad been able to continue the war were avoided, and all\\n114 Special Instructions; 12 United States Ministers Instruc-\\ntions; Richardson s Messages and Papers of ttie Presidents, vol. 11.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0211.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "130 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthe powers were content to see Cuba remain in the hands\\nof a nation which had depleted its treasury in an unsuc-\\ncessful attempt to retain half of the American Continent.\\nBut the controversy had produced everlasting effects.\\nQuestions had been aroused which could not fail to leave\\ntheir impress upon the country, slave as well as freeman.\\nAll danger of foreign seizure of Cuba had disappeared,\\nbut the influence of her slave population was still great.\\nNorth and South united to resist the establishment of\\nnegro republics near our shores; both saw the danger of\\na servile war extending to the United States from such a\\nsource, but both now rushed into heated disputes con-\\ncerning the extension of slave territory. In 1827 the\\nUnited States and Mexico were not on good terms.^\\nPoinset, the United States Minister to Mexico, was objec-\\ntionable to her citizens and had to be recalled. The Mexi-\\ncans claimed that they ought to make better terms wifcTi\\ntheir kinsmen of the South American republics than with\\nthe United States. Texas was also a bone of contention.\\nThe United States had given up all claim to it in 1819.\\nBut slavery and the increasing cotton industry made\\nTexas a desirable acquisition, especially to the slave\\nStates, who wished to maintain the balance of power.\\nNegotiations for its purchase were made successively in\\n1826,- 1829, 18^i0, and 1833. Mexico freed her slaves in\\n1829, and the cotton crop of Texas made this institution\\nespecially desirable to the great numbers of Americans\\nand Englishmen who had settled there. Consequently,\\nthey desired union with the United States. The hostility\\nof the Indians to the United States on the Texas borders,\\nas well as in the Northwest, favored this, and the pursuit\\nof some of these by the United States troops into Mexican\\nterritory led the Mexican Government to think it a pre-\\niRicbardson s Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. II.\\nsHurd, Law of Freedom and Bondage, p. 195.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0212.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRBCTION. 131\\ntense for aiding the Texans in their revolts. The Texans\\ntook advantage of this difficulty and declared themselves\\nindependent of Mexico in 1833. The strife was severe,\\nbut the Texans were so far successful that the United\\nStates recognized the Republic of Texas in 1837, and the\\nrecognition by England and France followed in 1839.\\nAfter much continued and heated controversy, this prov-\\nince was annexed to the United States.^ These difficulties,\\nin which the Northern and Southern sections were so bit-\\nterly opposed, could not fail to attract the attention of\\nthe negroes of the South and make the Southern people,\\nin whose midst the evil existed, more determined to sup-\\npress rebellion, and those more remote to discount its\\ndanger.\\nNothing better illustrates the insurrectionary influences\\nbrought to bear upon the slaves than the difficulties with\\nthe Indians of the South and West. On the 30th of\\nMarch, 1802, in consideration of a cession of a portion of\\nthe Georgia territory, now owned by Alabama and Mis-\\nsissippi, the United States agreed to remove the Indians\\nfrom the limits of Georgia as soon as possible. Many\\ntreaties had been made and many millions of square\\nmiles of land purchased, but in 1824 the Creeks and Cher-\\nokees refused to sell more. In February, 1825, a treaty\\nwas signed at Indian Springs by a few Creek chiefs with-\\nout the authority of the nation, by which they agreed to\\ncede to the United States all the Creek country in Georgia\\nand a large part of that in Alabama. This treaty was\\nsupposed to have been the result of fraud on the part of\\nboth the chiefs and the two Georgia commissioners. But\\nMonroe, being unable to hold it from the Senate, and no\\none there exposing its false character, it was ratified. The\\nIndians rebelled, burnt houses, killed the signers of the\\n1 Parliamentary Debates, May 20. 1830; J. Q. Adams Mem-\\noirs, vol. II, p. 347; United States Ministers Instructions (Mex-\\nico), vol. 15; Notes from Mexican Ministers, vol. 6.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0213.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "132 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ntreaty, and sent representatives to Washington to pro-\\ntest. President Adams had just been inaugurated, and,\\nconcluding that the treaty was unfair, suspended all sum-\\nmary proceedings for enforcing it. The State authorities,\\nhowever, hastened to take possession of the land and to\\nexpel the Creeks in accordance with the terms of the\\ntreaty. General Gaines and his troops, who had been sent\\nby the President to persuade the Indians to agree to the\\nterms of the treaty, instead of gaining the expected advice\\nand aid of the Governor and militia, fell into a dispute\\nwith the executive, who called upon the Legislature to\\nstand to your arms, and wrote to Mr. Barbour, Secre-\\ntary of War, that President Adams makes the Union\\ntremble on a bauble. In a report to the Legislature it\\nwas urged that the time was rapidly approaching when\\nthe slave States must confederate. These expressions\\nevince the influence of the Indian controversy upon the\\ninstitution of slavery. In compliance with the Governor s\\nproclamation, the Legislature passed a law providing for\\nthe distribution of the lands, which were treated as sub-\\nject solely to State jurisdiction. President Adams\\ninformed Troup that surveys must stop until Congress\\nsettled the matter. The order was obeyed, but the Gov-\\nernor advised the Legislature that between States\\nequally independent it is not required of the weaker to\\nyield to the stronger. Between sovereignties\\nthe weaker is equally qualified to pass upon its rights.\\nThe Creeks refused to ratify the treaty in accordance\\nwith General Gaines proposal, but sent other represent-\\natives to Washington, with whom, in January, 1826,\\nAdams concluded a more favorable treaty. The Senate\\nrefusing to ratify it, further negotiations resulted in the\\nentire cession and the withdrawal of the Creeks beyond\\nthe Mississippi. Again the State authorities began the\\ndistribution of land before the treaty was completed, and\\non February 17, 1827, Governor Troup was forced to call", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0214.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 133\\nout the State militia to resist the United States troops.\\nThis ended the Georgia dispute for a time, as the Execu-\\ntive did not have the support of Congress, which, on the\\ncontrary, sustained Troup.\\nThe Cherokees were more civilized and better organ-\\nized, and they refused to surrender their lands. They\\nwere more like the whites, and had acquired considerable\\nslave property. They, like the Creeks, enjoyed by treaty\\nwith the United States a tribal government, owing no\\nallegiance to the State of Georgia, but, by continuous ces-\\nsions, had reduced their settlements to a mountainous\\ndistrict, where they were governed by a few whites of\\nIndian mixture. In 1825, however, they numbered fifteen\\nthousand souls, inclusive of resident whites and slaves,\\nand possessed a fertile district. Everything tended to fix\\nthem as a permanent body within the State. This very\\nsuccess proved an obstacle to their permanent stay in a\\nwhite community, while preserving a race distinction.\\nSuch States as Maine and New York, which had a small\\ntribal remnant to deal with, found it easy to exert white\\nsway. The North had exterminated the Indians in the.\\nvarious French and Indian wars, and by the time of our\\nnarrative had entirely recovered from the sufferings thus\\nendured. At this earlier date the whites of the South\\nwere allied with the Indians in their neighborhood\\nagainst the French. Consequently, the Indians, with\\ntheir separate government, had increased and prospered\\nand had become so numerous as to be a burden to the\\nSouth, and to enlist in the maintenance of their rights\\nmany sentimental philanthropists, especially from those\\nsections too distant to suffer from such disagreeable\\nneighbors. But the whites in their immediate vicinity\\n^Sehouler s History of the United States, wbicli gives ample\\nreferences on the subject; J. Q. Adams Memoirs, March, 1824;\\nHart s Formation of the Union, p. 255; Wilson s Division and\\nReunion, p. 36.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0215.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "134 THE SOUTHAItlPTON INSURRECTION.\\ncould not endure the equality of a race who were free\\nfrom all service and allegiance and who were continually\\ninciting the negroes to rebellion.^\\nEach successive Legislature of Georgia from 1826\\npassed acts limiting the territory of the Cherokees, and\\nthat year declared Indian testimony invalid in Georgia\\ncourts. The Indians, foreseeing the storm, and warned\\nby the trouble of the Creeks, made all of their land tribal\\npropertj^, thinking thus more readily to secure the protec-\\ntion of the Federal Government. But the Georgia Legis-\\nlature annexed a portion of it to two of their counties in\\norder to gradually force the Indians to emigrate. In 1828\\nthe State extended her laws over the territory of the\\nCherokees, and the next year Alabama and Mississippi\\nfollowed her example.- Jackson, in his first message to\\nCongress, says: I informed the Indians inhabiting parts\\nof Alabama and Georgia that their attempt to establish\\nan independent government would not be countenanced\\nby the Executive of the United States. He also, at the\\nrequest of the Governor, Withdrew the Federal troops\\nsent to Georgia to protect the Indians. Three times\\nbetween 1830 and the close of 1832 the claims of the\\nIndians were taken from the Georgia courts to the\\nSupreme Court of the United States, and each time the\\ncourt declared in favor of the Indians as claimants under\\ntreaties with the United States. But the Executive\\nrefused to enforce the decisions.\\nThe greatest evil came from the Seminoles, of Florida.\\nThey formed a branch of the Creek Nation, but refused to\\nfulfill the treatj^ of August, 1790, between the United\\nStates and the Creeks, by which they agreed to surrender\\niColumbus (Ga.) Compiler of September 8, 1831.\\n2Hart, Formation of the Union.\\nsMessages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. II; Niles Register;\\nSnmner s Jackson.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0216.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 135\\nall slaves who had fled to them. It was for this reason\\nthat the treaty of Indian Springs stipulated for the liqui-\\ndation of the claims of Georgia for damages to property\\nrobbed and destroyed previous to 1802, provided the sum\\ndid not exceed |250,000. The depredations continued,\\nand, under the French and Spanish sway in Florida, they\\nwere especially troublesome, partly on account of the\\ninability of the authorities to overcome them and partly\\non account of foreigners inciting the Indians against the\\nUnited States. Jackson marched against them in 1818.\\nand for this reason felt justified in disregarding the neu-\\ntral rights of Spain on the Florida peninsula, and in\\nhanging two British subjects. At this time more than\\none thousand slaves had taken refuge among the Indians,\\nwith whom they had intermarried and formed a danger-\\nous horde on the outskirts of the slave States, constantly\\ninciting the slaves to rebellion.^ This continued the case,\\nnotwithstanding article vii of the treaty of Camp Moul-\\ntrie, September 18, 182-3, which obligated the Seminoles\\nto use all necessary exertions to apprehend and deliver\\nthe same (absconding slaves or fugitives from justice) to\\nthe agent.\\nOn the 9th of May, 1832, another treaty, fraudulent,\\nsome say,^ was signed by some of the Seminole chiefs,\\nagreeing to investigate the lands west of the Mississippi,\\nand if they found them satisfactory and the Creeks willing\\nto reunite with them, to vacate Florida hj 1835. The\\nlAn address of prominent citizens of Florida to tlie President\\nreads: While these indomitable people eoutiniie where they\\nnow are. the owners of slaves in our territory and even in the\\nStates contiguous cannot, for a moment, in anything like secur-\\nity, enjoy this kind of property. Von Hoist, Constitutional\\nHistory of the United States, vol. II, p. 294; Giddiug s Speeches,\\np. 8; Executive Documents, TVenty-fifth Congress, Third Ses-\\nsion, No. 225, p. 56.\\n2Statutes at Large, VII. p. 22.5.\\naNiles, LVI, p. 289; ^Memoirs of .1. Q. Adams. IX, p. 518.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0217.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "136 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ncommissioners were satisfied with what they found, and\\nthe Indians signed a supplementary treaty at Fort Gibson\\non the 28th of March, 1833, in which they promised to\\nbegin to migrate as soon as the government will make\\narrangements for them satisfactory to the Seminole\\nNation. The negroes feared the Creeks, however, who\\nclaimed them in compensation for the residue of the\\n^250,000 which had been left after paying the Georgia\\nclaims, and which Congress had refused them. Thus the\\nnegroes determined to frustrate the execution of the\\ntreaty. In 1831 Governor Duval expressed his conviction\\nthat the removal of the Indians would be impossible until\\nthe negroes were mastered. These Indians and negroes\\nwere especially dangerous, as they could fall back into\\nthe malarial swamps, which furnished the products\\nneeded by them, but whose climate was deadly to the\\nwhite man.- Eager to recapture their slaves and force a\\nfulfillment of the treaty, the citizens, aided by the govern-\\nment ofScials, advanced into this country and recklessly\\nseized the negroes, among whom was the wife of a chief,\\nOsceola, a half-breed. The latter raged and was only\\ncalmed by his desire to escape prison and later wreak\\nvengeance on his captors. He proceeded to the swamps\\nand formed one of the most bloody plots. The United\\nStates agent in Florida was massacred, witli several of his\\nfriends, and Major Dade, with one hundred troops, was\\nattacked and only one man escaped to tell the story.^\\nIndians and negroes assembled on all sides, murdered-\\ncitizens, and burned plantations promiscuously. It was\\nimpossible to subdue them, having been made desperate\\nby their inability, as on former occasions, to retire before\\nthe encroachments of the whites.\\n1 Statutes at Larc;e, VII, pp. 423, 424.\\n2Niles Registei LYII, p. 314.\\n3lbid, XLIX, p. S67.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0218.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 137\\nIn March, 1837, General Jesup concluded a treaty with\\nthe Indians at Camp Dade/ from which he expected an\\nend of the war.^ In order to prevent interference by the\\nwhites with the negro property of the Indians, and to\\nassist their emigration, he issued, on April 5th, an army\\norder prohibiting all whites not engaged in the service\\nof the United States from entering the territory between\\nthe St. John river and the Gulf of Mexico south of Fort\\nDane. The citizens of East Florida protested that this\\nwas protecting the Indians in their depredations upon the\\nwhite inhabitants, and that no pacification could result\\nfrom the order. On April 8th General Jesup persuaded\\nthe chiefs to surrender all the negroes of the whites that\\nhad fled to them before the beginning of the war,^ and on\\nthe 27th promised not to let those that had absconded\\nbefore it leave the country.* The negroes took alarm and\\nfled to the swamps. Jesup confessed, All is lost, and,\\nprincipally, I fear, by the influence of the negroes and of\\nthe people who were the subject of our correspondence.\\nThe contest was renewed with vigor. The soldiers were\\nto have the property of the Seminoles that fell into their\\nhands. The Creeks were offered inducements to join the\\nforces of the United States, besides the property that fell\\ninto their possession and a reward of twenty dollars per\\nlExecutive Documents, Twenty-fifth Congress, Third Session,\\nvol. V, No. 225, pp. 52, 53.\\n2He writes at this time: There is no disposition on the part\\nof the greater body of the Indians to renew hostilities, and they\\nwill, I am sure, faithfully fulfill their engagements if the inhabi-\\ntaitts of the territory be prudent, but any attempt to seize their\\nnegroes or other property would be followed by an instant resort\\nto arms. I have some hopes of inducing both the Indians and\\nthe Indian negroes to unite in bringing in the negroes taken from\\nthe citizens during the war. Executive Documents, Twenty-fifth\\nCongress, Third Session, vol. V, No. 225, p. 9.\\n-Executive Documents. Twenty-fifth Congress, Third Session,\\nvol. V. No. 225. pp. 10, 108, 109.\\n4lbid, p. 13.\\n5Jesup to Colonel Gadesden, June 14, 1837.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0219.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "138 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nhead for each negro captured. This last was to induce the\\nIndians to take alive and not destroy the negroes of the\\ncitizens who had been captured by the Seminoles. The con-\\nsequence of this policy was that within a short time most\\nof the negroes had been captured. The Indians, however,\\ncontinued so strong that Jesup recommended that they\\nshould be left in Florida for a time and confined to a\\ndefinite district.^ But this proposition was rejected,- and\\nthe war continued.\\nIn March, 1839, Congress appropriated $5,000 to con-\\nclude a treaty with the Seminoles,^ and the President\\nsent General Macomb to Florida to endeavor to bring\\nabout peace. The reconciliation which he accomplished,\\nhowever, was indefinite and ambiguous on the decisive\\nsubject.* Not only the Seminoles, but the whites under-\\nstood the agreement to mean that the Indians were prom-\\nised to be allowed to remain for an indefinite time.\\nTreachery on both sides was the signal for the renewal of\\nthe war after a few weeks, which continued until armed\\noccupation by white settlers brought to a close the last\\nserious obstacle to the national policy of transferring the\\nIndians beyond the Mississippi. In pursuance of this pol-\\nicy laud was offered free to those settlers who would\\nreside five j^ears in Florida. In great numbers people\\nflocked hither, bringing their plows and other implements\\nfor clearing the forests. They established lines of defense,\\nand soon the Seminoles were reduced to about three hun-\\ndred, who were allowed to reside within the limits in the\\nlower marshes of the peninsula.\\nIt would appear at first thought that these Indian wars\\nexerted a more injurious effect upon the slaves after 1831\\nthan before. But the reverse was the case. Previous to\\niJesup to Poinset, February 11, 1838, Niles, LIV.\\nzPoinset to Jesup, March 1, 1838, Niles, p. 52.\\n3Statutes at Large, vol. V, p. 358; Niles, vol. LYII, p. 313.\\n4Niles, vol. LVI, p. 249.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0220.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 139\\nthis date the issues were only partisan, and the most\\nstringent measures to prevent insurrection had not been\\ndeemed necessary. The principles which dominated the\\npolicy of the United States as to Cuba and the West\\nIndies now controlled the slave section in regard to the\\nIndians, the Administration of Jackson concurring so far\\nas to foresee more danger from this source than from\\nthe doctrine of nullification which he later bitterly\\nopposed in the case of South Carolina and the tariff.^\\nBut in those parts of the country remote from the\\nslave and Indian population there arose a sympathy\\nfor the Indian race, like that for the negro, strongest\\nin those States which were unembarrassed by its\\nneighborhood. Black Hawk, the bold, crafty leader\\nof the Winnebagoes, Sacs and Foxes, was extolled\\nas a hero and general. Osceola, bloodthirsty and per-\\nfidious; was exalted into a patriot. The exjjression of\\nthese sympathies was only one step in advance of the hos-\\ntilities first begun in the Missouri Compromise. Thus\\nthese Indian wars had a two-fold effect, both in encour-\\naging the slaves to rebellion and in arousing sympathy\\nfor the negro in the sentimental abolitionist, who worked\\nfor the same end.\\nThe abolition societies and Quakers, as earlj-^ as 1789,\\npetitioned Congress to abolish slavery. But all minds\\nwere put at ease for many years by the declaration that\\nslavery was a question to be regulated by the individual\\nStates. During this era of peace, domestic and foreign,\\nVirginia exerted every effort to free her slaves, but was\\ni\\niThe people of Florida saw the evil and said: The contiguity\\nof the emancipated colored population of the West Indies would,\\nin a war with some foreign power, place Florida and, in fact,\\nthe whole of our Southern States, in jeopardy. There is no posi-\\ntion in which those Indians could be located so dangerous to the\\npeace and happiness of the Southern people and interests of the\\nUnited States as the peninsula of Florida. Niles, vol. LVI. pp.\\n265, 2G6.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0221.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "140 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION,\\nconfronted with the problem of what to do with them\\nwhen free. The North had gradually freed hers, compen-\\nsating the owners therefor, and all economic interest in\\nthe institution having been lost, a strong abolition senti-\\nment sprang up which was destined to prevent Virginia s\\naccomplishing the same end in the same manner.^\\nThe movement took a new turn in the form of forged peti-\\ntions, signed by fictitious names of negroes, and did not,^\\nas the old Quaker one of earlier date, respect constitu-\\ntional bounds and seek mild persuasion of the white mas-\\nter who held the local law in his hands. It boldly pro-\\nclaimed that the laws of nature were paramount to a\\nhuman institution; it preached freedom as of divine right,\\nand in defiance, if need be, of the enslavers.\\nAbolitionism slid into an angry tirade against the Consti-\\ntution as a covenant with death and agreement with hell,\\nand their creed became no union with slaveholders.\\nWe shall see in the angry years that follow the\\nSouthern secessionists and Northern abolitionists stand-\\ning upon essentially the same platform, though at opposite\\nends, both demanding that the American Union be\\nbroken up.\\nSo great had the sentiment grown by 1826 that, in\\niMr. Benton said in the United States Senate in 1835 that the\\nabolition societies had thrown the state of the emancipation\\nquestion fifty years back and subjected every traveler and every\\nimmigrant from non-slave-holding States to be received with\\ncoldness and viewed with suspicion and jealousy in the slave-\\nholding States; further, that they had occasioned many slaves\\nto lose their lives, caused the privileges of slaves to be curtailed\\nand their bonds to be more tightly drawn, besides opening a\\ngulf of misery to the free people of color.\\nIt is well to note here that by abolitionists is meant not those\\nwho favored emancipation pi ovided the negroes were sent be-\\nyond the limits of the United States, but those who demanded the\\nunconditional abolition of slavery. The latter by no means com-\\nprised the majority of Northern people, while the former class\\nembraced many influential slave-holders of the South.\\n2Schouler s History of the United States, vol. IV, pp. 210. 211.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0222.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 141\\nresponse to a petition from Francis Larche, Mr. Martin-\\ndale, from the Committee on Claims of the House, made\\nthe following report: That this is a claim for the value of\\na slave belonging to the petitioner, impressed into the\\nservice of the United States by General Jackson in the\\ndefense of New Orleans, and alleged to have been killed\\nby a cannon shot while in service. Without stopping to\\ndeny or admit any of the facts by which the petitioner\\nsupports any of his claims, the committee recommends\\nits rejection upon principle. The emergency justifies the\\nimpressing of every moral agent capable of contributing\\nto the defense of the place; to call upon the master to\\ndefend himself and slave, as well as the slave to defend\\nhis master. It would be the height of injustice to call\\nupon the free citizens of States many miles distant from\\nthe place assaulted to pour out their blood and sacrifice\\ntheir lives for its defense and at the same time to exon-\\nerate from that service its own physical and moral force.\\nMen are wanted, and in that capacity the slave was put\\nin requisition. The master, too, might have been called\\nupon, and his son, and his hired servants, as they were in\\nother parts of the country, and where sons and fathers\\nand husbands died without their lives being valued or\\ncompensated in money. The Southern citizens were\\naccused of desiring pay for slaves lost in the defense of\\ntheir country, which they refused to defend. But more,\\nthe report acknowledged the right of the United States\\nto draft the slaves into service. France had required each\\nprovince in Hayti to furnish so many negro and mulatto\\nsoldiers. The result was well known. Coming just after\\nthe Missouri Compromise, the first step which had opened\\nthe eyes of the South as to the position of the North, this\\nreport thoroughly alarmed Virginia as to the dangers of\\nnegro rebellion. The French negroes had been aroused\\nto insurrection by white citizens, and the same danger", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0223.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "142 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nconfronted the South if the doctrine here set forth was\\nonce put into operation.^\\n^By 1829 not even the broad-minded Webster, who\\nacknowledged that the slave owners were as upright and\\nhonest Christians as any in the world, was able to avert\\nthe sectional drift of the Public Land question without\\nexhibiting his opposition to slavery and introducing top-\\nics which gave a more sectional phase to the debate. He\\nclaimed for the North and the North alone the credit\\nof the first law passed against slavery, the anti-slavery\\nclause of the Ordinance of 1787, notwithstanding the fact\\nthat the honor belonged as much to Virginia, and took\\nOhio and Kentucky for examples, the superior improve-\\nment and population of the former being attributed to the-\\nexemption from the evils of slavery. The words of Ben-\\niL. W. Tazewell, one of the Virginia representatives, sent this\\nreport to Governor John Tyler, who replied as follows: Your\\nfavor of the 24th of April, covering the report of a committee\\nof the House of Representatives on the subject of Larche s\\nclaims, etc., came duly to hand, and but for the correction,\\nwhich, I trust, may be found in the good sense in the House of\\nRepresentatives, would be well calculated to excite the most\\ngloomy forebodings.\\nWe should, indeed, have reached a point of the most frightful\\napprehensions when the Congress be found mad enough to sanc-\\ntion the principles, or, more properly, the non-principles, con-\\ntained in the report. It will be a point from which there will\\nbe receding and no advancing. But the precedents, fortunately,\\nare all the other way. The late treaty with England, if any-\\nthing more than the common sense of mankind was wanting to\\nsettle this question, does settle it. Slaves are there placed on\\nthe footing of propeHy, and he must be a wretched and unreliable\\nenthusiast who would question the correctness of that decision.\\nI always thought that certain politicians had gone a bow-shot\\ntoo far when they attempted, as in this question, to elevate to\\nthe condition of citizens the free blaclis, but j\\\\Ir. Martindale and\\nhis committee, in their notion of men and moral agents, have\\nmade a new and unforeseen discovery. This is what you prop-\\nerly call it, a great question a question big with the fate of the\\nUnion, a principle which startles, and is well calculated to alarm\\nall the sensibilities of the patriot, and one in the settlement of\\nwhich 1 shall, along with yourself and our common constituents,,\\nwatch with the deepest interest.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0224.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 143\\nton in the famous debate will illustrate the hostile and\\ninflammatory language and efforts employed during this\\nperiod, both in and out of Congress. He says: Christ\\nsaw all of this (the slavery of the ancients) and their white\\ncolor, which was the same with His own, yet He said\\nnothing against slavery, He preached no doctrines which\\nled to insurrection and massacre, none which, in their\\napplication to the state of things in our country, would\\nauthorize an inferior race to exterminate that superior\\nrace of whites, in whose ranks He Himself appeared upon\\nearth.\\nVirginia never universally favored slavery, and never\\nlost the hope of some day ridding herself of it. But this\\nhostile sentiment forced her, with the rest of the South,\\nto place herself in a position to be wrongly judged.- She\\nsaw the result of the discussion of slavery by the French\\nLegislature, and felt that on this question the North bore\\nthe same relation to the South as France to St. Domingo.\\nConsequently, her Representatives opposed the right of\\npetitioning Congress on the subject of slavery. This posi-\\ntion taken by the South against the right of petition was\\nso favorable to the anti-slavery party that by 1831 the\\nabolitionists had become very powerful in the United\\nStates. Alexander s History of African Colonization\\nsays:^ About this time the zeal of the abolitionists had\\nbecome exceedingly warm, and great excitement was pro-\\nduced both at the North and the South by the publication\\nof inflammatory pamphlets containing highly colored\\n1 Benton, vol. 1, chapter XLIV, pp. 130-137.\\n2Mr. Benton said in 1829 in tiie United States Senate: I can\\ntruly say tliat slavery, in the abstract, has but few advocates or\\ndefenders in the slave-holding States, and that slavery, as it is,\\nan hereditary institution, descended iipon us from our ances-\\ntors, would have fewer advocates among us than it has if those\\nwho have nothing to do with the subject would only let us\\nalone.\\n3The Virginia History of African Colonization, p. 27.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0225.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "144 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ndescriptions of the cruelties exercised toward the slaves\\nin the Southern States, and caricatures were prepared\\ncalculated to make a strong impression on the imagina-\\ntion of the people. A pamphlet was printed in Boston,\\nwritten by one Mr. Walker,^ which actually aimed to\\nexcite the slaves to insurrection, and did not hesitate to\\nexhort them to take vengeance on their owners by imbu-\\ning their hands in their blood. Copies of these pamphlets\\nwere sent by mail into the Southern country.\\nWalker says in the preface to this pamphlet: All I\\nask is a candid and careful perusal of this the third and\\nlast edition of my appeal, where the world may see that\\nwe, the blacks or colored people, are treated more cruelly\\nby the white Christians of America than devils them-\\nselves ever treated a set of men, women and children on\\nthis earth. It is expected that all colored men, women\\nand children of every nation, language and tongue under\\nheaven, will try to procure a copy of the appeal and read\\nit, or get someone to read it to them. He counsels care\\nand courage in attempts at freedom. Never make an\\nattempt to gain our freedom or national right, from under\\ncruel oppressors and murderers, until you see your way\\nclear. Fear not the number and education of\\nour enemies, against whom we shall have to contend for\\nour lawful rights. One good black man can\\nput to death six white men. the whites have\\nalways been an unjust, jealous, unmerciful, avaricious\\nand bloodthirsty set of beings always seeking after power\\nand authority. He traces the history of the white race,\\nand declares that they have always acted more like devils\\niThis David Walker was a free negro of Boston, and his\\npamphlet is entitled Walker s Appeal, in Four Articles, together\\nwith n Preamble to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in\\nparticular and very expressly to those of the United States of\\nAmerica. It was written September, 1829, and revised and pub-\\nlished in 1830. He was a publisher and seems to have devoted\\nhis life to arousing the negroes of America.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0226.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 145\\nthan accountable men. If you commence, he continues,\\nmake sure work do not trifle for they will not trifle with\\njou they want us for their slaves and think nothing of\\nmurdering us in order to subject us to that wretched con-\\ndition therefore, if there was an attempt made by us, kill\\nor be killed. In August, 1829, a gang of slaves who\\nwere being driven through Kentucky rebelled and killed\\ntwo of the negroes who had charge of them and fled. The\\nthird driver was assisted by one of the women to escape.\\nWalker accuses this woman of being ignorant and a\\nserver of the devil, and says: Any person who will save\\nsuch wretches from destruction is fighting against the\\nLord, and will receive his just recompense. The negroes\\nare advised to study and surpass the ignorant whites of\\nthe South, of whom he declared: It is a fact that in all\\nour slave-holding States there are thousands of the whites\\nwho are almost as ignorant in comparison as horses, the\\nmost the}^ know is to beat the colored people, which some\\nof them shall have their heart full of yet. This\\nountry is as much ours as it is the whites whether they\\nwill admit it now or not, they will see and believe it by\\nand by. The negroes are warned against the efforts of\\nthe Colonization Society as schemes of the slave-holders to\\nget rid of the influences of the free blacks upon the slaves.\\nHe pleads for unity, secrecy, and courage, as God would\\nraise up a Hannibal for them if they would only help\\nthemselves. This, he feels confident, will be the case some\\nday, as in most of the slave countries the negroes were in\\nthe majority and more worthy than the whites. Four\\nhundred and fifty thousand of the five or six hundred\\nthousand negroes in Virginia, well armed, he would put\\nagainst every white man on the continent of America.\\nHis warning to the whites is: Remember, Americans,\\nthat we must and shall be free and enlightened as you\\nare. Will you wait until we shall, under God, obtain", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0227.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "146 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nour liberty by the crushing arm of force? Will it not be\\ndreadful for you? I speak, Americans, for your good. We\\nmust and shall be free, I say, in spite of you. You may\\ndo your best to keep us in wretchedness and misery, ta\\nenrich you and your children, but God will deliver us\\nfrom under you. And woe, woe will be unto you if we\\nhave to obtain our freedom by fighting. Throw away your\\nfears and prejudices, then, and enlighten us and treat us\\nlike men, and we will like you more than we do now\\nhate you.\\nThe General Colored Association of Massachusetts\\nexerted every effort to incite rebellion.^ It urged negroes\\nto remain in America and work for the cause of emanci-\\npation. Richard Allen, a Bishop of the African Metho-\\ndist Episcopal Church, wrote to the editor of the Free-\\ndom s Journal: I have been for several years trying to\\nreconcile my mind to the colonization of Africa in Liberia,\\nbut there have always been and there still remain great\\nand insurmountable objections against the scheme..\\nThis land which we have watered with our tears\\nand our blood is now our mother country, and we are well\\nsatisfied to staj where wisdom abounds and the Gospel\\nis free. These negroes were valuable agents for the\\nabolitionists, the principal of whom was William L. Gar-\\nrison, the editor of the Liberator. Even the poet Whittier\\nwrote a poem entitled The Branded Hand, of which\\nthe following is a stanza:\\nAnd the tyrants of the slavelaud shall tremble at that\\nsign,\\nWhen it points its finger southward along the Puritan\\nline;\\niTlie Freedom s Journal, of December 20, 1828, has an address\\nbefore the Society by David Walker.\\n2Freedom s Journal, for November 2, 1827, vol, 1, No. 34. They\\nseem to have been very successful.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0228.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION 147\\nWoe to the State-gorged leeches and the church s locust\\nband,\\nWhen they look from slavery s ramparts on the coming of\\nthat hand.\\nIn Baltimore was published the weekly Genius of Uni-\\nversal Emancipation, edited by Benjamin Lundy, which\\ntook as its motto, We hold these truths to be self-evident;\\nthat all men are created equal and endowed by their Cre*\\nator with certain inalienahle rights; that among these, are\\nlife, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. These organs\\nkept in touch with European affairs and published weekly\\naccounts of them, especially of the abolition movement\\nin England, as given by the (London) Anti-Slavery\\nMonthly Register.\\nBy degrees serfdom disappeared from the social order\\nof Western Europe, leaving the germ of hostility to every\\nform of servitude. England, at an early date, joined with\\nthe United States and France in suppressing the slave\\ntrade. Spain and Portugal were the last to yield, the\\nformer in 1830 and the latter in 1820. In 1823 the English\\nAnti-Slavery party was formed by men like Wilberforce,\\nBuxton, and Macaulay, who secured the passage of a\\nresolution on the 5th of May that the home government\\nrecommend to the Colonial Legislatures certain measures\\nof amelioration in the treatment of the slaves, and that,\\nif they refused, these measures be forced upon them. This\\nacquiescence of the home government in the principles of\\nthe Anti-Slavery party very much incensed the planters,\\nwho took active steps to conceal from the slaves the\\narrival of the order in council. A vain attempt in Dem-\\nerara^ led the slaves to believe they had been set free.\\niThe trial and imprisoament of .Jonathan Walker at Pensacola,\\nFlorida.\\n20ne of the most populous and wealthy provinces of British\\nGuiana. It takes its name from a river running through it.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0229.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "148 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nThey refused to work and resisted when force was used.\\nMartial law, however, was proclaimed and the uprising\\nsuppressed with great severity. This act excited much\\nindignation in England against the planters, and Wilber-\\nforce, Stephen, Brougham, and others abated their efforts\\nonly during a period allowed the local Legislatures for\\ncarrying into effect the measures expected of them. In\\n1828 the free people of color were put on a footing of legal\\nequality with the whites. In 18.30, since it was evident\\nthat the planters did not intend to take further steps for\\nthe liberation of the slaves, the leaders in Parliament\\ndetermined to urge the entire abolition of slavery at the\\nearliest practicable period. This opportunity arrived in\\n183.3, under the Ministry of Lord Grey, and slavery was\\nabolished throughout the British Empire, all slave-holders\\nbeing paid for the slaves save the Boers of South Africa,\\nwho, in consequence, emigrated from Cape Colony and\\nfounded the Transvaal, England s eternal enemy. This\\nEnglish anti-slavery zeal was infused into the movement\\nin America by the abolitionists, who dared to import anti-\\nslavery orators from the nation that, above all others,\\nhad, from the Revolutionary War on, disturbed the insti-\\ntution of American slavery. This influence was felt to\\nsuch an extent by 1830 that it could be said: The Eng-\\nlish are the best friends the colored people have upon\\nearth. Though they have oppressed us a little and have\\ncolonies now in the West Indies which oppress us sorely,\\nyet, notwithstanding, they (the English) have done one\\nhundred times more for the melioration of our condition\\nthan all the other nations of the earth put together. The\\nblacks cannot but respect the English as a nation, not-\\nwithstanding they have treated us a little cruel. Every-\\niWalker s Appeal, p. 47.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0230.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 149\\nthing was done by the British officials to offend the slave-\\nholders of the United States.^\\nThese inflammatory papers and pamphlets and reports\\nof affairs abroad were circulated through the mails to\\nsuch an extent and had such an effect upon the negroes\\nthat the State authorities had to take active measures to\\nprevent it.- Nor was this all. Ministers visited Virginia,\\nand instead of preaching the gospel, secretly communi-\\niThe Jamaica Courent, of August 26, 1831, says: We tran-\\nscribe from the opposition journal recently established at Nassau\\nan article relating to the manner in which the British Govern-\\nment has disposed of certain slaves of the United States, who\\nhad been wreclved on their passage from one part of the republic\\nto another and had been brought before the admiralty jurisdic-\\ntion of the Bahama Islands. According to international law one\\nnation has no right to legislate over a people of another de-\\npressed by accident of nature. Such an act comes with very ill-\\ngrace from Great Britain, which from the first of William III. to\\nthe middle of George III. declared tlae slave trade to be most\\nbeneficial and not to be restrained\u00e2\u0080\u0094 nay, forbid her then colonies\\nNew Hampshire and Virginia in any way to restrict the trade.\\nAfter further portraying the manner in which British despotism\\nforced slavery on America when too weak to resist her, and how\\nJefferson, as acknowledged by Lord Brougham, first effectually\\nraised his voice in inducing Virginia to abolish the slave trade,\u00c2\u00bb\\nthis paper adds: Since the United States has been gradually\\nfreeing themselves from the internal slave trade and slavery\\nwhich is acknowledged to be inferior to all classes. She has\\nabolished it in all States north of the Potomac and without vio-\\nlating the rights of her citizens, but with the most equitable\\nconsideration of the claims of private property. She proceeded\\nin the natural order, freed from war duties in the time of peace\\nand (with) the certainty of enjoying one s profits of labor, (she)\\nencouraged free labor, which (was) found so much more beneficial\\nthan slavery, which never was advantageous except to white\\nEuropeans who stole the slaves to sell to the New World. Thus\\nGreat Britain forced slavery on lier weak colonies, and when\\nthey ceased to be hers she finds out the property she sold and\\ncreated is so base that it justifies a violation of international\\nlaw.\\n2A letter from Raleigh to the National Gazette of October 13,\\n1831, says that a number of the Liberators, printed in Boston\\nby the editor, William Lloyd Garrison and published by Isaac\\nKnapp, came to Raleigh, and the attorney general submitted an\\nindictment to the grand jury, who found it a true bill.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0231.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "150 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ncated with the slaves and sent back to the North most\\nhorrible accounts of heathenism and cruelties. These men\\nusually were of an inferior type and were aided by other\\nsecret agents as peddlers, etc., even women condescending\\nto become abolition missionaries.^\\nA white man, Bradley, was known to have been very\\nintimate with Nat Turner. This fact, together with con-\\ntemporaneous circumstances, leaves no doubt but that\\nabolition documents and agents had great influence upon\\nthe insurrection.- In his message to the Legislature in\\nrelation to the massacre. Governor Floyd said: From\\nthe documents which I lay before you, there is too much\\nreason to believe those plans of treason, insurrection, and\\nmurder have been designed, planned, and matured by\\nunrestrained fanatics in some of the neighboring States,\\nwho find facilities in distributing their views and plans\\niThe following is an extract from a letter to a gentleman in\\nNorfolk, dated Camfbridge, Maryland, October 4, 1831: A white\\nwoman was arrested at Northwest Fork Bridge (22 miles from\\nhere). A black man communicated to Representatives Dr. Nicho-\\nlas and Mr. Kenon that a woman from Philadelphia was sent\\nto instruct the negroes how they might succeed in their con-\\nspiracy. He told them he knew he was not a witness against\\na w^hite person, but that, if they would come to his house that\\nevening, they conld hear for themselves. They did so and heard\\nwhat she had to say; she told the black men if they wanted\\narms to write on to the Bishop of Bethlemite Church in Phila-\\ndelphia and he would furnish them with such advice as they\\nshould want in their undertaking. She was lodged in jail for\\ntrial. This occurred a few months after the Southampton mas-\\nsacre, but it sufficiently illustrates what was going on before this\\nincident.\\n2A letter from Winton. North Carolina, to the Norfolk Herald,\\ndated August 24, 1831, reads: We are all in a state of confusion\\nhere. There has been an insurrection of the negroes of South-\\nampton in the neighborhood of Cross Keys, about thirty miles\\nfrom here. From the best information we have had, three white\\nmen and four slaves of a gentleman near Cross Keys rose upon\\nhim before day on Monday and killed him and all his white fam-\\nily, etc. He (Nat) had been influenced by religious fanaticism\\nand by white preachers of black equality. Stephen B. Weeks\\nin Magazine of American History for 1897.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0232.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 151\\n;amoug our population either through the postoffice or by\\nagents sent for that purpose throughout our territory.\\nThese agents were especially accessible to the free negroes\\nand through them to the slaves. After portraying further\\ninfluence of these agents, the Governor continues: Some\\nproof is also furnished that for the class of free people of\\ncolor they have offered more enlarged views and urge the\\nachievement of a higher destiny by means, for the present,\\nless violent, but not differing in the end from those pre-\\nsented to the slaves. Mr. R. A. Brock writes: The\\nfruits of these incendiary machinations soon began to\\nappear. On the 21st and 22d of August, 1831, a body of\\nsixty or seventy slaves, under the leadership of Nat Tur-\\nner, the slave of Mr. Benjamin Turner, of Southampton,\\narose on the white inhabitants of the county and butch-\\nered by night fifty-five persons, chiefly helpless women\\nand children.\\nGENERAL CHARACTER OF THE INSURREC-\\nTION. The Southampton insurrection was barbarous\\nbeyond degree. Depredations, murder, and the most\\nrevolting crimes were committed in cold blood, but its\\ntrue nature and extent have never been thoroughly\\ngrasped. Either it is represented as having been confined\\nto a portion of a magisterial district, or its leader is said\\nto have recruited his forces through all Eastern Virginia\\nand Carolina south of James river. The former view is\\nof later origin and due to the words of Nat Turner and to\\na desire to believe the disaffection of limited extent and\\nuninfluenced Jby external events. Having assured Nat of\\nijMi Collin Kitelipn was in Smithflelcl when he heard the news\\nof the insurrection. He at oBce started for home. But at the\\nBlackwater the Isle of Wiglit troops refused his passage for some\\ntime, as they feared he was a pretended trader lending aid to\\nthe insurgents. They had moved the planks of the liridge in\\norder to more readily resist the passage of white spies.\\n^Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, New Series,\\nvol. VI.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0233.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "152 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthe certain death that awaited him, and convinced him\\nthat concealment would only bring destruction on the\\ninnocent as well as the guilty of his own color, Mr. Gray\\nasked him if he knew any extensive or concerted plan.\\nHis answer was, I do not. He denied all knowledge of\\na similar rebellion in North Carolina, and added: I see,\\nsir, you doubt my word: but can you not think the same\\nideas and strange appearances about this time in the\\nheavens might prompt others^ as well as myself, to this\\nundertaking? It was but natural, on the other hand,\\nthat the extent of the plot should be exaggerated. In the\\nsummer of 1831 there were slave revolts in Martinique,\\nAntigua, St. Jago (Santiago), Caracas, and Tortugas.\\nTheir influence seems to have spread to the United States.\\nIn Delaware and Maryland there were signs of discontent\\namong the slaves, mostly caused by slave dealers, who\\nstirred up discontent among the slaves in order to induce\\nthe masters to sell them at low rates, and in many cases\\ninduced the slaves to flee in the hope of promised freedom\\nand a life of ease and comfort, free from work.^ A letter^\\nfrom Princess Anne, Somerset county, Maryland, says:\\nMuch excitement prevails from an apprehended insurrec-\\ntion of the negroes; patrols have been out for several\\nnights in all parts of the county, and several high charac-\\nters have been brought in and committed to prison. The\\nslaves working the gold mines of Burke and Rutherford\\ncounties, North Carolina, were discovered in a deep-laid\\nplot. A letter^ from Rutherfordton says: The negroes\\nworking the mines of the neighborhood have been de-\\ntected in insurrectionary attempts and several brought\\nbefore the Supreme Court, one general, a major, two cap-\\ntains, and others of inferior grade. The best white people\\niThese men sold the same negroes in the extreme Southerni\\nStates for large sums.\\n2Baltimore Patriot.\\n3National Gazette, October 13, 1831.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0234.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 153\\nhave been called together to take measures to suppress\\nthe insurrectionary spirit and prevent the introduction of\\nmean negroes. In Richmond county several arrests\\nwere made and iron spikes for carrying into execution the\\nscheme of the slaves were discovered.\\nThe entire Black Belt seems to have been aroused.\\nThe first information of this was reported to Mr. Usher,\\nof South Washington, by a free negro, who said that\\nDave, a slave of Mr. Morisey, of Sampson, solicited his\\nco-operation and that of several others in an insurrection.\\nMr, Usher communicated this information to Mr. Kelly, of\\nDuplin, who immediately caused the arrest of Dave. He\\nconfessed to his master that the negroes of Sampson,\\nDuplin, Lenoir, and New Hanover were regularly organ-\\nized and prepared to rise on the 4th of October, and he\\ngave the names of the four leaders in Sampson and Dup-\\nlin and of several in Wilmington. Having murdered the\\nprincipal families, the insurgents intended marching upon\\nWilmington by two routes. Here they expected a rein-\\nforcement of two thousand, after which, well armed, they\\nwere to return and take possession of the country. Troops\\nwere called out in eYerj county in the State and the\\ngreatest excitement prevailed. On September 13th the\\ncitizens of Sampson county wrote the Governor: Sir:\\nThe inhabitants of Sampson have been alarmed with an\\ninsurrection of the negroes. We have ten or fifteen negroes\\nin Jail and have such proof that most of them will be\\nbound over to our Superior Court. We have testimony\\nthat will implicate most of the negroes in the county.\\nWe wish you to issue an order to the colonel of the\\ncounty to appoint a guard to guard the jail until the\\nnegroes shall have their trial. The people of Duplin\\ncounty have examined ten or fifteen negroes and found\\ntwo guilty and have put them to death. There never was\\nsuch excitement in Sampson and Duplin before. A dis-\\npatch from Washington to Wilmington represented the", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0235.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "154 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nnegroes two hundred strong as marching from the former\\nto the latter place. A second dispatch confirmed this\\nreport, and the citizens flew to arms. The females col-\\nlected in houses near the courthouse and remained in\\nanxious sleeplessness until daylight brought the tidings\\nthat the report was false and that the firing heard and\\nsupposed to be an encounter between the whites and\\nblacks was nothing more than a discharge from a swivel\\nby some young men at Lisburn (Black River), with the in-\\ntention of clearing it out. The blacks had never assem-\\nbled with any treasonable intent, and the companies that\\nturned out in the neighboring counties merely pursued\\nthirty or forty negroes, who had fled from fright. In\\nRaleigh a report was circulated that the negroes, having\\nburned Wilmington, were marching upon the capital.\\nThe entire night of September 12th was spent under arms,\\nand the morning of the 13th presented a dreary aspect.\\nThe leading men assembled in the courthouse to examine\\nsuspected negroes, while women ran, distracted, in every\\ndirection. All business was suspended, and the arms and\\nammunition of the stores were confiscated. All the males\\nenlisted in companies, even the old men forming the Sil-\\nver Greys, and fortified the churches and other public\\nbuildiDgs, to which the women and children were to flee\\nat the first sound of the capitol bell. Such was the state\\nof affairs, when a gentleman from Johnson county rushed\\ninto the town appealing for arms and ammunition.^ It\\nwas reported that twenty-one negroes had been arrested\\nin Edenton on a charge of inciting rebellion, that Clinton\\nhad been burned, and the bridge over the Cape Fear river\\nat Fayetteville blown up. The tension of the citizens was\\nat such a pitch that when O Rouke s blacksmith shop\\ntook fire the capitol bell tolled and the alarm spread,\\nNat Turner and his followers are upon us! The negroes\\niHis horse fell dead as he dismounted.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0236.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 155\\nwere even more alarmed than the whites. On the 14th\\nevery free negro was examined before the committees of\\nvigilance, and those that could not give a satisfactory\\naccount of their means of subsistence were either impris-\\noned or ordered to leave the place forthwith. The slaves\\nwere also carefully examined and every kitchen searched.\\nThe alarm soon subsided, however, and the negroes in\\ngeneral behaved manfully, and caused a high reputation\\nfor disinterested intrepidity and strict honesty. To\\navoid suspicion, those negroes who were on their way to\\nmarket, as soon as they heard of the insurrection, left\\ntheir goods at the nearest farmhouses and returned home\\nto report to their masters. These facts, together with\\nthe report that the negroes of the counties of North Caro-\\nlina contiguous to Southampton contemplated rebelling\\non the same day with those of that county, and had failed\\nin this resolve merely from a misunderstanding, there\\nbeing five Sundays in August instead of four, naturally\\nled to the belief that the Southampton insurrection was\\ngeneral and extended over all Carolina and Virginia.\\nBoth of the views given are in a measure tiue. The\\ninfluence of the insurrection was widespread, extending\\nto the North as well as to the South.- The negroes of\\nNorth Carolina were encouraged by the partial success of\\nNat Turner, but the disturbed spirit of the slaves was a\\nnatural consequence of the times, and seems to have been\\niThe American Annual Register said tliis in commendation of\\nthe negroes of Fayetteville at the $1,500,000 fire in May, 1831.\\n2Rev. Lorenzo Dow, in his Life and Works, p. 159. says:\\nThe negro plot of General Nat in Virginia, extended from the\\nState of Delaware to the Gulf of Mexico, systematically ar-\\nranged, as is evident from the various executions in a string,\\nabout that time, exemplified in various places! Also the foreign-\\ners, systematically itinerating for what purpose, antecedent and\\nsubsequent to that time. Moreover, it is evident the slaves could\\nnot have had the opportunity of such systematical arrangement,\\nso extensive: hence it is evident that it must be ti-aced to another\\nsource white men behind the scene.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0237.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "156 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ngreatest in that portion of Carolina most accessible to\\nexternal influences, and which it was impossible for the\\ndirect exertion of the Southampton negroes to reach. On\\nthe other hand, though the execution of the plot was con-\\nfined to a magisterial district of three thousand inhab-\\nitants, every effort was exerted to arouse the negroes of\\nthe neighboring counties of Virginia and Carolina. Gen-\\neral Eppes, in a general order, and again in an official\\nletter, to the Governor, reported that he was convinced\\nfrom various sources that there existed no general concert\\namong the slaves, and that circumstances, impossible to\\nhave been feigned, demonstrated the entire ignorance on\\nthe subject of all the slaves of the counties around South-\\nampton. The editor of the Norfolk Herald, however, in\\nthe number which contained this expression of General\\nEppes opinion, says that there were divers reports that\\nfavored the idea of a preconcerted plan of operation\\nextending to other counties, in which a number of impli-\\ncated negroes were on trial. In September a negro\\npreacher was arrested in Prince William, and the Peters-\\nburg Intelligencer of the second Friday in September\\nsays: In Prince George, on Thursday last, a slave of the\\nname of Christopher, belonging to Mr. Henry C. Heath, a\\nblacksmith hj trade and a preacher by profession, was\\ntried by the county court on a charge of being connected\\nwith the Southampton conspirators, and condemned to\\ndeath. He is to be hung the first Friday in October. In\\nOctober several negroes confined in Sussex jail knocked\\nthe jailer down and attempted to escftpe. Only one suc-\\nceeded. One was killed, one wounded, and four, captured\\nby the guard, were tried and executed.^ Thus four negroes\\nwere condemned and two transported by Sussex for con-\\nnection with the Southampton insurrection, while Nanse-\\nmond transported one and Surrj^ one.\\niNational Gazette, November 1, 1831.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0238.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 157\\nSimilar results seem to have been the consequence in\\nother counties. A gentleman of Nansemond says: 1\\nhave often been told that the plans for the insurrection\\nwere laid at Barnes Church, at a protracted meeting, the\\nSunday preceding the night the conspirators commenced\\ntheir cruel work. I have also often heard that there were\\na great many negroes from around Winton, N orth Caro-\\nlina, and other places quite a distance from the church. I\\nhave often been told by n\\\\j mother, who lived in Nanse-\\nmond county, about four miles from the Southampton\\ncounty line, and more than twenty miles from this\\n(Barnes church, that an old negro (Moses) in the family,\\nwho was considered a bad character, to the surprise of the\\nfamily, asked permission the week before to attend this\\nmeeting. As soon as the insurrection was reported, of\\ncourse, this singular request was explained. But the re-\\nport of their laying their plans at this church seemed to\\nconflict with Nat s confession, unless this was another\\nparty which was to act in concert with him and failed to\\ndo so. The whites were conducting a revival service at\\nBarnes on the 14th of August, and many negroes were\\npresent who had the privilege of worshiping with the\\nwhites and also of attending services conducted by\\npreachers of their own color. Nat preached on this date,\\nand seemed to have gained many sympathizers, who sig-\\nnified their willingness to co-operate with him by wearing\\naround their necks red bandanna handkerchiefs, and who\\nin many ways showed their rebellious spirit. This behav-\\nior was not understood until after the insurrection.\\nThe plot was also in contemplation for a greater time\\nthan is generally believed. As early as 1825 Nat Turner\\nwas preaching, and he astounded the slaves by his strange\\nutterances and deeds. A letter from Jerusalem of Sep-\\niDr. W. H. Daughtry, Sunbeam, Virginia. I\\n2They tried to r ide over wliite people.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0239.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "158 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ntember, 21, sajs that a negro woman belonging to Mr.\\nSolomon Parker stated that she had heard the subject\\ndiscussed among her master s slaves and those of the\\nneighborhood eighteen months before the insurrection.\\nFor several years plans for insurrection were maturing in\\nthe mind of Nat Turner, and by February, 1831, he had\\nso far determined upon his scheme that he related it to\\nfour of the most influential negroes of his section. From\\nthat time every effort was made to enlist the co-operation\\nof other slaves, but with the^ greatest patience and pru-\\ndence. The negro woman above mentioned said that in\\nMay and August she had heard several negroes express\\nthemselves as determined to unite against the whites, and\\nthat they had threatened to kill her if she told. The\\nslaves of Mr. Benjamin Edwards testified that they had\\nheard that General Nat was going to kill all the white\\npeople and that the negroes would be forced to join him\\nor be killed. Berry Newsom, a free negro, on Monday,\\nAugust 22d, remarked in the presence of these slaves\\nthat the damn rascal (Mr. Edwards) had been where\\nthey were at work, but that the negroes would get him\\nbefore night.\\nThe insurrection was a failure through no want of exer-\\ntion on the part of the leaders, but on account of the\\niwfusal of the slaves in general to participate. This was\\ndue partially to fear. Many negroes besides those of Boy-\\nkins District would have participated had the insurgents\\nbeen more successful and less readily suppressed. The\\ngreatest restraint upon the slaves, however, was affection\\nand good judgment. Their treatment and training had\\nbeen such as to inspire obedience and contentment. Con-\\nsequently, only sixty or seventy negroes w^ere implicated,\\nand of these only about forty were guilty, the remainder\\nbeing forced to participate. Well might the Richmond\\nCompiler of August 25th say: The militia of Southamp-", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0240.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSTJHRECTION. 159\\nton bad been most active in ferreting out the fugitives\\nfrom their hiding places, which was, of course, to be\\nexpected from their superior knowledge of their county.\\nBut it deserves to be said to the credit of many of the\\nslaves whom gratitude had bound to their masters, that\\nthey had manifested the greatest alacrity in detecting and\\napprehending many of the brigands. They had brought\\nin sever-al, and a fine spirit had been shown in many of the\\nplantations of confidence on the part of the masters and\\ngratitude on the part of the slaves. In the same strain\\na letter from Norfolk to the National Gazette of August\\n24th says: There is verj^ little disaffection in the slaves\\ngenerally, and they cannot muster a force sufficient to\\neffect any object of importance. The few who have thus\\nrushed headlong into the arena will be shot down like\\ncrows or captured and made examples of. The militia are\\ncollecting in all the neighboring counties and the utmost\\nvigilance prevails. An express from Sufl: olk^ says: We\\nhave intimation that the insurrection was not the result\\nof concert to anj^ extent, nor rested on any combination\\nto give the least chance of success. This is evident from\\nthe small number of adherents which the ringleaders, with\\nall their threats and persuasions, were enabled to enlist\\nin their cause. The slaves throughout the county are\\ngenerally well affected and even faithful to their employ-\\ners. While no estimate can be made of the damage that\\nmight have been done had these few fanatics been able to\\ndiscipline their followers, the people of Wilmington. North\\nCarolina, expressed the sentiment of the slave-holders\\nof Virginia, as follows: That the Nat Turner insurrec-\\ntion could not be dismissed without speaking of the good\\nbehavior of the slaves thereabouts, who might be en-\\ntrusted, it was believed, to take part in the defense of the\\niNorfolk Hevalfl, Aut^-iist 26. 1831.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0241.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "160 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ncommunity under any circumstances. Thus it was that\\nthe insurrection only served to bind master and slave in\\ntighter bonds of affection, so that upon the surrender at\\nAppomattox both wept at the thought of separation.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0RESULTS OF THE INSUKRECTION.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 The imme-\\ndiate result of the insurrection was the greatest excite-\\nment, alarm, and confusion in many parts of the South.\\nMen went about in groups, the militia drills were renewed,\\nand the arms, called in a few months before, reissued.^\\nMr. Thomas Gray says The late insurrection in South-\\nampton has greatlj^ excited the public mind and led to a\\nthousand idle, exaggerated, and mischievous reports. It\\nis the first instance in our history of an open rebellion of\\nthe slaves, and attended with such atrocious circum-\\nstances of cruelty and destruction as could not fail to\\nleave a deep impression, not onlj^ on the minds of the\\ncommunity where the fearful tragedy was wrought, but\\nthroughout every portion of our country in which this\\npopulation is to be found. The least suspicion of another\\nplot would have involved not only the guilty, but the inno-\\ncent negroes, in indiscriminate murder. The Norfolk\\nHerald in September said: We were struck with the\\ncoincidence of opinion in the article from the Whig with\\nthe suggestion of our own mind before we saw that paper,\\nand which we expressed in our last number, namely; that,\\njudging from the excitement produced by the Southamp-\\nton murders on the minds of the whites in that and adja-\\ncent counties, any future outrage of the blacks of a\\nsimilar character would be retaliated by their indiscrimi-\\nnate destruction. The arm of law would be inadequate\\nto protect even the innocent from the general flood of\\nvengeance and extermination.\\nBy December. 1881, all alarm had passed away and the\\npeople v ere in a position to consider carefully the actual\\nstatus of the negro and what should be his future. The", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0242.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 161\\ngeneral public sentiment was in favor of emancipation,\\nand with this in view special pains had been taken to\\nchoose worthy and intelligent men for the Legislature,\\nwhich was to meet in December. Howiso-n- says of the\\nresult: The next Legislature was one of intelligence\\nand talent. A permanent organization having been\\nformed, the first question which confronted the Legisla-\\nture was the consideration of the various petitions con-\\ncerning the future of slavery. The Governor foresaw the\\nthreatening evil, and said: As a means of guarding\\n-against the possible repetition of these sanguinary scenes,\\nI cannot fail to recommend to your early attention the\\nrevision of all the laws intended to preserve in due sub-\\nordination the slave population of our State! In urging\\nthese considerations upon you, let me not be understood\\nas expressing the slightest doubt or apprehension of gen-\\neral results. All communities are liable to suffer from the\\ndagger of the murderous and midnight assassin, and it\\nbehooves them to guard against these. With us, the first\\nreturning light dispels the danger and soon witnesses the\\nmurderer in chains.\\nThe insurrection caused no fear of a successful servile\\ninsurrection, nor did it create a spirit of hostility to the\\nslaves, but it centered public consideration upon the fol-\\nlowing pertinent questions: Is not slavery the cause of\\nthe decline in the value of lands in certain portions of\\nVirginia? Is it not the cause of emigration (directly or\\nindirectly) from Virginia, and the lack of a dense white\\npopulation? Is it not time to ask the Legislature to lessen\\nthe slave population, even with a view to final abolition?\\niMr. Montgomery says that many attributed the Nat Turner in-\\nsurrection to the articles of William L. Garrison and others in the\\nLiberator, but that this was not so, for Garrison never opposed\\nslaverj in higher terms than did leading Virginians of the Lfegis-\\nlature of 1831 and 1832\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Student s History of the United States,\\np. 312.\\n^History of Virginia.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0243.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "162 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nWould it not be expedient to tax slaves so high as to-\\nlessen their value and apply the proceeds to, (1) the\\nremoval and colonization of such as their masters w^ill\\ngive up, (2) removing free negroes, and (3) buying\\nand colonizing the slaves, taking care to provide for the\\nsupport of the State government by tax on other prop-\\nerty? Would not such tax on slaves, by reducing their\\nprice, increase the Southern trade to an extent greatly\\nbeneficial to Virginia? Is it not advisable, that the Legis-\\nlature of Virginia adopt measures to bring about the\\namendment to the Constitution of the United States, so\\nas to allow Congress to appropriate money for transport-\\ning free negroes and for purchasing slaves and sending\\nthem to Africa? It was not the intention of the Legisla-\\nture to discuss these questions with open doors. Conse-\\nijuently, a select committee was appointed to investigate\\nall questions relating to slaves, free negroes, and mulat-\\ntoes, and the Governor was requested to lay before it all\\nthe papers and documents relating to the Southampton\\nmassacre. But, unfortunately, Mr. Goode, of Mecklen-\\nburg, moved that the memorials for the gradual emanci-\\npation of the slaves and the removal of the free negroes\\nand slaves from Virginia should not be submitted to the\\nselect committee. This was defeated by a vote of 93 to\\n27, after which he moved that this committee be dis-\\ncharged, as it was inexpedient to legislate on the subject.\\nMr. Randolph immediately moved that this motion be so\\namended as to instruct the committee to inquire into the\\nexpediency of submitting to the qualified voters of the\\nseveral towns, cities, boroughs, and counties of the Com-\\nmonwealth the propriety of providing by law that the\\nchildren of all private slaves who may be born in the\\nState on or after the 4th of July, 1840, shall become the\\nj)roperty of the Commonwealth, the males at twenty-one\\nyears and the females at eighteen, if detained by their\\nowners within the limits of Virginia until thev shall have", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0244.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 163\\namved at that age; and that they shall be hired out until\\nthe net sum arising therefrom ishall be sufficient to defray\\nthe expense of their removal beyond the limits of the\\nUnited States. Mr. Randolph s motion was carried by a\\nvote of 116 to 7, but Mr. Brodnax, chairman of the com-\\nmittee, reported as the opinion of the committee, That\\nit is inexpedient for the present to make any legislative\\nenactment for the abolition of slavery. This report was\\nadopted, and Mr. Bryce, of Goochland, moved to so amend\\nThe report as to prefix thereto the following: Profoundly\\nsensible of the great evils arising from the condition of\\nthe colored population of this Commonwealth; induced\\nby humanity as well as by policy to an immediate effort\\nfor the removal, in the first place, as well of those who are\\nnow free, as of such as may hereafter become free; believ-\\ning that this effort, while it is in just accordance with the\\nsentiment of the community on the subject, will absorb all\\nour present means; and that a further action for the\\nremoval of the slaves should await a more definite devel-\\nopment of public opinion; Resolved, etc. This motion\\nwas carried, and the condition of the free negro was the\\nnext question in order.\\nThey had been allowed most of the privileges of the\\nwhites, except the right of suffrage.^ Freely marrying\\namong theislaves, they had ready access to them, and had\\nbeen actively employed in distributing inflammatory\\npapers. Governor Floyd, consequently, recommended as in-\\ndispensably necessary that the Legislature should, in the\\nspirit of kindness which has ever characterized it, appro-\\niThe laws of Virginia have always beea prudent as to tine\\nright of suffrage, only those being considered eligible voters who\\nhave an interest in the government.* The acts of 1655 and 1670\\npermitted only freeholdei*s and housekeepers to vote. Indented\\nservants were considered dangerous, as liable to create disturb-\\nances at elections. (Honing Statutes, vol. I, pp. 405, 411, 475 r\\nCook s History of Virginia, pp. 222-224.) The right of suffrage\\nwas not taken from the free negroes till 1762.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0245.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "164 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\npriate an annual sum of money for the remova:! of this\\npeople, as a last benefit, which the State was enabled to\\nconfer upon them. In accordance with this recommenda-\\ntion, the expediency of setting apart for this object so\\nmuch of the claims of Virginia on the general government\\nas might belong to, and come into, the treasury of the\\nState was debated, and the following resolutions were\\npassed: Resolved, That the Senate cause to be laid before\\nthe House a copy of the correspondence between Governor\\nMonroe and President Jefferson in 1801, and subsequently\\ngrowing out of an act of the Assembly adopted at the pre-\\nceding session, by which it was made the duty of the Gov-\\nernor to correspond with the President on the subject of\\nthe purchase of lands out of the State, to which persons\\nobnoxious to the laws or dangerous to the peace of society\\nmay be removed, and also that the executive lay before\\nthe House such part of the correspondence as remained on\\nfile in that department. On the 3d of February a motion\\nwas made in the Virginia House that the Senate and\\nHouse of Representatives empower the Governor to apply\\nto the general government, in behalf of the General As-\\nsembly, to procure a territory or territories beyond the\\nlimits of the United States, to which the several States\\nmight remove the whole or any part of the colored popu-\\nlation, and that the Senators and Representatives of the\\nState in Congress be requested to use their efforts to pro-\\nmote that object. This motion was tabled to await the\\nresult of a bill introduced by Mr. Brodnax, of the select\\ncommittee, which was introduced on the 28th of January.\\nThe latter bill, however, was indefinitely postponed by a\\nvote of 18 to 14 in the Senate, and, consequently, the\\nformer was never taken* up. Mr. Brodnax s bill was for\\nthe removal of free negroes, or such as should become free\\nand were willing to be removed, to some place beyond the\\nlimits of the United States. It forbade coercion except as\\nto the free negroes, who remained in the State contrary to", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0246.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 165\\nthe laws of 1806, and it appropriated $35,000 for 1832 and\\n190,000 for 1833 for transportation. The place of removal\\nwas left to the discretion of a central board, to consist of\\nthe Governor, Treasurer, and members of the Council of\\nState, who should have power to appoint agencies in Nor-\\nfolk, Portsmouth, and other places as they, upon the\\nrecommendation of the county and corporation courts,\\nshould see fit.\\nAll plans for emancipation and colonization had come\\nto naught. But why? Public sentiment was evidently in\\nfavor of emancipation.^ To all candid students of history\\nthis is evident. The principal revenues of the State were\\nderived from lands and slaves, and without the slaves\\nthere was no immediately available labor. Consequently,\\nif the negroes were transported before other labor could\\nlA memorial to the Legislature by the ladies of Fluvanna\\ncounty should be instanced. It says: AVe cannot conceal from\\nourselves that an evil is among us, which threatens to outgrow\\nthe growth and eclipse the brightness of our national blessings.\\nOur daughters and their daughters are destined to become, in\\ntheir turn, the tender fosterers of helpless infancy, the directors\\nof developing childhood, and the comijanions of those citizens,\\nwho will occupy the legislative and executive offices of their coun-\\ntry. Can we calmly anticipate the condition of the Southern\\nStates at that period, should no remedy be devised to arrest the\\nprogressive miseries attendant on slavery? Will the absent\\nfather s heart be at peace, when, amid the hurry of public affaii-s,\\nhis truant thoughts return to the home of his affection, surrounded\\nby doubtful, if not dangerous, subjects to precarious authority?\\nPerhaps when deeply engaged in his legislative duties his heart\\nmay quail and his tongue falter with irresistible apprehension for\\nthe peace and safety of objects dearer than life.\\nWe can only aid the mighty task by ardent outpourings of\\nthe spirit of supplication at the Throne of Grace. We will call\\nupon the God, in whom we trust, to direct your counsels by His\\nunerring wisdom, guide you with His effectual spirit. We now\\nconjure you by the sacred charities of kindi-ed, by tbe solemn\\nobligations of justice, by every consideration of domestic affec-\\ntion and patriotic duty, to nerve every faculty of your minds to\\nthe investigation of this important subject, and let not the united\\nvoices of your motliei*s, wives, daughters and Ivindred have\\nsounded in vain in your ears.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0247.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "166 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nbe introduced the land would be left idle and the State in\\npoverty. Besides, revenues were not sufficient to pur-\\nchase the slaves, and at the same time bear the expense of\\ntransportation, and the people realized that such a body\\nof persons, unprepared for citizenship, would be a greater\\nevil than slavery itself, both to themselves and to the\\ncountry at large.^ Colonization on the American conti-\\nnent was deemed inexpedient on the same grounds. Mr.\\nSamuel J. Mills, one of the original promoters of the\\nAmerican Board of Missions and the American Bible\\nSociety, who had made a special study of the negro, said,\\nwhen a project was set on foot to colonize the blacks\\nbeyond the Ohio river Whether any of us live to see it\\nor not, the time will come when the white men will want\\nall that region, and will have it, and our colony would be\\noverwhelmed. Mr. Monroe said, in 1829: As to the\\npeople of color, if the Southern States wished to emanci-\\npate them, they might invite the United States to assist\\nthem; but without such invitation the other States ought\\nnot and would not interfere. But the Legislature of\\n1881-32 had witnessed the evils of petitions and requests\\nfor and in regard to slavery, and concluded that such\\nrequests implied the right of the general government to\\nemancipate the slaves, and so compromised the dignity\\nand honor of Virginia. The sentiment in Virginia, how-\\ni A]l must concur, however, says the committee of the United\\nStates Senate appointed on the subject of the colonization of the\\nfree people of color in 1827, in regarding the present condition\\nof the free colored race in America as inconsistent with its future\\nsocial and political advancement, and, where slavery exists at\\nall, as calculated to aggravate its evils without any atoning good.\\nContinuing, the committee said: Their own consciousness of\\ntheir degraded condition in the United States, has appealed to the\\nNorth as well as the South, in their repeated efforts to find a ter-\\nritory beyond the limits of the Union to which they may retire\\nand on which, secure from external danger, they may hope for\\nthe enjoyment of political as well as civil liberty.\\n2Latimer, Europe in Africa in XlXth Century, p. 292.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0248.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 167\\n\u00e2\u0082\u00acvei had always been in favor of the colonization of the\\nnegro, and the first efforts in that direction had come\\nfrom this State. The words of the Congressional com-\\nmittee of 1827 sufficiently show this. Anterior to the\\nyear 1806/ it says, three several attempts to procure a\\ncountry suited to this object had been secretly made by\\nthe General Assembly of Virginia, through a correspond-\\nence between the Executive of that State and the Presi-\\ndent of the United States. The last, but, at the same time,\\nthe earliest public effort to attain this object, was made\\nby the Legislature of the same State in December, 1816,\\nsome time before the formation, in the city of Washing-\\nton, of the American Society for Colonizing the Free Peo-\\nple of Color. The design of this institution, the committee\\nare apprised, originated in the disclosure of the secret\\nresolutions of prior Legislatures of that State, to which\\nmay also be ascribed, it is understood, the renewal of their\\nobvious purpose in the resolution subjoined to this re-\\nport,^ a resolution which was first adopted by the House\\nof Delegates of Virginia on the 14th of December, 1816,\\nwith a unanimity which denoted the deep interest that it\\ninspired, and which openly manifested to the world a\\nsteady adherence to the humane policy which had secretly\\nanimated the same councils at a much earlier period.\\nThis brief and correct history of the origan of the Ameri-\\ncan Colonization Society evinces that it sprang from a\\n^ieep solicitude for Southern interests, and among those\\nmost competent to discern and to promote them. This\\nsentiment remained unchanged after 18-31.\\nSecondly, any free discussion or legislation in regard\\nto slavery tended to arouse the slaves and create the\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2opinion that the South was alarmed, notwithstanding the\\nfact that the Southampton tragedy convinced slave-hold-\\niThis resolution is to the House of Representatives, asking aid\\nin suppressing the slave trade and in colonizing the free people\\n-of color.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0249.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "168 THE SOUTHA^IPTON INSURRECTION.\\ners that a servile insurrection was henceforth impossible.\\nIn 1829 the negroes of Eastern Virginia had contemplated\\nfreeing themselves if the Constitutional Convention of\\nthat year failed to emancipate them. Hence it was that\\nthe Legislature referred all such questions to a select\\ncommittee.^ Mr. Roan, a most earnest advocate of eman-\\ncipation, exclaimed, when the matter had been unex-\\npectedly introduced: I think and feel, sir, that this sub-\\nject has been most prematurely and injudiciously thrust\\nupon the consideration of the House. Consequently,\\npublic sentiment, which was daily growing in favor of\\nabolition, not having been sufficiently canvassed, the\\nLegislature deemed it advisable to postpone all consid-\\neration of emancijjation and colonization to a more appro-\\npriate occasion.\\nThree-fourths of the session of the Legislature had been\\nspent in fruitless discussion of emancipation and coloni-\\nzation. Still, these discussions helped to allay the fears\\nof the people and convinced them that a strict enforce-\\nment of existing laws, which, from a too strong sense of\\nsecurity, had not been insisted upon before, was more\\nnecessary than new legislation. Mr. Gray writes: It\\n(the insurrection) is calculated also to demonstrate the\\npolicy of our laws in restraint of that class of our popula-\\ntion, and indufe all those entrusted with their execution,\\nas w ell as our citizens generallj^, to see that they are\\nstrictly and rigidly enforced. Each particular community\\nshould look to its own safety, whilst the general guar-\\ndians of the laws keep a v/atchful eye over all. Conse-\\nquently, a bill To amend an act entitled an act to reduce\\ninto one the several acts concerning slaves, free negroes,\\nand mulattoes, and for other purposes was proposed and\\npassed in order to render more accessible the laws on\\n1 Secret diseussiou was legitimate and justified by tlie Consti-\\ntution of the United States, Article I, Section 5, Clause 3.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0250.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 169\\nslavery, as well as to add thereto the following new enact-\\nments. The bill provided that slaves and free negroes\\nshould not thereafter conduct religious services, nor could\\nthey attend meetings held at night by white preachers,\\nunless with the written permission of master or overseer.^\\nIt further provided that No free negro or mulatto shall\\nhereafter be capable of purchasing or otherwise acquiring\\npermanent ownership, except by descent, to any slave\\nother than his or her husband, wife or children, and pre-\\nscribed very rigid punishment for persons writing or\\nprinting anything advising persons of color to rebel.^\\nThese enactments were not more stringent than measures\\nadopted by preceding Legislatures. The Legislature of\\n1830 and 1831 prohibited the instruction of mulattoes,\\nfree negroes, and slaves. Henceforth there was a more\\nguarded public, but the Legislature of 1831-32 was one of\\nwisdom and moderation. Petitions were presented that\\nslaves and free negroes be forbidden to own hogs, dogs,\\nand other property, and that they be denied the privilege\\nof becoming millers, mechanics, tradesmen, etc. These\\nrequests were rejected as being unnecessary and unbe-\\ncoming. The law providing for burning in the hand was\\niThis act did not interfere with religious meetings on the farm\\nof the owner of the slaves. Slaves could also attend meetings in\\ncompany with their owners, and without tliem, provided they\\nhad a written permission. Also certain worthy negroes continued\\nto preach and conduct meetings. Uncle Jack, of Amelia coun-\\nty, who, when a child, had been kidnaped in Africa and landed\\non James River from the last slave ship that landed its cargo in\\nVirginia, held public meetings for negroes. Howe, History of\\nVirginia, p. 174. At the present time the natives of South Africa\\nare requii ed to have passes, in default of which they may be\\ndetained on their journey.\\n2Such laws had been passed by other States previous to 1831.\\nHurd, Freedom and Bondage, vol. II, p. 105. Not even Nat s\\nconfession to Mr. Gray could be sold in the South.\\n3This did not apply to the gratuitous instruction of slaves by\\nmasters, nor did it prevent the private instruction of free blacks\\nby other persons. Hurd, Ibid, vol. II.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0251.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "170 THE SOUTHAJVIPTON INSURRECTION.\\nrepealed, but a request for the repeal of the act providing\\nfor the payment of a condemned slave v^as refused on the\\nground that it was often a security for the just and im-\\npartial trial of slaves. In all the slave States the same\\nmoderation was followed. This was partially due to the\\ndesire of avoiding all suspicion of action that might be\\nused by the abolitionists as an argument for immediate\\nemancipation. There was some further restrictive legis-\\nlation, however. Thus Mr. Brackett says: The (Mary-\\nland) act of 1806, mild in its provisions and milder still\\nin its results, might have remained long on the statute\\nbooks had not the work of Nat Turner and his handful of\\nfollowers in Virginia cast suspicion over the movements\\nof the blacks far and wide. Many of the Southern States\\nheld Constitutional Conventions after 1831, and the free\\nnegroes, who previously had been allowed the right of\\nsuffrage, were deprived of it.- In the same spirit, the uni-\\niThe Negro in Maryland, p. 199.\\n2Moore, History of North Carolina, vol. II, pp. 30-34. Mr.\\nMoore says of the North Carolina Convention of 1885 and of the\\nstate of affairs then existing: The relations between the two\\nraces constituting the population of North Carolina at the period\\nto which reference is made were most unhappy and deplorable.\\nThe insurrection in the neighboring county of Southampton, in\\nthe State of Virginia, produced a lasting ti ain of disagreeable\\nand unfortunate consequences. Jealousy and distrust\\ntook possession of the Southern white people. An Increasing fear\\nand indiscriminate resentment disgraced localities far removed\\nfrom and utterly unconnected with the scene of disturbance. Nat\\nTurner s misdeeds silenced a thousand able orators, and, for\\nmany years, robbed African religious observances of much of\\ntheir previous freedom and uproar. Under the Constitu-\\ntion of 1776 the free negroes of North Carolina had been permit-\\nted to vote. There was no provision in the origmal law which\\nexplicitly gave them this privilege, but after the Revolution they\\nby degrees acquired the habit of voting. The best and most\\nenlightened men of both parties vainly endeavored to continue\\nthe franchise to such as should possess a small freehold qualifi-\\ncation; but this was rejected. The growing sectional feeling be-\\ntween the North and the South deafened the ears and steeled the\\nhearts of our people too often, when justice and mercy were in-\\ndicating larger privilege and protection to the unhappy free\\nblacks.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0252.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 171\\nversal opinion of the old slave is: We would have been\\nbetter off if the insurrection had never occurred. The\\nmost stringent legislation against the introduction of\\nnegroes and the circulation of incendiary publications\\nwas resor^ted to. But, on the whole, the words of Mr.\\nFloyd may be applied to the period from 1831 to 1865,\\nthat, These (negro preachers) our laws have heretofore\\ntreated with indulgent kindness, and many instances of\\nsolicitude for the negroes have marked the progress of\\nlegislation.\\nPrevious to 1831 colonization societies had been active,\\nnot only in transporting free negroes, but also in inducing\\nmasters to free their slaves. In 1829 Mr. Monroe said:\\nThe American Colonization Society has, at all times,\\nsolemnly disavowed any purpose of interfering with the\\ninstitutions or rights of our Southern communities. By\\nthe soundest and most judicious minds of our country it\\nhas, however, been regarded as developing and demon-\\nstrating the practicableness and utility of a plan which\\ncommends itself as worthy of adoption to those indi-\\n^iduals and States who desire not only to benefit the free\\npeople of color, while they relieve themselves by their\\nremoval, but also to diminish and finally eradicate what\\nall sober and unprejudiced minds regard as the greatest\\nof our national evils, the system of slavery. These\\nsocieties disappeared from the North, anti-slavery socie-\\nties taking their place, and in the South their principles\\nwere changed, by the increase of abolition literature, now\\nsupported by an abolition press, issuing the Liberator, the\\nAfrican Sentinel and the Genius of Universal Emancipa-\\ntion. Dr. Brock says: Through the discord produced by\\nthese incendiaries nearly three years elapsed before the\\nColonization Society of Virginia had another meeting.\\nBut the South was the more resolved upon transportation,\\nthough its efforts were confined to the removal of the\\nfree people of color and not of slaves. At a meeting in", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0253.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "1T2 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nJanuary, 1832, the Virginia Colonization Society Re-\\nsolved, That this society deems it expedient at this time\\nto renew its pledges to the public strictly to adhere to\\nthe original feature in the constitution, which confines its\\noperations to the remoA^al of the free people of color only\\nwith their consent. The Junior Colonization Society\\niuduced the General Assembly in 1833 to appropriate\\n118,000 annually for five years for the removal of free\\nblacks to Liberia. In 1850, on the recommendation of Mr,\\nFloyd, President of the Virginia Colonization Society,\\n$30,000 per annum for five years were appropriated for\\nthis purpose, and in 1853 a colonization board was estab-\\nlished and the above amount continued for five years.^\\nThe Virginia Colonization Society colonized from one to\\ntwo hundred negroes per year until the outbreak of the\\nWar of 18f)l. The Richmond Whig, commenting upon the\\nhostility of the abolitionists to the colonization societies,\\nsaid: Another revolution of public sentiment almost as\\ni-emarkable and much more intelligible has occurred in\\nthe South in respect to the African colonization. The\\noriginal opponents in that quarter of the Union have gen-\\nerally grounded their arms. This opposition has been\\ni^ubdued by reason and experience. They have seen suc-\\ncess crown the undertaking. They behold the great good\\nit is efi ecting to both races, and they have been convinced\\nand converted. It is for that reason that the fanatics have\\nthrown themselves against it. In expended, progressive,\\nand permanent benefit to the human race we believe it the\\nmaster scheme of this or any other age. Thus very\\nappropriately might ex-Governor Wise say, in 1840:\\nAfrica gave to Virginia a savage and a slave; Virginia\\ngives back to Africa a citizen and a Christian.\\niPrivate persons freed their negroes and made provision for\\ntheir removal to Liberia. Also private contributions were made\\nto the Colonization Society. Southampton aided 200 negroes to\\nemigrate in 1S31. .Tohn Randolph, of Roanolce, freed his slaves\\nin ISoU and bequeathed .$30,000 for their transportation to Ohio.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0254.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 173\\nIn the North the immediate effect of the insurrection\\nwas a state of affairs similar to that in the South, a more\\npronounced conviction of the evils of slavery. But the\\nSouth had to adapt herself to existing circumstances,\\nwhile in the North a spirit of imagined philanthropy\\nendeavored to force the South to the immediate abolition\\nof slavery. There existed an honest conviction that the\\nSouth was opposed to emancipation, and that the South-\\nampton massacre was the result of the harsh treatment\\nof the slaves. William Lloyd Garrison, commenting on\\nthe Governor s proclamation for the arrest of Nat Turner,\\nsaid: How wonder at his determined efforts to avenge\\nhis wrongs, when he had a scar on his temple, also one\\non the hack of his neck, and a large knot on one of the\\nbones of his right arm near the wrist, produced by\\nblows These misrepresentations had the desired effect\\nin the North, but in the South it was the opposite. Mr.\\nHowison says: The idea of general emancipation had\\nmany supporters, and nothing but the sinister influences\\nfrom abroad prevented its triumph. So Mr. Alexander\\nwrites:^ Alarm and indignation spread throughout the\\nSouthern country like an electric spark. The effect on the\\npeople of the South in regard to slavery was the very\\nopposite of that aimed at; sentiments more favorable to\\nthe continuance and even perpetuity of slavery began\\nnow to be commonly entertained, whereas before such\\nsentiments were scarcely ever heard. From the year\\niNat confessed to the kind treatment of bis master. The scar\\non his neck was produced by a bite from one of his companions,\\nthe one on his temple from a mule kick, and the knot on his arm\\nwas due to another fray with a ne\u00c2\u00a3?ro.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Richmond Enquirer, Oc-\\ntober 25, 1831.\\n^African Colonization, p. 383.\\nsNegroes had been introduced into Virginia against her wishes.\\nO Callaghan says: To the Dutch undoubtedly belongs the ques-\\ntionable distinction of having firet introduced negro slaves into\\nthe colonies, now the United States of America. If by slaves\\nnegro servants are meant, this is true. Even Williams, the negro", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0255.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "174 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\n1776,- says Dr. Brock, the prevalent opinion in Vir-\\nginia was that slavery was not entailed on the State\\nforever. Until 1831 (the date of the rise of the bitter\\nabolition crusade) none of her economists, with the excep-\\ntion of William B. Giles, had defended it as an abstract\\nright. The opinion of Washington, Mason, Jefferson,\\nMonroe, Marshall, the Randolphs, and, indeed, of all of\\nher leading statesmen of the era are well known and had\\nbeen frequently expressed. Schemes of general emanci-\\npation of the slaves of Virginia were proposed to the\\nLegislature by Jefferson in 1776, by William Craighead,\\nDr. William Thornton in 1785, St. George Tucker in 1796,\\nThomas Jefferson Randolph in 1832, and by others.\\nNow, however, he thinks Sentiments more favorable to\\nthe perpetuity of slavery began now to be commonly\\nentertained.\\nThe Southampton massacre increased the number of\\nhistorian, by no means the apologist of Virginians, concedes that\\nIt is due to the Virginia Colony to say that the slaves were\\nforced upon them; that white servitude was common. Far from\\nbeing an advocate of slavery, she furnished the first man who\\never lifted up his voice against the African slave trade, Rev.\\nMorgan Godwin, a minister of the Church of England in Virginia\\nduring the administration of Governor Berkley. He afterward\\nwent from Virginia to the Barbadoes, where he fought a good\\nfight for the negro and the Indian in the face of fierce opposition.\\nBallagh, Conservative Review, August, 1S99, Institutional Ori-\\ngin of Slavery. O Callaghan, Voyages of the Slaves; Introduc-\\ntion, pp. 6-8. George W. Williams, History of the Negro Race in\\nAmerica. Slaughter s Colonial Church of Virginia, p. 40. Clark-\\nson, History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade, vol. I, p. 46.\\niBut this must not be taken in the extreme sense. It was a\\nsentiment in favoa- of the perpetuity of slaverj rather than of be-\\ning forced to submit to the evils of the petting system of the\\nextreme sentimentalists, by which the inferior race was spoiled\\nand delayed in their progress toward civilization. The evils of\\nthis system have been too well illustrated in more recent troubles\\nin y^juliiland. South Africa. Mr. Knox Little, Canon of Worcester,\\nEngland, says: Besides the mischievous influences of Bisihop\\nColenso on the church of South Africa, his sentimental and ab-\\nsurd views as to the Zultis did great harm and are crucial ex-\\namples of this kind of tone. South Africa, p. 294.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0256.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "TPIE SOUTHAISIPTON INSURRECTION. 175\\nfanatics, and, together with the British statute which\\nset free 800,000 negroes within a few miles of our Atlan-\\ntic coast, produced the most profound impression upon\\nthe citizens of all sections of the country. This was the\\nsecond great body of negroes which had been freed within\\nsight of the southern shores of the United States. The\\nabolitionists immediately sent agents to England to\\nimport more orators and to further arouse the British\\nofficials near the coasts of the United States. The Legis-\\nlatures of several of the Southern States were assembled\\nseveral months before the usual time to take measures\\nagainst these dangers, and to prevent the introduction of\\nvicious negroes from other States.^ Southern towns insti-\\ntuted the custom of ringing curfew at nine o clock in the\\nevening, after which no negro was allowed abroad without\\na pass, and this custom was continued until the war be-\\ntween the States. Fifteen years later a distinguished\\nEnglish traveler wrote: Every evening at nine o clock a\\ngreat bell, or curfew, tolls in the market-place of Mont-\\ngomery, after which no colored man is permitted to be\\nabroad v/ithout a pass. This custom has, I understand,\\ncontinued ever since some formidable insurrections which\\nhappened several years ago in Virginia and elsewhere.\\nIn October, 1833, Judge A. P. Upshur, of Northampton\\ncounty, afterward Secretary of State of the United States,\\nwrote to the Governor: Indeed, the protection uniformly\\nafforded by individuals and private societies in the North\\nto fugitive slai es from the South is too notorious to be\\ndenied, and presents, as it seems to me, a fit occasion for\\nthe interference of the aggrieved States. It is perfectly\\ncertain that unless this abuse can, in some mode or other,\\nbe speedily corrected, the eastern shore of Virginia, afford-\\ning as it does, and must continue to do by its very posi-\\niNiles Register, Dewmber 1. 18.31.\\n2Lyeirs Travels in the Uuitecl St.ites, vol. ii, p. 43.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0257.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "176 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ntion, every facility for the escape of slaves, will soon be\\nwholly without that species of property. The impoverish-\\nment and ruin of the people will be the necessary conse-\\nquences. It is obvious that the exertions of the indi-\\nvidual owners can effect very little in reclaiming these\\nslaves from communities organized against their rights.\\nHence, almost every attempt of that kind has not only\\nfailed of success, but has subjected the party to public\\ninsult and personal danger. Their best hoi)e, and, indeed,\\ntheir only hope, must be found in the interference of the\\npublic authorities of our States. In September of the\\nfollowing year a suspicious character made his appear-\\nance at Fairfax Court House. He told the negroes that\\nhe had persuaded the negroes of Prince William and other\\ncounties to make an effort for freedom, saying openly:\\nIf you will only be true you can get free. Several\\nnegroes were arrested and examined. Thy stated that he\\ngave them money, and told them that he had plenty of\\narms and ammunition. This white fanatic became\\nalarmed and fled to Alexandria. He told the negroes and\\na white woman, however, that he would return in two\\nweeks, and appointed a place two miles from the court-\\nhouse at which they were to assemble.\\nThese agents increased, became more daring, and\\nflooded the country with inflammatory and incendiary\\npublications. In 1.835, at Charleston, the postoffice was\\nso flooded with such papers that the people forced the\\npostmaster to destroy them. In response to the latter s\\nappeal for orders, the Postmaster General replied: By\\nno act or direction of mine, official or private, could I be\\ninduced to aid knowingly in giving circulation to papers\\nof this description, directly or indirectly. And he further\\nsaid that he would not sanction and would not condemn\\nthe course the postmaster had taken in refusing to deliver\\ncertain mail matter. Likewise, in Richmond. Virginia, and\\nin other places, the people invoked the aid of the Post-\\nmaster General to such an extent that President Jackson s", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0258.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 177\\nmessage of 18.35 protested against the abolition societies,\\nand recommended that Congress forbid the carrjdng by\\nthe United States mails of documents calculated to arouse\\nthe evil passions of the slaves and to produce insurrection\\namong them.^ The following letter iwill indicate the\\nstrength of the abolition and British influence upon the\\nnegroes in 1840. Mr. John E. Page, of Clarke county, Vir-\\nginia, wrote to the Governor: You have, as I have been\\ninformed, received from my brother. Dr. Page, of North\\nCarolina, a narrative of an outrage recently committed\\nupon a party, of whom I was one, at Chippewa, Canada,\\nby a company of negro troops in the British service and\\nwearing British uniforms. It is proper that I should cor-\\nroborate the statement referred to and adopt it as my\\nown, and, as a citizen of Virginia, request any action on\\nthe part of Your Excellency which in your judgment shall\\nseem proper. While Englishmen travel by thousands\\nthrough Virginia, and are received with a courtesy faulty\\nonly in its excess, citizens of Virginia and of the South\\ncannot go to Canada without meeting at its very threshold\\noutrages from an armed band of negroes, who are doubt-\\nless for the most part fugitives from the Southern States,\\nand whose very organization as a British corps is an\\n3 It was in the same year that several members of Congress took\\nmeasures to destroy the anti-slavery societies in order that the\\nmistaken philanthropists might be separated from the reckless\\nfanatic and the incendiary, and an end be put to publications\\nand petitions whicli, vv hatever their design, would have uo other\\neffect than to impede the object which they involved and to aggra-\\nvate the evil which they deplored. Pictures of slave degradation\\nand misery, and of the white man s luxury and cruelty were\\nexhibited. It is weU to note one of these pictures sent Mr. Benton\\nin 1835. It was an engraving representing a large, spreading\\ntree of liberty, beneath whose shade a slave owner was at one\\ntime luxuriously reposing, with slaves fanning him; at another,\\ncarried forth in a palanquin to view the half-naked laborers in\\nthe cotton field, whom drivers, with whips, were scourging to\\ntheir task. Benton. Thirty Years in the United States Senate,\\nvol. I, p. 377.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0259.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "178 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\ninsult to our Southern institutions. The state of affairs\\ngrew worse. In 1845 the Governor of Ohio threatened to\\ninvade Virginia to release a prisoner captured in the very\\nact of inducing slaves to flee from their masters. The\\nSouthern people felt that these evils must be remedied,\\nand for this purpose the Grovernor of Virginia, in 1856,\\nwrote to the Governors of the Southern States: Events\\nare approaching which address themselves to your\\nresponsibilities and to mine as chief executives of the\\nslave-holding States. Contingencies may soon happen\\nwhich would require preparation for the worst of evils\\nto the people we govern. Ought we not to admonish our-\\nselves by joint counsel of the extraordinary duties which\\nmay devolve upon us from the dangers which so palpably\\nthreaten our common peace and safety? I propose that\\nas early as convenient the Governors of Maryland, Vir-\\nginia, etc., shall assemble at Raleigh, N. C, for the pur-\\npose generally of consultation upon the state of the coun-\\n(ry, upon the best means of preserving its peace, and espe-\\ncially of protecting the honor and interests of the slave-\\nholding States.\\nAs peddlers, booksellers, etc., abolitionists traversed\\nall Virginia during the years preceding the war between\\nthe States, and, though mere agents, were received with\\nmuch hospitality. John E. Cook, the brother-in-law of\\nGovernor Willard, of Indiana, and one of the principal\\nlieutenants of John Brown, was especially active as a\\nbook agent. He is said to have visited Southampton, and\\nin the early autumn of 1858 he went to the home of Dr.\\nThomas Maddox, in the Tilghmanton district, of Wasliing-\\nton county, and sold a copy of Headley s Life of Wash-\\nington. Fie said his name was S. Stearns, and asked to\\nstay all night, which request was cheerfully complied\\nwith. At supper he asked an inordinately long grace,\\nand after the meal disappeared for several hours. It was", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0260.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 179\\nafterward learned that he had been in the kitchen urging\\nthe slaves to kill their master to gain their freedom, but\\nthe proposition was resented with horror by the slaves.\\nSo great was the strength of the abolition movement\\nin 1860 that even the Northern Methodists and other reli-\\ngious sects in Virginia held secret meetings with the\\nnegroes in attempts to incite them to rebellion. Rev. E.\\nD. Neill, the historian, was teaching on the eastern shore\\nof Virginia and fled in fear of being tarred and feathered\\nfor attending such meetings.^\\nAfter 1831 the public was very sensitive to the least\\nsuspicion of servile revolt. Every August the alarm was\\ngiven and the people rushed headlong to the swamps,\\nthe negroes as well as the whites, each household trusting\\nthe fidelity of its own, but suspecting that of the other\\nslaves of the neighborhood. In December, 1856, the peo-\\nple of Fauquier, King and Queen, Culpeper and Rappa-\\nhannock counties, and Lynchburg, Gordonsville and\\nPetersburg were aroused by the report that the negroes\\nwere in a state of rebellion. Such reports were frequent\\nand kept the people constantly on the alert. The John\\nBrown raid, in 1859, encouraged by external aid and sym-\\npathy, proves how well grounded was this suspicion. It\\nwas believed that the raid was a general insurrection\\nof the negroes, headed by 250 abolitionists, and the num-\\nber of the raiders was not known until they were cap-\\ntured. The ready response of the State militia, however,\\nand the loyalty of the slaves on this occasion and\\niProbably this accounts for his hostility to Virginia in his His-\\ntory of the London Company. He afterwards became secretary\\nto President Lincoln and later still a foreign Minister. These\\nspeeches and pictures appealed not to the understanding of the\\nslaves, but to their passions; inspired vague hopes and stimulated\\nabortive and fatal insurrections, since they could only understand\\nthe anti-slavery societies as allies, organized for action and ready\\nto march to their aid on the first sign of insurrection.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0261.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "180 THE SOUTHAlVrPTON INSURRECTION.\\nthroughout the war between the States demonstrate the\\nefficiency of the slave legislation necessitated by the in-\\nsurrection of 1831. But the insurrection is still remem-\\nbered, and reports even now of an intended rising of\\nthe negroes are not uncommon.^\\niln 1890 a letter from one negro to another detailing a well-\\nplanned plot was found in Franklin, Southampton county.\\nTroops from Suffolk, Portsmouth and Norfolk held themselves in\\nreadiness to march at the first notification from telegraph opera-\\ntors, who remained at their posts the entire night.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0262.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "CHAPTER IV.\\nCONCLUSION.\\nThe Southampton insurrection was a landmark in the\\nhistory of slavery. Little was known of it on account of\\nthe suppression by the Southern States of all such reports\\nas were likely to arouse an insurrectionary spirit and\\nbecause of exaggerated accounts given in the North.^ It\\nwas the forerunner of the great slavery debates which\\nresulted in the abolition of slavery in the United States,\\nand was, indirectly, most instrumental in bringing about\\nthis result. Its importance is truly conceived by the\\nold negroes of Southampton and vicinity, who reckon all\\ntime from Nat s Fray, or Old Nat s War. It is, in\\nfact, the only plot by rebellious Southern negroes which\\ndeserves the name of insurrection. More negroes were\\nconnected with the Gabriel insurrection, but they were\\ndiscovered, dispersed, and their leader executed without\\nthe loss of one white person. Both were influenced by the\\nattempts of former insurgent slaves, but the Southamp-\\nton rebellion was directly encouraged by the abolition\\nmovement in the United States, while Gabriel met with\\nencouragement only from foreigners. The two insurrec-\\ntions also agree in that, in both, religious fanaticism and\\niSome years since a Philadelphia papei stated that General\\nGeorge H. Thomas when a friendless, ragged and homeless boy\\nwas taken by Nat Turner to Washington and procured a com-\\nmission to West Point. The General s sister, Miss Judith, re-\\nplied: Your statement is a lie. General Thomas had many\\nfriends, a comfortable home and a native State until he deserted\\nihem.\\n2Thomas Nelson Page tells of a fox which was noted for his\\nshrewdness in aA^oiding the hunters. In consequence of this he\\nwas called Nat Turner. Social Life in Virginia, p. 70.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0263.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "182 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSUBREOTION.\\ndelusion played a very Important role. The true character\\nof the negro and the nature of the institution of slavery\\nin the American colonies and States can best be learned\\nfrom a thoroug h study of slave revolts.\\nIt continues a mystery why so few slave revolts\\noccurred in the United States. Mr. Alexander Johnson\\nsays the reason could not have been due to the gentle-\\nness of the slave system, as it was increasing in its oppres-\\nsions, nor to the affection of the slave for the master, nor\\nthe cowardice of the negro, as there have been cases when\\nthe negroes have proved themselves as brave as any peo-\\nple; but he insists that it is because the race, by long\\ncontact with the white race, has imbibed something of\\nthat respect for law which has always characterized the\\nlatter, so that the negroes, however enterprising, when\\nbacked by the forms of law, patiently submitted to legal\\nservitude. This statement is contradictory and incon-\\nsistent with known facts. The first recorded instance of a\\nnegro rebellion in the United States took place in Massa-\\nchusetts, where, if anywhere, law and order should have\\nbeen effective, and the instances of insubordination\\namong the negroes before 1865 were, in proportion to the\\npopulation of blacks in the two sections, far more numer-\\nous in the free than in the slave States. In September of\\nthe year of the Southampton insurrection a serious race\\nwar occurred in Providence, Rhode Island. Begun by a row\\nbetween seven white men and a few negroes, it continued\\nfor four consecutive days, and was not suppressed until\\nthree companies oij infantry, one of cavalry, and one of\\nartillery, besides the cadets of the town, had been called\\nout. The Southampton insurrection is the only recorded\\ninstance in the South of a servile insurrection deserving\\nthe name. Including individual cases of the murder of a\\nmaster or mistress, not more than one hundred people in\\niLalor s Encyclopedia, Slave Insurrections.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0264.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 183\\nA irginia suffered death at the hands of rebellious slaves.\\nThe instances of negro riots have been more frequent a.nd\\nmore successful since than before 1865, as is too well\\nshown by the negro riots of Darien, Georgia, and by recent\\noutrages in other Southern States, as well as in the West-\\nern State of Illinois. The hostile spirit of the Butler Zou-\\naves, who threatened to visit Warrenton in spite of the\\nopposition of the Mayor of the town and the Governor of\\nthe State, illustrates the present feeling of numbers of\\nthe young blacks. The Richmond Dispatch of September\\n20, 1899, says: The patience of the Southern people has\\nbeen sorely tried for a year or two past, and there is no\\ntelling what extreme measures may have to be resorted to\\nunless a better condition is brought about. Nor are these\\nsigns more evident in the South than in the North. On\\nthe other hand, the white race is becoming more law-\\nabiding. In spite of the Mafia riot of New Orleans and\\nothers of more recent date, there are no upheavals of\\nAvhites to be compared to Bacon s rebellion, the rebellion\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2of the indented servants of Virginia in 1663, Dorr s,\\nShays the Whisky rebellion, or the revolt along the Ches-\\napeake and Ohio canal in 18.38, all of which occurred in\\nthe palmiest days of slavery. Still there were few signs\\nof discontent among the negroes. The explanation is\\nthat the blacks as slaves were improved in station and\\nopportunities of life. They were not only civilized and\\nChristianized, but they were taught manual labor, as well\\nas given a plain, practical education, now important in\\nthe solution of the race problem in the United States,\\ntogether with colonization. Booker Washington, the\\nmost intelligent representative of his race, recognizes this\\nfact. Mr. James Bryce, the historian, says of the negroes\\nof South Africa: Manual education and the habit of\\nsteady industry are quite as much needed as book educa-\\ntion, a conclusion at which the friends of the American", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0265.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "184 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nnegro have arrived. Nor were the slaves addicted to\\npassion, pillage, and theft as the modern negroes of\\nAmerica are. The negroes of Africa are said to be free\\nfrom these as natural inclinations. This would seem to\\nindicate that the negro, enjoying equal political rights\\nwith a superior race, is worse than in his native state.\\nThey realized their inferiority and were ready to learn,\\nand were conscious of a desire on the part of the masters\\nto supply their every want.^ The masters were lenient,\\nand only became more rigid when external forces ren-\\ndered it necessary. Thus there sprang up a devotion\\nbetween master and slave which increased from year to\\n3 ear. And after the war of secession Gen. J. B. Gordon\\nwrote: History records no instance of such disinterested\\nloyalty. Though they had heard of the proclamation of\\ntheir freedom, yet they protected and supported these\\ndefenseless women and children and committed no out-\\nrage. This was the case, notwithstanding the fact that\\nlit is (he general couseiisus of opinioa that the negro carpen-\\nters, mechanics, etc., trained in. slavery are more skilled than\\nthose who have acquired their trades since 1865. This is partly\\ndue to the fact that the negro of today, being self -dependent, can-\\nnot afford to spend a sufficient time at apprenticeship.\\n2 Had the African been left like the Indian, in his native fi-ee\\ndom, his would have been the fate of the Indian. But in the mys-\\nterious Providence of God the African was bound to the care of\\nthe Anglo-American, who has borne him along with him in bis up-\\nward career, protecting his weakness and providing for his wants.\\nAccordingly he has grown with our growth and strengthened\\nwith our strength, until he is numbered by millions instead of\\nscores. In the mean time tlie black man has been trained in the\\nhabits, manners and acts of civilized life, been taught the Chris-\\ntian religion and been gradually rising in the intellectual and\\nmoral order, until he is far above his race in tlieir native seats.\\nIn these facts we see traces of an all-wise Providence in permit-\\nting the black man to be brought here and subjected to the disci-\\npline of slavery tempered by Christianity and regulated by law.\\nA erily, if there had been no other end of such a procedure, the\\nseeming sharp Providence of God would have been highly justi-\\nlied. Slaughter s Virginia History of African Colonization, p 4.\\nsReport of Committee of Congress on Outrages, vol. VI, p. 334.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0266.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAJNIPTON INSURRECTION. 185\\nnews traveled amcmg the slaves rapidl}- and mysteriously.\\nMrs. Latimer says of Stanley s trip through Africa: In-\\nformation seemed to travel among the natives rapidly and\\nmysteriously, as it used to do during our Civil War among\\nthe negroes. Such was the contentment of all classes of\\nnegroes then that free negroes as well as slaves offered\\ntheir services as soldiers in the Confederate army.- And\\nSouthern statesmen were considering the question of\\nemploying them when the war was hastened to a close.\\nThe slaves were employed in minor capacities. They\\nacted as spies, built fortifications, and cared for the com-\\nfort of their masters, yet few fled to the Federal army.^\\nA company, organized from the employees of Winder Hos-\\npital, near Richmond, in the winter of 1864-65, acquired\\nsome proficiency in drill and appeared to be impressed\\nwith the common sentiment of their masters.*\\nFear and want of organization, it is true, acted as a\\ngreat restraint against servile insurrections. But this does\\nnot argue that the negro, under all circumstances, is a\\ncoward. Inspired by motives of love and affection, he is\\nbra^ e. In the Southampton insurrection the deeds of\\nbravery of the slaves exceeded those of cowardice, but in-\\nvariably those deeds were in defense of the helpless whites\\nagainst the cowardice of their own race. Truthfully does\\nMr. Johnson say that the slave was inspired with a respect\\nfor law, but this respect was the result, not merely of long\\ncontact with the white race, but of the lessons of love,\\nobedience, and confidence learned from kind, lenient, but\\npositive masters. Considering these facts the most natu-\\nlEurope in Africa in the XlXlh Century, p. 161.\\nsGovernoi s Letters.\\nFifteen or t\\\\Yenty slaves fled to Jamestown Island, and mur-\\ndered three white men. But they were not organized and had no\\ninsurrectionary motives. They remained a few days in feasting\\nand then fled to the Federal array at Williamsburg.\\n4Brock, Virginia Historical Collections, vol. YI.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0267.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "186 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURREOTIOX.\\nral conclusion is that the North American institution of\\nslavery produced a more obedient and law-abiding citizen\\nthan the modern free negro seems to be.\\nThe emancipation of the slaves in 1865 was not a result\\nof fear of servile insurrection nor of unanimity of North-\\nern sentiment favoring it.^ Servile insurrection tended to\\ndelay rather than quicken emancipation. The causes of\\nthe war between the States were far different from those\\ngenerally assigned for it. The North and South were essen-\\ntially on the same platform in regard to whether States\\nmight withdraw from the Union and whether the slaves\\nshould be emancipated. In the North as well as in the\\nSouth there was a widespread conviction that the coer-\\ncion of a State into the Union and the abolition of slavery\\nby the Federal Government were violations of the Fed-\\neral Constitution. At the outset the President, Congress,\\nand the Supreme Court disavowed all such intentions,\\nand the beginning of the war would have been doubtful\\nhad a different purpose been evinced. In Cincinnati, in\\nChicago, in Boston, and elsewhere demonstrations unfa-\\nvorable to the Administration at Washington were put\\ndown before coming to a head.- Dr. Charles L. C. Minor\\nsays: When a delegation urged Mr. Lincoln to emanci-\\npate the negroes by proclamation, he expressed the appre-\\nhension that if he should do as they wished fifty thousand\\nrifles from the border States, then serving in the army of\\nthe Union, might go over to the opposing side. In Mc-\\nClure s Magazine for May, 1899, Miss Tarbell tells us that\\nMr. Lincoln said that if he should enlist negroes in his\\narmy, two hundred thousand muskets that he had put\\ninto the hands of the border States men would be turned\\nagainst the Union army. There was actual danger of\\nrevolt in the army against the emancipation proclama-\\niJohnson, A Short History of the War of Secessiou, pp. 11, 20.\\n2MarshaJl, American Bastile, p. 606, etc.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0268.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 187\\ntion when Burnside turned, over his army to Hooker.\\nGeneral Rosecrans reported to Washington the existence\\nin the West of secret orders of men bound by oath to\\nco-operate with the Confederates to the number of four\\nhundred thousand men.^ So in New York city the people\\ndefied the Federal Government for six days and stopped\\nthe drafting of soldiers until veterans from the Army of\\nthe Potomac interfered. Gorham, the latest biographer\\nof Secretary Stanton, says that had Gettysburg resulted\\ndifferently New York would have made no submission.\\nIn spite of this defeat of the Confederates, however, there\\nwas further resistance in New York to Federal authority.\\nAs late as June, 1864, Mr. Lincoln s emancipation procla-\\nmation failed to get in Congress the necessary two-thirds\\nvote, and had to go over to the next session, when the\\nwar was practically over. In August of the same year\\nMr. Lincoln wrote to a friend a letter, in which he made\\nseveral proposals for peace, but failed to mention slavery.*\\nThe Democratic candidate for President in 1864, General\\nMcClellan, received 81 per cent, of the votes of Mr. Lin-\\ncoln,^ notwithstanding the fact that soldiers were on duty\\nat the polls,* and that, by order of the War Department,\\ncriticism of the Administration had been made treason,\\ntriable by court-martial.^ The English Minister threat-\\nened interference by England on account of the formi-\\ndable opposition manifested to the war in the Northern\\niNleolay and Hjty, in Life of Lincoln, mention tliis organiza-\\ntion, but say 350,000 was an exaggeration of ttiis number.\\n2This letter was never sent.\\n3This fact was collected by Provost R. P. Uhler, of the Pea-\\nbody Library, from Edward Stanwood, who gathered it from\\nMcPherson s Political Handbook. McPherson was Clerk of the\\nHouse of Representatives when the oflflcial count was verified\\nin the joint session of Congress.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2tStanwood s History of the Presidency, p. 30i.\\niStanwood s History of the Presidency, p. 304. Mar^shall s\\nAmerican Bastile, pp. 5-11, etc.; 717-728.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0269.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "188 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nStates, but Mr. Seward replied: By toucihing this little\\nbell I can imprison a man in Maine. By touching it\\nagain I can imprison a man in California. President\\nAndrews, of Brown University, as well as other distin-\\nguished Northern hitetorians, concedes that abolition was\\nopiJO Sed by an overwhelming majority of the Northern\\npeople, not only before, but during the entire war, and\\nas long as opposition to it was safe.^\\nLikewise, there was a strong sentiment in the South in\\nfavor of abolition and opposed to secession. Dr. J. M.\\nCallahan ?;ays: In Virginia especially we see a strong\\nsentiment in favor of emancipation, Though it is not\\ntrue, as stated by General Wheeler, that as many men\\nwent from the South into the Northern armies as into the\\nSouthern, yet many leading Southerners, as Gen. George\\nH. Thomas, did, and many others took up arms against\\nthe Uuion only when President Lincoln made the mistake\\nof his life in calling for volunteers. They believed coer-\\ncion a violation of the Constitution and secession an un-\\nwise step, but preferred the latter to the former. Various\\nj)lans were proposed by Confederate statesmen for the\\nemancipation of the slaves and their enlistment in the\\narmy, and the foreign Ministers were instructed to recom-\\nmend emancipation if necessary. As in the war with\\nSpain the annexation of the Philippines was not the end\\noriginally contemplated, so in the war of 1861 emancipa-\\nrion was a war measure and not the result of a general\\nconviction of the evils of slavery or of slave insurrection,\\nil am much indebted to Dr. C. L. C. Minor for suggestions on\\ntliis paragrapli. His article, Hopeless from the Beginning,\\npublished in the Norfolk Landmark of September 10, 1899, is ex-\\ncellent on this subject.\\n2lt is doubtful if North Carolina and Virginia would have se-\\nceded if he had not made this call. In this case secession would\\nhave been only tem])orary separation, and on the return of the\\nseceding States a more centralized government, as at present,\\nwould probably have been the result.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0270.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 189\\nthough John Brown s raid took place only a few years\\nprevious to this event.\\nHistory records no instance in which two races equally\\nfree have lived together in harmony. The Anglo-Boer\\ndispute in the Transvaal is a question of race supremacy,\\nand Sir Alfred Milner, the British Oommissioner in South\\nAfrica, says: It seems a paradox, but it is true that\\nthe only effective way of protecting our subjects is to help\\nthem to cease to be our subjects. Mr. Jefferson said\\nthat the negro and white races, equally free, could not live\\nunder the same government. They cannot amalgamate\\nand solve the question as did Greece and Rome. Conse-\\nquently, either the negro must be colonized or occupy an\\ninferior position.^ But that the negroes may occupy an\\ninferior position in the United States, they must be\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0equally distributed in all sections of the country. Other-\\nwise in those sections farthest removed there will exist\\nsympathy for the negro, and a misconception and mis-\\nrepresentation of the relation of the two races. The\\nwhites of the North and West believe the negro is cheated\\niThe relation of the whites and blaclis of South Africa serves\\nas an illustration of the only condition under which an inferior\\nand a superior race can live peacefully together. The blacks are\\na necessary part of the economic machinery of the country for\\nmining, manufactm-ing, tillage or ranching. They perform the\\nmenial services, and are allowed many privileges. Many of them\\nhave amassed fortunes, and all enjoy equal religious privileges\\nwith the whites. But politically and socially the negro is the infe-\\nrior of the white man. He has never held political rights in the\\nDutch Republics. The Dutch would scout such an idea and even\\nreproach the English of Cape Colony with being governed by\\nblack men. Among the other nations both property and educa-\\ntional requirements are necessary for the right of suffrage, which\\nrequirements are abused to defraud the negro equally as much\\nas in the Southern States of America. Khama. a Chi-istian Afri-\\ncan chief, was entertained in England by the Duke of Westmin-\\nster and others. This greatly excited the indignation of the\\nwhite population of South Africa. The native Afi-icans recognize\\ntheir inferiority, and consequently the two races live in harmony.\\nNever has the negro been considered socially and politically equal\\nby any race among whom he dwelt.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0271.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "190 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nand persecuted. In many seotions it is actually believed\\nthat rejected lovers in the South black themselves and\\ncommit the outrages so frequently perpetrated by\\nnegroes. So far the two races have lived in the South\\nas equals before the law, because the majority of the\\nnegroes remain conscious of the superiority of the white\\nrace. For this reason negro labor has been preferred to\\nwhite. The negro gladly accepts gifts in the form of\\nfood, old clothes, etc, and performs menial services, as\\ncook, coachman, and servant of every description. Custom\\nand habit exclude the poor whites of the South from such\\noffices. In this way the negroes are rapidly acquiring\\nproperty which, together with the free schools, supported\\nprincipally by the whites, free amusement, and cheap\\nnewspapers, enables them to give their children educa-\\ntions equal to that of the ordinary whites, while the\\npoorer whites are unable to secure even common-school\\neducation. Consequently, the number of servants in the\\nSouth is gradually decreasing, and the white people learn-\\ning to perform for themselves the ordinary services. But\\nthis education of the negro, which fits him for the highest\\noffices in the land, renders him a useless and discontented\\ncitizen. The whites cannot submit to negro rule and self-\\nassertion. With the negroes equally distributed over the\\nUnion, this could be easily avoided. But so long as they\\nremain with equal citizenship in the South they will con-\\ntinue a burden to themselves and to the white popula-\\ntion. The South will remain the Solid South and pre-\\nfer exclusion from national offices rather than allow the\\nState offices to fall into the hands of negroes.\\nFor this reason the colonization of the negro beyond the\\nlimits of the United States has ever found many support-\\ners in Virginia, as well as elsewhere. Mr. Monroe, who\\nwas the strong exponent of the Virginia sentiment for\\nemancipation, said that he would never consent to the\\nfreedom of the slaves unless they were moved bevond the", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0272.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "THE SOTJTHAIMPTON INSURRECTION. 191\\nlimits of this country. President Lincoln also agitated\\nthe question of colonizing the negro, and it would appear\\nfrom his messages that he intended this as a sequel to the\\nemancipation proclamation. In accordance with this, his\\nrecommendation made appropriations for this purpose.\\nAfter the war many negroes petitioned Congress to aid\\nthem to migrate to Liberia.^ But this spirit has died out\\nand the negroes are becoming more organized. The state\\nof affairs in Cuba forecasts a repetition of the scenes of\\n1831, only in a more pronounced form. Quintin Baudera,\\na negro general of prominence in the eastern province,\\nhas decided to found in Santiago a newspaper organ de-\\nvoted to promoting the political interests of the negro\\nmilitary element, while Juan Guilberto Gomez, the ablest\\nand most aggressive of the negro politicians of Cuba, has\\npublicly severed his connection with the so-called Na-\\ntional party and announced that he will head a new organ-\\nization recruited chiefly from the negro officers and pri-\\nvates, who, it is claimed, bore the burden of insurrection\\nagainst Spain. Such a claim will undoubtedly be made\\nby the negro soildiers in the service of the United States.\\nIn this state of affairs the future is more to be feared\\nthan the present, and we have the same problem before\\nus that confronts South Africa. Mr. Bryce s words are\\nequally applicable to the Southern States of Amer ica.\\n*No traveler, he says, can study the color problem in\\nSouth Africa without anxiety anxiety not for the pres-\\nent, but for the future, in which the seeds that are now\\nbeing sown will have sprung up and grown to maturity.\\nA careful consideration of present conditions in compari-\\nson with the history of slave insurrections leads to the\\nconclusion that the colonization of the negro beyond the\\nlimits of the United States is the only means by which\\n1 Sixty-second Annua! Report of the American Colonization\\nSociety, in 1879.\\n2lmpress)ons of South Africa, Chapter XXI.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0273.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "192 THE SOUTHAjMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nhostility, strife, and insurrection can be avoided. In con-\\nclusion, the following considerations may be submitted:\\nFirst. The possibility and danger of negro insurrection\\nare largely responsible for the suppression of the slave\\ntrade^ and the substitution of negro slavery for negro\\nser\\\\atude. The negroes at first enjoyed the same rights\\nand privileges as the white indented servants,^ with the\\nexception of the possibility of social distinction and amal-\\ngamation with the white inhabitants. The Indians, Eng-\\nlish, French, and native whites of bad character took\\nadvantage of these facts to stir up discontent among the\\nservants as well as the free negroes. Consequently, strin-\\ngent legislation, which gradually led to the enslavement\\nof the negro was necessary to put an end to such evils.\\nSecond. The condition, of slavery in Virginia was not\\nsuch as to arouse insurrections among the slaves. An\\naffection existed between master and slave which has\\nbeen handed down to their descendants, which dispelled\\nthat physical aversion and incompatibility of character\\nand temper of the superior race for the inferior, stopped\\ninternecine wars, and prevented the general tendency of\\ncivilization to gradually blot out the inferior race. By\\nthis means alone has the perpetuity of the negro race\\nbeen assured. Not one insurrection was due to cruel\\ntreatment or inbred desire for freedom.\\nThird. Superstition, religious fanaticism, and love of\\nplunder and pillage have played a part in every slave\\ninsurrection in Virginia. Delusion has always been active.\\nThe weak and cowardly have participated, while the\\nbrave and intelligent slaves, in general, remained loyal.\\nFourth. French and English intrigues, especially the\\niDuBois, Suppression of tlie Slave Trade.\\n-Bailagh, Vvhite Servitude in Virginia.\\nProof of this will be more clearly seen in a worli on Slave\\nInsurrections in Vlirginia from 1619 to 1830. which I hope to\\nbring out within a year.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0274.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION. 193\\nlatter, have, from the earliest colonial period, exerted a\\npowerful influence over the slaves of Virginia. Sierra\\nLeone, on the west coast of Africa, was settled by negroes\\nwho fought on the British side in the War of Inde-\\npendence.\\nFifth. The contiguity of three large bodies of free\\nnegroes those of the West Indies, of South America, and\\nof the Northern States and Canada ^tended to incite the\\nslaves of the South and to. convince the people that the\\ndays of slavery were numbered.\\nSixth. The Indian troubles not only incited the slaves\\nto rebellion, but aroused in those sections more remote a\\nsympathy for the negro which bore evil fruit.\\nSeventh. No slave insurrection would have occlIrrf^I\\nin Virginia but for the abolition movement in other sec-\\ntions.^ On the contrary, the emancipation sentiment in\\nVirginia would ultimately have led to the freedom of the\\nslave and his colonization in Liberia. This example would\\nhave been followed by other Southern States. What Vir-\\nginia and the South feared was not emancipation, but\\nfanaticism. Self-preservation, the first law of nature,\\nwas the basic principle in the origin as well as in the con-\\ntinuance of negro slavery in Virginia.\\nEighth. The slave legislation of Virginia was efficient\\nand mild. It rendered the success of slave insurrection\\nimpossible, and laid the foundation of a training which\\nrendered the negro a good and worthy citizen.\\nNinth, Servile insurrections delayed the emancipation\\nof the slaves in the United States. The emancipation sen-\\ntiment was strong in the South as well as in the North,\\nlit was for this reason that the negroes were more closely\\nguarded. Thus certificates were required from master or over-\\nseer for certain privileges and the slaves required to he in their\\nquarters by a certain time. The citizens of Payetteville, North\\nCarolina, renewed the old custom of ringing curfew at 9 o clock\\np. m., at which time all negroes were required to be in their\\nquarter of the town. The custom is still in vogue there.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0275.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "194 THE SOUTHAMPTON INSURRECTION.\\nbut abolition without colonization beyond the limits of tlie\\nUnited States was advocated by few. Abolition was a\\nwar measure rather than the result of unanimity of North-\\nern sentiment therefor.\\nTenth. The neg ro, conscious of his inferiority, and\\nequally distributed over the country, will make a peaceful\\nand useful citizen. But educated for the highest offices,\\nwhich he can never fill, he will remain a source of disturb-\\nance and insurrection, and under such circumstances it\\nwill be best for both races that the negro be transported\\nbeyond the limits of the United States.\\nEND.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0276.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX.\\nAppendix A.\\nA list of negroes brought before the court of Southampton, with\\ntheir owners names and sentencesr^^\\nNegroes. Owner. Sentence.\\nDaniel Richard Porter Convicteii\\nMoses J. T. Barrow Convicted\\nTom Caty Whitehead Discharged\\nJack and Andrew Caty Whitehead. ..Con. and transp t d\\nJacob Geo. H. Charlton. .Dis. without trial\\nIsaac Geo. H. Charlton Con. and trans.\\nJack Everett Bryant Discharged\\nNathan Benj. Blunt s estate Convicted\\nNathan, Tom and Davy\\n(boys) Nathaniel Francis Con, and trans.\\nDavy Elizabeth Turner Convicted\\nCurtis Thomas Ridley Convicted\\nStephen Thomas Ridley Convicted\\nHardy and Isham Benj. Edwards Con. and trans.\\nSam Nathaniel Francis Convici ed\\nHark Joseph Travis estate Convicted\\nMoses (a boy) Joseph Travis estate. .Con. and trans.\\nDavy Levi Waller Convicted\\nNelson Jacob Williams Convicted\\nNat Edmund Turner s estate. Convicted\\nJack Wm. Reese s estate Convicted\\nDred Nathaniel Francis Convicted\\nArnold iirtist (free) Discharged\\nSam J. W. Parker Acquitted\\nFerry and Archer J. W. Parker Dis. without trial\\nJim Wm. Vaughan Acquitted\\nBob Temperance Parker Acquitted!^\\nDavy .loseph Parker\\nDaniel Solomon D. Parker. .Dis. without trial\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2Toe. John C. Turner Convicted\\nThos. Haithcock (free) Sent for further trial\\niTaken from Gray s Confession of Nat Turner and verified by\\ncomparison with county records.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0277.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "196 APPENDIX.\\nNegroes. Owner. Sentence.\\nLucy John. T. Barrow Convicted\\nMatt Thos. Ridley Acquitted\\nJim Richard Porter Acquitted\\nExum Artes (free) Sent for further trial\\nJoe Richard P. Briggs. .Dis. without trial\\nBerry Newsom (free) Sent for further trial\\nStephen James Bell Acquitted\\nJim and Isaac Samuel Champion. .Con. and trans.\\nPreston Hannah Williamson. .Acquitted\\ntYank ^Solomon D. Parker. Con. and trans.\\nJack and Shadrack Nathaniel Simmons Acquitted\\nNelson Benj. Blunt s estate Acquitted\\nSam Peter Edwards Convicted\\nArcher Arthur G. Reese Acquitted\\nIsham Turner (free) Sent for further trial\\nNat Turner Putnam Moore, deceased Convicted\\nAppendix B.\\nLIST OF WHITE PEKSONS MURDERED IN THE INSURRECTION.\\n7\\nJoseph Travis, his wife, Mr.s. Sallie Travis, and one child; Put-\\nnam Moore, Joel Westbrook; Mrs. Elizabeth Turner, Hartwell\\nPubles, Sarah Newsom; Mrs. P. Reese and her son, William\\nReese; Trajan Doyle; Henry Bryant, wife, child, and wife s\\nmother; Mrs. Catherine Whitehead, her son, Richard, four daugh-\\nters and a grandchild; Salathiel Francis; Mr. Nathaniel Francis\\noverseer, Mr. Henry Doyle, two nephews of Mr. N. Francis,\\nnamed Brown; John T. Barrow, George Vaughan; Mrs. Levi\\nWaller, her baby, Martlia Waller, and Lucinda Jones and eight\\nother school children; Mr. William Williams and wife; Miles and\\nHenry Johnson; Mrs. Caswell Worrell and child; Mi s. Rebecca\\nVaughan, her son, Arthur, and her niece, Miss Anne Eliza\\nVaughan; Mrs. John K. Williams and child; Mrs. Jacob Williams\\nand three children, and Mr. E.dwin Drewry.\\nThe above is the list as given by Mr. Thomas R. Gray in The\\nConfession, Trial, and Execution of Nat Turner. I have added\\nthe names of these persons whea*ever possible. There were\\nother pei*sons killed for whom it was impossible to account. Mr.\\nGray omits the overseer killed at Mrs. Rebecca Vaughan s. Some\\nalso say that fifteen persons, instead of eleven, were killed at\\nWaller s.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0278.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 19T\\nAppendix C.\\nPfilNCIPAL CITIZENS INTHRVIBWED PERSONALLY.\\na. Those living at the time of the Southampton insurrection:\\nCollin Kitchen (born 1806), Bowers, Va.\\nMason Ryland (colored, born 1800), Brancheville, Va.\\nMiss Judith Thomas (born 1810 Newsoms, Va.\\nSily Drake (born 1812), Pope, Va.\\nMiss Fanny Thomas (1820, circa), Newsoms, Va.\\nW. O. Denegre (born 1824), St. Paul, Minn.\\nJames E. Westbrook, Sr. (born 1820), Drewryville, Va.\\nCapt. J. J. Darden (1824), Newsoms, Va\\nRobert W. Screws (born 1824), Newsoms, Va.\\nBenjamin Carter Everett (born 1818), Cooper s Store, Va.\\nMrs. Charity Taylor (born 1816), Garysburg, N. C.\\nHardie Musgrave (colored, born 1818), Newsoms, Va.\\nBowlin Bass (born 1820), Adams Grove, Va.\\nRichard Hardin (colored, born 1810), Adams Grove, Va.\\nMrs. Rebecca, Francis (born 1820), Koskoo, Va.\\nAnn Jones Sykes (colored, born 1820). Boykins, Va.\\nMrs. Vaughan (born 1821), Murfreesboro, N. C.\\nMrs. Nancy Barker (1818), Seaboard, N. C.\\nMrs. Rebecca Hart (born 1825), Turner s Cross Roads, N. C.\\nMrs. Martha Jones (born 1827), Boykins, Va.\\nMrs. Lavinia Francis (born 1810), Boykins, Va.\\nCol. David Hardee, Rehoboth, N. C.\\nMrs. James Barnes (born 1824), Koskoo, Va.\\nEvelyn Jones (colored, born 1821), Drewryville, Va.\\nEdwin Williams, Courtland, Va.\\nMrs. Wheeler, Seaboai d, N. C.\\nHarry Clements (colored, born 1812, circa), Drewryville, Va.\\nDaniel Chapman (colored, born 1828, circa), Capron, Va.\\nRobert Mason (colored, born 1825), Brancheville. Va.\\nBenjamin Jones (colored, born 1820), Drewryville, Va.\\nb. Members of families which suffered from the insurrection.,\\nbut born since that event:\\nW. S. Francis (born 1831), Brancheville, Va.\\nMiss Bettie Francis, Norfolk, Va.\\nMrs. Caroline W. Stephenson, Seaboard, N. C.\\nB. F. McLemore, Conrtland, Va.\\nJames E. Westbrook, Jr., Drewryville, Va.\\nMrs. Charles Nicholson, Assamoosick, Va.\\nMiss Mary Turner, Boykins, Va.\\nMrs. J. J. Darden, Newsoms, Va.\\nMrs. Frank Williams, Courtland, Va.\\nBurrell J. Wall, Garysburg, N. C.\\nMrs. Lueinda Hill, Garysburg, N. C.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0279.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "198 APPENDIX.\\nMrs. John Dyer, Sunbeam, Va.\\nMiss Freddie Parker, Franklin, Ya.\\nMi*s. Martha Drewry, Boykins, Va.\\nMr. James Barmer, Seaboard, N. C.\\nWilliam E. Leigh, Koskoo, Va.\\nMre. James D. Bryant, Franklin, Va.\\nJ. F. De Berry, Suffolk, Va.\\nDr. W. F. Drewry. Petersburg, Va.\\nW. H. Drewry, Drewryville, Va.\\n0. Otlier persons who have had advantages for gaining original\\nmaterial relating to the massacre:\\nDr. W. H. Daughtry, Sunbeam, Va.\\nR. S. Barham, Rehoboth, N. C.\\nCapt. James Barnes, Koskoo, Va.\\nMiss Martha Livesy, Boykins, Va.\\nMi-s. Bettie Moss, Boykins, Va.\\nDr. Joseph Sykes, Boykins, Va.\\nJ. L. Bishop, Newsoms, Va.\\nJudge J. B. Prince, Courtland, Va.\\nF. P. Brent, Richmond, Va.\\nJ. Denson Pretlow, Courtland, Va.\\nMiss Julia Pretlow, Courtland, Va.\\nR. A. Brock, sec. Southern Historical Society, Richmond. Va.\\nW. G. Stannard, sec. Historical Society, Richmond, Va.\\n.Tames D. Denegre, St. Paul, Minn.\\nCapt. W. H. Hood, Henderson, N. C.\\nDr. John Eldridge, Murfreesboro, N. C.\\nJ. S. Musgrave, Drevv^ryville, Va.\\nJohn Sebrelle, Courtland, Va.\\nSolomon Wells (colored), Drewryville, Va.\\nRosa Jones (colored), Drewryville, Va.\\nW. S. Clements (colored), Drewryville, Va.\\nMany others whom it is impossible to mention.\\nLetters from various citizens.\\nAppendix D.\\nBIBLIOGKAPHY.\\na. Contemporaneous materials in Newspapers and Magazine:\\nThe Norfolk Herald.\\nThe Norfolk Beacon.\\nThe Richmond Whig.\\nThe Richmond Enquirer.\\nThe Richmond Recorder.\\nThe Richmond Intelligencer.\\nThe Richmond Gazette.\\nThe National Gazette.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0280.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 199\\nThe Boston Gazette (1800).\\nThe Annual Register.\\nNiles Register.\\nGentlemen s Magazine.\\nVirginia Magazine of History and Biography.\\nThe Genius of Universal Emancipation.\\nAmerican Annual Register.\\nPamphlets:\\nConfession, Trial and Execution of Nat Turner. By Thomas\\nGray.\\nTrial and Executions of the Negro Conspirators of Charleston,\\nS. C, 1822.\\nTrial and Imprisonment of Jonathan Walker at Pensacola, Fla.\\nThe Slaves (Written for the Commencement of 1831 of the\\nWestern Reserve College, by James B. Walker.)\\nSpeech of Hon. Percy Walker, of Alabama.\\nWalker s Appeal.\\nSlavery in Rebellion (anonynlous).\\nSlave Insurrections. Josliua Coffin.\\nBirney Collection of Pamphlets en Slavery (including reports,\\nproceedings, etc., of the African Colonization and Anti-\\nSlavery Societies).\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0G. Magazines and papers of later date.\\nRichmond Dispatch.\\nThe Macon Telegraph.\\nThe Patron and Gleaner, of Rich Square, N. 0.\\nThe Nat Turner Insurrection. W. H. Parker.\\nEphraim s Light in Wake Forest Student.\\nGodey s Magazine (March, 1898).\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a04. Legal Documents, Proceedings, and Laws:\\nCalendar of Virginia State Papers.\\nActs of tlie Virginia Assembly.\\nJournal of House of Delegates.\\nJournal of Virginia Senate.\\n.lournal of House of Burgesses.\\nIlening. Statutes.\\nJ. C. Hurd. Law of Freedom and Bondage.\\nHeniiig. Justice.\\nShroud. Sketch of the Laws of Slavery.\\nS. B. Weelvs. Negro Suffrage in the South.\\nCourt Records of Southampton County.\\nSaintsbury MSS.\\nSpotswood Letters.\\nDinwiddle Papers.\\nLetters to the Governors of Virginia.\\nPetitions to Virginia Legislature.\\nMaodonald. Select Documents of United States History.\\nRicliardson. ^lessages and Papers of the Presidents.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0281.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "200 APPENDIX.\\n-Annals of Congress.\\nRegisters of Congress.\\nCongressional Globe.\\nCongressional Record.\\nGoveramenfc Docnroents, Executive, Miscellaneous, and Report*\\nof Committees, American State Papei-s.\\ne. Contemporary Historians, etc.:\\nCampbell. Historj- of Virginia.\\nHowison. History of Virginia.\\nCooii. History of Virginia.\\nWheeler. History of North Carolina.\\nForest. Historical and Descriptive Sketches of Norfolk and\\nVicinity.\\nHowe. Virginia; Its History and Antiquities.\\nVirginia and Virginians.\\nHenry Bradshaw Peason. Sketches of America.\\nKircheval. History of the Valley of Virginia.\\nW. Wirt Henry. Patrick Henry Life, Correspondence and\\nSpeeches.\\nWorks of Thomas Jefferson.\\nJ. W. Barber. Interesting Events in the History of the United\\nStates.\\nFrancois Xavier Martin. History of North Carolina.\\nMcSherry. History of Maryland.\\nRev. T. C. Thornton. Slavery as It Is in the United States.\\nArchy Moor s (a Virginia negi*o) Memoirs.\\nProceedings of the Convention which elected Lincoln, in 1860.\\nSlaughter. Colonial Church of Virginia.\\nClarkson. History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade.\\nMeade. Old Churches and Fajnilies.\\nGillie. Historical Collections.\\nO Callaghah. Voyages of the Slavers, 1659, 1663, and the Slave\\nTrade Under the Dutch.\\nLater Writers:\\nNeill. Virginia Vetusta.\\nVirginia Historical Collections, vol. VI, The Relation of Vir-\\nginia to African Colonization, by R. A. Brock.\\nJames Bryce. Impressions of South Africa.\\nDr. Robert Brown. The Story of Africa.\\nBallagh. White Servitude in Virginia.\\nConfederate Military History.\\nBrackett. The Negro in Maryland.\\nGeorge W. Williams (colored). History of the Negro Race in\\nAmerica from 1619 to 1880.\\nMoore. History of North Carolina.\\nCooley. Abolition of Slave Trade (Harvard Studies).\\nCallahan. Cuba and Anglo-American Relations.\\nE. S. Simmons. Solution of the Race Problem.\\nJ. R. Beard. Toussant L Ouverture.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0282.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "APPENDIX. 201\\nD. A. Straker (negro)? Reflections on the Life and Times of\\nToussant I/Ouverture, tlie Negro Haytien.\\nHandbooli of Virginia.\\nHart. Building of ttie Republic; Formation of the Union.\\nHandbook of North Carolina.\\nWilson. Division and Reunion.\\nSumner. Andrew Jackson.\\nSchouler. History of the United States.\\nVon Hoist, Constitutional History of the United States.\\nFederalist. P. L. Ford s Edition.\\nDuruy. History of France.\\nIngram. History of Slavery.\\nJames R. Gilmore. Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln\\nand the Civil War.\\nHistorical Novels:\\nJudith, Marion Harland.\\nHomoselle, Mary Spear Tieman.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0283.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0284.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "VITA.\\nWilliam Sidney Drewry was born in Petersburg, Virginia, July\\n14, 1870. His primary education was received from private in-\\nstructors and in the free-schools of Southampton County, Virginia.\\nIn 1888 he entered the University of Virginia, where, in June, 1892,\\nhe received the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and, in 1893, the degrees\\nof Bachelor of Philosophy and Master of Arts.\\nThe session of 1893-94 he taught in the Margaret Academy,\\nOnancock, Virginia. He founded, 1894, the Military Academy,\\nNewport News, Virginia, and from there was called, September, 1895,\\nto become Associate Principal of the Fayetteville (N. C.) Military\\nAcademy, This position he resigned in 1897 to pursue advanced\\nwork in history, economics, and politics at the Johns Hopkins\\nUniversity, where, 1897, he was appointed Scholar in History, and,\\n1898 and 1899, Honorary Scholar.", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0285.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0286.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0287.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "31+7 7 -S^", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0288.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0289.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0290.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3131", "width": "1937", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0291.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3263", "width": "2036", "jp2-path": "slaveinsurrectio00drew_0292.jp2"}}