{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "V\\nPROCEEDINGS\\nOF THE\\nVirginia Historical Society,\\nWITH THE ADDRESS OF\\nWILLIAM WIRT HENRY\\nON THE\\nEARLY SETTLEMENT OF VIRGINIA,\\nFEBRUARY 24, 1882.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "PROCEEDINGS\\nVirginia Historical Society\\nAnnual Meeting, February 24, 1882,\\nTHE ADDRESS\\nWILLIAM WIRT HENRY:\\nTHE SETTLEMENT AT JAMESTOWN, WITH PARTICULAR\\nREFERENCE TO THE LATE ATTACKS UPON CAP-\\nTAIN JOHN SMITH, POCAHONTAS, AND\\nJOHN ROLFE.\\nRichmond, Virginia.\\nPUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY.\\nMDCCCLXXXII.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "V B\\nWM. ELLIS JONES\\nPRINTER,\\nRICHMOND, VA.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "ERRATUM.\\nIn tliL- first and second lines of the Address, p. lo, instead of the\\nwords, j6th June, 162/ read jrf February, 1620.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "ORGANIZATION\\nOF THE\\nVirginia Historical Society.\\n1882.\\nPresident.\\nALEXANDER H. H. STUART, of Siaimton, Virginia.\\nVice-Presidents.\\nCONWAY ROBINSON, of Washington, D. C.\\nWILLIAM W. CORCORAN, of Washington, D. C.\\n\\\\VILLIA]M WIRT HENRY, of Richmond, Virginia.\\nCorresponding Secretary and Librarian.\\nR. A. UROCK, of Ric/imond, Virginia\\nRecording Secretary.\\nGEORGE A. liARKSDALE, of Rictiniond, Virginia.\\nTreasurer.\\nROBERT T. BROOKE, of Riclwiond, Virginia.\\nExecutive Committee.\\nBEVERLEY RANDOLPH WELLFORD, Jr.. o/7?zV/r;\u00c2\u00ab 9\u00c2\u00abrf, Virginia.\\nANTHONY M. KEILEY of Riclwiond, Virginia.\\nJ. L. M. CURRY of RicJimond, Virginia.\\nHENRY COALTER CABELL of Richmond, Virginia.\\nARCHER ANDERSON of Ric/imotid, Virginia.\\nVVILLL^M P. PALMER of Ric/imond, Virginia.\\nCHARLES GORHAM BARNEY of Riclimond, Virginia.\\nJOSEPH BRYAN of RicJimond, Virginia.\\nEDWARD VIRGINIUS VALENTINE of Riclimond, Virginia.\\nJOHN OTT of Richmond, Virginia.\\nWILLIAM A. MAURY of Wastiington, D. C.\\nJOHN B. WHITEHEAD of Norfolk, Virginia.\\nMembers of the Committee e:i--officio\\nThe President, Vice-Presidents, Secretaries and Treasurer.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "4 OFFICERS.\\nCommittee on Finance.\\nWILLIAM P. PALMER, BEVERLEY R. WELLFORD, Jr.,.\\nWILLIAM WIRT HENRY.\\nComm.ittee on Piiblicatioyi.\\nARCHER ANDERSON, EDWARD VIRGINIUS VALENTINE,\\nJ. L. M. CURRY.\\nCommittee on the Library.\\nANTHONY M. KEILEY, JOSEPH BRYAN,\\nWILLIAM P. PALMER.\\nCommittee on Incidental Expejises.\\nHENRY COALTER CABELL, EDWARD VIRGINIUS VALENTINE,.\\nBEVERLEY R. WELLFORD, Jr.\\nCommittee on Membership.\\nWILLIAM WIRT HENRY, CHARLES GORHAM BARNEY,\\nJOHN OTT.\\nCommittee on Building.\\nJOHN OTT, R. A. BROCK,\\nHENRY COALTER CABELL.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "PROCEEDINGS.\\nThe Annual Meeting of the Virginia Historical Society was\\nheld in the Hall of the House of Delegates of Virginia, in the\\nCapitol at Richmond, Friday, February 24th, 1882, at 8 o clock\\nin the evening.\\nThe meeting was called to order by Vice-President Henry,\\nand the Hon. Beverley Randolph Wellford, Jr., requested to\\npreside.\\nThe Corresponding Secretary and Librarian, R. A. Brock,\\nin behalf of the Executive Committee, read the report of that\\nbody. He also read the report of the Treasurer.\\nMr. James Lyons, Jr., for the nominating committee, reported\\na Hst of officers and committees for the year 1882. They were\\nunanimously chosen.\\nVice-President Henry then addressed the Society.\\nAt the close of the address the Hon. Anthony M. Keiley\\noffered the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted\\nResolved, That the thanks of the Society be presented to Vice President\\nHenry for his learned, able and instructive address, a copy of which is hereby\\nrequested for publication with the proceedings of the Society on this occasion.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "PROCEEDINGS.\\nREPORT\\nEXECUTIVE COMMITTEE\\nWe have just cause to congratulate the Society upon the\\nhighly encouraging progress it has made during the past year,\\nboth in membership and material acquisitions.\\nIt is worthy of remark also, that the interest which has been\\nmanifested in its welfare has not only pervaded our whole\\ncountry, but has extended across the Atlantic, and we have\\nhad gratifying demonstrations that the descent of the Ancient\\nDominion, after a lapse of nearly three centuries, is still\\nwarmly regarded in the Mother Country.\\nWe have the great pleasure to report that the Society now\\nbears upon its rolls an aggregate membership of 592, which\\ncomprises 30 honorary, 63 corresponding, 52 life, and 447 an-\\nnual members. Of the last named class, the whole number may\\nbe said to have been acquired since February i, 1881, as, for\\nseveral years prior to that time, the Society being unable to\\noffer a publication as an equivalent, no subscription had been\\nasked of such members, and no obligation rested upon them.\\nThe additions during the past year in the remaining classes\\nhave been: 17 life, 13 corresponding, and 7 honorary members.\\nDuring the same period, the Society has added by gift to its\\nlibrary and collections: 171 bound volumes, 304 pamphlets, a\\nnumber of files of newspapers, bound and unbound, many valu-\\nable MSS. and autograph letters of distinguished persons, and\\nvarious memorials and objects of interest.\\nThe most important single acquisition was the generous gift\\nof the Hon. W. W. Corcoran, (a Vice-President of the Society), of\\nthe Original MS. Records or Entry Books of the Colony of\\nVirginia for the five years {_i752-i js j of the administration\\nof Lieutenant-Governor Robert Dinwiddle.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "PROCEEDINGS. 7\\nAmong other gifts of significance and valae may be men-\\ntioned the following\\nThe writing-table of George Mason of Gunston, upon which\\nhe prepared the famous Bill of Rights of Virginia presented\\nby his great-grand-son, George Mason, Esq., Alexandria, Va.\\nThe original commission (dated April 4, 1707,) of Robert\\nHunter, (who being captured by the French on his voyage from\\nEngland, never served as designed) as Lieutenant-Governor of\\nVirginia presented by Charles P. Greenough, Esq., Boston,\\nMass.\\nTwo maps of Virginia, bearing date 1671 Notes on Cohmi-\\nbus, a privately printed and sumptuous volume; 21 bound\\nvolumes of the New York World, 1861-1867 inclusive\u00e2\u0080\u0094pre-\\nsented by S. L. M. Barlow, Esq., New York City.\\nThe Correspondence of the Hon. Archibald Stuart, comprising\\nletters from many of the most eminent American statesmen of\\nhis day the sword of Major Alexander Stuart, a patriot of the\\nRevolution, used by him at the battle of Guilford Court House\\npresented by the Hon. Alex r H. H. Stuart (the President of\\nthe Society), Staunton, Va.\\nThe Adams and Massie family papers, a most valuable and\\ninteresting collection, commencing in the year 1670; The pis-\\ntols and sash of a British officer, captured during the Revo-\\nlution, and afterwards used by Major Thomas Massie of the 2d\\nVa. regiment presented by Mrs. Elizabeth, relict of the late\\nCol. Thos. J. Massie, Nelson Co., Va.\\nVarious family papers and relics presented by Colonel Thos.\\nHarding Ellis, late of Richmond, now of Chicago, Illinois.\\nAn original Fry and Jefferson s Map of Virginia, of 1775\\npresented by the Hon. Robert W. Hughes, LL. D., Norfolk, Va.\\nA copy of Stuart s Indian Wars of Virginia in 1774, in the\\nautograph of Colonel Thomas Lewis presented by Col. John\\nL. Eubank, Warm Springs, Bath Co., Va.\\nVarious volumes from the library of Richard Henry Lee,\\nbearing his autograph presented by Cassius F. Lee, Jr., Esq.,\\nAlexandria, Va.\\nSix volumes of the Natiojial Intelligeyicer, covering the period\\nJune 6, 1848 May 28, 1857; Report of the Revisors of the\\nCivil Code of Virginia, made to the General Assembly in 1846\\nand 1847 interleaved and annotated presented by Col. J.\\nMarshall McCue, Afton, Va.\\nFour large boxes of newspapers and pamphlets presented\\nby Mrs. W. B. Caldwell, White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia.\\nThree large boxes of newspapers and pamphlets presented\\nby Mrs. M. A. Sidington, Millboro Springs, Va.\\nThe MS. Order-book of Col. Wm. Heth of the Revolution,\\nwhilst encamped at Bound Brook, New Jersey, in 1777 pre-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "8 PROCEEDINGS.\\nsented by the Rev. Philip Slaughter, D. D., Mitchell s Station,\\nCulpeper Co., Va.\\nDid not the limits of the present occasion forbid it, we would\\nhave pleasure in rendering specific acknowledgment for many\\nadditional memorials of value and interest.\\nThe correspondence of the Society, and other duties incident\\nupon its reorganization, during the past few months, have been\\nso onerous, that the preparation of a catalogue of its library\\nhas not as yet been within the accomplishment of the incum-\\nbent of the combined offices of Corresponding Secretary and\\nLibrarian.\\nThe number of bound volumes, however, may be stated as\\nexceeding ii,ooo, to which may be added several thousand\\npamphlets. The Society s collection of portraits, twenty-eight in\\nnumber, comprises the following subjects: Pocahontas (two of),\\nEarl of Essex, Captain George Percy, Lord Culpeper, George\\nWashington, Martha Washington, Patrick Henry, Peyton Ran-\\ndolph, George Mason, Thomas Jefferson, Lafayette, Arthur Lee,\\nEdmund Pendleton, John Marshall, Duke de Lauzun, Gerard,\\nJohn Randolph of Roanoke, Hugh Nelson, Commodore Oliver\\nH. Perry, Governor Wm. B. Giles, Black Hawk, and Rev. M. D.\\nHoge, D. D. The walls of the Westmoreland Club-House, in\\nwhich the Society is generously allowed its present quarters, are\\nhung with many additional objects of interest engraved por-\\ntraits, relics, historic documents, etc., the property of the Society.\\nThe MSS. and autograph letters of the Society are now in course\\nof arrangement, the last in scrap-books. Until the task may be\\ncompleted, the definite number cannot be stated, but it is thought\\nto exceed 2,000.\\nThe library is duly provided with handsome cases, and the\\nexhibit is one alike creditable to the Society and to the State.\\nSo inestimably valuable indeed is it so essential in the elucida-\\ntion of the history of Virginia, and in vindication of her fame,\\nand so irreparable would be its loss, that it is a duty from which\\nwe must not shrink, to plead with this assembly its claims to a\\ndurable repository, and due provision for its safety against all\\naccident. This can only be assured in the possession by the\\nSociety of a fire-proof building of its own. Who, among the", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "PROCEEDINGS. 9\\npecuniarily favored of our citizens, will move in this important\\nmatter\\nWe beg to announce, that in pursuance of one of the offices of\\nthe Society, an important contribution to history The Letter-\\nBooks of Lieutenant-Governor Alexander Spotswood, covering\\nthe term of his colonial administration in Virginia (1710-1722),\\na marked period in the development of the resources and\\nmanufactures of the colony, and of its progress is in course of\\npreparation, and that it is contemplated that the first volume of\\nthe work will be ready for delivery to the members of the\\nSociety by the first of May next.\\nThe evidences which the present recital give of the condition\\nof the Society, together with the knowledge of its recent un-\\nexampled progress (of which our citizens have been regularly\\nadvised through the generous medium of the local press), are\\nassurances of fruition in its noble mission, which should claim\\nfor it all needful sustenance from our own people of Virginia,\\nand this, it is to be hoped, will in the future be cheerfully\\naccorded.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "10 ADDRESS.\\nTHE ADDRESS.\\nIn a speech delivered by Lord Chancellor Bacon on the i^th\\nJun\u00c2\u00ab, 162^1 in reply to the Speaker s oration, that celebrated man\\ng ave utterance to these words: This Kingdom, now first in his\\nMajesty s times, hath gotten a lot or portion in the New World\\nby the plantation of Virginia and the Summer Islands. And\\ncertain it is with the kingdoms on earth, as it is in the Kingdom\\nof Heaven, sometimes a grain of mustard seed proves a great\\ntree. Who can tell? What that great man hoped for and\\nhesitated to foretell has been realized in a manner far beyond the\\nmost glowing conception of his wonderful genius. The little\\nEnglish colony planted at Jamestown in 1607 proved to be the\\ngerm of a great people. Less than three centuries have passed\\nby and they occupy a vast continent, and number more than fifty\\nmillions. Had that feeble colony perished, as did those pre-\\nviously sent out from England, the Spaniards, who claimed by\\nright of discovery by Columbus in 1492, and by grant from Pope\\nAlexander VI, in 1493, and who were already planted in Florida\\nand Mexico, would have controlled the colonization of North\\nAmerica, as they did that of South America, and to-day North\\nand South America would alike present the wretched appear-\\nance of a mongrel population, the admixture of three races\\nSpanish, Indian, and African. In a word, North America would\\nhave been Mexicanized.\\nBut an overruling Providence ordered it otherwise, and North\\nAmerica, through the Virginia settlement, was secured to the\\nEnglish race and to English civilization.\\nIf the importance of an event is measured by the consequences\\nwhich flow from it, then the planting of the English colony at\\nJamestown must be considered one of the most important, if not\\nthe most important, of the events which have been recorded in\\nsecular history. Not only followed from it the possession of this\\nvast and fertile continent by the foremost race of the earth, result-\\ning in a people who have secured to themselves the highest", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 11\\ndevelopment and greatest political freedom, and have reacted\\nwith powerful effect upon the civilization and institutions of the\\nOld World, but from this beginning there was developed a sys-\\ntem of colonization which has made the people of the little isles\\nof Great Britain the greatest power of the earth the greatest\\npower which has ever been upon the earth, a power [in the\\neloquent words of Webster] which has dotted over the surface\\nof the whole globe with her possessions and military posts,\\nwhose morning drum-beat, following the sun, and keeping com-\\npany with the hours, circles the earth with one continuous and\\nunbroken strain of the martial airs of England.\\nSince the world has been so wonderfully affected by the plant-\\ning of this colony, it well becomes us to preserve with religious\\ncare the memory of the men to whom we are indebted for its\\nsuccess.\\nThe London Company which sent it out was composed of the\\nbest and most honored men of the kingdom, and among the men\\nwho composed the colony are names conspicuous for intellect\\nand public services; but the names oftenest mentioned in con-\\nnection with the Virginia settlement, and which have excited the\\ngreatest interest, are those of Captain John Smith, the preserver\\nof the colony, and Pocahontas, the preserver of Smith, and the\\nconstant friend of the English. For more than two hundred and\\nfifty years historians have delighted to relate their services, often\\nquoting the quaint, terse language of Smith s History in giving\\nhis adventures, and especially his rescue from death by Pow-\\nhatan s dearest daughter, at the risk of her own life, when as\\nher father s prisoner he was condemned to die.\\nIn all that time no one discredited Smith s account of the colony,\\nif we except Thomas Fuller, whose groundless sneer at Smith in\\nhis Worthies of England, only demonstrated his ignorance of\\nthe sources from which Smith drew the material for his history.\\nThus the matter stood till the year i860, when Mr. Charles\\nDeane, of Massachusetts, edited with notes, for the American\\nAntiquarian Society, of which he was a member, A Discourse\\nof Virginia, by Edward Maria Wingfield, the first president of\\nthe Colony, which was then first published from the original\\nmanuscript in the Lambeth Library. This tract is found in vol.\\niv of the Archaelogia Americana. In one of his notes to this\\npublication Mr. Deane suggested a doubt as to the truth of\\nL\u00c2\u00bbfC", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "12 ADDRESS.\\nSmith s account of his rescue by Pocahontas. In 1866, Mr.\\nDeane edited with notes a reprint of A True Relation of Vir-\\nginia, by Captain John Smith, and renewed his attack on\\nSmith s veracity. During the next year Mr. Henry Adams fol-\\nlowed up the attack by an elaborate article, contributed to the\\nJanuary number of the North American Review. In the year\\n1869 the Rev. Edward D. Neill published a History of the Vir-\\nginia Company of London, in which he not only endeavored to\\n-destroy the character of Smith, but that of Pocahontas, and of\\nher husband, John Rolfe, as well. This author has been followed\\nby Wm. Cullen Bryant and Sydney Howard Gay in their His-\\ntory of America, published in 1876, and by others.\\nSo persistent have these assaults been that it seems to be the\\nfashion now with those writers who are content to act the part of\\ncopyists, to sneer at the veracity of Smith, the virtue of Poca-\\nhontas, and the honesty of Rolfe. The more generous task of\\nmaking their defence shall be mine.\\nIn order that there may be a better understanding of the dis-\\ncussion proposed it may be proper to recall certain well-attested\\nfacts relating to the early colonial history of Virginia.\\nThe colony which made the first permanent settlement was\\nsent from England by The Virginia Company of London, to\\nwhom had been given the rights of colonization previously\\ngranted to Sir Walter Raleigh by Queen Elizabeth. Sir Walter\\nhad planted a colony at Roanoke Island, on the coast of North\\nCarolina, but it had perished, and his further efforts had been\\nthwarted. The London Company, during the year 1606, fitted\\nout their expedition in three vessels. The Sarah Constant, in\\ncharge of Captain Christopher Newport, the commander of the\\nexpedition, carried seventy-one men the Godspeed, in charge\\nof Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, carried fifty-two men; and the\\nDiscovery, a pinnace, in charge of Captain John Ratcliffe, carried\\ntwenty men. Leaving the Thames on 19th December, it 06,\\nthey were detained in the Downs by bad weather till the ist Jan-\\nuary, 1607. On the 26th of April following they were driven by\\na storm into the Chesapeake Bay,* and on the 13th of May they\\n*The Indians had informed the English at Roanoke Island of this bay, and\\nit had been determined by Raleigh to attempt a settlement on it. When the\\nVirginia Company sent out this colony ihey were directed to search for it. It", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0024.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 13\\nlanded at Jamestown, where they determined to settle. Upon\\nopening their sealed instructions they found that the London\\nCompany had appointed for their government a council, com-\\nposed of Edward Maria Wingfield, Bartholomew Gosnold, John\\nSmith, Christopher Newport, John Ratclifte, John Martin, and\\nJohn Kendall. They chose Wingfield to be president. Captain\\nJohn Smith had been charged during the voyage with fostering\\na mutiny, and was under arrest when they landed. His inno-\\ncence was made manifest, or, at any rate, his accusers failed to\\nconvict him, and on the loth June he was permitted to take\\nhis seat in the council. After exploring the James river to its\\nfalls, Captain Newport sailed for England, on the 22d of June, to\\nbring additional colonists and supplies, and he arrived at James-\\ntown on his return on the 8th January, 1608. He found that\\nmatters had not gone well during his absence. Want of suit-\\nable food, and a climate to which the men were unaccustomed,\\nhad caused much sickness and death. Among the council Cap-\\ntain Gosnold was dead, and Wingfield and Kendall had been\\ndeposed, and were under arrest upon serious charges. The\\ndifficulties through which the colony had passed had developed\\nthe fact, however, that there was one man among them of genius\\nequal to the enterprise. That man was Captain John Smith.\\nHe had commenced exploring the country and trading with the\\nIndians for corn, by which he -supplied all the wants of the\\ncolony, and three times he had prevented their abandonment of\\nthe settlement in the pinnace, which Newport had left behind.\\nDuring one of his expeditions up the Chickahominy some of his\\nmen had been killed, and he captured, but by address he had\\nprocured his release, and been sent back with an escort to James-\\ntown, where he arrived the day of Newport s return. Newport\\nfound him, however, in great peril for Gabriel Archer, Smith s\\nenemy, who had been improperly made a councillor during his\\ncaptivity, on his return had caused him to be arrested and tried\\nupon the charge of being accessory to the murder of the two\\nmen he had with him when he was captured by the Indians.\\nUpon this pretext he was condemed to die, but the arrival of\\nNewport saved him. When Newport sailed again for England,\\nhad been demonstrated that the bad harbor at Roanoke Island rendered that\\nplace unfit for a settlement.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0025.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "14 ADDRESS.\\non the loth of April following, he carried with him both Wing-\\nfield and Archer. And, upon his arrival in England, Wingfield\\nwrote a defence of his administration, which is known as Wing-\\nfield s Discourse of Virginia. The Phoenix, commanded by-\\nCaptain Nelson, arrived after Newport s departure, having been\\nseparated from him on the voyage from England. This vessel\\nreturned to England on the 2d June, 1608, and carried a letter\\nwritten by Smith to a friend, relating what had happened in\\nthe colony. This letter, as published in 1608, is known as\\nSmith s True Relation, or, Newes from Virginia.\\nSmith continued his explorations and trade, and with the\\nassistance of Pocahontas, who exerted a great influence over her\\nfather, kept the colony well supplied with provisions. On the\\nloth of September, 1608, he accepted the presidency, which office\\nhe filled with great credit. His adventures among the Indians,\\nas related by his companions, were very remarkable, and he\\ninspired the Savages with a wholesome fear of himself, which\\nproved of great advantage to the infant colony. Pocahontas was\\nhis fast friend, and saved the English on more than one occasion,\\nnot only by supplying their wants, but by informing Smith of the\\nplots of the Indians against them. During the fall of 1608 New-\\nport brought a second supply of colonists, and on his return to\\nEngland carried a map of the country and a description of the\\ninhabitants, prepared by Captain Smith, which were published\\nin 161 2 at Oxford. The returns from the colony had not been\\nprofitable, and a change of charter was obtained on 23d May,\\n1609. By its provisions the government was no longer vested in\\na president and council, but in a governor, to be appointed by\\nthe London Company. Sir Thomas West, Lord Delaware, was\\nappointed governor, and he sent Sir Thomas Gates as his Lieu-\\ntenant, to reside in the colony. In October, 1609, Smith sailed\\nfor England, and never returned. He left the colony at the\\nclose of his presidency in a hopeful condition. It consisted of\\nupwards of four hundred and ninety persons seated at James-\\ntown, and several other places. They had twenty-four pieces of\\nordnance, and three hundred stand of small arms, with sufficient\\nammunition, three ships and seven boats, a store of commodi-\\nties to trade with the natives, the harvest newly gathered, ten\\nweeks provisions in store, six hundred swine, with some goats\\nand sheep, and many domestic fowls. They had become well", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0026.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 15\\nacquainted with the natives, their language and habitations, and\\ncould muster, if need be, one hundred well trained soldiers.*\\nEverything looked to a permanent and successful colony. But\\nthe departure of Smith changed the whole aspect of affairs. The\\nIndians at once became hostile, and killed all that came in their\\nway. The ships were lost, the provisions were wasted, and a\\nfamine set in, accompanied by the diseases which invariably\\nattend it. Within six months after Captain Smith left them,\\nthere were not over sixty alive, and these could hardly hope to\\nlive ten days longer. Sir Thomas Gates had been shipwrecked\\nin coming over, and had remained at the Bermudas to refit.\\nWhen he arrived at Jamestown he beheld the ghastly spectacle\\nof a dying colony. He abandoned all hope of reviving it, and\\ntaking the survivors aboard he set sail for England. Before they\\ngot out of the river, however, they were met by Lord Delaware,\\nwho had determined to visit the colony himself, and had brought\\nthree ships well provisioned. He carried the remnant of the\\ncolony back to Jamestown, and by his wise administration put\\nnew life into the enterprise, the practicability of which had been\\ndemonstrated by Captain Smith,\\nAfter Smith s departure Pocahontas refused to visit Jamestown,\\nbut continued to show kindness to the English who fell into her\\nfather s hands. In 1613 Captain Argall induced her to visit his\\nship at anchor in the Potomac, made her a prisoner and carried\\nher to Jamestown. In 16 14 she became a Christian, and was\\nmarried to John Rolfe, one of the colonists. Her marriage\\nbrought peace with the Indians. Sir Thomas Dale, who was\\nThis statement of the condition of the colony is taken from the Oxford Tract,\\ncompiled from the writings of Smith s companions; and from Purchas Pilgrims,\\nvol. iv, p. 1 73 1, where it is taken from the same writers. It has been disputed\\nchiefly upon the statements of the Virginia Assembly in 1624, styled A Briefe\\nDeclaration of the plantation of Virginia during the first 12 years, c vol. i\\nof Colonial Records of Virginia. This paper states (p. 70) that the men landed\\nby Sir Thomas Gates fell upon the seven acres of corn planted, and in three\\ndays, at the most, wholly devoured it. Doubtless the words, the harvest\\nnewly gathered, used at a later date, referred to the harvest of the Indians,\\nfor which there were ample commodities to trade.\\nRaleigh Crashaw was a member of the Assembly of 1624, and he endorsed\\nSmith s History of Virginia, which copies this statement from the Oxford Tract.\\nThe account of suffering afterwards carried to England by the Swallow, referred\\nto what happened after Smith left the colony.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0027.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "16 ADDRESS.\\nacting- as governor, carried her with her husband and child to\\nEngland in 1616, where she was handsomely entertained by the\\nLondon Company and others, the queen and her court paying-\\nher marked attention. As she was about to return to Virginia\\nshe was taken sick, and died at Gravesend on the 21st of March,\\n1617.\\nThe grounds of Mr. Deane s attack on Smith s veracity may\\nbe briefly stated as follows: Smith came to Virginia in 1607 and\\nreturned to England in 1609. Accounts of what happened\\nduring his stay in the colony were written by himself and others,\\nand many publications concerning the early history of the\\ncolony were made, but no mention was made in any publication\\nof Smith s rescue by Pocahontas, as is claimed, till 1622, when\\nSmith published a second edition of a tract entitled New Eng-\\nland Trials, which contains an allusion to it; and it was only in\\nSmith s General History of Virginia, published in 1624, that\\nthe full details were given. It is charged that the prominence\\nto which Pocahontas had attained in 161 6 induced Smith to in-\\nvent the story, in order that he might associate her name with his\\nown. Mr. Deane also claimed that the account of Smith s treat-\\nment at the hands of the Indians while their prisoner, given at\\nthe time in his letter known as the True Relation, differs ma-\\nterially from that given in the General History, and that all\\nthe later accounts given by Smith of his early adventures show\\nconsiderable embellishment, and are unworthy of belief\\nThose who have followed in the wake of Mr. Deane have en-\\ndeavored to point out many inconsistencies between the accounts\\ngiven by Smith in his different publications relating to the same\\nmatters, and he has been painted by one at least, (Mr. Neill.) as\\na braggart and a beggar, and unworthy of belief generally.\\nIt is proposed to examine these several grounds of attack in\\ndetail, and to show that in no instance has a falsehood been\\nfixed on Smith, but that his writings, where they have been dis-\\nputed, are so fully sustained that they constrain our belief.\\nThe first ground of attack is the alleged omission of all allu-\\nsion to Smith s rescue in his early writings and those of his con-\\ntemporaries. If this be shown, and cannot be properly explained,\\nit will beyond doubt give rise to a painful suspicion as to the\\ntruth of the subsequent account, given after Pocahontas had be-\\ncome an object of public interest. But it will only raise doubt", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0028.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. IT\\nas to Smith s veracity. A mere failure of the early writers to\\nmention the incident does not amount to proof that it never oc-\\ncurred. If, however, the silence of these earlier publications can\\nbe satisfactorily explained then the attack based upon it utterly\\nfails.\\nThe books which relate to the early history of the colony,\\nand which it is claimed should have noticed the rescue, are\\n1. A True Relation of Virginia, or Newes from Vir-\\nginia, the letter written by Captain John Smith, and published\\nin London 1608.\\n2. A Discourse of Virginia, written by Edward Maria\\nWingfield, the first president, and printed first in i860.\\n3. Historic of Travaile into Virginia, by Wm. Strachey,\\nsecretary of the colony from 16 10 to 161 2, printed first in 1849.\\n4. The proceedings of the English colonic in Virginia since\\ntheir first beginning from England in the yeere of our Lord\\n1606, printed at Oxford 161 2, and known as the second or his-\\ntorical part of the Oxford Tract, Smith s map and description\\nof the country being the first part.\\n5. Purchas Pilgrimage, by the Rev. Samuel Purchas,\\nprinted in 1613, and republished in 1614, 1617, and 1626.\\n6. A True Discourse of the present estate of Virginia, c.,\\nby Ralph Hamor, late secretary in the colony, printed in 1615.\\nAs the first of these publications was written by Captain Smith\\nhimself, and gives an account of his captivity among the In-\\ndians, its failure to record his rescue by Pocahontas is considered\\nthe strongest evidence of the falsity of the account given by him\\nyears afterwards. Indeed the force of the attack upon Smith,\\ninaugurated by Mr. Deane, will be found in this alleged omission.\\nBut what are we to think of the argument when we learn, what\\nis undoubtedly true, that this letter has never been published as\\nSmith wrote it. Parts of it were suppressed by the person who\\npublished it, who, in a preface signed with his initials J. H.,\\nstates that fact, and this preface was republished by Mr. Deane\\nin 1866, along with the garbled letter. The preface gives- an ac-\\ncount of how the publisher came by the manuscript, and of a\\nmistake in printing some of the copies under the name of Thomas\\nWatson instead of Captain Smith, the true writer, and then these\\nwords follow Somwhat more was by him written, which", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0029.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "18 ADDRESS.\\nbeing, as I thought, (fit to be private,) I would not adventure to\\nmake it pubHcke.\\nWhat was thus omitted from the letter in its publication has\\nnever been known. Until the letter has been reproduced as\\nSmith wrote it, however, it is simply absurd to attempt to build\\nan argument against Smith s veracity upon its alleged omissions.\\nThis answer to the main ground of attack would seem to be com-\\nplete, and yet more may be added. We are not left entirely in\\nthe dark as to what was omitted by the publisher. He continues\\nhis preface as follows What may be expected concerning the\\nscituation of the country, the nature of the clime, number of our\\npeople there resident, the manner of their government and living,\\nthe commodities to be produced, and the end and effect it may\\ncome too, I can say nothing more then is here written. Only\\nwhat I have learned and gathered from generall consent of all (that\\nI have conversed with all) as well marriners as others which have\\nhad employment that way, is that the country is excellent and\\npleasant, the clime temperate and healthfull, the ground fertill\\nand good, the commodities to be expected (if well followed)\\nmany, for our people, the worst being already past, these former\\nhaving indured the heate of the day, whereby those that shall\\nsucceede may at ease labour for their profit in the most sweete,\\ncool, and temperate shade.\\nTwo things are evident from these sentences, one, that what was\\nomitted could only relate to the narrative of what had happened\\nto the colonists, all else had been given fully to the public;\\nanother, that the desire of the publisher was to encourage further\\nemigration to Virginia, and therefore what he left out of the nar-\\nrative was in all probability matters which might tend to dis-\\ncourage emigrants.\\nThis concealment of all matters tending to discourage emigra-\\ntion was enjoined on the colonists by the London Company, in\\nthe instructions given them when they sailed. A copy of these\\ninstructions is in the Library of Congress in manuscript. It has\\nbeen printed by Mr. Neill, in his History of the Virginia Com-\\npany of London, pp. 8 to 14 inclusive.\\nIn it we find the following words, You shall do well to send a\\nperfect relation by Captain Newport of all that is done, what\\nheight you are seated, how far into the land, what commodities", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0030.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 19\\nyou find, what soil, woods and their several kinds, and so of all\\nother things else to advertise particularly and to suffer no man\\nto return but by passport from the President and Counsel, nor to\\nwrite any letters of anything that may discourage others.\\nLastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good success,\\nis to make yourselves all of one mind, for the good of your\\ncountry and your own, and to serve and fear God, the Giver of\\nall Goodness, for every plantation which our Heavenly Father\\nhath not planted shall be rooted out.\\nIt is very probable from his preface that the publisher of the\\nTrue Relation was a member of the London Company. He\\nsays, happening upon this relation by chance, (as I take it at\\nsecond or third hand) induced thereunto by divers well wishers\\nof the action, and none wishing better towards it than myself,\\nso faire footh as my poore abilitie can or may stretch too, I\\nthought good to publish it.\\nHe doubtless knew of the instructions of the Company to the\\ncolonists, and whatever he found in the letter of Smith which,\\nin his judgment, was contrary to those instructions, and should\\nnot have been made public, he suppressed. Certain it is we\\nfind either as the work of Smith, or of the publisher, that several\\nmatters well attested by writers who published later, were omitted\\nfrom this letter as published.\\nThe following may be noted in this connection. During the\\nvoyage out, Smith was arrested on the charge of being impli-\\ncated in an intended mutiny, and was thereby prevented from\\ntaking his seat in the Council for some time after the arrival at\\nJamestown. This is stated in the Oxford Tract, and the state-\\nment is corroborated by Wingfield in his Discourse of Vir-\\nginia, in his admission that he was fined ^200 for slander in\\nmaking the charge. No mention is made, however, of the\\ncharge, of the airest, nor of the detention from his seat, in the\\nTrue Relation. The Oxford Tract informs us of three several\\nefforts to abandon the colony, which were prevented by Smith\\nat considerable personal hazard, and Wingfield admits that he\\noffered ;i^ioo towards fetching home the collonye, if the action\\nwas given over. No mention is made of these efforts to aban-\\ndon the colony in Smith s letter, as published. The only pas-\\nsages which seem to make any allusion to the matter are found\\non pages 17 and 21. The first is in the following words Time", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0031.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "20 ADDRESS.\\nthus passing away, and having not above 14 daies vituals left,,\\nsome motions were made about our presidents and Capt. Archer\\ngoing to England to procure a supply. The other is as fol-\\nlows Our store being now indifferently well provided with\\ncorne, there was much adoe for to have the pinnace goe to Eng-\\nland, against which Capt. Martin and myselfe standing chiefly\\nagainst it, and in fine after much debatings pro and con, it was\\nresolved to stay a further resolution. These passages indicate\\nno effort to abandon the colony, but seem to have been worded\\nso as to avoid that construction.\\nWe have seen that on Smith s return from captivity. Archer\\nhad him tried and condemned, as accessory to the murder of\\nhis men who were slain by the Indians. Wingfield mentions\\nthis, and that he was saved from death by the timely arrival of\\nCaptain Newport. The General History also confirms Wing-\\nfield s account, but the published letter of Smith makes no men-\\ntion of the matter.\\nThe same reasons which determined Smith, or his publisher,\\nto omit these well-attested incidents, doubtless induced the omis-\\nsion of the circumstances of Smith s rescue by Pocahontas, and\\nof his deliverance by the Indian chief, Opechankanough, soon\\nafter his capture, when he was tied to a tree and his captors,\\nwho had promised him safety, were preparing to shoot him,\\nAs the unjust treatment of Smith, indicating serious conten-\\ntions amongst themselves, and the efforts to abandon the set-\\ntlement, would have a tendency to discourage others, and\\ncheck emigration so it might have been beUeved, and doubt-\\nless was, that a publication of the treacherous disposition of the\\nIndians, which led them to break faith with their prisoners, and\\nto put them to death contrary to their stipulations of surrender,\\nand after their King had professed friendship, as we shall see he\\ndid, would have the same tendency and we have seen that the\\ncolonists were forbidden to write anything home which might\\nhave that effect.\\nAnother reason may be assigned also for Smith s not mention-\\ning his rescue by Pocahontas in this letter. We are told in the\\nOxford Tract, that when Smith was arrested on the voyage to\\nVirginia, the charge against him was that, he intended to usurpe\\nthe government, murder the councell, and make himself king\\nand when he was about to return to England in 1609, to be", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0032.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 21\\ntreated for his wound, his enemies trumped up several frivolous\\ncharges against him, and one was, that he would have made\\nhimself a king by marrying Pocahontas, Powhatan s daughter.\\n(See Purchas Pilgrims, vol. iv, p. 1731, where Richard Pots is\\ngiven as authority for the statement which is taken from the\\nOxford Tract.) There can be no doubt of the fact that Poca-\\nhontas was greatly attached to Smith. The writer just quoted,\\nin defending Smith from the charge, says, Very oft she came to\\nour fort with what she could get for Captain Smith, that ever\\nloved and used all the country well, but her especially he much\\nrespected, and she so well requited it that when her father in-\\ntended, to have surprised him, she by stealth in the dark night\\ncame through the wild woods and told him of it. If he would,\\nhe might have married her. The General History states also\\n(p. 112) that though she had beene many times a preserver of\\nhim (Smith) and the whole colony, yet till this accident (her cap-\\nture in 1613) she was never scene in Jamestown since his depar-\\nture. With such charges brought against him on the voyage,\\nand the disposition of his enemies to renew them, Smith might\\nvery well think it most prudent to say nothing in his letter of the\\naffectionate conduct of the Indian Emperor s daughter towards\\nhim.\\nBut whatever may have been the reason that this letter, as pub-\\nlished, did not mention Smith s rescue by Pocahontas, enough\\nhas been said to show that its omission affords no ground for\\ncharging that the detailed account subsequently given, when the\\nreasons for silence had ceased to exist, was false.\\nThe silence of Wingfield as to this incident was to be expected.\\nHe and Smith were bitter enemies. Smith had recovered against\\nhim in a suit for slander, and had been active in having him de-\\nposed from the presidency, and keeping him a prisoner. Wing-\\nfield s object in writing was to defend himself, and to throw all\\nthe blame he could upon his enemies. Although his Discourse\\nof Virginia purports to give what happened from day to day,\\nyet it was evidently written in England after his return. He tells\\nus (p. 91) that somewhat before this tyme, (the execution of\\nKendall) the President and Councill had sent for the Keyes of\\nmy Coffers, supposing that I had some wrightings concerning\\nthe Collony. Under cullor heereof they took my\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2books of accompt, and all my noates that concerned the ex-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0033.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "22 ADDRESS.\\npenses of the Collony, and instructions under the Cape-mar-\\nchant s hande of the Stoare of provisions, and divers other\\nbookes and trifles of my own proper goods, which I could never\\nrecover. In the preface, addressed apparently to the council in\\nEngland for Virginia, he says, My due respect to yourselves^\\nmy allegiance (if I may so term it) to the Virginean action, my\\ngood heed to my poore reputation, thrust a penne into my handes,\\nso jealous am I to bee missing to any of them. We may safely\\nconclude, therefore, that if he made any notes in Virginia they\\nwere taken away from him, and that he only commenced his\\nmanuscript, setting forth the defence of his administration, after\\nhe was freed from the imprisonment imposed upon him in the\\ncolony.\\nIt would have been very remarkable if a writer so situated,\\nand having such an object in view, had recorded in his book the\\npassionate attachment of Pocahontas for Smith. He, indeed,\\nmakes no allusion to Pocahontas at all, although it is very cer-\\ntain she was frequently in Jamestown before he left on the i6th\\nApril, 1608, some three months after Smith s return from cap-\\ntivity. His account of Smith s captivity is very brief, and it\\nwould probably have been altogether omitted did it not enable\\nhim to strike at Archer, his bitterest enemy, who was, as he\\nrelates, improperly sworn as one of the Council during Smith s\\nabsence, and who attempted to put Smith to death on his return.\\nHe relates Smith s voyage up the Chickahominy until he could\\ngo no further in his canoe. He then adds the following: Then\\nhee went on shoare with his guide, and left Robinson and Em-\\nmery, twoe of our men, in the cannow which were presently\\nslayne by the Indians, Pamaonke s men, and hee himself taken\\nprysoner, and by the means of his guide his lief was saved and\\nPamaonke, having him prisoner, carryed him to his neybors,\\nWyroances [chiefs], to see if any of them knew him for one of\\nthose which had bene, some twoe or three yeeres before us, in a\\nriver amongst them northward, and taken awaie some Indians\\nfrom them by force. At last he brought him to the great Powa-\\nton (of whome before wee had no knowledge), who sent him to\\nour towne the viij of January.\\nThis short passage is all that Wingfield devotes to the inci-\\ndents of a captivity extending through at least a month, and\\nwhich cover in narration a dozen pages of Smith s printed letter..", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0034.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 23\\nThe disposition to say nothing to Smith s advantage is apparent.\\nIt is undoubtedly true that Smith so impressed himself upon the\\nIndians while their captive, that he was sent back to Jamestown\\nunhurt, and with an escort of honor. This we learn from Pur-\\nchas Pilgrims, at page 1709, of volume iv, upon the authority of\\nAnas Todkill, one of the colonists. Wingfield makes not the\\nslightest allusion to this remarkable fact, but credits the saving of\\nhis life to his guide, whom Smith had tied to him when attacked\\nby the Indians, and used as a protection from their arrows, as we\\nlearn from the True Relation. Wingfield alludes to the inci-\\ndent in so loose a manner as to leave the impression that the\\nIndian guide saved Smith after his capture instead of before.\\nThat Wingfield was very careless in his statements is abun-\\ndantly shown in his book. We need cite but one instance more\\nof his want of accuracy. We have seen that he states that they\\nhad no knowledge of the Emperor Powhatan, before he sent\\nSmith back to Jamestown on the 8th of January, 1608, but at\\npages 77 and 78 of his narrative he had previously stated that on\\nthe 25th of June, 1607, this same emperor had sent a messenger\\nto Jamestown and sought their friendship.\\nWe need not be suprised therefore that this careless writer,\\nwhose sole purpose was to defend himself from the charge of\\nmisbehavior in office, should omit all allusion to Smith s rescue.\\nWilUam Strachey came to Virginia with Sir Thomas Gates,\\nwho arrived on the 23d May, 1610.\\nUpon his return to England in 161 2, he published at Oxford a\\nbook he styled Laws for Virginia. Prefixed to this book is\\nan Address to His Majesties Councell for the Colonic of Vir-\\nginia Britannia, in which he says When I went forth upon\\nthis voyage (right worthy gentlemen), true it is, I held it a\\nservice of dutie (during the time of my unprofitable service, and\\npurpose to stay in the colonic, for which way else might I adde\\nunto the least hight of so heroicke and pious a building), to pro-\\npose unto myself to be (though an unable) remembrancer of all\\naccidents, occurrences, and undertakings thereunto adventitiall\\nin most of which, since the time our right famous sole governor\\nthen, now Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Gates, Knight, after\\nthe unsealing of his commission, hasted to our fleete in the West,\\nthere staying for him, I have, both in the Bermudas, and since in\\nVirginia, beene a sufferer and an eie-witnesse, and the full storie", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0035.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "24 ADDRESS.\\nof both in due time shall consecrate unto your viewes, as unto\\nwhome by right it appertaineth. Howbeit, since\\nmany impediments as yet must detaine such my observations in\\nthe shadow of darknesses, untill I shall be able to deliver them\\nperfect unto your judgments, I do, in the meantime, present a\\ntranscript of the Toparchia, or state of those duties by which\\ntheir Colonic stands regulated and commaunded, c., c.\\nHis determination thus expressed seems never to have been\\ncarried out. The only subsequent writing of the author on Vir-\\nginia matters, of which the world has any knowledge, is a\\nvolume published in 1849 by the Hakluyt Society, entitled\\nThe Historic of Travaille into Virginia, from a manuscript\\nof the Sloane Collection in the British Museum, edited by\\nR. H. Major, Esq. This volume contains two books, each hav-\\ning ten chapters. The first, as we are informed by the editor,\\nthe author designated, The First Book of the First Decade,\\nand the second, The Second Book of the First Decade. It\\nappears by this that the author intended to continue the work)\\ndividing it into sections of ten books, or decades.\\nThe first of the published books treats of Virginia, the second\\nof New England, but neither enters into the history of the colo-\\nnies. The title pages show that such was not the object of the\\nwriter. The book treating of Virginia has the following, The\\nfirst book of the history of travaille into Virginia Britannia, ex-\\npressing the cosmographie and commodities of the country, to-\\ngether with the manners and customes of the people, gathered\\nand observed as well by those who went first thither, as collected\\nby William Strachey, Gent., three years thither employed secre-\\ntarie of State, and of counsaile, with the right Honorable, the\\nLord La-warre, His Majestis Lord Governor and Captain Gene-\\nral of the Colony.\\nThis book mentions Pocahontas in giving the names of her\\nfather s children, and gives the several names by which she was\\ncalled. It also illustrates the manners and customs of the Indian\\ngirls by describing her playing with the boys at Jamestown when\\nunder thirteen years of age. Nothing is said, however, about her\\nservices to Smith or to the colony, they being reserved, doubtless,\\nfor the proposed history. Much of the book is taken from\\nSmith s description of the country and its inhabitants, annexed\\nto his map of Virginia. The author evidently had the greatest", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0036.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 25\\nconfidence in Smith, as is shown by his reference to him on page\\n41, in speaking of some of the Indian tribes. He says: Their\\nseverall habitations are more plainly described by the annexed\\nmappe set forth by Capt. Smith, of whose paines taken herein\\nI leave to the censure of the reader to judge. Sure I am there\\nwill not returne from thence, in hast, any one who hast bene\\nmore industrious, or who hath had (Capt. Geo. Percie ex-\\ncepted) greater experience amongst them, however misconstruc-\\ntion maye traduce here at home, where is not easily scene the\\nmixed sufferances, both of body and mynd, which is there daylie,\\nand with n\u00c2\u00a9 few hazards and hearty griefes undergon. On the\\nmargin of this passage the author has these words, A dew re-\\nmembrance of Capt. Smyth, vide lib. iii, cap. This third book,\\nnever written, so far as we know, was designed doubtless to give\\nthe accidents, occurrences and undertakings in the Colony\\nduring the time of Captain Smith, which embraced the first three\\nyears of its existence. Had the author written this third book and\\nleft out the rescue of Captain Smith by Pocahontas, it would have\\nbeen an omission of importance in this discussion, but that he left\\nthe rescue out of a book only relating to the cosmographie and\\nand commodities of the country, together with the manners and\\ncustomes of the people, is not at all remarkable and of no im-\\nportance whatever.\\nThe next work relied on to impeach Smith s veracity is the\\nhistorical, or second, part of the publication known as the Ox-\\nford Tract. It has the following as a title page\\nThe Proceedings of the English Colonic in Virginia since their\\nfirst beginning from England, in the Yeare of our Lord, 1606,\\ntill this present, 161 2, with all their accidents that befell them in\\ntheir Journies and Discoveries. Also the Salvages discourses,\\norations and relations of the Bordering nighbours, and how they\\nbecame subject to the English. Unfolding even the fundamental\\ncauses from whence have sprang so many miseries to the under-\\ntakers and scandals to the businesse. Taken faithfully as they\\nwere written out of the writings of Thomas Studley, the first pro-\\nvant maister, Anas Todkill, Walter Russell, Doctor of Phisicke,\\nNathaniel Powell, William Phettyplace, Richard Wyffin, Thomas\\nAbbay, Tho, Hope, Rich. Potts, and the labours of divers\\nother diligent observers, that were residents in Virginia. And\\nperused and confirmed by diverse now resident in England that", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0037.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "26 ADDRESS.\\nwere actors in this busines. By W. S. At Oxford. Printed\\nby Joseph Barnes, 1612.\\nIt appears by an address to the reader, signed by T. Abbay, and\\na note addressed to Captain Smith by Dr. Symonds, and printed\\non the last page of the volume, that it was compiled by Richard\\nPots out of the writings of a number of Smith s companions in\\nVirginia, whose discourses are signed by their names, William\\nSimons (or Symonds), Doctor of Divinity, then gave it an edi-\\ntorial supervision, and passing through the hands of many to\\nperuse, it chanced in the hands of Thomas Abbay, who knowing,\\nas he says, the writers to be honest men, and being a witness to a\\npart of the transactions, published it. The first part of the Ox-\\nford Tract consists of a map of Virginia, with a description of the\\ncountry, its climate, soil and productions, and an account of the\\nnatives. This was the work of Smith, as we learn in his General\\nHistory, where it is reproduced. The second or historical part,\\ncontains none of Smith s writings. Dr. Symonds, in his note to\\nSmith, states that it was compiled from the discourses and relations\\nof such which have walked and observed the land of Virginia\\nwith you. It is a thin volume, and only purports to be a conden-\\nsation of the writings of the colonists. The incidents of Smith s\\ncaptivity are related in these words A month those Barbarians\\nkept him prisoner, many strange triumphes and conjurations they\\nmade of him, yet he so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he\\nnot only diverted them from surprising the Fort, but procured\\nhis owne libertie, and got himselfe and his company such estima-\\ntion amongst them, that these Salvages admired him as a demi\\nGod. So returning to the Fort, c.\\nThe writings from which this tract was compiled have not been\\npreserved, and we know not what they contained other than what\\nis contained in the compilation. When they were penned, the\\ninstruction not to write home anything that may discourage\\nothers, was still in force, and doubtless caused the omission of\\nmany incidents of personal hazard. Whether these original\\nmanuscripts contained any allusion to Smith s rescue, we can\\nnever know with certainty, but the fact of its omission from a\\ncondensed compilation of them, can have no weight against\\nSmith s reiterated statements concerning it.\\nThe Rev. Samuel Purchas, in his work, called Purchas, his\\nPilgrimage, first published in 161 3, used the Oxford tract in", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0038.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 27\\nwriting of Virginia, but condensed it further. He does not enter\\ninto the particulars of Smith s captivity all that he devotes to it\\nis in these words but after a month he procured himselfe not\\nonly libertie, but great admiration amongst them, and returning,\\nc. Nothing, therefore, can be concluded against Smith s ac-\\ncount of his captivity by reason of this book, more than is proved\\nby the omissions from the Oxford Tract. As this writer after-\\nwards bore testimony to the truth of Smith s General History in\\nmore ways than one, it can hardly be seriously contended that\\nthe omission from the several editions of his Pilgrimage of all\\nallusion to Smith s rescue, can be relied on to prove Smith s ac-\\ncount of it false, even though one edition was issued after Poca-\\nhontas visited England.\\nThe next writer, relied on by the assailants of Smith, is Ralph\\nHamor. His book was printed in 1615, and bears the title, A\\ntrue discourse of the present estate of Virginia, and the successe\\nof the affaires there till the 18 of June, 1614, together with a rela-\\ntion of the severall English townes and fortes, the assured hopes\\nof that countrie and the peace concluded with the Indians. The\\nchristening of Powhatan s daughter and her marriage with an\\nEnglishman. Written by Raphe Hamor the yonger, late Secre-\\ntarie in that Colonic.\\nThis writer does not enter into the history of the Colony during\\nSmith s stay with it. He came with Sir Thomas Gates, along\\nwith William Strachey, in 1610, and his earliest historical allu-\\nsions are of that date. He tells of the capture of Pocahontas, and\\nof her marriage to Rolfe, but he makes no allusion to her pre-\\nvious history. Had he undertaken to recount her services and\\nleft out her rescue of Smith, it would have been evidence against\\nthe truthfulness of Smith s account, but it cannot be thought\\nstrange that he did not mention this one incident of her previous\\nlife, when he mentioned no other. This writer also declared his\\nintention to write a history of the Colony from its beginning,\\nwhich he never carried out, so far as is now known.\\nThe assailants of Smith admit that his statements in the True\\nRelation are true. Indeed, they base their arguments upon that\\nassumption. If, however, the silence of Wingfield, of Strachey,\\nof the Oxford Tract, of Purchas Pilgrimage, and of Hamor, is\\nto be taken as evidence of the falsity of Smith s statement con-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0039.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "28 ADDRESS.\\ncerning- his rescue, it will equally disprove the many incidents of\\nhis captivity given in the True Relation and not mentioned in\\nthese works.\\nLet us now examine the second ground of attack, namely, the\\nalleged inconsistencies between the True Relation and the sub-\\nsequent publications of Sqiith.\\nAt page 1 6 of the True Relation an account is given of an ex-\\npedition by Smith to Kegquouhtan, or Kecoughtan (now Hamp-\\nton) to procure corn by trade with the Indians. No mention is\\nmade of an attack on the natives. In the General History, in\\nan account of the same expedition, at page 45, it is stated that he\\nfired on the Indians, and captured their idol, called Okee. In\\nboth accounts, it is stated, that at first the Indians treated Smith\\nand his companions scornfully, thinking they were famishing\\nmen, but afterwards brought them such provisions as they needed.\\nThe reason why the attack was left out of the letter sent to Eng-\\nland by Smith in 1608 is evident from the narrative in the Gen-\\neral History itself After stating the scornful reception given\\nSmith by the Indians, it continues, But, seeing by trade and\\ncourtesie there was nothing to be had, he made bold to try such\\nconclusions as necessitie inforced, though contrary to his com-\\nmission, let fly his muskets, ran his boat on shore, whereat they\\nall fled into the woods, c., c. We find in the instructions,\\nsent with the Colony by the London Company, this direction,\\nIn all your passages you must have great care not to offend the\\nnaturals, if you can eschew it. (See Neill s Virginia Company\\nof London, p. 11.)\\nThis was Smith s first trading expedition, and in order to sup-\\nply his wants, he found it necessary to disobey instructions. We\\ncan well understand why he might not choose to relate his dis-\\nobedience to orders in his letter to England, and his not doing\\nso should not throw even a suspicion on his statement subse-\\nquently given in the History. There is an expression in the ac-\\ncount of this expedition found in the Oxford Tract, however,\\nwhich is corroborative of the statement of the attack found in the\\nGeneral History. The Oxford Tract has the following account\\nBeing but 6 or 7 in company, he went down the river to Ke-\\ncoughton, where, at first, they scorned him as a starved man.\\nYet he so dealt with them, that the next day they loaded his", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0040.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 29\\nboat with come. How he dealt with them is explained in the\\naccount found in the General History. It is apparent that there\\nis no contradiction between Smith s several accounts but a mere\\nomission of the attack in one of them, for which the publisher\\nmay have been responsible.\\nIn the True Relation Smith gives an account of his capture,,\\nin which he states, that having carried his barge up the Chicka-\\nhominy river as far as he could, he determined to hire a canoe\\nwith which to continue his explorations. He thereupon carried\\nthe barge back to the Indian town, Apocant, and left it there with\\nseven men, expressly charging them not to go ashore until his\\nreturn. He then took two of his own men and two Indians as\\nguides, and went forward with the canoe some twelve miles higher\\nthan he had been able to go in the barge, and then going ashore\\nwith one of the Indians, he left the other and his two men, Rob-\\ninson and Emry, with the canoe. He had not gone far before he\\nwas attacked by the Indian chief, Opechankanough, with 200\\nmen, by whom he was captured, and who informed him that the\\nmen at the canoe were slain. In the New England Trials,\\npublished in 1622, in referring to his capture. Smith says, It is\\ntrue, in our greatest extremitie, they shot me, slew three of my\\nmen, and by the folly of them that fled, took me prisoner.\\nBoth, Mr. Deane and Mr. Adams, are severe in their criticisms\\nupon this last statement of Smith, treating it as a slander upon\\nthe men he lost. They claim that it is inconsistent with the first\\naccount, and Mr. Adams pronounces it mendacious, and credit-\\nable neither to Smith s veracity nor to his sense of honor. It\\nwould have been more creditable to these critics had they read\\ncarefully the several accounts given by Smith of this matter be-\\nfore they criticised any one of them. The True Relation does\\nnot say what became of the men left with the barge at Apocant,\\nbut the General History, at p. 46, says of them, but he was not\\nlong absent, but his men went ashore, whose want of government\\ngave both occasion and opportunity to the salvages to surprise\\none George Cassen, whom they slew, and much failed not to\\nhave cut off the boat and all the rest. The salvages\\nhaving drawne from George Cassen, whether Captain Smith was\\ngone, prosecuting that opportunity, they followed him with 300\\nbowmen, conducted by the King of Pamaunkee, who, in divisions,", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0041.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "30 ADDRESS.\\nsearching the turnings of the river, found Robinson and Emry by\\nthe fire-side, those they shot full of arrowes and slew. Then\\nfinding the Captaine, as is said, c. It is plain, from this nar-\\nrative, that the want of government of the men left with the\\nbarge resulted in the capture of George Cassen, and the informa-\\ntion obtained from him enabled the Indians to capture Smith.\\nAll seven of the men left with the barge went ashore, and as they\\nwere armed, it was reasonable for Smith to have believed that\\nhad they stood by each other and not fled, Cassen would not have\\nbeen captured, and if Cassen had not been captured, he himself\\nwould not have been; when he says, therefore, by the folly of\\nthem that fled, in the passage in the New England Trials, he\\nmeans what he described in the General History by the words\\nwant of government, and this he ascribes to the men left at the\\nbarge and not to the men left at the canoe. So far from charging\\nthe men at the canoe with having fled, he tells us in the General\\nHistory that he supposes that they were asleep when they were\\nkilled.\\nStrachey, at page 52 of his book, gives a corroboration of\\nSmith s statement, that Cassen was slain because of disobedience\\nto the order not to go ashore till Smith s return. In relating\\nthe manner in which the Indians put to death their enemies,\\nStrachey says: Thus themselves reported that they executed\\nan Englishman, one George Cawson, whom the women enticed\\nup from the barge unto their houses, at a place called Apocant.\\nThe several accounts given by Smith, of his treatment while\\na captive, have been claimed to be inconsistent, and so deter-\\nmined has been the effort to show inconsistencies, that some of\\nthe passages compared have been made to suffer torture. The\\nfirst passages so compared are the statements of what occurred\\nimmediately on the capture. In the True Relation Smith says\\nI perceived by the aboundance of fires all over the woods at\\neach place I expected when they would execute me, yet they\\nused me with what kindness they could.\\nIn the General History, after describing his gift to their King\\nof his round ivory double compass Dyall soon after his cap-\\nture, and their admiration of it, he continues as follows Not-\\nwithstanding, within an houre after they tyed him to a tree, and\\nas many as could stand about him prepared to shoot him, but", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0042.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 31\\nthe King holding up the compass in his hand, they all laid\\ndowne their Bowes and Arrowes, and in a triumphant manner\\nled him to Orapaks, where he was after their manner kindly\\nfeasted and well used. The real difference in these accounts\\nconsists in the latter giving the preparation to kill him, and his\\npreservation by Opechankanough s holding up to view the\\nwonderful compass. The kindness of their treatment otherwise\\nis stated in both narratives. When we remember that the\\nTrue Relation, which omits this incident, has never been pub-\\nlished as Smith wrote it, we cannot conclude that Smith in that\\nletter made no allusion to it. It may be that he gave it, and\\nhis editor included it in the omitted items.\\nThe printed text of the True Relation indicates, in fact, that\\nsomething was omitted from the manuscript just where this\\nincident should have come in. The reader will have noticed\\ndoubtless that the sentence quoted from the True Relation is\\nungrammatical and incoherent as it stands. If, however, some-\\nthing was omitted from the manuscript between the words\\nwoods and at, we can understand how the want of connec-\\ntion in the sentence was produced.\\nIt is claimed that the accounts of the provisions given Smith,\\nand the guard put over him the first night after his capture, are\\nconflicting, as they appear in the True Relation, and the Gen-\\neral History. Let us compare them. The accounts of his first\\nnight s treatment are as follows\\nIn the True Relation, The Captain In the General History, Smith\\nconducting me to his lodging, a quar- they conducted to a long house, where\\nter of Venison and some ten pound thirtie or fortie tall fellowes did guard\\nof bread I had for supper, what I him, and ere long more bread and\\nleft was reserved for me, and sent Venison was brought him then would\\nwith me to my lodging. have served twentie men.\\nThere is not the slightest inconsistency in the accounts. A\\nquarter of venison and ten pounds of bread were more than\\nenough to serve twenty men. The careless critics, however, have\\nconfounded his subsequent treatment as detailed in the True Re-\\nlation, with what happened on the first night, and thus have\\ncreated the apparent inconsistency they claim to have discovered.\\nAfter the passage just given the narrative in the True Relation", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0043.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "32 ADDRESS.\\ncontinues each morning 3 women presented me three great\\nplatters of fine bread, more venison then ten men could devour I\\nhad, my goune, points and garters, my compass and a tablet they\\ngave me again, though 8 ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not\\nwhat they could devise to content me and still our longer ac-\\nquaintance increased our better affection. It is apparent from\\nthis that as they became better acquainted the guard was reduced\\nfrom the thirty or forty of the first night to eight ordinarily-\\nThere seems to have been but little reduction in his provisions.\\nThree great platters of bread and more venison than ten men\\ncould devour might still be more bread and venison than would\\nhave served twenty men, and thus, as to the provisions, there\\nwould have been no real inconsistency had this referred to the\\nfirst night.\\nAfter his capture. Smith was carried to several places by Ope-\\nchankanough, and at each found a house of the great Emperor,\\nPowhatan. In the True Relation (p. 30) he says, speaking of\\nthis Emperor to Opechankanough, to him I tolde him I must\\ngoe, and so return to Paspehigh, (the Indian name for James-\\ntown.) This statement has been criticised by Mr. Adams. He\\nsays Only a few days after he (Smith) was taken prisoner, he\\nrepresents himself as giving orders to Opechankanough to take\\nhim to Powhatan, and even at this time he knew he was to be\\nallowed to return to Jamestown. This, Mr. Adams thinks, is\\ninconsistent with Smith s statement in the General History,\\nthat he expected all the time of his imprisonment to be put to\\none death or another.\\nWingfield, in his Discourse, (pp. 77-8,) states that on the 25th\\nof June preceding Smith s capture, the Emperor Powhatan sent a\\nmessenger to Jamestown, offering peace and friendship. It was\\nnatural for Smith, when the captive of a king who was in sub-\\njection to the Emperor, to ask to be carried to Powhatan, with\\nwhom the Colony had already entered into articles of friendship,\\nand had he demanded to be carried to him, he would have but\\nclaimed a right, which, by boldness, he was endeavoring to make\\nhis captor respect. The language of Smith, however, may as well\\nbe considered a request as a command.\\nThe treatment which he received when he was carried before\\nPowhatan is differently related in the True Relation and the", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0044.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 35\\nGeneral History, and this difference has doubtless given rise\\nto the attacks upon Smith s veracity. Let us compare the two\\naccounts\\nFrom the 7 ?/if Relation, Hee Yxam\\\\}R General History, \\\\izM\\\\r\\\\g\\nkindly welcomed me with good wordes, feasted him after their best barbarous\\nand great Platters of Sundrie Victuals, manner they could, a long consultation\\nassuring me his friendship, and my was held, but the conclusion was, two\\nlibertie within four dayes,hee much de- great stones were brought before Pow-\\nlighted in Opechanconough s relation halan, then as many as could layd\\nof what I had described to him and hands on him, dragged him to them,\\noft examined me upon the same. and Ihereon laid his head, and being\\nready with their clubs to beate out his\\nbrains, Pocahontas, the King s dearest\\ndaughter, when no entreaty could pre-\\nvaile, got his head in her armes, and\\nlaid her owne upon his to save him\\nfrom death, whereat the Emperor was\\ncontented he should live to make him\\nhatchets, and her bells, beads and\\ncopper.\\nWe have already seen that the omission of his rescue from\\nthe True Relation might well have been made by Smith, or by\\nthe publisher of that partially printed letter, under the instruc-\\ntion from the London Company, the treacherous conduct of\\nPowhatan towards his prisoner and the colony being calculated\\nto discourage others from coming to Virginia. An examination,\\nhowever, of the text of the True Relation just cited, discloses\\nthe fact that the publisher must have left out a part of what Smith\\nwrote in describing his first interview with Powhatan, at which\\ninterview his condemnation and rescue occurred. It is apparent\\nthat all that is printed up to and including the word dayes,\\nrelates to what happened at the time Smith was brought before\\nPowhatan, while the words which immediately follow, only sepa-\\nrated by a comma, namely, hee much delighted in Opechan-\\nconough s relation of what I had described to him, and oft\\nexamined me upon the same, relate to what happened in sub-\\nsequent interviews, when some of the wonders of geometry and\\nastronomy, explained to Opechankanough by Smith, were the\\ntopic of conversation.\\nThe text, as it is, presents an abrupt transition from the inter-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0045.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "34 ADDRESS.\\nview of the first day to the interviews of subsequent days, which\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0can be satisfactorily explained only upon the theory of an omis-\\nsion by the publisher of part of the occurrences of the first day,\\nand an effort to conceal the omission by the arrangement of the\\ntext presented.\\nThe True Relation, in describing Smith s return to James-\\ntown, says: Hee sent me home with 4 men, one that usually car-\\nried my gowne and knapsack after me, two others loaded with\\nbread and one to accompanie me. The General History\\nsays: So to Jamestown with 12 guides, Powhatan sent him.\\nThese statements are claimed to be contradictory. It is evident,\\nhowever, that in the first account Smith merely gave the number\\nof men detailed to wait upon his person, while in the second he\\nmeant to enumerate the entire company sent as guides, probably\\na misprint for guards. That the men sent with him numbered\\nmore than four is shown by the parallel passage in Purchas Pil-\\ngrims (vol. iv, p. 1709), which is given from the writings of Anas\\nTodkill, and is also found in the Oxford Tract. Says this writer:\\nPowhatan having sent with this Captaine divers of his men\\nloaded with provisions, hee had conditioned, and so appointed\\nhis trustie messengers to bring but two or three of our great\\nordinances, but the messengers being satisfied with the sight of\\none of them discharged, ran away, amazed with fear. We are\\ntold in the True Relation that Smith had described to the\\nIndians the ordnance, in order to prevent an attack on the fort.\\nThe messengers sent with his letter to the fort, while he was a\\nprisoner, had also seen these large guns. It must have been,\\ntherefore, that the divers men sent to bring two or three of\\nthem to Powhatan were more than four.\\nIt is asserted by Mr. Adams and others, that Smith contradicts\\nhimself by representing in the True Relation that the Indians\\ntreated him with continual kindness, while, in the General His-\\ntory, he says he was all the time of his captivity in continual\\ndread of being put to death. When we remember that he was\\nthe captive of a savage people, who had killed his companions,\\nit does not seem strange that no amount of kindness could allay\\nhis fears. It does seem strange that his critics should think\\notherwise, and should read so carelessly the texts they criticise.\\nThe passage they refer to in the General History is a part", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0046.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 35\\nof the account of his return to Jamestown, and is in these words\\nThat night they quartered in the woods, he still expecting (as\\nhe had done all this long time of his imprisonment) every houre\\nto be put to one death or other for all their feasting.\\nWe have seen that in the True Relation, soon after his\\ncapture, these words occur At each place I expected when\\nthey would execute me, yet they used me with what kindnesse\\nthey could. Afterwards it is related in this book that an Indian\\nattempted to kill him while under guard, and that one of the\\nplaces he was carried to was called Topahanocke, where it was\\nnought to identify him as one of a party who, some years pre-\\nviously, had slain their King, and captured some of their people.\\nSmith also tells us in this book that their excess of kindness\\naroused his suspicions. He says So fat they fed mee, that\\nI much doubted they intended to have sacrificed mee to the\\nOuiyoughquosicke, which is a superiour power they worship.\\nSmith had, before his capture, formed a very correct estimate of\\nthe treacherous character of the Indians, and both accounts that\\nhe gave of his captivity show that his distrust of them kept him\\nin continual fear of death at their hands. The expression in the\\nHistory, for all their feasting, indicates the kindness shown\\nhim, which is detailed in the True Relation. And if we have\\nno details of cruel dispositions recorded in the True Relation,\\nsuch as are recorded in the General History, we must remem-\\nber that the True Relation, as we have it, is a mutilated book,\\nand that there was a reason for leaving out of it such incidents.\\nIt has been claimed by both Mr. Adams and Mr. Neill that the\\naccounts given by Smith, of what happened at Jamestown upon\\nhis return from captivity, are inconsistent. These accounts are\\nas follows", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0047.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "36 ADDRESS.\\nTrue Relation. General History.\\nEach man with truest signes of joy Now, in Jamestowne they were all\\nthey could expresse welcomed me, ex- in combustion, the strongest preparing\\ncept Mr. Archer, some 2 or 3 of his, once more to run away with the Pin-\\nwho was then in my absence, sworne nace which with the hazzard of his\\ncounsellor, though not with the con- life, with sakre falcon musket shot,\\nsent of Capt. Martin great blame Smith forced now the third time to\\nimputation was laide upon mee by them stay or sinke. Some no better than\\nfor the losse of our two men which the they should be, had plotted with the\\nIndians slew insomuch that they pur- President, the next day to have put\\nposed to depose me, but in the midst him to death, by the Leviticall law, for\\nof my miseries, it pleased God to send the lives of Robinson Emry, pre-\\nCaptaine Newport, who arriving there tending the fault was his that had led\\nthe same night, so tripled our joy, as them to their ends: but he quickly\\nfor awhile these plots against me were tooke such order with such Lawyers,\\ndeferred, though with much malice that he layd them by the heeles till he\\nagainst me, which Captain Newport sent some of them prisoners for Eng-\\nin short time did plainly see. land.\\nThe Statements, that upon his return Smith prevented the\\nrunning off with the pinnace, and caused the persons who had\\nplotted his death to be arrested, and some of them to be sent to\\nEngland, are those found in the General History, which are\\nclaimed to be inconsistent with the narrative in the True Rela-\\ntion. It will be seen that while they are additional to the first\\nnarrative, they are in nowise contradictory of it. That they are\\ntrue we have the testimony of Anas Todkill, then with the Col-\\nony, who is cited by Purchas in his Pilgrims, as recording that\\nSmith, on his return, once more staled the Pinnace her flight for\\nEngland, and that Wingfield and Archer were carried to Eng-\\nland by Newport on his return. Wingfield states also that\\nArcher would have been hung, had not Newport advised against it.\\nSome of our critics have fancied that they have fixed a false-\\nhood on Smith in his account of his first landing on the island of\\nMevis, related in the continuation of his General History, and\\nfound in the second part of the Richmond edition of 18 19, chap-\\nter 26. Smith says In this little (ile) of Mevis, more than\\ntwenty years agoe, I have remained a good time together, to\\nwod and water and refresh my men. This was published in\\n1629, and refers to the touching at that island of the colony\\nunder Captain Newport on its way to Virginia in 1607. Our\\ncritics construe Smith s language to mean that he, and not New-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0048.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 37\\nport, was in command of the expedition when they touched at\\nMevis. An examination of the context demonstrates that Smith\\nmeant to convey no such idea.\\nIn the beginning of this continuation, and afterwards in this\\nvery chapter, Smith refers the reader for particulars as to the\\nplanting of the colony at Jamestown to the General History.\\nThis book states the fact that Newport commanded the expe-\\ndition and the further fact that when they touched at the island\\nof Mevis, Smith was a prisoner under the charge of plotting a\\nmutiny. This last is referred to by Smith in this chapter in these\\nwords Such factions here we had as commonly attend such\\nvoyages, that a paire of gallowes was made, but Capt. Smith\\nfor whom they were intended, could not be perswaded to use\\nthem, Had Smith intended to deceive, he would not have\\nreferred the reader to another volume, of which he was then\\nwriting a continuation, in which he had made a different state-\\nment. But any one familiar with the history of the colonization\\nof Virginia will readily understand the expression, my men,\\nas used by Smith. The orders for the expedition, as published\\nby Neill, show that soldiers under officers were a part of the\\ncolony and Percy, in his narrative printed by Purchas in volume\\niv. of his Pilgrims, tells us that while on this island they kept\\ncentinels and Courts de gard at every captaine s quarter, fear-\\ning an assault from the Indians. There can be no doubt that\\nSmith was one of the captains, not only from his previous mili-\\ntary training and rank, but from the fact that we find among\\nthe verses addressed to him on the publication of his General\\nHistory, some by soldiers, who state that he was their Captain\\nin Virginia. It should be remembered also that Smith was active\\nin getting up the colony in England, and, upon their landing in\\nVirginia, was soon looked upon as their leader. The Oxford\\nTract tells us that he saved the colony from starvation by the\\nprovisions he got from the Indians, and from extermination by\\nthe control he acquired over the Indian princes, and that he\\nexplored the country, built Jamestown, and prevented the colony\\nfrom abandoning it. In fact, that he was the real founder of Vir-\\nginia.* It was not improper, therefore, that he should claim that\\nIt has been claimed that Lord Delaware was the real founder of Virginia,\\nfbecause he prevented its abandonment in 1610, and by his wise administration", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0049.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "38 ADDRESS.\\nhonor, as he does in the conclusion of this chapter upon the isle\\nof Mevis. He says Now to conclude the travels and adven-\\ntures of Captaine Smith, how he planted Virginia, you\\nmay read at large in his general! history of Virginia, the Sum-\\nmer lies and New England.\\nBut we need not pursue this charge of inconsistencies further,\\nas time would fail us to notice every inconsistency charged by\\nthe numerous and often ill-informed assailants of Smith. Those\\nnot noticed are even more easily disposed of than those we have\\nalready exposed.\\nThe bitterest of all of these assailants is the Rev. E. D. Neill,.\\nwho has written a history of the London Company. When King\\nJames determined to take away the charter of the London\\nCompany, in 1624, an attempt was made by its enemies to\\nobtain its records. Thereupon the minutes were copied for the\\nEarl of Southampton, the President, and this copy was after-\\nwards bought by Colonel William Byrd, of Virginia, and was\\nused by the historian Stith. Subsequently it came into the pos-\\nsession of Thomas Jefferson, and was purchased with Mr. Jeffer-\\nson s library by Congress. These minutes only commence on\\nthe 28th of April, 16 19. In the Congressional Library there are\\nin addition two manuscript volumes, one containing letters of the\\nCompany and the colony, with other papers, from 1621 to 1625,\\nand the other containing some copies of early colonial papers.\\nThese valuable manuscripts were used by Mr. Neill in the prepa-\\nration of his book. He says at page v. of his preface, On the\\n15th of July (1624), the King ordered all their [the Company s]\\npapers to be given to a commission, which afterwards met\\nweekly at the house of Sir Thomas Smith [the former treas-\\nurer of the Company]. The entries in the minutes were dam-\\naging to Smith and others of the commission, and it is presumed\\nthat no great effort was made to preserve the originals. Re-\\nput the colony on a firm footing.\\nLord Delaware should have all honor for what he did for the colony, but\\nbefore his arrival Smith had three times prevented its abandonment, had pre-\\nserved it from starvation and destruction for nearly three years, andihad left it,\\non a change of administration, in a condition to take care of itself with proper\\nmanagement. When a man goes out with a colony and accomplishes this much,,\\nhe may be well called its founder.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0050.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 39\\npeated searches have been made for them in England, but they\\nhave not been discovered.\\nAt page 211 of his book, in a note, he says: Captain Smith s\\nGeneral History was published after the Quo Warranto was\\nissued against the Virginia Company, and it is evident that he\\nwrote in the interest of their opponents. There is no evidence\\nbeyond his statement, that the letters which he publishes as writ-\\nten to the Company v/ere ever received by them.\\nSmith s General History was published in 1624, the year\\nthe Company s charter was taken from it, and when most of\\nthe members of the Company from its foundation were alive and\\nyet Mr. Neill would create the impression that Smith forged the\\nletters to the Company which he published, when there were\\nhundreds alive who would have exposed the forgery. The\\nfirst letter given in the General History is found at page 200\\n(Richmond edition), and was in reply to a letter sent to the presi-\\ndent and Council by the London Company, upon the return of\\nCaptain Newport in the fall of 1608. Smith had been made presi-\\ndent in September of that year. The Oxford Tract tells us, by\\nthe election of the Councell the request of the company, Cap-\\ntaine Smith received the Letters Patents, which till then by no\\nmeanes he would accept, though he was often importuned there-\\nunto. It thus became his duty to answer the communication\\nfrom the London Company.\\nThe second letter is found at page 79 of the second part of\\nthe same edition. On the 22d March, 1622, there was a ter-\\nrible massacre of the colonists by the Indians. Smith, who\\nwas then in London, relates that he did intreat move them to\\nput in practice his old offer, seeing now it was time to use both it\\nhim and then follows the letter. The offer, which was to\\nreturn to Virginia, was probably made before 1614, when he\\ncommenced exploring New England. Now, until we know that\\nthere is a complete collection of the company s letters preserved,\\nnothing can be concluded against Smith, because his letters are\\nnot found among the records. Of course no letters before 162 1\\ncould be found, as the collection commences during that year\\nand as we learn from Mr. Neill s book that many of the papers\\nwere destroyed, and especially those which might be damaging\\nto Sir Thomas Smith and others having possession of them\\nunder the King s commission, and as we find Captain Smith s", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0051.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "40 ADDRESS.\\nletters reflect upon the government of the colony under Sir\\nThomas Smith and his successor, we need not be surprised that\\nMr. Neill has not found them in the collection now extant.\\nMr. Neill attempts to produce the impression that Smith, if\\nwounded at all in 1609, did not leave the colony upon that\\naccount, and because there was no surgeon there to treat him, as\\nhe states in the History, but that he left because he was\\narrested upon charges and sent to England. It so happens\\nthat the fact of his being severely wounded by an accidental\\nexplosion of gunpowder, and the further fact that the lack of a\\nsurgeon determined him to sail for England in a ship preparing\\nto leave Jamestown, are both related in the Oxford Tract, and\\nthat Smith copies the passages into his General History. The\\nOxford Tract relates also how charges against him, of the most\\nfrivolous nature, were gotten up by his enemies after he had\\ndetermined to return.\\nIt appears by the published list of original subscribers to the\\nLondon Company that Captain Smith only subscribed nine\\npounds, and as in asking remuneration afterwards of the Com-\\npany, he claimed to have spent upon Virginia a verie great\\nmatter, Mr. Neill concludes that in this he was false. In his\\nhaste to condemn Smith he has not taken time to read him. At\\npage 102, of the second part of the General History (Rich-\\nmond edition), Smith states that he spent more than five hun-\\ndred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting for-\\nward. His claim for special remuneration was not because of\\nhis subscription to the capital stock of the Company, as every\\nmember would have had the same ground of claim, but because\\nof what he had expended and accomplished in addition, as his\\npetition for reward, found in Mr. Neill s book, at page 214, plainly\\nshows. That the committee to which his petition was referred\\nallowed it, may be fairly inferred from a speech of Smith before\\nthe Company, reported by Mr. Neill at page 386.*\\n*0n the 4th of February, 1623, Captain Smith, in a discussion concerning\\nthe salaries of officers, is reported to have said That havinge spent upon\\nVirginia a verie great matter, he did, by God s blessinge, hope to receave this\\nyeare a good quantity of Tobacco, which he would not willingly have come\\nunder the hands of them that would performe the buissiness for love, and not\\nupon a good and competent salary. The same author shows that the Com-\\npany owned much of the tobacco shipt from the colony, and Smith s expec-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0052.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 41\\nAnother intimation made by this writer is, that as the records\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0do not show that Smith s offer to the company to write a history\\nof Virginia was accepted, his statement in the book that he wrote\\nit at the instance of the Company, is false. Mr. Neill has given\\nus at page 210 the offer made April 12, 1621, which shows on its\\nface that it was made upon the request of some of the members.\\nWhat was the action of the committee to whom it was referred,\\nwe know not, so far as Mr. Neill s extracts from the records go,\\nbut as only a few of the papers of the Company have been pre-\\nserved, nothing can be concluded from the absence of the com-\\nmittee s report, and it would seem unreasonable to discredit\\nSmith s published statement in regard to the matter, made when\\nso many witnesses were alive.\\nWithout pursuing further the details of Mr. Neill s attack upon\\nSmith, it will be sufficient to expose the character of his book for\\nus to notice the authority he has followed in its preparation, and\\nthe manner in which he has followed it. At page 16, in a note,\\nhe says: For the facts relative to the early days of the Colony,\\nI am indebted to Wingfield s Discourse of Virginia, edited by\\nDeane, and Capt. Newport s Relation, first printed from manu-\\nscripts in vol. iv. Am. Ant. Soc. Coll. The Relation of Captain\\nNewport s discoveries in Virginia ended with his return to Eng-\\nland, June 22, 1607 and Wingfield s Discourse takes up the\\nnarrative on that day. There is nothing derogatory to Smith in\\nthe first. On the contrary, it shows that Newport selected him\\nas one of the persons to accompany him in exploring the James\\nriver, and on his return had him sworn one of the Council. In fol-\\nlowing the narrative of Wingfield, however, Mr. Neill has shown\\nhimself unworthy of confidence as a historian. The Oxford\\nTract is entitled to the highest credit as a record of the early his-\\ntory of the Colony. The Rev. Wm. Symonds, a minister of high\\ncharacter and considerable learning, compared it with the wri-\\ntings from which it was compiled. He then sent it to Captain\\nSmith with a note, printed at the end of the volume, in these\\nw ords\\ntation could only have been founded on the allowance of his claim by the com-\\nmittee. The Company, however, was in difficulties, and its charter was taken\\nfrom it during the next year, and before Smith received any reward for his\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0expenditures and sacrifices.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0053.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "42 ADDRESS,\\nCaptaine Smith, I returne you the fruit of my labours, as\\nMr. Crashaw requested me, which I bestowed in reading the dis-\\ncourses hearing the relations of such which have walked\\nand observed the land of Virginia with you. The paines I tooke\\nwas great yet did the nature of the argument, and hopes I con-\\nceaved of the expedition, give me exceeding content. I cannot\\nfinde there is anything but what they all afifirme, or cannot contra-\\ndict the land is good as there is no cities, so no sonnes of\\nAnak al is open for labor of a good and wise inhabitant and\\nmy prayer shall ever be, that so faire a land may be inhabited by\\nthose that professe and love the Gospell.\\nIn this book we have the following account of Wingfield s\\nadministration, commencing with the departure of Newport\\nBeing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within tenne\\ndales scarse ten amongst us coulde either goe, or well stand,,\\nsuch weaknes and sicknes oppressed us.\\nHad we beene as free from all sinnes as gluttony and drunken-\\nnes, we might have bin canonized for saints But our Presi-\\ndent would never have ben admitted, for ingrossing to his private\\n(use) otemeale, sacke, oile, acquavite, beefe, egs, or what not, but\\nthe kettel that indeede he allowed equally to be distributed, and\\nthat was halfe a pinte of wheat and as much barly boyled with\\nwater for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26 weeks in\\nthe Ship s hold, contained as many worms as graines; so that\\nwe might truly call it rather so much bran than corne: our drinke\\nwas water, our lodgings castles in the aire. With this lodging\\nand diet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting pallisadoes,\\nso strained and bruised us, and our continuall labour in the\\nextremitie of the heate had so weakened us, as were cause suffi-\\ncient to have made us miserable in our native country, or any\\nother place in the world. From May to September, those that\\nescaped lived upon sturgeon and sea-crabs, 50 in this time we\\nburied. The rest seeing the President s proiects to escape these\\nmiseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither\\nfelt want nor sickness) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed.\\nhim and established Ratcliffe in his place.\\nGeorge Percy, in the fragment of his narrative preserved by\\nPurchas, relates that, there was certaine Articles laid againstr\\nMaster Wingfield, which was then President, thereupon he was", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0054.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 43\\nnot only displaced out of his Presidentship, but also from being\\nof the Councell.\\nWingfield, in his defence of himself, does not deny the charge\\nof attempting to make his escape in the pinnace while he was\\npresident, although he denies the charge of feasting while the\\nothers were starving, and attempts to justify his administration at\\nthe expense of the rest of the colony. Purchas had before him,\\nand cited the Oxford Tract and Wingfield s Discourse in\\npreparing his books, and he knew personally no doubt the writers\\nof both works, as he took part in the affairs of the London Com-\\npany. With this great advantage he follows the Oxford Tract,\\nand condemns Wingfield s administration. Mr. Neill, however,\\nwith nothing like the advantages of Purchas, follows Wingfield,\\nand discredits the other colonists. This might be attributed to\\nwant of sound judgment alone had he faithfully followed him but\\nwhat condemnation is too severe for one who omits from his cita-\\ntions of the author he professes to follow, facts tending to justify\\na good opinion of the persons that author was attacking, This\\nis what Mr. Neill has done. At page 15 he says: Dissensions\\narose during the voyage, and on the 12th of February John\\nSmith was suspected of mutiny. On page 21, quoting from\\nWingfield the grounds of hostility towards him, he says Mr.\\nSmyth s quarrel, because his name was mentioned in the intended\\nand confessed mutiny by Galthropp. Mr. Neill makes no other\\nallusion to this charge against Smith, but leaves his readers under\\nthe impression that it was true, or at least was never disproved.\\nNow Wingfield, in the very book relied on by Mr. Neill, states\\nenough to show that Smith was innocent of the charge. He\\nsays The 17th dale of September I was sent for to the court\\nto answer a complaint exhibited against me by Jehu Robinson\\nfor that, when I was president, I did sale, hee, with others, had\\nconsented to run awaye with the Shallop to Newfoundland. At\\nanother tyme I must answere Mr. Smyth, for that I had said hee\\ndid conceal an intended mutany. I tould Mr. Recorder those\\nwords would beare no actions that one of the causes was done\\nwithout the lymits mentioned in the Patent graunted to us.\\nThe jury gave one of them 100, the other two hundred\\npound damages for slaunder. This passage shows that the\\ncharge against Smith was made by Wingfield during the voyage,\\nand was investigated in an action for slander, to which action", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0055.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "44 ADDRESS.\\nWingfield s plea was that the slanderous words were spoken\\noutside of the jurisdiction conferred by their patent, and that the\\njury convicted him of the slander, and fined him two hundred\\npounds.\\nMr. Neill has not been content, however, to omit statements of\\nfact as to Smith alone. He has treated all of Wingfield s oppo-\\nnents in the same way. On page 19 he thus relates the deposing\\nof Wingfield At length a plot was formed by Ratcliffe, Smith,\\nand Martin, to depose Wingfield and form a triumvirate. On\\nthe eleventh of September they brought him before them, Rat-\\ncliffe acting as president, and preferred the following frivolous\\ncharges Ratcliffe charged that he had refused him a penny\\nwhitle, a chicken, a spoonful of beer, given him bad corn\\nSmith alleged that he had told him he lied Martin complained\\nthat he had been called indolent. After this he was placed on\\nboard of the pinnace in the river, and kept as a prisoner. The\\ncharges here given by Mr. Neill, and he gives no others, seem to\\nhave been verbal complaints against Wingfield, but not the\\ncharges upon which he was deposed. After mentioning these\\ncomplaints, Wingfield says, I asked Mr. President if I should\\nanswere theis compl ts, and whether he had ought els to charge\\nme with all, with that he pulled out a paper booke loaded full\\nwith artycles against me, and give them Mr. Archer to reade.\\nNone of these written charges are given by Wingfield, but he\\nrelates how he cut short their reading by appealing to the King.\\nHe adds Then Mr. Archer pulled out of his bosome another\\npaper book full of artycles against me, desiring that he might\\nreade them in the name of the CoUony. He fails also to give\\nthese articles, but says of them, I have forgotten the most of the\\nartycles, they were so slight. Wingfield, while not giving the\\ncharges in detail, however, is evidently endeavoring to defend\\nhimself from them in his book, and we gather from the defence\\nthat they were, as stated in the Oxford Tract, and not as\\ngiven by Mr. Neill.\\nIn order to strengthen his attack upon Smith, Mr. Neill brings\\nto his aid the Rev. Thomas Fuller, who, in his Worthies of\\nEngland, gave a short sketch of Smith, in which this sentence\\nis found: From the Turks in Europe he passed to the pagans\\nin America, where such his perils, preservations, dangers, deliv-\\nerances, they seem to most men above belief, to some beyond", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0056.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 4\\ntruth. Yet we have two witnesses to attest them the prose and\\nthe pictures both in his book, and it soundeth much to the\\ndiminution of his deeds, that he alone is the herald to publish\\nand proclaim them.\\nThis description is witty, but false, and thus very character-\\nistic of this writer. Fuller was noted for his want of accu-\\nracy, and especially was it shown in his Worthies. The\\nmaterial was collected during the civil war, and the book\\npublished in 1662, after the author s death. One of the most\\nlearned men of that century was William Nicholson, Bishop\\nof Carlisle, who published a History of Libraries in 1696.\\nIn it he says of Fuller s Worthies, It was huddled up in\\nhaste for the procurement of some moderate profit to the\\nauthor, though he did not live to see it published. It corrects\\nmany mistakes in his Ecclesiastical Story, but makes more new\\nones in their stead. His chief author is Bale for the\\nlives of his eminent writers, and those of his greatest heroes are\\ncommonly misshapen scraps, mixed with tattle and lies. Alex-\\nander Chalmers in his Biographical Dictionary, considers this\\ncensure too great, but admits Fuller s inaccuracies, and speaks of\\nhis wit, which he could not suppress in his most serious compo-\\nsitions.\\nThe Rev. James Granger published a Biographical History of\\nEngland in 1769. Chalmers testifies to its critical accuracy.\\nThe author describes Fuller thus, He was unhappy in having a\\nvein of wit, as he has taken uncommon pains to write up to the\\nbad taste of his age, which was much fonder of conceit than sen-\\ntiment.\\nWe need not be surprised, therefore, at finding that Fuller\\nsacrificed truth to wit in his sketch of Smith. That he has done\\nso is apparent to any reader of the Oxford Tract, which was\\ncompiled from the writings oj eye-witnesses, and contains nearly\\nevery incident of Smith s life in Virginia.\\nThe latest attack upon Smith is contained in a volume written\\nby Charles Dudley Warner, Esq., and published during the year\\n1 88 1, by Henry Holt Company, of New York. We learn\\nfrom the preface that the author was engaged to treat of his\\nsubject with some familiarity and disregard of historic gravity.\\nAccordingly we find the book is a labored effort to ridicule", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0057.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "46 ADDRESS.\\nSmith, and the author has succeeded in making a caricature of\\nhim.\\nBut a single example need be given to show how utterly unre-\\nliable his picture of Smith is. At page ii6, in quoting from the\\nGeneral History the account of the capture of Smith in the\\nChickahominy swamp by the Indians, the following is given\\nThen finding the Captaine, as is said, that used the salvage that\\nwas his guide as his shield (three of them being slain and divers\\nothers so gauld), all the rest would not come neere him. Think-\\ning thus to have returned to his boat, regarding them as he\\nmarched, more than his way, slipped up to the middle in an\\noosie creek, and his salvage with him, yet durst they not come\\nto him till being neere dead with cold, he threw away his arms.\\nThen according to their composition they drew him forth and\\nled him to the fire where his men were slaine. Diligently they\\nchafed his benumbed limbs. He demanding for their Captaine,\\nthey shewed him Opecha7ikanough, King of Pamaunkee, to\\nwhom he gave a round Ivory double compass Dyall. Much\\nthey marvailed at the playing of the Fly and Needle, which they\\ncould see so plainly and yet not touch it because of the glass\\nthat covered them. But when he demonstrated by that Globe-\\nlike Jewell, the roundnesse of the earth and skies, the spheare of\\nSunne, Moone, and Starres and how the Sunne did chase the\\nnight round about the world continually the greatnesse of the\\nLand and Sea, the diversitie of nations, varietie of complexions,\\nand how we were to them Antipodes, and many other such like\\nmatters, they all stood amazed with admiration.\\nIt will be seen from this that Smith was using an Indian as a\\nguide when he was captured. Of course he had learnt to con\\nverse with him. He had been in Virginia at that time nearly two\\nyears, and had been constantly mixing with the Indians and\\nlearning their language. In the True Relation, quoted by the\\nauthor at page 104, Smith states explicitly that he and his guide\\nwere discoursing when he was attacked. The reader will\\nnotice that the Indians had taken him out of the swamp and car-\\nried him to the fire he had left at his canoe, before he presented\\nthe compass to their chief and entered into conversation con-\\ncerning it. Bearing this in mind, let us read Mr. Warner s com-\\nment on this passage. At pages 122-3 he writes We should\\nlike to think original in the above the fine passage, in which", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0058.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 47\\nSmith, by means of a simple compass dial, demonstrated the\\nroundness of the earth and skies, the sphere of the sun, moon\\nand stars, and how the sun did chase the night round about the\\nworld continually the greatness of the land and sea, the diver-\\nsity of nations, variety of complexions, and how we were to them\\nantipodes, so that the Indians stood amazed with admiration.\\nCaptain Smith up to his middle in a Chickahominy Swamp, dis-\\ncoursing on these high themes to a Pamunky Indian, of whose\\nlanguage Smith was wholly ignorant, and who did not under-\\nstand a word of English, is much more heroic, considering the\\nadverse circumstances, and appeals more to the imagination than\\nthe long-haired lopas singing the song of Atlas at the banquet\\ngiven to yEneas when Trojans and Tyrians drained the flowing\\nbumpers, while Dido drank long draughts of love. Did Smith,\\nwhen he was in the neighborhood of Carthage, pick up some\\nsuch literal translations of the song of Atlas as this\\nHe sang the wandering moon, and the labors of the Sun,\\nFrom whence the race of men and flocks, whence rain and lightning.\\nOf Arcturus, the rainy Hyades, and the twin Triones\\nWhy the winter suns hasten so much to touch themselves in the ocean,\\nAnd what delay retards the slow nights.\\nThe misrepresentation contained in the statement, that Smith\\ndescribed himself as discoursing on these high themes while up\\nto his middle in a swamp, with an Indian who could not under-\\nstand a word of the language he used, is unpardonable. Equally\\ngroundless is the insinuation that the discourse never occurred,\\nbut was made up long afterwards from Smith s recollection of a\\npassage in Virgil s /Eneid. The same discourse is related in the\\nTrue Relation, written by Smith directly after his return from\\ncaptivity, and claimed by Mr. Deane and others attacking Smith,\\nto be the true account of the incidents of his captivity. If we are\\nto look for the sources from whence he got his ideas thus con-\\nveyed, or pretended to be conveyed to the Indian chief, one\\nwould think that his lessons at school and his experience on land\\nand sea were sufficient, without making him use a Latin poet,\\nwhom, in all probability, he never read, as he left school at an\\nearly age.\\nExamples of such strained efforts to ridicule Smith might be\\nmultiplied and taken from every part of the volume, but we need", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0059.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "48 ADDRESS.\\nnot stop to expose them, as every reader will readily detect them..\\nMr. Warner has been constrained, however, to accord to Smith\\ngreat merit for his accurate descriptions of Virginia and its in-\\nhabitants, and for his profound views and eminent services in re-\\ngard to the colonization of North America. He represents him\\nas admirable in many traits of character, yet false in what he says\\nof himself We think as he is sustained by others in matters of\\nwhich they were cognisant, the conclusion is a safe one that he\\nis truthful in those matters which rest on his own testimony alone.\\nBut we need not pursue this branch of our subject further.\\nThe grounds of attack upon Smith, which have not been noticed,\\nwill be found even more conspicuously false than those we have\\nbeen discussing.\\nTurning now to the direct evidence of the truthfulness of\\nSmith as a writer, we shall find it ample and conclusive. We\\nhave seen that his General History of Virginia was first pub-\\nlished in 1624. In 1629 he published, along with another\\nedition, The True Travels, Adventures and Observations of\\nCaptaine John Smith in Europe, Asia, Africke America, and\\ndedicated it to William, Earle of Pembroke, Lord Steward of\\nhis Majestie s most Honorable Household, Robert, Earle of\\nLindsay, great Chamberlain of England, and Henrie, Lord\\nHunsdon, Viscount Rochford, Earle of Dover. He commences\\nhis dedication thus Sir Robert Cotton, that most learned\\ntreasurer of antiquitie, having by the perusal of my Generall\\nHistoric and others, found that I had likewise undergone divers\\nother hard hazards in other parts of the world, requested me\\nto fix the whole course of my passages in a booke by itselfe,\\nwhose noble desire I could not but in part satisfie the rather,\\nbecause they have acted my fatal Tragedies on the stage,\\nracked my Relations at their pleasure. In conclusion he says\\nhe dedicated his work to these noblemen and expected them to\\npatronize it, because they were acquainted both with my [his]\\nendeavors and writings. That this work received a favorable\\nnotice from them we learn from the dedication of a later work\\nby Smith, called Advertisements for the Unexperienced.\\nSir Robert Cotton was the founder of the Cottonian Library,\\nnow a valuable part of the British Museum. He and the Earl of\\nPembroke were members of the Virginia Company, and had\\nample opportunities of knowing whether Smith s General His-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0060.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 49-\\ntory was truthful or not. Had they not been satisfied of his\\ntruthfulness they would hardly have allowed their names to be\\nused in his dedication of his True Travels, and such use of\\ntheir names must be taken as their endorsement of the author.\\nThe most remarkable adventures related in this last work are\\nthe killing of three Turks by Smith in single combat before the\\ntown of Regall, in Transilvania, and his subsequent escape from\\ncaptivity in Tartary. These are attested by the patent of Sigis-\\nmundus Bathor, Duke of Transilvania, given in full by Smith\\nin his book, together with the certificate of its record in the office\\nof the Herald of Arms at London. By this patent Smith was\\nauthorized to add three Turk s heads to his coat of arms. Graze-\\nbrook, in his Heraldry of Smith, says he found Smith s Coat\\nof Arms with the Turk s heads, which were confirmed to him by\\nthe College of Arms, in the British Museum. Harleian MS.,.\\nNo. 578. Burke, in his Encyclopedia of Heraldry, describes\\nit also. With such proof of the most remarkable incidents in his\\nearly life we need not look beyond Smith s own statement for\\nevidence of the rest of this narrative.\\nAs this attack has grown out of Smith s statements in the\\nGeneral History, however, we will look more particularly to\\nthe evidence of his truthfulness in that book.\\nWe have seen that the General History embodied the Ox-\\nford Tract, with some additions from the pen of Smith, and that\\nthis tract was carefully compiled out of the writings of the colon-\\nists, whose names are given by Dr. Symonds, and is a work of\\nthe highest authority. Now a comparison of this book with the\\nGeneral History shows that nearly every incident of Smith s\\nstay in Virginia, given in the History, is found in the Tract.\\nCertainly we find in it abundant evidence of his perils, preser-\\nvations, dangers, deliverances, which Fuller, through ignorance,\\nor something worse, claimed were published and proclaimed\\nalone by Smith.\\nThe Oxford Tract ^relates, among other incidents, his being\\nsurprised by Opechankanough with two hundred men, while he\\nonly had fifteen, and his extrication of himself and his men by\\nseizing the Indian King by his long lock and presenting a cocked\\npistol to his breast; his encounter, while alone, with the King of\\nPaspahegh, a most strong, stout salvage, which was only ended", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0061.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "60 ADDRESS.\\nby Smith s getting him into the river, and almost drowning him\\nand the plot of Powhatan to surprise him and murder his party,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0while away from Jamestown, which was prevented by Pocahontas,\\nwho, by stealth in the darke night came through the wild woods\\nand told him of it.\\nThat the statements, added by Smith in his History, were true,\\nis conclusively shown by the fact that the book was published in\\n1624, when many persons who had been with Smith in Virginia\\nwere alive, and some of them inimical to him, and we have no\\nevidence that any one of his companions ever contradicted the\\nstatements in the book, while some of them directly testified to\\ntheir truthfulness. The first edition contained tributes in verse,\\ncommending Smith and his book, written by twenty- one persons,\\nand a later edition gives in addition similar tributes by twelve\\nothers. Of these thirty-three persons several were members of\\nthe London Company, and five were with Smith in Virginia,\\nthree arriving with the first supply, and two with the second, as\\nappears by the published lists. One of the contributors, Edward\\nRobinson, served under him in Transilvania, and was a witness\\nto his adventures there.\\nMichael Phettiplace, William Phettiplace and Richard Wiffing,\\nwho came to Virginia with the first supply, united in their tribute.\\nThey recount the fact that they were with him in Virginia, and\\nwitnessed his prowess among the Indians. They say of him\\nWho hast nought in thee counterfeit or slie.\\nand add\\nWho saith of thee, this savors of vaine-glorie,\\nMistakes both thee and us and this true storie.\\nOf the two who came with the second supply one, John Cod-\\nxington, writes\\nThat which we call the subject of all storie,\\nIs truth which in this worke of thine gives glorie\\nTo all that thou hast done.\\nAnd the other, Raleigh Crashaw, speaking of the praise due\\nto him, says\\nFor all good men s tongues shall keep the same.\\nAmong the other contributors we find several of the most", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0062.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 61\\nnoted men of the day. George Wither, distinguished as a poet,\\nsatirist and soldier, says\\nSir your relations, I have read, which show\\nTher s reason I should honour them and you.\\nR. Brathwait, an author of eminence, and John Donne, the\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0celebrated poet, each contribute handsomely to the author s\\npraise but the tribute deserving of the most weight, perhaps, is\\nthat of the Rev, Samuel Purchas, the renowned collector of\\ntravels. He commences it thus\\nLoe here Smith s Forge, where Forgery s Roague-branded,\\nand continues at some length his quaint verses.\\nThe character of Purchas is thus drawn by Boissard, who is\\nfollowed by Chalmers and by the Encyclopaedia Brittanica A\\nman exquisitely skilled in languages, and all arts, divine and\\nhuman a very great philosopher, historian, and divine a faith-\\nful presbyter of the Church of England, very famous for many\\nexcellent writings, especially for his vast volumes of the East and\\nWest Indies, written in his native tongue.\\nHe resided in London, and was rector of St. Martin s, Ludgate,\\nand chaplain to Abbott, Archbishop of Canterbury. Mr. Neill\\nshows him to have enjoyed the confidence of the Virgina Com-\\npany of London, and his works show him to have been an inde-\\nfatigable collector of travels, and colonial histories. His great\\nwork, styled Purchas, His Pilgrimes, was published in 1625,\\nthe year after Smith s General History appeared. In the 4th\\nvolume, at page 1705, he commences a history of Virginia, with\\nthis caption, The proceedings of the English Colony in Vir-\\nginia, taken faithfully out of the writing of Thomas Studley, cape-\\nmerchant. Anas Todkill, Doctor Russell, Nathaniel Powell, Wil-\\nliam Phetiplace and Richard Pot, Richard Wiffin, Tho. Abbay,\\nTho. Hope and since enlarged out of the writings of Capt.\\nJohn Smith, principall Agent and Patient in these Virginia\\noccurrents, from the beginning of the plantation, 1606, till Ann.\\n1610, somewhat abridged. In a marginal note he says: I\\nhave many written Treatises lying by me, written by Capt. Smith\\nand others, some there, some here after their return but because\\nthese have already scene the light, and containe a full relation of\\nVirginian Affaires, I was loth to wearie the reader with others of", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0063.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "52 ADDRESS.\\nthis time. At page 1773 he tells us he had the advantage of a\\nperusal of Smith s General History in MS. while preparing\\nhis work. He also relates the visit of Rolfe and Pocahontas\\nwith Temocomo, one of Powhatan s counsellours, to England\\nin 161 6, and states that he often conversed with this savage,,\\nand was favored by Rolfe with the loan of his work upon Vir-\\nginia. He tells us of the honor and respect which were shown\\nto Pocahontas, not only by the Company, but by many per-\\nsons of honor, and particularly mentions the magnificent enter-\\ntainment given her by Dr. King, Lord Bishop of London, at\\nwhich he was present. With all of the advantages of living at\\nthe time of the transactions recorded by Smith, of mingling\\nwith the Company which colonized Virginia, of having before him\\nthe published and unpublished writings of the colonists, some of\\nwhich are now lost, and of personally knowing so many of the\\nmost conspicuous characters which figure in the history of\\nthe colony, the testimony of this able and accurate writer\\nshould be conclusive as to Smith s General History. Not\\nonly does he contribute verses commending Smith s work, but\\nwe find that in his own book he follows him closely, and\\ngives the particulars of his rescue by Pocahontas as they are\\nrelated in the General History. It must have been that the\\nacts of kindness shown by Pocahontas to the English in Vir-\\nginia were topics of conversation while she was so conspicuous a\\nperson in London, as the correspondence of the day shows\\nshe was. Her rescue of Smith was either not known or was\\nthe subject of conversation. Purchas, who was intimate with\\nSmith, and was in the society of Pocahontas and Rolfe, must\\nhave conversed with them about the matter, if it was known.\\nIf it was not then known, Purchas would have had his suspi-\\ncions aroused when Srnith afterwards put the incident in his\\nGeneral History, and, as a careful historian, would have exam-\\nined the evidences of the truth of the statement before he in-\\nserted it in his own book. In either event the fact that Purchas\\nrecords the incident is the strongest evidence of its truth.\\nWhen we look to the writings of Smith himself for evidence\\nof the truthfulness of his statement, in regard to the rescue, we\\nfind it ample to confirm our reliance on his veracity.\\nIt is true that the garbled letter from Virginia, published in\\n1608, makes no mention of the matter, but it relates an incident", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0064.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 53\\n-very suggestive of the truth of his subsequent statement. Soon\\nafter Smith was released from his captivity he determined to\\narrest some Indians who had been caught thieving in James-\\ntown. Powhatan was greatly concerned at the arrest, and sent\\nseveral messengers to obtain their release finally he sent Poca-\\nhontas, who is described as a child of tenne years old, (she\\nwas probably twelve) and Smith delivered to her the prisoners.\\nWhy the cunning savage should have trusted his favorite child\\nat such a tender age upon such an errand would be difficult to\\nexplain, unless we believe Smith s statement that she had previ-\\nously saved his life.\\nIn his other writings Smith frequently mentions his rescue, and\\nin such a way as would have led to detection had he made a false\\nstatement about it.\\nIn his General History he states, that upon the arrival of\\nPocahontas in England, in 1616, he, to deserve her former cour-\\ntesies, made her qualities knowne to the Queene s most excellent\\nMajestic and her court, and writ a little booke to this effect to the\\nQueene, an abstract whereof foUoweth. In this abstract he\\nrecounts his captivity amongst the Indians while in Virginia, and\\nsays After some six weeks fatting amongst these salvage\\ncourtiers, at the minute of my execution she hazarded the beat-\\ning out of her owne braines to save mine, not only that, but\\nso prevailed with her father that I was safely conducted to James-\\ntowne. He then goes on to relate her coming to him afterwards\\nin the night to apprise him of her father s plot to murder him\\nand his men, her relief of the colonists from want, and her ser-\\nvices in keeping peace between them and the Indians. He then\\nadds these words Thus, most gracious Lady, I have related to\\nyour Majestic what at your best leasure our approved Histories\\nwill account you at large.\\nIf this letter was written to the Queen under the circumstances,\\nand at the time stated, we cannot doubt with any reason the\\ntruth of its statements. Every statement it contains, except that\\nconcerning his rescue, is supported by the writings of others in\\nthe Oxford Tract, who were eye-witnesses. The rescue was\\nonly witnessed by the Indians but an assertion of it in a letter to\\nthe Queen on behalf of Pocahontas, when she and her husband\\nand her brother-in-law were in England, would not have been\\nattempted if it had never happened.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0065.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "54 ADDRESS.\\nSir Thomas Dale brought them to England, and they were the\\nguests of the London Company. Dale and the members of the\\nCompany were well informed of the incidents of Smith s life in\\nVirginia, as he had been the most conspicuous man in the colony.\\nBesides, some of the companions of Smith in Virginia had re-\\nturned to England, and amongst them were several of his ene-\\nmies. Had Smith for the first time related his rescue under such\\ncircumstances, or repeated a story which was untrue, it is impos-\\nsible to believe that it would have passed without exposure. Nor\\ncan we discover any motive prompting Smith to so hazardous\\nan undertaking as the utterance of such a falsehood. The other\\nincidents in the life of Pocahontas, related in the letter and at-\\ntested by the writings of others, were ample to commend her to\\nthe favorable notice of the Queen, and to gratify any vanity\\nSmith might have had about connecting their names. No other\\nmotive has been suggested by those attacking him.\\nBut the statement made in this letter that approved histories\\ncontained this with the other acts of kindness towards the Eng-\\nlish, performed by Pocahontas, proves that it was not then for\\nthe first time related by Smith. Doubdess the reference is to\\nsome of the writings mentioned by Purchas, which are now lost.\\nIt will not do to say now that no such statement was contained\\nin histories then extant, when Smith openly stated that it was,\\nand by publishing the letter in 1624 reiterated the statement\\nwithout contradiction.\\nIt is proper to note that what is given in the General His-\\ntory, is stated to be an abstract of the letter, or litde book\\nwhich was sent to the Queen. It cannot be properly concluded,\\ntherefore, that the rescue was not more fully detailed in the letter\\nthan in the abstract, and all the effort which has been made to\\nrepresent the account of the rescue as growing by repetition is\\nwithout warrant.\\nThe fact that Smith wrote this letter in 16 16, if conceded, is\\nconclusive of the rescue, and this was so apparent to Mr. Adams\\nthat he attempted to discredit Smith s statement concerning it.\\nIf the letter was written as claimed, the members of the court\\nmust have known of it, and when Smith published the state-\\nment in 1624, there were living many persons who had been\\nmembers of the court of 1616. The Queen was dead, but the\\nKing was alive. There were also surviving. Prince Charles, who-", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0066.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 55\\nnamed for Smith the localities he had discovered in New Eng-\\nland; the celebrated Duchess of Richmond and Lenox, to whom\\nthe General History was dedicated the Duchess of Bedford^\\nlady to the Queen s bed chamber, an authoress and a patron-\\ness of literary men the Duchess of Nottingham, lady to the\\nQueen s drawing chamber, famous for her connection with the\\nring said to have been given by Elizabeth to the unfortunate\\nEarl of Essex, who lost his head; and the Duchess of Suffolk,\\nalso of the drawing chamber, and mother of the notorious woman\\nwho was divorced from that Earl of Essex, who subsequently\\nled the armies of Parliament against Charles the First.\\nThese, and many others, would have at once detected the false-\\nhood had Smith dared to publish in 1624 a letter purporting to\\nhave been written in 1616 to the Queen and her court, about so\\ninteresting a person as Pocahontas, which he had in fact never\\nwritten. Purchas, too, who lived in London, and was intimate with\\nSmith, must have known whether the statement was true, and, so\\nfar from any one denying it, he and others are found endorsing it,\\nas well as the rest of the book.\\nThe second reference to his rescue was made by Smith in\\n1622 in his book entitled New England Trials. He had just\\nheard of the massacre by the Indians in Virginia, and this led\\nhim to speak of his experience in the colony. Amongst other\\nthings he says: Those two honorable Gentlemen, Captaine\\nGeorge Percie and Capt. Francis West, two of the Phitteplaces,\\nand some other such noble Gentlemen and resolute spirits bore\\ntheir shares with me, and, now living in England, did see me\\ntake this murdering Opechankanough, now their Great King,\\nby the long lock on his head, with my pistol to his breast I\\nled him amongst his greatest forces. Further on he adds It\\nis true in our greatest extremity they shot me, slue three of my\\nmen, and by the folly of them that fled took me prisoner, yet\\nGod made Pocahontas, the King s Daughter, the meanes to\\ndeliver me. It thus appears that these companions of Smith\\nwere in England in 1622, and he named them as witnesses to\\ncertain actions of his in Virginia. These persons must have\\nheard the particulars of Smith s captivity when they lived in\\nVirginia, and they would have pronounced this statement in\\nreference to the rescue false, if, indeed, it was false.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0067.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "56 ADDRESS.\\nWe learn from Mr. Neill s book that Rolfe died in 1622, the\\nyear this statement was pubHshed, and he may not have seen it\\nin print, but we learn from the same author that his brother,\\nHenry Rolfe, was living in England at the time, and was the\\nguardian of the son of Pocahontas. He certainly would have\\ninformed himself of the matter, and denied the statement if he had\\nfound it untrue. The reference of Smith in the passage seems\\nto be to a matter well known, and has every indication of truth\\nabout it, and it cannot be believed, without conclusive testimony,\\nthat he then for the first time, and falsely, put forth a claim that\\nPocahontas saved his life. It may be as well to state that in the\\nverses of the Phettiplaces, printed with the General History,\\nand endorsing it, they particularly mention Smith s adventure\\nwith Opechankanough, which they witnessed.\\nThe next reference we find is in Smith s letter to the commis-\\nsioners appointed by the King in 1623, to inquire into the afifairs\\nof the Company. In this Smith says Six weekes I was led\\ncaptive by those Barbarians, though some of my men were\\nslaine, aifd the rest fled, yet it pleased God to make their great\\nKing s daughter the meanes to returne me safe to Jamestowne.\\nHere again Smith would have been detected if he had related a\\nfalsehood, as the commissioners were directed to enquire into\\nthe affairs of the Company from the beginning, and they exam-\\nined various persons who had been connected with it and knew\\nits history.\\nThe fourth statement as to his rescue is found in the General\\nHistory, where the detailed account is given heretofore quoted.\\nWhen we remember that this book states that it was written at\\nthe instance of the Virginia Company of London, which state-\\nment was not contradicted by any one, so far as we know, but\\nwas confirmed by several members who commended the veracity\\nof the author as regards his statements in the volume, we must\\nlook upon the book as published with the endorsation of the\\nCompany. The men who composed the Company were among\\nthe noblest and best in the kingdom, and had evejy opportunity\\nof knowing whether Smith wrote the truth about their history.\\nIt is not credible that they vyould have permitted his work to go\\nthrough so many editions without correcting what was known to\\nbe false. The fact, therefore, that Smith s book, so far from", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0068.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 57\\nbeing disowned by the members of the Company, was accepted\\nas the standard history of the colony from its first appearance,\\nis very strong evidence of its truthfulness.\\nThe author was, in fact, a man of high character as well as\\ngenius. He was one of the persons selected by the Company to\\ngovern the infant colony of Virginia; he was entrusted with the\\ncharge of two expeditions to New England, and was appointed\\nAdmiral of that country. His maps of the countries he visited,\\nand descriptions of their inhabitants, are acknowledged by all\\nwriters to be remarkably accurate, and the estimation in which\\nhe was held by those who knew him best, is admirably expressed\\nby one of the writers in the Oxford Tract upon the occasion of\\nhis departure from the colony, in these words\\nWhat shall I saye, but thus we lost him that in all his pro-\\nceedings made justice his first guide, and experience his second,\\never hating basenesse, sloth, pride and indignitie more than any\\ndangers that never allowed more for himselfe than for his sol-\\ndiers with him that upon no danger would send them where he\\nwould not lead them himselfe that would never see us want what\\nhe either had or could by any means get us that would rather\\nwant than borrow, or starve than not pay that loved action more\\nthan wordes, and hated falsehood and coveteousnesse worse than\\ndeath, whose adventures were our lives, and whose losse our\\ndeathes.\\nThe London Company were prompted in sending out the col-\\nony by the desire of immediate gain, and when disappointed,\\nthreatened to abandon the colonists to their fate and the hard-\\nships of colonial life made many desirous of abandoning the\\nenterprise. But the far-reaching genius of Smith saw in the\\nfertile soil and mild climate of Virginia, the provision by Provi-\\ndence for a great people, and he set himself resolutely to the\\nwork of bringing into subjection the native tribes,* and of\\n*The influence acquired by Smith over the Indians is thus described in\\nPurchas Pilgrimage, edition 1614, p. 768 Powhatan had above thirtie\\nCommanders, or Wirrowances, under him, all of which were not in peace only,\\nbut serviceable, in Captaine Smith s presidencie, to the english, and still, as I", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0069.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "58 ADDRESS.\\nmaking the colony self-supporting. He rebuked the London\\nCompany for their threat to abandon the colony, he defeated the\\nefforts to abandon the setdement at the risk of his life, he forced\\nthe men to labor, and he taught them how to hold the Indians in\\nsubjection, and to get from them needed provisions. In a word,\\nhe demonstrated the practicability of the enterprise.\\nYears afterwards, and when, through his exertions in a great\\nmeasure, Virginia had been successfully planted, he pictured the\\nmiseries through which they had passed who planted it, and his\\nentire devotion of himself to its interests in these words: By\\nthat acquaintance I have with them, I call them my children, for\\nthey have been my wife, my hawks, hounds, my cards, my dice,\\nand in totall, my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my\\nleft hand to my right. And notwithstanding all those miracles\\nof disasters have crossed both them and me, yet were there not\\nan Englishman remaining, as God be thanked, notwithstanding\\nthe massacre, there are some thousands, I would yet begin\\nagaine with as small meanes as I did at first.\\nAs his companions freely accorded to him the honor of being\\nthe real founder of Virginia, now that his work has developed\\ninto such a power for the advancement of mankind, the world\\nshould freely accord him the great honor which is his due. His\\nname, belittled by Fuller in its insertion among the Worthies\\nof England, should be enrolled among the Worthies of Man-\\nkind, and he be forever assigned an honored place among the\\nfounders of great nations.\\nMr. Neill, however, has not been content to aim at the de-\\nstruction of Smith s character alone; he has also attempted to\\nblacken the characters of Pocahontas and Rolfe. He has repro-\\nduced the description of the Indian princess at the age of eleven\\nor twelve, given by Strachey, in which she is represented as a\\nwell-featured but wanton young girle, playing with the boys in\\nJamestown. It may be a matter of doubt whether Mr. Neill\\nmeant by this to represent the innocent girl as unchaste, as we\\nknow others have done from this passage. He may have\\nthought that his readers would know, what he did not note, that\\nhave beene told by some that have since beene there, they doe affect him and\\nwill ask of him.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0070.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 59-\\nStrachey and his contemporaries used the word wanton in the\\nsense of playful. But he has left us in no doubt that he would\\nhave us believe that before the marriage of Rolfe and Pocahontas\\nthey had been married to other persons, one of whom at least\\nwas then alive. He also expressly charges Rolfe with dishonest\\ndealings with the estate of Lord Delaware. The testimony he\\nadduces to sustain these charges will be found singularly inade-\\nquate.\\nThe evidence relied on to show that Pocahontas was married\\nbefore she married Rolfe, is a passage in Strachey s Historic of\\nTravaile into Virginia, at page 54, in which the author says,\\nThey often reported unto us that Powhatan had then lyving\\ntwenty sonnes and ten daughters, besyde a young one by Winga-\\nnuske, Machumps his sister, and a great darling of the King s\\nand besides, younge Pocohunta, a daughter of his, using some-\\ntyme to our fort in tymes past, nowe married to a private cap-\\ntaine called Kocoum, some two yeares since.\\nStrachey did not publish this work, but left two copies of a\\nmanuscript, from one of which, found in the British Museum,\\nMr. R. H. Major, in 1849, made the publication. At page 29,\\nthe author, speaking of the country north of James river, says it\\nwas the place wherein our aboad habitation now (well neere)\\nII yeares consisted. The editor tells us in a note to this pas-\\nAll wanton as a child, skipping and vain. Love s Labor Lost, v, 2.\\nLike wanton boys, that swim on bladders. Henry VIII, iii, 2.\\nAs flies to wanton boys are we to the Gods\\nThey kill us for their sport. King Lear, iv, i.\\nQuips and cranks and wanton wiles. L Allegro.\\nAt page 14, Strachey says the word Pocahontas signifies little Wanton,\\nshowing it was a pet name.\\nA passage in the Oxford Tract, taken from the writings of Richard Pots, has\\nbeen quoted by a late writer to cast a stigma upon Pocahontas. Pots is\\ndenying the charge that Smith ever intended to marry her and make himself\\nKing of Virginia. He says If he would he might have married her, or done\\nwhat him listed, for there was none that could have hindered his determina-\\ntion. This plainly was meant to indicate the extent of Smith s power in Vir-\\nginia, and not to indicate any want of virtue in Pocahontas, who could not have\\nbeen over fourteen when he left the colony. The inscription on her portrait,\\nin 1616, makes her then 21 years old.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0071.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "60 ADDRESS.\\nsage, that in the manuscript the word, six, was originally-\\nwritten, but had been crossed out and the figures ii inserted in\\na darker colored ink. This shows that Strachey was from the\\nyear 1 613, to the year 16 18, or thereabouts, preparing this manu-\\nscript. The reference to the marriage of Pocahontas was evi-\\ndently made when she was alive, and she died in March, 16 17,\\nin England. She was married to Rolfe in April, 1614, so that\\nif this passage referring to her was written in the latter part of\\n1615, or 1616, it would have fitted in date that marriage.\\nWe learn from the editor that the other copy of Strachey s\\nmanuscript, which is at Oxford, was dedicated to Sir Allen\\nApsley, Purveyor to his Majestie s Navie Royall. Sir Allen\\nwas appointed to the higher office of Lieutenant of the Tower\\nin 1 61 6, as we learn from his daughter, in her memoir of Colonel\\nHutchinson, and afterwards it would have been proper to have\\nadded this higher title to his name. This makes it certain that\\nthe manuscript was completed during or before 1616.\\nThe reliance to show that it was not Rolfe who was referred\\nto as her husband, is in the use of the Indian name Kocoum. It\\nwill be seen that the text does not say that the husband was\\nnamed Kocoum, but that he was a private Captaine called\\nKocoum. In Smith s description of the Indians, (page 143,\\n.Richmond edition,) he says They have but few words in their\\nlanguage, and but few occasions to use any officers qjore than\\none commander, which commonly they call Werowance, or\\nCaticorousc, which is captaine. Any one reading the authors\\nwe have been referring to, will be struck with the many ways\\nin which they spell the same words, and especially Indian\\nwords, not even observing the rule of ide7n sonans. It is\\nvery probable, therefore, that the word Kocoum is but a dif-\\nferent spelling q{ Caucorouse, both meaning a captain, and\\nreferring to the position held by Rolfe at Jamestown as a\\ncaptain of some section of the colonists, and therefore called a\\nprivate captain. We have no information that the Indians had\\nA single reference to Strachey will illustrate these various spellings of the\\nsame word. At page 56 he speaks of Coiacohanauke, which we commonly\\n(though corruptly) call Tapahanock, and is the same which Capt. Smith in his\\nmappe calls Quiyoughcohanock, and of the Weroance Pepiscummah, whome\\nby construction, as well the Indians as we, call Pipisco.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0072.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 61\\nany such officer except for war, who could not be called a private\\ncaptain, while we find that the colony from its beginning was\\nthrown into companies, having captains placed over them for\\ncivil government, which might well be called private captains.\\nIt is evident, therefore, that the word Kocoum might be the\\nIndian designation of Rolfe, either from the office of private\\ncaptain which he held, or otherwise; and that being the case,\\nand it thus appearing that the author might have been, and\\nprobably was, referring to the marriage with Rolfe, in the absence\\nof any other mention by him or by other writers of a marriage\\nwith any one else, we must conclude that the marriage with Rolfe\\nwas referred to. Had it not been so, when the author revised his\\nmanuscript after the arrival of Pocahontas in England as the wife\\nof Rolfe, he would certainly have added to the passage the state-\\nment that she had subsequently married Rolfe. That the author\\nrevised this manuscript as late as 1618 is shown by the change of\\ndate we have noted, and by the fact that it is dedicated to Sir\\nFrancis Bacon, Lord High Chancellor, and Bacon was not made\\nchancellor till January, 1618.\\nThe evidence relied on to show that Rolfe had another wife\\nliving at his marriage with Pocahontas, is a passage in a letter\\nfrom Strachey, relating his shipwreck upon the island of Ber-\\nmuda in 16 10, on his way to Virginia. It is found at page 1746\\nof vol. iv.. of Purchas Pilgrims, and is as follows: And the\\neleventh of February wee had the childe of John Rolfe christened,\\na daughter, to which Captaine Newport and myselfe were wit-\\nnesses, and the aforesaid Mistris Horton, and we named it Ber-\\nmuda. No mention is made of the mother of this child so as\\nto show whether she was then alive, and no mention is made of\\nher afterwards by this or by any other writer. Several years\\nafterwards we find Rolfe publicly married at Jamestown to Poca-\\nhontas, with the consent of the acting Governor and of her father\\nand the service performed by a minister of high standing, and\\nwe are obliged to conclude that his first wife was then dead.\\nThe letter of Rolfe to Sir Thomas Dale, giving his reasons for\\nhis proposed marriage with Pocahontas is preserved by Hamor,\\nand it shows Rolfe to have been an humble Christian, seeking\\nDivine guidance as to the whole matter. His allusion to his con-\\ndition in the following sentence shows plainly that he was un-\\nmarried Nor am I in so desperate an estate, that I regard not", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0073.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "\u00e2\u0080\u00a262 ADDRESS,\\nwhat becommeth of mee nor am I out of hope but one day to\\nsee my country, nor so void of friends nor mean of birth but\\nthere to obtain a mach to my great content.\\nIt is not to be beUeved that Sir Thomas Dale, the acting Gov-\\nernor, and the Rev. Alexander Whitaker, the minister in the\\ncolony, should have approved of the marriage, as their letters\\nprinted by Purchas show, if either of the parties were married at\\nthe time. Both Dale and Whitaker state that Pocahontas had\\nbeen baptized into the Christian faith before her marriage. Po-\\ncahontas and Rolfe were afterwards carried to England by Dale,\\nas the guests of the London Company, and were received with\\nfavor at Court and into London society. Mr. Neill should bring\\ndirect and overwhelming proof to establish now that they were\\nnever lawfully married. His insinuations to the contrary will not\\nbe taken as proof, and can injure no one but himself\\nAt page loi of his book, Mr. Neill heads a section with these\\nwords Rolfe suspected of unfair dealings, and he adds, The\\nminutes of the Company do not give a very high opinion of\\nRolfe s honesty. In proof he gives an entry of April 30, 1621,\\nby which it appears that Lady Delaware requested, that in con-\\nsideration of her goods remayning in the hands of Mr. Rolfe, in\\nVirginia, she might receive satisfaction for the same out of his\\ntobacco now sent home. Mr. Neill himself gives other entries\\nwhich show that the tobacco did not belong to Rolfe, and that\\nMr. Henry Rolfe was directed to acquaint her ladyship that his\\nbrother offered to make her, good and faithfull account of all\\nsuch goods as remayne in his hands, upon her ladyship s direc-\\ntion to that effect. Accordingly she desired the court would\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2grant her a commission dyrected to Sir Frances Wyatt, Mr.\\nGeorge Sandys and others, to examine and certifie what goods\\nand money of her late husband s deceased, came to the hands of\\nMr. Rolfe, and to require the attendinge to his promise\\nthat she may be satisfied. This seems to have been the usual\\nway that estates in Virginia were appraised and settled at that\\ntime, when, for the lack of probate courts in the colony, the\\nCompany in London regulated such matters.\\nNothing more is given by Mr. Neill from any source as to the\\nsettlement of Lord Delaware s estate, and we must conclude that\\nRolfe fully accounted for it so soon as his accounts were lawfully\\nsettled and he could get a legal discharge.\\nLBJL 04", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0074.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "ADDRESS. 63\\nIt is upon such a flimsy pretext as this that Mr. Neill attempts\\nto fix the charge of dishonesty on Rolfe, who is represented by\\nthe Rev. Alex. Whitaker, and other writers of the time, as a man\\nof high character and of great usefulness in the colony. It is\\nworthy of note that he was the pioneer in the culture of Virginia s\\ngreat staple, tobacco, and one of the most active in developing\\nthe various resources of the country. He will be ever remem-\\nbered in history, however, as the husband of Pocahontas, who,\\nborn the daughter of a savage King, was endowed with all the\\ngraces of character which become a Christian princess who was\\nthe first of her people to embrace Christianity, and to unite in\\nmarriage with the English race; who, like a guardian angel,\\nwatched over and preserved the infant colony which has devel-\\noped into a great people, among whom her own descendants\\nhave ever been conspicuous for true nobility and whose name\\nwill be honored while this great people occupy the land upon\\nwhich she so signally aided in establishing them.", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0075.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0076.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0077.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0078.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0079.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0080.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0081.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3506", "width": "2063", "jp2-path": "settlementatjame00henry_0082.jp2"}}