{"1": {"fulltext": "I^k\\n^Y^CuCy^ji, iC^jrr-^JU-L", "height": "2406", "width": "1591", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Glass E 2^^-U-\\nBook_,N5^-\\n^00", "height": "2381", "width": "1475", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2376", "width": "1585", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2385", "width": "1538", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2406", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2354", "width": "1524", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "v\\nAmerican Liberty.\\nAN ORATION\\nBY\\nHOMER B, SPRAGUE,\\nAT\\nNEW HAVEN, CONN.,\\nWEDNESDAY, JULY 4th, 1900,", "height": "2417", "width": "1601", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nTb ppjech of Homer B. Spiague, or\\nNew York, orator of the day of the\\nFourth of July celebration in Center\\ne^h irch yesterday contained the follow-\\ning:\\nAnions the great festivals of the\\nworl the American Fourth of July\\nholds a unique and conspicuous place.\\nThe iays when all the millions of de-\\nvout Hebiews annually turned their\\neyes and hearts, and hundreds of thou-\\nsands of them their steps towards\\nJerusalem; the stated celebrations of\\nnational games, when multitudes of\\npatriotic Greeks from every land came\\npouring in endless streams to the\\nOlympian, Isthmian. Pythian, and Ne-\\nmean fields, till the living- floods fill-\\ned the stadia, and billows of applause\\nextolled to the skies the victorious\\nathlete or the nobler Intellectual glad-\\niator; the triumphal pageants of im-\\nperial Rome when the laureled con-\\nqueror, with consuls and judges and\\nsenate, with vlctoiious legions, with\\nc.Tptive princes and armies In chains,\\nand th spoils of vanquished nations.\\nmoved in magniflont procession amid\\nmillions of spectators.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0\u00e2\u0096\u00a0X^ ho S.1W Rome s brightest day\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\niVho saw thf long victorious pomp\\nWind down the Sacred Way\\nAnd through the bellowing Foru.n\\nAnd round the the Suppliants Grove\\np to th c-verlasJing gates\\nOf Capitolian Jove\\nthe most memorable anniversaries of\\nmodern Europe and Asia all are in-\\nferior to our national birthday in va-\\nriety and fulness of feeling. In Im-\\npressive simplicity and far-reaching\\ninfluence, and in the grandeur of the i\\nevents they commemorate.\\nHe were but a superficial observer\\nwho should fail to discern beneath all\\nthe bubble and spa kle and foam, and\\nIn spite of the million-fold plash and\\nroa;-, a steady under-current, silent\\nand strong, originating in the profound-\\nest convictions and pou -ed from tne\\ndeepest founts of feeling: confined to\\nno narrow channel or favored zone, but\\nrising at earliest dawn on every league\\nof our Atlantic shore and keeping pace\\nwith the incoming flood of eastern\\nlight, swe\u00c2\u00ab pi:ig onward and westward.\\na tidal wave of joy, till the broad\\ncontinent Is fnye sed. and the chorus\\nof ringine bells and booming cannon\\nand the diapason of mimic war mingle\\nwith the m.urmurs of the Pacific seas\\nAnd what is the significance of all\\nthis? Not holiday pleasurei. Fond as\\nYoung America and children of a lar-\\ne^v erowth justly are of the spectacle\\nnf life and pomp and pyrotechnic\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0splendor, and the milllonfold rattle and\\nroar of explosive toys and martial\\nmusic and stirring chimes and cannon\\ni!s. all bespeaking universal gladness\\n.md irresistible force, the sentiment\\nvhich creates this aniversary is far\\ndeeper.\\nNor is it chiefly pride of ancestry or\\nreverence for the Fathers. Indeed,\\nnotwithstanding our patriotic socie-\\nties, Sons and Daughters, of the\\ngreat and good, we have far too little\\nof this. We undervalue the men who\\ncarried America In their heart and\\nbrain in the times that tried men s\\nsouls. Because he has seen steam\\nnavigation and trolley cars and incan-\\nr escent lights and telegraphs and\\nphonographs, the youth of ten or tweli/e\\nthinks himself wiser than Benjamin\\nFranklin. The third-ra te politician,\\nwho has bought a seat in Congress\\nsmiles patronizingly on George Wash-\\nington who could not tell a lie, and\\nwho knew so little of the strenuous\\nlife and America as a world power.\\nYet .glorious and true were these, and\\ntoweling above most if not all of the\\nmen of today, as the monument at\\nthe national capital lifts its head abote\\nthe trade and tramp of business, the\\ntumult and the shoutin.g of the str-ets,\\nthe wrangling and the babble of Con-\\ng-ess. Thomas Jefferson, James Ma i-\\nson, Alexander Hamilton. John Adams,\\n-ah. there were gi.ints in those d?iys:\\nAnd if onr American Fourth of July\\nserved no other pu-pose than to keep\\ntheir memories alive and waft their\\nrames and dpeds on the wings of elo-\\nnuence and song to distant lands an3\\nages, the service this day would ren-\\nder to our country and to humanity\\nwould still be of inestimable worth. But\\neverence for ano :stors Is not the chief\\ninp--enient in our cup of joy and\\nthfinks.glving today.\\nNor is it mainly love of countiy. We\\ncannot have too much of the genuine;\\nwe cannot have too littlo of the sham.\\nWe devoutly thank God this day for\\nNf w England; once supposed to be\\nthe brain of the nation; with\\nher universal diffusion of knowl-\\nedge and morality; her great edu-\\ncational institutions that still lisht the\\nland; her unsurpassed Ingenuity, in-\\nventiveness, enterprise, energy, mind\\nmixed w-Ith muscle, wringing -n-ealth\\nfrom flinty rock and barren sand and\\nocean waste for New England, with\\nall her precious history; for the Mid-\\ndle States, so l-ong the heart of the\\nrepublic, with their industrial activl-", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nties and amazing wealth, cause an 1\\neffert rombinr In nnreasln^ vol-\\nume; their vnst. ever-enlarging, ever\\nmultiplying cities New York. Phllaa-\\nphia, and, the rest mental and moral,\\nas we would tain bellev.3, keeping pace\\nwith materlfi! progress: for the New\\nSouth, purlfiod bj sihtow and suffer-\\ning, and looking with reasonable con-\\nfidence to the glory that shall yet be\\nhers, to the intelligence that shall\\nflourish like her corn and cane and\\nfragrant leaf, to the peace and purity\\nthat shall whiten her summer robes\\nlike the hail of rice and the snow of\\ncotton, to the atmosphere that shall\\nyet be as redolent of justice as of the\\nmagnolia and orange groves: and to\\n;he hum of machinery blending with\\nthe strains of highest art In sweeter\\nmusic than the old plantation songs:\\nfor the great West, with its marvelous\\nvigor, its unparalleled growth in all\\nthat is great and good. Its eftlorescence\\nIn mighty and be.iutlful cities. Its seas\\nof golden grain, its cattle on a thou-\\nsand hills and plilns: for the center\\nof Noith Amerlc-i, ^^^e Northwest the\\ngreat heart of the Continent be.nting\\nso strongly yet so soundly, where, with-\\nin the last twenty-five years, the voices\\nof prayer and praise, the busy mur-\\nmur of school-rooms the ploughboy s\\nwhistle and the milkmaid s song have\\nbeen substituted for the howls of sav-\\nage beasts and more savage men: f lr\\nthese portions of the best, fairest land\\ni-rder the sun.\\nYes, and for the newborn far West,\\nbeyond the mountains; where the\\nscripture Is fulfille 1. a nation Is born In\\nn day; where the Occident shall by and\\nby rival or outshine the Orient: and\\nwhere the flakes of precious dust are\\nupturned in so many a furrow, gleam\\nthrough the ripples of so many a\\nstream, and sparkle on so many a\\nmountain peak, that Young America\\nhalf believes the gorgeous yellnw of\\nthe sunset sky to be but the reflected\\ntints of that Hnd of gold!\\nAll these, every section, we love. Bit\\nthey are only parts of one majestic\\nwhole\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nDistinct like the billows. t ut one like\\nth. :t:\\nThat one. that whole, is the TTnion\\nthe central sun of these forty-five plan-\\nets, embracing all. giving unity, life,\\nhealth, safety, joy. to all. Our coun-\\ntry, our whole country, from ocean to\\nocean, from the Lakes to the Gulf the\\nsource -^f Innumerable blessings in the\\npast, the source of immeasurable bless-\\nings yet to come. If true to the prin-\\nciples and faithful to the preeept.s of\\nthose heroic souls who laid its fri:.-\\ndatlons and who sanctified it by tKelr\\ntoils, their tears, and their blood.\\nWe may well make the language of\\nthe Swedish Songstress our own\\n1 greet \\\\\\\\ith a full heari ihe land of Ihe\\nWfcSt.\\nWhose banner of stars o er the earth :s\\nl.tmU-\\nWhose c-iiiplre o ershadows Atlantic s\\nwide ttitiitit.\\nAnd opp s to the sunset Its galcway of\\ng.ikl.-\\nThf lanil of the mountains, the land of the\\nlake.\\nAnd rivers that roll in magnificent tide.\\nWhere the souls of the mighty from slum-\\nber awake\\nT.i hallow \u00c2\u00bbhe soil for whose trL-edom\\nthey died!\\nFoi whi se freedom the;- di dl Thvi\\nlived, labored, fought, died lo, freeJo^n\\nFur youi- freedom I call you happv,\\nsaid the younger Cyrus to the ten th. u\\nsand Greeks; for well you know that\\n1 would choose freedom in pr^fe ence to\\nall I possess, and manifold more be-\\nsides. Libejty has been the central\\nprinciple the soul of the American\\nrepublic, more beautiful than the bloom\\nand the gayety of these joyous hours,\\nmore precious than t-e memo y of our\\nsainted faihers who laid il.ose foundn-\\ntions: more inspiring thai, the contem-\\nplation of this vast superstructure it-\\nself, now lifting its mighty dome over\\nthe centre of the continent, its wings\\nresting on the lakes and the gulf, its\\npillared fronts facing two oceans is\\nthat which Imparts this beauty, this\\npreciousness. this inspiration; that\\nwhich pervades all; that which created\\nand which still hallows this anniver-\\nsary. J mean American Liberty.\\nFor nations like individuals have\\ndominant traits or even ruling pissions.\\nChina has always stood for conserva-\\ntism; Assyria for brute force: Phoeni-\\ncia for commerce: Israel for purity;\\nEg pt. life: Persia. light; Athens, art:\\nSparta, prowess; Rome, dominion:\\nFrance. glo:y: Spain, religion: England,\\nwealth; America, liberty.\\nA centui y and a quarter after Col^im-\\nbus, the Pilgrim F.tthe s came, bring-\\ning rell!;ious liberty. They never per-\\nsecuted for heresy.\\nAye call It holy ground\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThe spot whore first they trod\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nTh\u00c2\u00bby left onstaim^d what ttere they found\\nFreedom to worship God.\\nA century and a half rolled away, and\\namid the storm of the American revo-\\nlution, political liberty, national inde-\\npendrnce. was born. Another genera-\\ntion passed, and the war of 1812 wrest-\\ned from Englanl personal liberty on", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nthe high seas. Fifty years later came\\nthe tremendous conflict that broke the\\nchains of three million slaves. T.,e\\nclosing yeais of this century have seen\\nthe great republic smite the shackles\\nfrom more than a million Cubans. Thus\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2with the exception of our contest with\\nMexico, aad our present batiling wl .h\\nthe Philippine Islands, all our great na-\\ntional struggles have been for liberty.\\nAnd what is American Liberty? It is\\ncommonly said that natural liberty Is\\nfreedom from all rest-aint, but the laws\\nof nature; civil liberty, freedom from\\narbitrary interference with one as a\\nmember of a community; political lib-\\nerty,, in the case of an individual, iree-\\nr om to participate in the making of\\nlaws, anij in the case r.f a st .te, inde-\\npendence, sovereignty; personal liber-\\nty, freedom from personal restraint;\\n.r ligious, liberty, freedom from got ern-\\nmentul inte;fe;ence in matte:s of con-\\nscience. But these are ab itract terms.\\nLit us particularize.\\nAmong (he ingredients that make up\\nAme lean liberty are these: Freedom\\nto speak or print, to assemble peace-\\nably, to petition for redre?s of griev-\\nanc-:s, to keep ,:nd bear arms, to travel\\nrnmolcsted on the public highways;\\nthe rirht of trial by jury, of habe-is cor-\\npus; cf confronting and examining ac-\\ntusers; of choosing find being hosen to\\noffi e; of enjoying life, liberty, proper-\\nty, in any way not harmful to others;\\nthe right to one s house as his castle\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\na castle inviolable, so that in the elo-\\nquent language of Lord Chatham, The\\npoorest man in his cottage may bid de-\\nfiance to all the forces of the crown. It\\nmay be frail; its .-oof may shake; the\\nwind may blow through it; the storm\\nmay enter it; but the king of England\\ncannot enter it. All his power dares\\nnot cross the threshold of that ruined\\ntenement!\\nAbraham Lincoln s famous phraseol-\\nogy, government of the people, by the\\npeople, and for the people. well sums\\nup the result. It is important to under-\\nstand the matter.\\nThe leading theories of the origin of\\nSociety and of Government are re-\\nduc-ble to three.\\nFirst, the Greek theory, propounded\\nby that keenest of intellects, Aristotle.\\nHe describes man as a political ani-\\n^al. One of the deepest thinkers of\\nAmerica, our fellow citizen of Connec-\\nticut, the late Dr. Horace Bushnell,\\nii^ps an e uivalent expressiin, We are\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Ivll-snciety creatures. Tlr^v start\\n./Ith the assumption that mai is bv n.T-\\nture gregarious. As water is the ele-\\nment for flshes, and air for birds, so\\nfell Wship, association, is for man. Into\\nsociety he is born, in s ciety he lives,\\nby society he is moulded, to society he\\nis irresistibly drawn. It is the natural\\nwhole of which he is a part. After its\\nvery eailiest stages it becoiries an or-\\nganism all parts mutuall;- means and\\nends. The military department is its\\nlight arm; the parliarrent, talking ap-\\nparatus. its tongue; the ruler or rulers.\\nOne or more, its brain. Though thru\\nconception tends to mr gnify the state\\nand to minify the individual, it yet\\ntends also to conciliate him as ptrt of a\\nmi-^hty machvie. By it society and gov-\\nernment appear in the light of friendly\\naccessions to miiister to his needs. It\\ndea s chiefly in affirmations Thou\\nShalt It is the h ory of natural or-\\ni.?in, ppontanous pvolution.\\nSecond, the Pooial- compact theory. It\\nasEnmes that man is by nature an Ish-\\nmrel. Nearly two thousand yefits O\\nCicei-o sug-p-ested that the primitive\\ncondition of men is one of mutual en-\\nmity. George Buchanan in 1579 more\\nthan hinted that -he people consciously\\ncombine to originate kingly power.\\nThree centuries ago Richard Honker,\\nin his Rcclesiastical Polity, outlined\\nthe theory of comp= .?t as the o igin\\nof govcnment. Hugo Grotius in ]6:J0\\nassumed an implied if not expressed\\ncompa t Vet^ ee i u ers and ru es. John\\nMilton, two hundred anrl fifty years ago\\nasserted with emphasis, that the pow-\\ner of kings and mafistvat s is nothing\\nelse but what is r^erivative. transfe red\\n.and committed to them in trust from\\nthe people. Thomas Hobbes, in his\\nI.eviathiin, in IfiSl, with great expH-\\noitness argued that a state of nature\\nis a state of war, a struggle for ex-\\nistence, every man against every other\\nman; that a parley was made, a\\ncompact was entered into, and that\\ngovernment is a result of this agree-\\nment to keep the peace. Algernon\\nSidney, executed in 16S3, stoutly main-\\ntained that governments are foun-^d\\non contract. The English Parliament\\nsix years jlater, voted that James II.\\nhad bmken the original contract be-\\ntween King and people. In 1690 John\\nLocke affirmed that the consent of\\nthe people is the only title of lawful\\ngovei-nment. Jean Jacques Rotisseau.\\nstyled by Lowell the father of modern\\nDemocracy, taught one hundred and\\nthirty-eight years ago in The Social\\nContract that the binding force of p-ov-\\nernment is derived from the combined", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY\\nv,i!ls of inclivirluals. Sir Willi i;n 1\\nBI ;ckstone in his celebrated Commen-\\ntaries (17BFi-1769) declared that every\\nman enteiing society gii-es up a por-\\nti of l.is natural rights In order to\\nobtain .d -antages th t more than .om-\\npensate fo the loss. Other writers\\nhave urged th .t the rights of srorern-\\nment fi e an a^greg ^.te of the rights\\nso surren-^ered. Jefferson and our\\nrevol- tiona-y fathers incorporated in\\nthe De-cr.ration of American Indepen-\\ndence these wo ds: All men endowed\\nby their Creator with certain in?.lien-\\nrble rights: among these are life, lib-\\nerty, and the pursuit of happiness,\\nto secure these ights governments are\\nInstituted among men. deriving their\\n.iust powers frijm the consent of the\\ngcv^rv.pO. Al Xander Hamilton in the\\nFe ^eraliPt wrote, The fabric of Amer-\\nican emp r- o lght to rest upon the\\nsolid basis of (he consent of the people.\\nThe s*:-e ms of ni .tional power ought\\nto flow immediately from that purf-\\no lj-inal fo mt^in of all legitimate au-\\nthority. The Masachusetts Bill rf\\nRights i-eads. The body politic is a sr^-\\ncial compact, in which the who! cor~-\\nmunity CoveT-ants with each citize\\nfind each ci^ zen with the whole com-\\nmunity. The Connecticut Bill r.f\\nRi^rhts says substantially the same.\\nFrom the writings of suoh men we\\nde uce as essential features cf the so-\\ncial rompact theory, the following:\\nThe natural state of manl.ind is one\\nrf mut.ia! enmity: every m .n entering\\nEO^ie*y forms a compact with his fellow\\nman, oach surrendering some of his na-\\ntural rightT in order to be secure in th\\nenjoyment of rth^r r ghts deemed more\\nimportant: the rig its of government\\nare an a^grejrate of the ri jhts so sur-\\nrendered a-d no more. It is a theory of\\nro ietv oilg natin? not in acc=s-ions to\\nsupply needs but in concessioT\\nwrung from necessities: a theory of\\ngovi-rnme t by consent of the goven-\\ned yet a theory of ins inctive reprl-\\nllon, unwi -line aggregation, extorted\\ncompact, fpri-g ng out of human self-\\nishness, gove-nment would S9em to be\\na choice of the lesser of two evils:\\neternal virilance being the price of\\nliberty. It is a man-made device. It\\ndivests the maeistra e of a l sanctity.\\nIt magnifies the individual; it mini-\\nfies the state. It deals in ne~a i ns.\\nIt continually says Thou shalt n-rt\\nSuch is the social compact theory, on-\\nsecond theory of the origin of society\\nand government.\\nThe third great theory of the origin\\nof society and g.^v^rnment is the ,h-0;y\\nof fcupe. natural Li,i..e Api..^\u00c2\u00bbnim ni;\\nthat God seueth the so-it^r^ i\u00c2\u00bbi laini-\\nlits, the Mjst High i uletii in the\\nkingdom of men, t.nd giveth it to\\nwhomsoever He will; that is. that eo-\\nciety is instituted and the stale is or-\\nganized by the diiecl Hction of the Al-\\nmighty; that the mgistrate is divinely\\ncommissioned, the Ki.ig is the Lord s\\nAnointed: the B..si.eLS is Jove de-\\nscended; Alexander is the son of Jup-\\niter Ammon; that the oraiion of Herod\\nwho murCered the apostie, and the\\nbalderdash of the wtak and wicked\\nJam.es II., W ere the voice of God and\\nnot of man; that a divii.ity doth hedge\\na king; that\\n*.\\\\ut ..il tV.. .vaterp !n the rough rurlc pea\\nCan Wiish the balm from an ano;nti.d\\nking\\nThe brceiih of worldly men cannot depjse\\nThe deputv tlocted by the Lord.\\n(Richard li Ui, ii, 54-57.)\\nThis then is our third theory; that\\nsociety and g vernment are a super-\\nnatuial divine order.\\nIn each c these theories there is a\\ngreat sub .tratutn of truth, and in the\\npractical application of each there has\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2be n a vast accumulation of error.\\nFew political philosophers would now\\ndeny the substantial correctness of\\nwhat we have designated as the Greek\\ntheory that of the natural growth of\\nsociety, the natural evolution of gov-\\nernment. The order of develop.aient\\nseems to have been.C) the farnil 2)th-\\nhouse, or group of kindred families, (S)\\nthe tribe or c an of many assioiiteti\\nhouses, (4) the people organized as\\nstate or nation, and the govenig per-\\nson was succesfively the father, the\\npatriarch, the chieftain, the sove -eigu\\nThe Greek democracies were pieced-\\ned by petty mcmrchies which societv\\noutgrew. In all forms of the boay pol.\\nitic. whether patriarchal, tiibal. demo\\ncratic, oligarchic, or .onarchica there\\nwas one central feeling or idea, no.\\nfo mulated perhaps, but ever domirant\\nthat the state was all important, the in-\\ndividual utterly insignificant except as\\nhe contributed to his country s great-\\nness. The inherent value of the human\\nscul never fia =hed en the ordinary Greek\\nintellect. In their freest cities the ma-\\n.iority were slaves. Even Plato in his\\nideal republic would have a race of\\nbondmen. Human rights were nothing\\nwhen wei.ffhed a jainst the fancied in-\\nterest of the body politic. In Athens\\nthe wisest, .iustest, most valuable citi-\\nzens were ostracised, banished, or pois-\\noned; sometimes without pretence of", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nguilt. I.,:fe was cheap. Tiie taie wad\\nall, the man nolhii.g. At.i ni n. Coii.i-\\nthian. Spartan, Theban, lived fo.- tne\\nstate alone. The end it. \\\\ie\\\\v, tne as-\\ngrandizenient of the state, .sanctified\\nthe means. A niOdern diplomatist ha:5\\nbeen defined as an oflicer se -t abroad\\nto lie for his country; but the supei-\\niority of ThemiSLtcIes in that dire ti .n\\nwould have made MacLhiavelli o. Ta.-\\nleyrand blush.\\nThis vague sentiment (that man ex-\\nists for the organized pubic aloi.e.)\\nsometimes crystallzed into a shlnins\\nprinciple of action. It became for th,\\nhigh-minded Gieek the keynote of a\\nsplendid patriotism. Insignificant,\\nfeeble ephemeral himself, h^- rejoiced in\\nthe belief that his country was majes-\\ntic, invincible, immortal. As the coral\\ntree is b jt the accumulated rk letons\\nof \\\\innunib red polyps, so the Gieek\\npatriot, identifying himself with his\\nci.y, would share with al! his fell w cit-\\nizens her beauty, her strength, her er.d-\\n!ess f iiei f;ideless glory. Drifting by\\nthe dim light of natural religion with-\\nout chait or compsss on a sea wl ose\\ncurrents bure him, he knew not whith-\\ner; a sea that afforded no ancho:age\\nfor its bottom was a shifting map.*\\nof conjecture; its shores w^re no bHi.er\\nthan cluud-land; he siw but the ship of\\nstate siirrounded by rivals iind foe~. He\\nmade it his life mission to a^gran iz^\\nher. He loved her wuth more than fl a\\ndevotion; in peace he adorned her with\\nthe most exquisite works of art. and\\nome of the loftiest productions o\u00c2\u00b0 gen-\\nius; and in war. when the storm of\\nbattle W as loudest and the W-^ve^\\ndashed highest, he felt it srlo-iou o\\nsink in death for her. Thermopylr^e\\nstr.nds alone in history. One of the twn\\nmonuments bore he ii^scrintlon. Fcir\\nthousand Peloro-nsiins here foug -it\\nagainst three nilli n Pe-Fians; and\\nthe other, St -anger, tel the Lacedae-\\nmonians that we fire lying here in obe-\\ndience to their laws.\\nSuch pat ififism. however briliant It\\ndisplay, is esson iilly narrow. It t kes\\nno account of right and wrong. It p ts\\none s country above humanity, above\\nGod. It forgets that\\nAlan Is more than constitutions; better\\nrot beneath the sod\\nThan be trii\u00c2\u00bb to rhnrch and state, while\\nyou r doubly false to God.\\nA most immediately after the consol-\\nidation of all the nations of the civiliz-\\ned world into the Roman empire,\\nstretching from the Atlantic to the Eu-\\nphrates, and from the German Ocean\\nto the Cataracts of the Nile, Christian-\\ni.y came Hashing upon the h.,man\\nmir.d the truth of the imaior.ality of\\nthe soul. Men saw and felt then, and\\nincreasingly so from age to age v.iil\\nRome iiseif went down beneath the\\nbaibariaa hordes, that the state was\\n.gor;e--old Assyria, UalDylon, Egypt, Per-\\nsia, Macedonia, Greece, Caithage\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nevery state w .s gone\u00e2\u0080\u0094 n ly, the heavens\\nand the tarth must pass away!\\nThe cloud-capped towers, the gorgeous\\npalaces.\\nThe sol mn temples, the great globe it-\\nself\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nYea, all which inherit, shall dissolve,\\nAod. like an insubstantial pageant faded,\\nLeave not a rack b^hiinl.\\nbut the human soul must live on ex-\\npanding foiever with the power of an\\nendless life tlie nu.man soul, in com-\\npaiism with wl icli all visible things\\nsink into significance!\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2\u00e2\u0096\u00a0l or thovigh the giant ages heave the hill\\nAnd break the shore\\nAnd txtrmore\\n.Make and break and work their will\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nThou.eh wcrUls on worlds in myriad myri-\\nads roil\\nRound Ui. each with different powers\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2And other forms of life than ours\\nWhat know we greater than the soul?\\nBy necessary imp i ation thus was\\nsevered from the Greek theory of the\\norigin of society and .government the\\nfascinating but f .Ise offshoot that man\\nexists mainly for the state. Thus was\\ngrafted upon it, to be ultimately incor-\\nporated as the essential fibre of our\\ntree of liberty, the vital, the all-im-\\nportant t-uth. that the sate exiss for\\nman. This is t e fi st gre t distinctive\\nfoundnti n princirl^ of .*m=rican liber-\\nty: The S ate exists for Man, not Man\\nfor the State.\\nThen, too, with the advent of Ohris-\\nti^nity, was first seen the germ of Re-\\nligious Liberty, the entire separation\\nof the Roi itoal from the temporal\\npower. Subjects of a kingdom not of\\nthis world, the early discipleseschewed\\npolitics and taught simply obedience.\\nBut before the fall of Rome the church\\ngrasped and wielded imperial power\\neven for the suppression of heresy.\\nFalling with the empire :ir.d forced to\\nstruggle for existence through several\\ncenturies, the church at times threw\\nsiound her as a shield the doctrine of\\nthe mutual independence of spiritual\\nand temporal authority. A second time\\ngaining in powder and losing In purity,\\nshe exercised during a century or two\\nof Feudalism co-ordinate civil author-\\nity. In 1073 Archdeacon Hildebrand\\nassumed the pontifical robes. Under\\nthe title of Gregory the Seventh, Gre-\\ngory the Great, he crushed alike free-\\ndom of conscience and state sovereign-", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nty, and revived under peculiar limita-\\ntions the doctrine of the divine risht\\nof Kings. For more t lan tlT ee ce-\\nturies thi.s policy ruled the Christian\\nchurch. Martin Luther an 1 his coad-\\n.iulois did not hold the dootrine that\\ncivil law must not invade the dom ii\\nof conscience. The Church of Eng-\\nland never held it. The Puritans of\\nNew England never separated church\\nand state. Our Pilsrim P^ithers at\\nPlymouth nerer persecuted for reli-\\ngion, but their .=nns did. In 163( Cecil\\nCalvert. Lord Bnltimore. established\\nhis colony of Romnn Catholi- s in\\nMaryland and granted perfect tolera-\\ntion. To Roger Williams two years\\nlater, at Provir^enoe, R. I., belongs the\\ndistinguished glory of first inco-pornt-\\ning in a politi co istitutinn the prin-\\nciple of perfect freedom of conscience,\\nentire separation betxteen church and\\nstate. Rut no larsre politiral body ever\\nadopt d it as a part -f its frndamental\\nl w lill in 17 t1 the A Tov)(. in people\\nintroduced as an essential feature of\\nthe Constitution of the TTnited i=itatPS\\nthe de ^ree. Congresf shall mnVe no\\nlaw respectir? an os ablished religion,\\nor prohibiting the free exercise there-\\nof.\\nAnd this then is the second great\\ndistinctit e foundation principle of\\nAmerican libertv: The state m\\\\ist not\\ninvade the re^lm of conscience.\\nIn the doct ine that the state ex-\\nists for man. Tnd in the right of en-\\ntire religious libe -ty. the germ of an-\\nother fundamental principle shoots up\\ninto vi=w. thf natur-i! equality of all.\\nPoliticians, hisrh in office, now tell us\\nthat men are not created eiual: that\\nthey are born into S ^cial distinctions,\\nthe child s hiect to the parent, the\\nwomen to her husband, the servant to\\nhis master, the peasant to the lord,\\nthe poverty-stricken to the miUion-\\naire. They tell us that slaves were the\\nmost numerous class in every ancient\\ncity. Wherein, then, we are asked,\\nare men created eipial? Mr. Calhoun\\nraid it was a self-evident lie. We\\nmay answer. In the right of every man\\nas an immortal soul to the best possi-\\nble opportunity of rievelopment with-\\nout harming any other being. The\\ngreat Teacher foibade his disciples to\\nbe calf -d masters. He identified him-\\nself with the humblest. The conven-\\ntional diffe-pnces between highest and\\nlowest vanished. Inasmuch as ye have\\ndone it unto one of the least c these\\nmy brethren, ye have done it unto me.\\nSome of the lesser ecclesiastical organ-\\nizations acted upon this theory; but\\nexcept the judicial decision in Somer-\\nset s case, the idea of essential equali-\\nty seems to have found no legal rec-\\nognition in the old world. Its first au-\\nthoritative adoption as a basic p inciple\\nby any considerable political body ap-\\npears to h ve been in the great Dec-\\nlaration at Philadelphia one humlred\\nand twenty-four years ago this day, by\\nthe 1 epresentatives of the United\\nStates of America in General Congress\\nassembled.\\nAnd this we may lay down as the\\nthird greit distinctive foundation\\nprinciple of American liberty: The\\nequality of all men in their right to\\nmental and moral development, tne\\nlight to equal protection by the gov-\\nernment and equal participation In it;\\nin a word. Equality before the Law.\\nThe representative system appears to\\nbe almost wholly of modern origin. It\\nseems at first view a little singular\\nthat this simple arrangement, by which\\nalone an ext^nsire Democracy is prac-\\nticable, enabling scores of st ites, hun-\\ndreds of communities, millions of in-\\ndividuals, to sit together in council,\\nnever occurred to the statesmen of the\\nancient world. Its earliest aopearance\\nin go- ernment was porhaos in the\\nCortes of Spain, the Parliament of\\nEngland, or the States General of\\nFrance.\\nj Tliis legislative representation we\\nmay designate as the fourth great\\nrMstinctive foundation principle in\\nAmerican liberty.\\nAnd lo, another remarkable feature\\nof which ancient history furnishes no\\nclear prototype. The fusion of other-\\nwise independent states to constitute\\none sovereign nation! Not a mere al-\\npling every energy, degrading man into\\nlianrp like the Amphictyonic Council,\\nthe Hanseatic league, or the Helvetic\\nConfederation; not a mere confederacy\\nfor a single or tempoiary purpose, as\\nwhen our thirteen colonies leagued to-\\ngether to carry on a defensive war\\nagainst the encroachment of England;\\nbut a true blending to form a perma-\\nnent go-vernment that should bear di-\\nrectly upon citizens as well as upon\\ncommonwealths. While the world\\nhas wondered at this skilful device of\\nalmost miraculous wisdom to secure a\\nstrong central goi^ernment yet preserve\\nlocal autonomy, suddenly and safely,\\nwithout noise or convulsion, many a\\ntime the walls of this temple of liberty\\nhave silently receded. Its roof has ex-\\npanded, until through its wide-arching\\ndoors thirty-two sister commonwealths", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "ha^-e s-ccessively entered and found\\neach a s-.irine and a home beside the\\nooi^imon altar!\\nThis then is the fifth great founda-\\ntion principle in our American liber-\\nty: The union of self-g-o-verned state\\nui cne Roverei^-n nation.\\nThe c-istribution of government pow-\\ners among three co-ordinate depirt-\\nments. legislative, executive, and ju-\\ndicial, each independent of the cfie\\ntwo. and confining itself to Its own\\nspecial function, is peculiar to Am-ri-\\noa. We may designate this rs the\\nsixth gre?.t foundation principle in O lr\\nAmerican liberty: The division of the\\ngoc-ernment into three co-ordinate in-\\ndependent departments, legislative ex-\\necutive, and judicial.\\nIn Plato s famous Book of Laws the\\nfirst sentence is, Teil me, strangers,\\nis God or man supposed to be the au-\\nthor of your laws The answer is\\ninstantaneous, God! Our fathe- s\\never recognized the substance of gov-\\nernment to be of God, though they\\nstrenuously asserted the form to be of\\nmen. Though not eynres.sly menMo^=.d\\nthe Supreme Lawgiver of the uni-\\nverse is recognized in the Constitution\\nof the United States: and no senator\\nor representatire. no lesrislatii-e, exe-\\ncutive, or judicial officer, eitlier of\\nthe United States or of any separate\\nstate, can enter upon any of his offi-\\ncial duties without having first been\\nsworn solemnly, appe-ling to Al-\\nmighty God to witness his sincerity and\\nto aid in his action. By these oaths\\nrequired by the Constitution: by ex-\\npress recognition of the Dietv in the\\nDeclaration of American Independence\\nfin its beginning, as the Creator of\\nall men, and in its end. as the Su-\\npreme Judge of the world, on whose\\nprotecting Provide-ice the signers ex-\\npress their firm reliance by prayer\\nat the cpening at ev.^-y session of\\nSenate or House of Representatives and\\non every great occawior of state cere-\\nmony; by chaplrincies and divine ser-\\nvices in erei-y --eeiment of the army\\nand every ship of the navy, and by our\\nnational coin bearing the inscription.\\nIn God we trust by all the.=e our\\nnation has from the first aclcnowledged\\nHim who doeth His will in the army\\nof Heaven and among the inhabitants\\nof the earth. Distant be the day\\nwhen the great republic shall so far\\nforget God as to deny that every valid\\nhuman law is quaTried out of another\\nlaw which alone gives it validity, and\\nwhich underlies and upholds it as the\\nprimeval granite upbears the rock-\\nAMERICAN LIBERTY\\nbuilt citadel. So.ne of us may well\\ntake a lesson from Ci^cero. He de-\\nclares:\\nThe-e is a true law, a ri-ht reasor\\ncongruous to nature, pe:vading all\\nmuids, constant, eternal: which call,\\nto duty by its comma.:rls, and repels\\nfrom wrong- loing by its p.ohibitions:\\nand to the good does not command or\\nPolnbit in vain, while the wicked a.e\\nnr.moved by its exhortations or it\u00c2\u00ab\\nwaminr... This l^w cannot be annu\\nled, superceded, nor overruled. No\\nsenate, no peopl;, can loose us from\\nIt: no jurist, no interpreter can ex-\\nplain it .-v-ay. It is not one l-.w -.t\\nRome, another at Athens: one at p es-\\nent, anoth-;,r at some future time- but\\none law, eternal and unchan-e ble it\\nP^esi-r-es ever all nations and all tinits\\nthe universal sirereitrn. Of t-is law\\nthe author anfl giver is God. W-oe-er\\ndiscbeys t!-is l..w flies from himself,\\nand by the wrong done to his own na-\\nture, though he escape all other pun-\\nishments, inours the heaviest penrltv.\\nAnd so we msy lay down this as the\\n.seventh great distinctive found-.tion\\nprinciple of Ameican liberty: Every\\nvalid human L .w is sacred, the o din-\\nance of God.\\nAccepting these sei.-en bisic princi-\\nples, that the state exists for man not\\nmanforthestat-: that government -^ist\\nev-r inte poso betv-^-n man and his\\nMaker: that all men must be equal be-\\nfore the iTw: that by representation\\nmany millions, many commupiiti s.\\nand n^any st ^tes. m-iy sit together as\\non\u00c2\u00bb m council: that e-ch state is\\ninerged, but not lost. continuing\\ndistinct, autonomors in one sov-\\nereign nation: th-t leTislative,\\nexecutu-e, and judicial powers\\nshould be separated. co-orriiTiate\\nindependent of each other: and t-^at\\nhuman law is binding upon the con-\\nscience\u00e2\u0080\u0094on this sevenfold fo- n:iatinn\\nthey bvilt the noblest structure \u00e2\u0099\u00a6he\\nworld eve:- saw!\\n_Th re into life an infant empire springs\\nIhere falls the iron from the soul!\\nI .ere Liberiy s young accents roll\\nP to the King of Kings\\nZ? I ^il 9r,?atioi i s farthest bound\\nlliat thrilling summons yet shall sound:\\nThe dreaming nations shall awake\\nshake earth s old kingdom\\nBefore the loftier throne of Heaven\\nJhe hand is raised, the pledge is given\\nOne monarch to obey, one creed to own.-\\nThat monarch. God: that creed his truth\\nalone!\\nSuch in the abstract are so.-ne of the\\nleading principles of American Liberty.\\nAll this republic f^els today something", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nof the concrete. But how little we\\nrealize its preciousness! We need a\\ncontrast. Go to England, where, with-\\nin sight of the dome of St. Paul s a\\nquarter of a million human beings live\\nlike dogs, mostly without work, with-\\nout homes, without education, with\\nnothing better than public charity in\\nprospect for old age. Go to England,\\nto France, to Germany, to Russia,\\nwhere through rrilitarism every work-\\nin-rman carris on his back a soWier,\\nwho rides him as the old man of the\\nsea rode Sinbad the Sailor, or is torn\\nfrom home and friends to be himself\\na soldier and forced to live an unnat-\\nural life in camp or barracks during\\nhis best years. Think of the vigilant\\neyes of an omnipresent police: the nec-\\nessity of passports; the prescribed\\nand pioscvibed reiigion; the stifled\\nspeech, the compulsory ignorance, the\\ngrinding toil; the scissors of censorship\\nalternating with the guillotine: the\\nconscription worse than the press-\\ntmns: the tax that plunders half the\\nhard earnings; the haughty airs of a\\nhereditary aristncracy: the impossibili-\\nty of i?ing in the world: the torturing\\niron shell of go-vernment cramping and\\ncrushing every noble ambition, crip-\\npling ev3ry energy, iegr^ding man into\\na machine; the utter hopelessness of\\nchange, except through bloody and\\nhazardous revolution: the exile of the\\ninnocent to some Devil s Island or far\\nSiberia; now and then the swinging\\nkiiout falling heavily on the quivering\\nfosh of hieh-born women whose only\\ncir^e is that they love freedom not\\nwisely but too w U compa e all that\\nwith t ie situation in free America!\\nThink, too. of the cost of liberty. The\\ndestruction of all wealth in the seven-\\nyears war; the general bankruptcy that\\nfollowed it; the sufferings of a tattered\\nfamished army; the eleven thousand\\nmartyred in prison ships and\\nelsewhere; the sanguinary fights;\\nthe ghastly wounds; the my-\\nriads sl-^in; the blazing dwellings; the\\nhomes made desolate; the unive -sal\\nmourning the seven-years night of\\na Sony these were but a part of the\\nn -ice our fathers paid rather than sub-\\nmit to one tyrannical measure, taxation\\nwithout representation. But freedom\\nof conscience has cost at least a thou-\\nsand times as many martyrs, a thou-\\nsand times as much misery.\\nBy the light of burning heretics Christ s\\nbleeding feet 1 track.\\nTolling up new Calvaries ever with the\\ncross that turns not back.\\nIn the enumeration of the cardinal\\nprinciples of our liberty we have not\\ndwelt upon the consent of the govern-\\ned as a source of the just powers of\\ngovernment. The doctrine is liable to\\nmisconstruction. Historically it has\\nrarely or never been the original basis\\nof government. Perhaps the nearest\\napproach to it was in the cabin of the\\nM. .y flower a month before the landing\\nat Plymouth; but that little body politic\\nexisted before the forty-one men sign-\\ned the compact and even long before\\nthe instrument was written. A gov-\\nernor was chosen by them before they\\nsailed for England. The nine who di 1\\nnot sign it, as well as the women and\\nthe minors, were equally bound to\\nobe\\nOnr Confederate brethi-en always\\nsought to jvistify their secession by\\npleading that they did not consent to hf\\ngoverned by the Union. The answer\\nis ourfold. First, with hardly a single\\nexception, every leading man in the\\nConfederacy had solemnly given his\\nconsent by swearing to support the\\nConstituticn of the United States, and\\nevery other man there had by his resi-\\ndence identiTied himself with the or-\\nganism of the Union, and by his silence\\ngiven his consent to its sway. Second-\\nly, reckoning the colored men, in no\\nsouthern state had the majority ever\\nconsented to secession, but they were\\nalways at heart in favor of the United\\nStates. Thirdly, the true reason for\\nthe secession appears to have been a\\nde.=ire to perpetuate the slavery which\\ntot.iliy ignored consent. Fourthly, a\\nlaw is sacred, and the great law of the\\nConstitution especially so.\\nActions are more eloiuent and more\\ndiecisive than woids. Silence gives\\nconsent. The Sabine maidens were\\ntorn from their country by the Romans.\\nIt was a high-handed outi age deserving\\ndetith. Tint the Romans treated these\\nprisoners kindly. They married them\\nHomes were built Children were\\nborn. Los e had succeeded to hatred.\\nThe original crime was forgotten\\nAf .er all had become peaceful and har-\\nmonioi g. wou d it not have been wrong\\nto unsettle everything? by war to\\nseek redress for the original wrong?\\nConsent had supervened.\\nOn the eighteenth of November, 1777.\\nwhen our Revolutionary War had been\\nraging two years and seven months.\\nLord Chatham, the foremost of Eng-\\nland s parliamentary orators, in his\\ngreatest speech in the House of Lords,\\nexclaimed, If I were an .American, as", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "lO\\nAMERICAN LIBERTY.\\nI um an Rnprlisliman, while a foreign\\ntroop was landed in niy country, I\\nnevpr would lay down my arms\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nNKVFR\u00e2\u0080\u0094NP:VETc\u00e2\u0080\u0094 NEVER! Foi-\\nmany j ^ais England had claimed the\\nright to tax and bind the colonies in\\nall cases whatsoever but the colonies\\nh ad never for an instant, either ex-\\npressly or hy implic:ation, CONSENT-\\nED to such government. In a few\\nmonths, in 177S, Fixinco came to our\\naid: but the war contlrued everal\\nyears longer. England stilll called us\\nrebels, and technically the colonies\\nwere in rebellion.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Rebellion! foul dishonoring word!\\nV.hose wrongful blight so oft has stained\\nThe holiest cause that tongue or sword\\nOf mortal ever lost or gained!\\nHow many a spirit born to bless\\nHas sunlc beneath that withering name.\\nWhom but a day s, an hour s success,\\nilad wafted to eternal fame!\\nNow suppose that France, well know-\\ning our aspirations, after assisting us\\nin our desperate gtruggle for Indepen-\\ndence, and when the English armies\\nwere cooped up at Yorktcwn, Charles\\nton. Savannah, and New York, had\\nmade a treaty with England, whereby\\nshe paid England twenty million dollars\\nand received from England all her\\nright, title, and interest in America;\\nhad become recognized by international\\nlaw as the owner and sovereign of Am-\\nerica; had then demandonl of Washing-\\nton, and his compatriots submission to\\nthe authority of King Louis\\nXVI. saying. as the poet Soiith-\\ney said in his life of Nel-\\nson thirty years later, that the Am-\\nerican people were not fit for inde-\\npendence: th.at they must accept the\\nsovereignty of France or die. Suppose\\nthat V/ashington had resisted; that\\nth rcupon the French had poured an\\narmy of sixty or seventy thousand\\ntrained soldiers into thfse colonies;\\nthat after many months they h d\\nfought down all organized resistance,\\nhaving killed off fiftern or twenty\\nthousand of our poorly armed militia;\\nthat AVashington, having carried on for\\na while a guerrilla warfare, a pred-\\natory war, as years before he said he\\nwoiild, if the worst came, w^as now\\nhunted and hiding, and a,ll armed\\nrebellion ag ainst the Fremch sover-\\neignty had been at last utterly extin-\\nTuished; that the night of war was\\nover, peace had fully dawned, business\\nhad revived, prosperity had come, courts\\nof justice !iad oeen set in operation,\\nschools hart been everywhere reopened,\\nintermarriages had cemented ties of\\nfriendship between the two peoples,\\nharmony had succeeded to discord,\\nbenevolent assimilation, in which\\nFrenchmen surpass all others, had heal-\\ned the wounds of war; in a word, the\\nAmerican colonists had fully CON-\\nSENTED to be subjects of France,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nwould it have been right, however In-\\nfe -nal the bargain between Fmnce and\\nEngland may have once seemed, ai.d\\nhowever horrible the hundred massa-\\ncres by French troops of American men\\nand women fighting for independence,\\nwould it have been right, simply be-\\nePlcient working of tlie governmental\\ncause independence had been denied\\nthem.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 would it have been right for\\nthe colonies THEN to WITHDRA W\\ntheir CONSENT, to raise the standard\\nof revolt, renews the strife, and deluge\\nth? land again with blood?\\nOf the many dangers that now threat-\\nen American liberty time forbids me\\nto mention more than three or four.\\nThe heathen idea that man exists for\\nthe state, ond not the state for man.\\nwhich in Greece gave rise to so splen-\\ndid displays of patriotism, now occa-\\nsionally reappears under the plausible\\nbut essentially atheistic sentiment,\\nOur Country, right or wrong! mean-\\ning that if our country, under the lead\\nof any man or set of men, in open or\\nsecret defiance of the Divine Law,\\nshould undertake to perpetrate by force\\nor fraud a great crime against any por-\\ntion of the human race, we must not\\nprotest against it, but must loyally as-\\nsist with all otir might in that perpetra-\\ntion. For example, if, in the prosecu-\\ntion of a wicked war for greed or glory\\nagainst Mex ico. our flag should come\\nto float over the palace of ttie Mon-\\ntezumas, that flag, no matter what\\nfor the moment it symbolizes, must\\nnever be hauled down That, surely.\\nIs PATRIOTISM RUN MAD. Lowell\\nwe ll burlesques it\\nThe side of our country must always\\nt e took.\\nAnd President Polk, you know, he is our\\ncountry:\\nAnd the angel who writes all our sins\\nin his book\\nPuts (he debit to him, and to us the per\\ncontra-\\nAg^amst This perv ersion that makes\\na fetish of the dear old flag, and would\\ndethrone the \\\\lmighty, and against a\\nkindred doctrine recently reiterated by\\nhigh authority to the effect that No\\nother motive than interest is proper in\\npolitics, we will not argue, but simply\\ncuir.tc a higher authority than that of a\\nYale professoir The wicked shall be", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0016.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "AMERICAN LIBERTY.\\n1 1\\nturned into holl. and all the nations\\nthat forset God!\\nJust at this hour the chief peril that\\nconfront? us is. perhaps, th-e disposi-\\ntion the hungf-r for trade, for land, for\\noirioe, for military irlory, for strenuous\\nlite, or for the conversion of the heath-\\nen to plunge our nation into war. As\\na world power we must show our teeth\\nand clenched fists, and get a sphere\\nof influence. Lord Bacon, in his es-\\n.^ay on The True Greatness of King-\\ndoms and Kstates, insists that it is\\nmost important for empire and great-\\nness that !i nation do profess ARMS\\nas their principal honor, study, and oc-\\ncupation; that a state should have\\nthose laws ond customs which may\\nreach forth to them just occasions, as\\nmay be PRF.TKNDED of w ar; and\\nthat nations should be on the alert to\\nPFTZE OPPORTUNTTIES TO QUAR-\\nREL with other nations! That is\\nclaimed to be one way of promoting\\niJhriFtian civilization. So Mohammed\\nspread his gospel.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0Just Allah! what must be thy look\\nAVhen such a wretch before thee stands\\nLiibliisliing with thy sacred book!\\nTunnns thv leaves with blood-stained\\nhands,\\n.find wresting from Its rage sublime\\n1-Jis creed of lust and hate and crime!\\nThe greatest of American strate-\\ngists declared, War is hell. And the\\ngreatest of dramatists, in delineating\\nhis ideal sovereign, in whose lineaments\\nas most Clitics concede, we may dis-\\ncern much of Shakespeare himself, re-\\npiesents that sovereign as shrinking\\nwith horror from making unjust war.\\nHe makes King Henry the Fifth, who\\nhad been tempted to seize the realm of\\nFrance as his inheritance, saj-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0My learned lord. We pray you to pro-\\nceed.\\nAnd .instly and religiously unfold\\n\\\\Vhy the law Salique. that they have in\\nFr.ance.\\nOr should or should not bar us in our\\nclaim.\\nAnd God forbid, my dear and faithful\\nlord.\\nThat you should fashion, wrest, or bow\\nyour reading.\\nOr nicely charge your understanding soul.\\nWith onening titles miscriate, whose rigbt\\nSuits not In native colors with the truth:\\n1 or G-od doth know how many now in\\nhealth\\nShall drop (heir blood in approbation\\nOf wiiat your reverence shall incite us to.\\nTherefore.take heed how you impawn our\\nperson.\\nHow you awake the sleepmg sword of\\nwar:\\n\\\\VE CHARGE YOU IN THE NAME OF\\nGOB. TAKE HEED!\\nFor never two such kingdoms did contend\\nWithout much fall of Bliod, whose guilt-\\nless drops\\nAre everv ore a v.-oe. a sore complaint\\nG.ainst him who-- wrung gives edge un-\\nto the sword\\nThat makes such waste In brief mor-\\ntality.\\nUnder this conjuration speak my lord.\\nM\\\\Y I WITH RIGHT AND CON-\\nSCIENCE MAKF, Tins Cl^AIM?\\nYes, a war NOT STRICTLY DEPEN-\\nSIVlv is murder on a ereat scale. We\\nmay again quote Lowell\\nAt; for war I call it murther!\\nThere you have it plain and flat:\\nAnd I need to go no further\\nThan my Testament for that!\\nliut the gie\\\\.ite.-t of dangeis, ever\\npresent to American Liberty, is in the\\nIGNOUAXiE OF THE VOTER. By\\nvirtue of the great foundation piinci-\\nple, which cannot he changed, that, be-\\nfore the law, every man is the equal of\\nevo-y other man, the interests of a na-\\ntion vast ali eady, and i jrliaps destined\\nto be mightier tlvan any other, arc t;i-\\ntrtisted to his hands. Qtiestions new,\\nperplexing, momentous, are continually\\nri.= lng and pressing tor solution. Al\\nevery election, if at no other time, we\\nare reminded that the government i?\\nnot only of the people and fo the peo-\\nple, but also by the people. You are a\\nvoter, a ruler, a boverelgnl To your\\nconscience, your children, your country,\\nto a thousand millions of the living, to\\nall coming geneiiitions, and to Almigh-\\nty God, yon are answerable, if, through\\nyour indolence, your ignorance. yoi;r\\nneglect, yourfolly. your misconduct, thi-\\nfoundations of liberty are tindermined;\\nlaw is tram.pled under the foot; your\\nbrother is crushed down to a level with\\nbrutes; the innocent are lynched by\\nmobs, or shot to death on the highway;\\ncOT .uption sits in legislative halls, or is\\nrobed in judicial ermine; Anarcny\\nlays its bloody hand on the Constitu-\\ntion: armed hordes substitute the shot-\\ngun or the bowie-knife for the ballot-\\nbox, or loaded dice or packages of\\ntisvue paper for ballots, entangling al-\\nliances drag us into a world-wide con-\\nflagration: or .a blind, drunken, greedy,\\nambitions, maniac crew drive swift up-\\non the rock. of disunion or of shame-\\nful war the noblest ship that ever\\nfloated on the ocean of time!\\nLet me propose for vour consideration\\na partial if not complete preventive and\\nremedy, not of present ills, but of all\\nthat we may feel or fear in the not dis-\\ntant ftiture. Let there he a Constitu-\\ntional amendment, fixing, for evety\\nwouM-be new voter, after a certain\\ndate, so high a standard of qualifica-\\ntion. t.-.r admission to the elective fran-\\nchise s to insure the Bafe. smooth, and", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0017.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "12\\nAMERICAN LIBERTY,\\nefficient ymking^ of the srovernmental\\nmarhinery soinetliingr like the follow-\\nin r, which I suggested some years ago\\nin a public meeting, and in the press.\\nIt might be adopted by any state or by\\nthe nation, with appropriate legislation\\nto carry it into effect:\\nOn and afteir January 1, 1905,\\nany sworn citizen of the United\\nStates, not then a voter, being\\nupwards of twenty-one years of\\nage, and of unexceptionable\\nmora! cliararter, shall be admitted to\\ne ^eroise the right of suffrage: provideJ,\\nand it is required, that such person\\nshall first have passed satisfactorily a\\nthorough written examination in the\\nuse of the American language, in com-\\nmon arithmetic, and in the geography,\\nthe history, and the civil government of\\nthe Ignited States.\\nFinally, fellow citizens, let us never\\nforget that while might never makes\\nright, law is a sacred thing; that, in\\nthe majestic language or Saint Paul,\\nThe rowers that be are ordained of\\nGod; whosoever, therefore, resisteth the\\npower, resisteth the ordinance of God.\\nAnd let us recognize with\\nthanksgiving the fact that all through\\nour history, and most when our need\\nwas greatest, an unseen Hand has guid-\\ned or chastened our nation, and seem-\\ned to shape our ilesliny. Was it nnt\\nso at Plymouth Rock, in Independenc-\\nHall, on Bunker Hill at Valley Forge,\\nat Saratoga, at Yorktown. at Gettys-\\nburg, at Manila? Yes, and off Santia-\\ngo, where at the close of the battle,\\nthe great-souled officer who last Satur-\\nday passr-d from earth to heaven. Rear\\nAdmirrt! John W. Phillip, called his gal-\\nlant mariners to the luarter-deck of\\nhis victorious ship, and solemnly said.\\nI want to make public acknowled.g-\\nmenl hei-e that I believe in God the\\nFather Almighty. I want all you offi-\\nci ir-.s and men to lift your hats, and\\nto offer from your hearts ?ilent thanks-\\ngiving to Che Almighty for this vic-\\ntnrv!\\nOh thus be it ever when freemen shall\\nstand\\nBetw(^-n thpir loved homes and the war s\\ndesolation!\\nBlest with victory and peace, may the\\nHeaven-rescued land\\nPraise \u00c2\u00bbhe Power that hath made and pre-\\nserved us a nation!\\nThen conquer we must, for our cause, it\\nis just;\\nAnd this b^ our motto: In God is our\\ntrust!\\n.Vnd the Star Spangled Banner in triumph\\nshall wave\\nO er the land of the free and the home of\\nthe brave!\\nJOHN J. CORBETT,\\nPRINTER,\\nSI Chapei Street", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0018.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0019.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0020.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0021.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "I\\nJ", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0022.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "", "height": "2371", "width": "1550", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0023.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "v r", "height": "2390", "width": "1529", "jp2-path": "americanliberty00spra_0024.jp2"}}