{"1": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4179", "width": "2531", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0001.jp2"}, "2": {"fulltext": "Class ?ft3 057\\nBoole -M8 _\\n1840", "height": "4123", "width": "2522", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0002.jp2"}, "3": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4172", "width": "2522", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0003.jp2"}, "4": {"fulltext": "", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0004.jp2"}, "5": {"fulltext": "LUx^v\\n^~C\\nA\\nHISTORY\\nLITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE.\\nINTRODUCTION.\\nIn undertaking to write a history of Grecian literature, it is not our\\nintention to enumerate the names of those many hundred authors whose\\nworks, accumulated in the Alexandrine Library, are reported, after\\npassing through many other perils, to have finally been burnt by the\\nKhalif Omar an event from which the cause of civilisation has not,\\nperhaps, suffered so much as many have thought; inasmuch as the\\ninheritance of so vast a collection of writings from antiquity would, by\\nengrossing all the leisure and attention of the moderns, have diminished\\ntheir zeal and their opportunities for original productions. Nor will it\\nbe necessary to carry our younger readers (for whose use this work is\\nchiefly designed) into the controversies of the philosophical schools, the\\ntheories of grammarians and critics, or the successive hypotheses of\\nnatural philosophy among the Greeks in short, into those departments\\nof literature which are the province of the learned by profession, and\\nwhose influence is confined to them alone. Our object is to consider\\nGrecian literature as a main constituent of the character of the Grecian\\npeople, and to show how those illustrious compositions, which we still\\njustly admire as the classical writings of the Greeks, naturally sprung\\nfrom the taste and genius of the Greek races, and the constitution of\\ncivil and domestic society as established among them. For this pur-\\npose our inquiries may be divided into three principal heads: 1. The\\ndevelopment of Grecian poetry and prose before the rise of the Athenian\\nliterature 2, The flourishing era of poetry and eloquence at Athens\\nand, 3. The history of Greek literature in the long period after Alex-\\nander; which last, although it produced a much larger number of\\nwritings than the former periods, need not, consistently with the object\\nof the present work, be treated at great length, as literature had in this\\nage fallen into the hands of the learned few, and had lost its living\\ninfluence on the general mass of the community.\\nIn attempting to trace the gradual development of the literature of", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0005.jp2"}, "6": {"fulltext": "9 HISTORY OF THE X a\\\\j p-S^\\nancient Greece from its earliest origin, it would be easy to make a\\nbeginning, by treating of the extant works of Grecian writers in their\\nchronological order. We might then commence at once with Homer\\nand Hesiod: but it we were to adopt this course, we should, like an epic\\npoet, place our beginning in the middle of the history; for, like the\\nPallas of Grecian poetry, who sprang full-armed from the head of\\nJupiter, the literature of Greece wears the perfection of beauty in those\\nworks which Herodotus and Aristotle, and all critical and trust-worthy\\ninquirers among the Greeks, recognised as being the most ancient that\\nhad descended to their times. Although both in the Iliad and Odyssey\\nwe can clearly discern traces of the infancy of the nation to which they\\nbelong, and although a spirit of simplicity pervades them, peculiar to\\nthe childhood of the human race, yet the class of poetry under which\\nthey fall, appears in them at its full maturity all the laws which\\nreflection and experience can suggest for the epic form are observed\\nwith the most refined taste all the means are employed by which\\nthe general effect can be heightened no where does the poetry bear\\nthe character of a firs 4 essay or an unsuccessful attempt at some higher\\npoetical flight indeed, as no subsequent poem, either of ancient or\\nmodern times, has so completely caught the genuine epic tone, there\\nseems good reason to doubt whether any future poet will again be able\\nto strike the same chord. It seems, however, manifest, that there\\nmust have been many attempts and experiments before epic poetry\\ncould reach this elevation and it was, doubtless, the perfection of the\\nIliad and Odyssey, to which these prior essays had led, that buried\\nthe productions of former bards in oblivion. Hence the first dawn\\nof Grecian literature is without any perfect memorial but we must be\\ncontent to remain in ignorance of the connexion of literature with\\nthe character of the Greek races at the outset of their national existence,\\nif we renounced all attempt at forming a conception of the times anterior\\nto the Homeric poems. In order, therefore, to throw some light on this\\nobscure period, we shall first consider those creations of the human\\nintellect which in general are prior to poetry, and which naturally\\nprecede poetical composition, as poetry in its turn is followed by regular\\ncomposition in prose. These are language and religion. When these\\ntwo important subjects have been examined, we shall proceed, by means\\nof allusions in the Homeric poems themselves, and the most credible\\ntestimonies of later times, to inquire into the progress and character of\\nthe Greek poetry before the time of Homer.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0006.jp2"}, "7": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT Glti\\nCHAPTER I.\\no 1. General account of the Languages of the Indo-Teutonic family. o 2. Origin\\nand formation of the Indo-Teutonic languages multiplicity of their grammatical\\nforms Characteristics of the Greek language, as compared with the other\\nlanguages of the Indo-Teutonic family. 4. Variety of forms, inflexions, and\\ndialects in the Greek language. 5. The tribes of Greece, and their several\\ndialects characteristics of each dialect.\\n1. Language, the earliest product of the human mind, and the\\norigin of all other intellectual energies, is at the same time the clearest\\nevidence of the descent of a nation and of its affinity with other races.\\nHence the comparison of languages enables us to judge of the history\\nof nations at periods to which no other kind of memorial, no tradition\\nor record, can ascend. In modern times, this subject has been studied\\nwith more comprehensive views and more systematic methods than\\nformerly and from these researches it appears that a large part of the\\nnations of the ancient world formed a family, whose languages\\n(besides a large number of radical words, to which we need not here\\nparticularly advert) had on the whole the same grammatical structure\\nand the same forms of derivation and inflexion. The nations between\\nwhich this affinity subsisted are the Indians, whose language, in its\\nearliest and purest form, is preserved in the Sanscrit; the Persians,\\nwhose primitive language, the Zend, is closely allied with the Sanscrit\\nthe Armenians and Phrygians, kindred races, of whose language the\\nmodern Armenian is a very mutilated remnant, though a few ancient\\nfeatures preserved in it still show its original resemblance the Green\\nnation, of which the Latin people is a branch the Sclavo?iian races,\\nwho, notwithstanding their intellectual inferiority, appear from their\\nlanguage to be nearly allied with the Persians and other cognate\\nnations the Lettic tribes, among which the Lithuanian has preserved\\nthe fundamental forms of this class of languages with remarkable\\nfidelity the Teutonic, and, lastly, the Celtic races, whose language (so\\nfar as we can judge from the very degenerate remains of it now extant),\\nthough deviating widely in some respects from the general character\\nperceptible in the other languages, yet unquestionably belongs to the\\nsame family. It is remarkable that this family of languages, which\\npossess the highest perfection of grammatical structure, also includes a\\nlarger number of nations, and has spread over a wider extent of surface,\\nthan any other the Semitic family (to which the Hebrew, Syrian,\\nPhoenician, Arabian, and other languages belong), though in many\\nrespects it can compete with the Indo-Germanic, is inferior to it in the\\nperfection of its structure and its capacity for literary development; in\\nrespect of its diffusion likewise it approaches the Indian class of lan-\\nguages, without being equal to it; while, again, the rude and meagre\\nlanguages of the American aborigines are often confined to a very\\nb2", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0007.jp2"}, "8": {"fulltext": "4 HISTORY OP THE\\nnarrow district, and appear to have no affinity with those of the other\\ntribes in the immediate vicinity*. Hence, perhaps, it may he inferred,\\nthat the higher capacity for the formation and development of language\\nWas at this early period combined with a greater physical and mental\\nenergy in short, with all those qualities on which the ulterior improve-\\nment andjncrease of the nations by which it was spoken depended.\\nWhile the Semitic branch occupies the south-west of Asia, the Indo-\\nGermanic languages run in a straight line from south-east to north-\\nwest, through Asia and Europe a slight interruption, which occurs in\\nthe country between the Euphrates and Asia Minor, appears to have\\nbeen occasioned by the pressure of Semitic or Syrian races from the\\nsouth; for it seems probable that originally the members of this\\nnational family succeeded one another in a continuous line, although\\nwe are not now able to trace the source from which this mighty stream\\noriginally flowed. Equally uncertain is it whether these languages were\\nspoken by [the earliest inhabitants of the countries to which they be-\\nlonged, or were introduced by subsequent immigrations in which latter\\ncase the rude aborigines would have adopted the principal features of\\nthe language spoken by the more highly endowed race, retaining at the\\nsame time much of their original dialect an hypothesis which appears\\nhighly probable as regards those languages which show a general\\naffinity with the others, but nevertheless differ from them widely in their\\ngrammatical structure and the number of their radical forms.\\n2. On the other hand, this comparison of languages leads to many\\nresults, with respect to the intellectual state of the Greek people, which\\nthrow an unexpected light into quarters where the eye of the historian\\nhas hitherto been able to discover nothing but darkness. We reject as\\nutterly untenable the notion that the savages of Greece, from the inar-\\nticulate cries by which they expressed their animal wants, and from the\\nsounds by which they sought to imitate the impressions of outward\\nobjects, gradually arrived at the harmonious and magnificent language\\nwhich we admire in the poems of Homer. So far is this hypothesis\\nfrom the truth, that language evidently is connected with the power of\\nabstracting or of forming general notions, and is inconsistent with the\\nabsence of this faculty. It is plain that the most abstract parts of\\nspeech, those least likely to arise from the imitation of any outward\\nimpression, were the first which obtained a permanent form and\\nhence those parts of speech appear most clearly in all the languages of\\nthe Indo-Teutonic family. Among these are the verb to be, the\\nforms of which seem to alternate in the Sanscrit, the Lithuanian, and\\nthe Greek; the pronouns, which denote the most general relations\\nof persons and things to the speaker; the numerals, also abstract\\nSome of the American languages are rather cumbersome than meagre in their\\ngrammmatical forms and some are much more widely spread than others.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Note by\\nEditor. r", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0008.jp2"}, "9": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 5\\nterms, altogether independent of impressions from single objects and,\\nlastly, the grammatical forms, by which the actions expressed by verbs\\nare referred to the speaker, and the objects expressed by nouns are\\nplaced in the most various relations to one another. The luxuriance of\\ngrammatical forms which we perceive in the Greek cannot t have been\\nof late introduction, but must be referred to the earliest period of the\\nlanguage; for we find traces of nearly all of them in the cognate\\ntongues, which could not have been the case unless the languages before\\nthey diverged had possessed these forms in common thus the distinc-\\ntion between aorist tenses, which represent an action as a moment,\\nas a single point, and others, which represent it as continuous, like a\\nprolonged line, occurs in Sanscrit as well as in Greek.\\nIn general it may be observed, that in the lapse of ages, from the\\ntime that the progress of language can be observed, grammatical forms,\\nsuch as the signs of cases, moods, and tenses, have never been increased\\nin number, but have been constantly diminishing. The history of the\\nRomance, as well as of the Germanic, languages, shows in the clearest\\nmanner how a grammar, once powerful and copious, has been gradually\\nweakened and impoverished, until at last it preserves only a few frag-\\nments of its ancient inflections. The ancient languages, especially\\nthe Greek, fortunately still retained the chief part of their gram-\\nmatical forms at the time of their literary development; thus, for\\nexample, little was lost in the progress of the Greek language from\\nHomer to the Athenian orators. Now there is no doubt that this lux-\\nuriance of grammatical forms is not an essential part of a language,\\nconsidered merely as a vehicle of thought. It is well known that the\\nChinese language, which is merely a collection of radical words destitute\\nof grammatical forms, can express even philosophical ideas with tolerable\\nprecision and the English, which, from the mode of its formation by\\na mixture of different tongues, has been stripped of its grammatical\\ninflections more completely than any other European language, seems\\nnevertheless, even to a foreigner, to be distinguished by its energetic\\neloquence. All this must be admitted by every unprejudiced inquirer\\nbut yet it cannot be overlooked, that this copiousness of grammatical\\nforms, and the fine shades of meaning which they express, evince a\\nnicety of observation and a faculty of distinguishing, which unques-\\ntionably prove that the race of mankind among whom these languages\\narose was characterized by a remarkable correctness and subtlety of\\nthought. Nor can any modern European, who forms in his mind a\\nlively image of the classical languages in their ancient grammatical\\nluxuriance, and compares them with his mother tongue, conceal from\\nhimself that in the ancient languages the words, with their inflections,\\nclothed as it were with muscles and sinews, come forward like living\\nbodies, full of expression and character while in the modern tongues\\nthe words seem shrunk up into mere skeletons. Another advantage\\nwhich belongs to the fulness of grammatical forms is, that words of", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0009.jp2"}, "10": {"fulltext": "6 HISTORY OF THE\\nsimilar signification make likewise a similar impression on the ear;\\nwhence each sentence obtains a certain symmetry and, even where the\\ncollocation of the words is involved, a clearness and regularity, which may\\nbe compared with the effect produced on the eye by the parts of a well-\\nproportioned building whereas, in the languages which have lost their\\ngrammatical forms, either the lively expression of the feeling is hin-\\ndered by an unvarying and monotonous collocation of the words, or\\nthe hearer is compelled to strain his attention, in order to comprehend\\nthe mutual relation of the several parts of the sentence. Modern lan-\\nguages seem to attempt to win their way at once to the understanding\\nwithout dwelling in the ear while the classical languages of antiquity\\nseek at the same time to produce a corresponding effect on the outward\\nsense, and to assist the mind by previously filling the ear, as it were,\\nwith an imperfect consciousness of the meaning sought to be conveyed\\nby the words.\\n3. These remarks apply generally to the languages of the Indo-\\nGermanic family, so far as they have been preserved in a state of inte-\\ngrity by literary works and have been cultivated^ by poets and orators.\\nWe shall now limit our regards to the Greek language alone, and shall\\nattempt to exhibit its more prominent and characteristic features as\\ncompared with those of its sister tongues. In the sounds which were\\nformed by the various articulation of the voice, the Greek language hits\\nthat happy medium which characterises all the mental productions of\\nthis people, in being equally removed, on the one hand, from the super-\\nabundant fulness, and, on the other, from the meagreness and tenuity of\\nsound, by which other languages are variously deformed. If we com-\\npare the Greek with that language which comes next to it in fitness\\nfor a lofty and flowing style of poetry, viz., the Sanscrit, this latter\\ncertainly has some classes of consonants not to be found in the Greek,\\nthe sounds of which it is almost impossible for an European mouth to\\nimitate and distinguish on the other hand, the Greek is much richer\\nin short vowels than the Sanscrit, whose most harmonious poetry would\\nweary our ears by the monotonous repetition of the A sound and it\\npossesses an astonishing abundance of diphthongs, and tones produced\\nby the contraction of vowels, which a Greek mouth could alone distin-\\nguish with the requisite nicety, and which, therefore, are necessarily\\nconfounded by the modern European pronunciation. We may likewise\\nperceive in the Greek the influence of the laws of harmony which, in\\ndifferent nations, have caused the rejection of different combinations of\\nvowels and consonants, and which have increased the softness and\\nbeauty of languages, though sometimes at the expense of their ter-\\nminations and characteristic features. By the operation of the latter\\ncause, the Greek has, in many places, lost its resemblance to the\\noriginal type, which, although not now preserved in any one of the\\nextant languages, may be restored by conjecture from all of them even\\nhere, however, it cannot be denied that the correct taste and feeling", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0010.jp2"}, "11": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 7\\nof the Greeks led them to a happy mixture of the consonant and vowel\\nsounds, by which strength has been reconciled with softness, and har-\\nmony with strongly marked peculiarities while the language has, at\\nthe same time, in its multifarious dialects, preserved a variety of sound\\nand character, which fit it for the most discordant kinds of poetical and\\nprose composition.\\n4. We must not pass over one important characteristic of the Greek\\nlanguage, which is closely connected with the early condition of the\\nGreek nation, and which may be considered as, in some degree, pre-\\nfiguring the subsequent character of its civilisation. In order to con-\\nvey an adequate idea of our meaning, we will ask any person who is\\nacquainted with Greek, to recal to his mind the toils and fatigue which\\nhe underwent in mastering the forms of the language, and the difficulty\\nwhich he found to impress them on his memory when his mind, vainly\\nattempting to discover a reason for such anomalies, was almost in despair\\nat finding that so large a number of verbs derive their tenses from the\\nmost various roots that one verb uses only the first, another only the\\nsecond, aorist, and that even the individual persons of the aoristare\\nsometimes compounded of the forms of the first and second aorists respec-\\ntively and that many verbs and substantives have retained only single\\nor a few forms, which have been left standing by themselves, like the\\nremains of a past age. The convulsions and catastrophes of which we see\\nso many traces around us in the frame-work of the world have not been\\nconfined to external nature alone. The structure of languages also has\\nevidently, in ages prior to the existence of any literature, suffered some\\nviolent shocks, which may, perhaps, have received their impulse from\\nmigrations or internal discord and the elements of the language, having\\nbeen thrown in confusion together, were afterwards re-arranged, and\\ncombined into a new whole. Above all is this true of the Greek lan-\\nguage, which bears strong marks of having originally formed part of a\\ngreat and regular plan, and of having been reconstructed on a new\\nsystem from the fragments of the former edifice. The same is doubtless\\nalso the cause of the great variety of dialects which existed both among\\nthe Greeks and the neighbouring nations a variety, of which mention\\nis made at so early a date as the Homeric poems*. As the country\\ninhabited by the Greeks is intersected to a remarkable degree by moun-\\ntains and sea, and thus was unfitted by Nature to serve as the habitation\\nof a uniform population, collected in large states, like the plains of the\\nEuphrates and Ganges and as, for this reason, the Greek people was\\ndivided into a number of separate tribes, some of which attract our\\nattention in the early fabulous age, others in the later historical period\\nso likewise the Greek language was divided, to an unexampled extent,\\ninto various dialects, which differed from each other according to the\\nIn Iliad, ii. 804, and iv. 437, there is mention of the variety of dialects among the\\nallies of the Trojans j and in Odyssey, xix. 175, among the Greek tribes in Crete#", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0011.jp2"}, "12": {"fulltext": "8 HISTORY OF THE\\nseveral tribes and territories. In what relation the dialects of the\\nPelasgians, Dryopes, Abantes, Leleges, Epeans, and other races widely\\ndiffused in the earliest periods of Grecian history, may have stood to one\\nanother, isjndeed a question which it would be vain to attempt to answer;\\nbut thus much is evident, that the number of these tribes, and their\\nfrequent migrations, by mixing- and confounding the different races,\\ncontributed powerfully to produce that irregularity of structure which\\ncharacterises the Greek language in its very earliest monuments.\\n5. The primitive tribes just mentioned, which were the earliest\\noccupants of Greece known to tradition, and of which the Pelasgians,\\nand after them the Leleges, were the most extended, unquestionably\\ndid much for the first cultivation of the soil, the foundation of insti-\\ntutions for divine worship, and the first establishment of a regular order\\nof society. The Pelasgians, widely scattered over Greece, and having\\ntheir settlements in the most fertile regions (as the vale of the Peneus\\nin Thessaly, the lower districts of Bceotia, and the plains of Argos\\nand Sicyon), appear, before the time when they wandered through\\nGreece in isolated bodies, as a nation attached to their own dwelling-\\nplaces, fond of building towns, which they fortified with walls of a\\ncolossal size, and zealously worshipping the powers of heaven and\\nearth, which made their fields fruitful and their cattle prosperous. The\\nmythical genealogies of Argos competed as it were with those of\\nSicyon and both these cities, by a long chain of patriarchal princes\\n(most of whom are merely personifications of the country, its mountains\\nand rivers), were able to place their origin at a period of the remotest\\nantiquity. The Leleges also (with whom were connected the Locrians\\nin Northern Greece and the Epeans in Peloponnesus), although they\\nhad fewer fixed settlements, and appear to have led a rougher and\\nmore warlike life such as still prevailed in the mountainous districts of\\nNorthern Greece at the time of the historian Thucydides yet cele-\\nbrated their national heroes, especially Deucalion and his descendants,\\nas founders of cities and temples. But there is no trace of any peculiar\\ncreation of the intellect having developed itself among these races, or of\\nany poems in which they displayed any peculiar character and whe-\\nther it may be possible to discover any characteristic and distinct features\\nin the legends of the gods and heroes who belong to the territories\\noccupied by these different tribes is a question which must be deferred\\nuntil we come to treat of the origin of the Grecian mythology. It is\\nhowever much to be lamented that, with our sources of information, it\\nseems impossible to form a well-grounded opinion on the dialects of\\nthese ancient tribes of Greece, by which they were doubtless precisely\\ndistinguished from one another; and any such attempt appears the\\nmore hopeless, as even of the dialects which were spoken in the several\\nterritories of Greece within the historical period we have only a scanty\\nknowledge, by means of a few inscriptions and the statements of gram-", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0012.jp2"}, "13": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 9\\nmarians, wherever they had not obtained a literary cultivation and\\ncelebrity by the labours of poets and prose writers.\\nOf more influence, however, on the development of the intellectual\\nfaculties of the Greeks was the distinction of the tribes and their\\ndialects, established at a period which, from the domination of war-\\nlike and conquering races and the consequent prevalence of a bold\\nspirit of enterprise, was called the heroic age. It is at this time, before\\nthe migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus and the settlements\\nin Asia Minor, that the seeds must have been sown of an opposition\\nbetween the races and dialects of Greece, which exercised the most\\nimportant influence on the state of civil society, and thus on the direction\\nof the mental energies of the people, of their poetry, art, and literature.\\nIf we consider the dialects of the Greek language, with which we are ac-\\nquainted by means of its literary monuments, they appear to fall into two\\ngreat classes, which are distinguished from each other by characteristic\\nmarks. The one class is formed by the JEolic dialect a name, indeed,\\nunder which the Greek grammarians included dialects very different\\nfrom one another, as in later times everything was comprehended under\\nthe term iEolic, which was not Ionic, Attic, or Doric. According to\\nthis acceptation of the term about three-fourths of the Greek nation\\nconsisted of iEolians, and dialects were classed together as iEolic which\\n(as is evident from the more ancient inscriptions) differed more from\\none another than from the Doric as, for example, the Thessalian and\\niEtolian, the Boeotian and Elean dialects. The iEolians, however, pro-\\nperly so called (who occur in mythology under this appellation), lived\\nat this early period in the plain of Thessaly, south of the Peneus, which\\nwas afterwards called Thessaliotis, and from thence as far as the Paga-\\nsetic Bay. We also find in the same mythical age a branch of the\\nZEolian race, in southern iEtolia, in possession of Calydon this frag-\\nment of the iEolians, however, afterwards disappears from history, while\\nthe iEolians of Thessaly, who also bore the name of Boeotians, two\\ngenerations after the Trojan war, migrated into the country which was\\ncalled after them Bceotia, and from thence, soon afterwards, mixed with\\nother races, to the maritime districts and islands of Asia Minor, which\\nfrom that time forward received the name of iEolis in Asia Minor\\nIt is in this latter iEolis that we become acquainted with the iEolian\\ndialect, through the lyric poets of the Lesbian school, the origin and\\ncharacter of which will be explained in a subsequent chapter. On the\\nWe here only reckon those Cohans who were in fact considered as belonging\\nto the yEolian race, and not all the tribes which were ruled by heroes, whom Hesiod,\\nin the fragment of the men, calls sons of iEolus although this genealogy justifies\\nus in assuming a close affinity between those races, which is also confirmed by other\\ntestimonies. In this sense the Minyans of Orchomenus and Iolcus, ruled by the\\n^Eolids Athamas and Cretheus, were of j35olian origin a nation which, by the\\nstability of its political institutions, its spirit of enterprise, eren for maritime expe-\\nditions, and its colossal buildings, holds a pre-eminent rank among the tribes of the\\nmythical age of Greece. (See Hesiod, Fragm. 28, ed. Gaisford.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0013.jp2"}, "14": {"fulltext": "10 HISTORY OF THE\\nwhole it may be said of this dialect, as of the Boeotian in its earlier\\nform, that it bears an archaic character, and approaches nearest to the\\nsource of the Greek language hence the Latin, as being connected\\nwith the most ancient form of the Greek, has a close affinity with it, and\\nin general the agreement with the other languages of the Indo-Ger-\\nmanic family is always most perceptible in the iEolie. A mere variety\\nof the iEolie was the dialect of the Doric race, which originally was\\nconfined to a narrow district in Northern Greece, but was afterwards\\nspread over the Peloponnesus and other regions by that important move-\\nment of population which was called the Return of the Heracleids. It\\nis characterized by strength and breadth, as shown in its fondness for\\nsimple open vowel sounds, and its aversion for sibilants. Much more\\ndifferent from the original type is the other leading dialect of the Greek\\nlanguage, the Ionic, which took its origin in the mother- country, and\\nwas by the Ionic colonies, which sailed from Athens, carried over to\\nAsia Minor, where it underwent still further changes. Its character-\\nistics are softness and liquidness of sound, arising chiefly from the\\nconcurrence of vowels, among which, not the broad a and o, but the\\nthinner sounds of e and w, were most prevalent among the consonants\\nthe tendency to the use of s is most discernible. It may be observed,\\nthat wherever the Ionic dialect differs either in vowels or consonants\\nfrom the /Eolic, it also differs from the original type, as may be\\ndiscovered by a comparison of the cognate languages it must there-\\nfore be considered as a peculiar form of the Greek, which was deve-\\nloped within the limits of the Grecian territory. It is probable that\\nthis dialect was spoken not only by the Ionians, but also, at least one\\nvery similar, by the ancient Achaeans; since the Achaeans in the\\ngenealogical legends concerning the descendants of Hellen are repre-\\nsented as the brothers of the Ionians this hypothesis would also explain\\nhow the ancient epic poems, in which the Ionians are scarcely men-\\ntioned, but the Achaean race plays the principal part, were written in a\\ndialect which, though differing in many respects from the genuine Ionic,\\nhas yet the closest resemblance to it.\\nEven from these first outlines of the history of the Greek dialects we\\nmight be led to expect that those features would be developed in the\\ninstitutions and literature of the several races which we find in their\\nactual history. In the JEolic and Doric tribes we should be prepared\\nto find the order of society regulated by those ancient customs and\\nprinciples which had been early established among the Greeks their\\ndialects at least show a strong disposition to retain the archaic forms,\\nwithout much tendency to refinement. Among the Dorians, however,\\nevery thing is more strongly expressed, and comes forward in a more\\nprominent light than among the iEolians and as their dialect every-\\nwhere prefers the broad, strong, and rough tones, and introduces them\\nthroughout with unbending regularity, so we might naturally look among", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0014.jp2"}, "15": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 11\\nthem for a disposition to curry a spirit of austerity and of reverence for\\nancient custom through the entire frame of civil and private society.\\nThe IoniaiiSy on the other hand, show even in their dialect a strong\\ntendency to modify ancient forms according* to their taste and humour,\\ntogether with a constant endeavour to polish and refine, which was\\ndoubtless the cause why this dialect, although of later date and of\\nsecondary origin, was first employed in finished poetical compositions.\\nCHAPTER II*.\\n1. The earliest form of the Greek religion not portrayed in the Homeric poems,\\n2. The Olympic deities, as described by Homer. 3. Earlier form of worship\\nin Greece directed to the outward objects of Nature. 4. Character and attri-\\nbutes of the several Greek deities, as personifications of the powers and objects of\\nNature. 5. Subsequent modification of these ideas, as_ displayed in the Ho-\\nmeric description of the same deities.\\n1. Next to the formation of language, religion is the earliest object\\nof attention to mankind, and therefore exercises a most important\\ninfluence on all the productions of the human intellect. Although\\npoetry has arisen at a very early date among many nations, and ages\\nwhich were as yet quite unskilled in the other fine arts have been dis-\\ntinguished for their poetical enthusiasm, yet the development of religious\\nnotions and usages is always prior, in point of time, to poetry. No\\nnation has ever been found entirely destitute of notions of a superior\\nrace of beings exercising an influence on mankind but tribes have\\nexisted without songs, or compositions of any kind which could be\\nconsidered as poetry. Providence has evidently first given mankind\\nthat knowledge of which they are most in need and has, from the\\nbeginning, scattered among the nations of the entire world a glimmering\\nof that light which was, at a later period, to be manifested in brighter\\neffulgence.\\nThis consideration must make it evident that, although the Homeric\\npoems belong to the first age of the Greek poetry, they nevertheless\\ncannot be viewed as monuments of the first period of the development\\nof the Greek religion. Indeed, it is plain that the notions concerning\\nthe gods must have undergone many changes before (partly, indeed, by\\nmeans of the poets themselves) they assumed that form under which\\nWe have thought it absolutely essential, for the sake of accuracy, in treating\\nof the deities of the ancient Greek religion, to use the names by which they were\\nknown to the Greeks. As these, however, may sound strange to persons not ac-\\nquainted with the Greek language, we subjoin a list of the gods of the Romans with\\nwhich they were in later times severally identified, and by whose names they are\\ncommonly known \u00e2\u0080\u0094Zeus, Jupiter; Hera, Juno; Athena, Minerva; Ares, Mars;\\nArtemis, Diana Hermes, Mercury Demeter, Ceres Cora, Proserpine Hephosstus,\\nVulcan Poseidon* Neptune Aphrodite, Venus Dionysus, Bacchus.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0015.jp2"}, "16": {"fulltext": "12 HISTORY OF TIIF.\\nthey appear in the Homeric poems. The description given L y Homer\\nvl the life of the gods in the palace of Zeus on Olympus is doubtless as\\ndifferent from the feeling and the conception with which the ancient\\nPelasgian lifted up his hands and voice to the Zeus of Dodona, whose\\ndwelling was in the oak of the forest, as the palace of a Priam or Aga-\\nmemnon from the hut which one of the original settlers constructed of un-\\nhewn trunks in a solitary pasture, in the midst of his flocks and herds.\\n2. The conceptions of the gods, as manifested in the Homeric\\npoems, are perfectly suited to a time when the most distinguished and\\nprominent part of the people devoted their lives to the occupation of\\narms and to the transaction of public business in common which time\\nwas the period in which the heroic spirit was developed. On Olympus,\\nlying near the northern boundary of Greece, the highest mountain of\\nthis country, whose summit seems to touch the heavens, there rules\\nan assembly or family of gods; the chief of which, Zeus, summons at\\nhis pleasure the other gods to council, as Agamemnon summons the\\nother princes. He is acquainted with the decrees of fate, and is able to\\nguide them and, as being himself king among the gods, he gives the\\nkings of the earth their power and dignity. By his side is a wife, whose\\nstation entitles her to a large share of his rank and dominion and a\\ndaughter of a masculine complexion, a leader of battles, and a protec-\\ntress of citadels, who by her wise counsels deserves the confidence which\\nher father bestows on her besides these a number of gods, with various\\ndegrees of kindred, who have each their proper place and allotted duty\\nin the divine palace. On the whole, however, the attention of this\\ndivine council is chiefly turned to the fortunes of nations and cities, and\\nespecially to the adventures and enterprises of the heroes, who, being\\nthemselves for the most part sprung from the blood of the gods, form\\nthe connecting link between them and the ordinary herd of mankind.\\n3. Doubtless such a notion of the gods as we have just described\\nwas entirely satisfactory to the princes of Ithaca, or any other Greek\\nterritory, who assembled in the hall of the chief king at the common\\nmeal, and to whom some bard sung the newest song of the bold adven-\\ntures of heroes. But how could this religion satisfy the mere country-\\nman, who wished to believe that in seed-time and in harvest, in winter\\nand in summer, the divine protection was thrown over him who\\nanxiously sought to offer his thanks to the gods for all kinds of rural\\nprosperity, for the warding ofF of all danger from the seed and from the\\ncattle As the heroic age of the Greek nation was preceded by another,\\nin which the cultivation of the land, and the nature of the different\\ndistricts, occupied the chief attention of the inhabitants (which may\\nbe called the Pelasgian period), so likewise there are sufficient traces\\nand remnants of a state of the Grecian religion, in which the gods were\\nconsidered as exhibiting their power chiefly in the operations of outward\\nnature, in the changes of the seasons, and the phenomena of the year.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0018.jp2"}, "17": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 13\\nImagination whose operations are most active, and whose expressions\\nare most simple and natural in the childhood both of nations and indi-\\nviduals led these early inhabitants to discover, not only in the general\\nphenomena of vegetation, the unfolding and death of the leaf and\\nflower, and in the moist and dry seasons of the year, but also in the\\npeculiar physical character of certain districts, a sign of the alternately\\nhostile or peaceful, happy or ill-omened coincidence of certain deities.\\nThere are still preserved in the Greek mythology many legends of a\\ncharming, and at the same time touching simplicity, which hud their\\norigin at this period, when the Greek religion bore the character of a\\nworship of the powers of Nature. It sometimes also occurs that those\\nparts of mythology which refer to the origin of civil society, to the\\nalliances of princes, and to military expeditions, are closely interwoven\\nwith mythical narratives, which when minutely examined are found to\\ncontain nothing definite on the acts of particular heroes, but only describe\\nphysical phenomena, and other circumstances of a general character,\\nand which have been combined with the heroic fables only through a\\nforgetfulness of their original form a confusion which natural y arose,\\nwhen in later times the original connexion of the gods with the agencies\\nof Nature was more and more forgotten, and those of their attributes and\\nacts which had reference to the conduct of human life, the government\\nof states, or moral principles, were perpetually brought into more pro-\\nminent notice. It often happens that the original meaning of narratives\\nof this kind may be deciphered when it had been completely hidden\\nfrom the most learned mythologists of antiquity. But though this\\nprocess of investigation is often laborious, and may, after all, lead only to\\nuncertain results, yet it is to be remembered that the mutilation and\\nobscuring of the ancient mythological legends by the poets of laier times\\naffords the strongest proof of their high antiquity as the most ancient\\nbuildings are most discoloured and impaired by time.\\n4. An inquiry, of which the object should be to select and unite all\\nthe parts of the Greek mythology which have reference to natural\\nphenomena and the changes of the seasons, although it has never been\\nregularly undertaken, would doubtless show that the earliest religion of\\nthe Greeks was founded on the same notions as the chief part of the\\nreligions of the East, particularly of that part of the East which was\\nnearest to Greece,! Asia Minor. The Greek mind, however, even in\\nthis the earliest of its productions, appears richer and more various in its\\nforms, and at the same time to take a loftier and a wider range, than is\\nthe case in the religion of the oriental neighbours of the Greeks, the\\nPhrygians, Lydians, and Syrians. In the religion of these nations, the\\ncombination and contrast of two beings (Baal and Astarte), the one male,\\nrepresenting the productive, and the other female, representing the\\npassive and nutritive powers of Nature, and the alternation of two\\nstates, viz., the strength and vigour, and the weakness and death of", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0019.jp2"}, "18": {"fulltext": "14 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe male personification of Nature, of which the first was celebrated\\nwith vehement joy, the latter with e\\\\cessi\\\\e lamentation, recur in a\\nperpetual cycle, which must in the end have wearied and stupihed the\\nmind. The Grecian worship of Nature, on the other hand, in all the\\nvarious /onus which it assumed in different places, places one deity, as\\nthe highest of all, at the head of the entire system, the God of heaven\\nand light for that this is the meaning of the name Zeus is shown by\\nthe occurrence of the same root {Din) with the same signification, even\\nill the Sanscrit*, and by the preservation of several of its derivatives\\nwhich remained in common use both in Greek and Latin, all containing\\nthe notion of heaven and day. With this god of the heavens, who\\ndwells in the pure expanse of ether, is associated, though not as a being\\nof the same rank, the goddess of the Earth, who in different temples\\n(which may be considered as the mother-churches of the Grecian\\nreligion) was worshipped under different names, Hera, Demeter, Dione,\\nand some others of less celebrity. The marriage of Zeus with this god-\\ndess (which signified the union of heaven and earth in the fertilizing\\nrains) was a sacred solemnity in the worship of these deities. Besides\\nthis goddess, other beings are associated on one side with the Supreme\\nGod, who are personifications of certain of his energies powerful deities\\nwho carry the influence of light over the earth, and destroy the opposing\\npowers of darkness and confusion as Athena, born from the head of\\nher father, in the height of the heavens and Apollo, the pure and\\nshining god of a worship belonging to other races, but who even in\\nhis original form was a god of light. On the other side are deities,\\nallied with the earth and dwelling in her dark recesses; and as all\\nlife appears not only to spring from the earth, but to return to that\\nwhence it sprung, these deities are for the most part also connected with\\ndeath a3 Hermes, who brings up the treasures of fruitfulness from the\\ndepth of the earth, and the child, now lost and now recovered by her\\nmother Demeter, Cora, the goddess both of flourishing and of decaying\\nNature. It was natural to expect that the element of water {Poseidon)\\nshould also be introduced into this assemblage of the personified powers\\nof Nature, and should be peculiarly combined with the goddess of the\\nEarth and that fire {Hephcestus) should be represented as a powerful\\nprinciple derived from heaven and having dominion on the earth, and\\nbe closely allied with the goddess who sprang from the head of the god\\nof the heavens. Other deities are less important and necessary parts of\\nthis system, as Aphrodite, whose worship was evidently for the most part\\npropagated over Greece from Cyprus and Cythera f by the influence of\\nThe root DIU is most clearly seen in the oblique cases of Zeus, A/Fo? A/F/, in which\\nthe U has passed into the consonant form F whereas in Zsb;, as in other Greek\\nwords, the sound DI has passed into Z, and the vowel has been lengthened. In the\\nLatin Iovi.s (luve in Umbrian) the D has been lost before I, which, however, is pre-\\nserved in many other derivatives of the same root, as dies, dium.\\nf See Herod, i. 105 and Hist, of Rome, pp. 121, 122.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0020.jp2"}, "19": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 15\\nSyrophconician tribes. As a singular being, howe\\\\er, in the assembly of\\nHit Greek deities, stands the changeable god of flourishing, decaying, and\\nrenovated Nature, Dionytw 9 whose alternate joys and sufferings, and mar-\\nvellous adventures, show a strong- resemblance to the form which religious\\nnotions assumed in Asia Minor. Introduced by the Thracians (a tribe\\nwhich spread from the north of Greece into the interior of the country),\\nand not, like the gods of Olympus, recognized by all the races of the\\nGreeks, Dionysus always remained to a certain degree estranged from the\\nrest ef the gods, although his attributes had evidently most affinity with\\nthose of Demeter and Cora. But in this isolated position, Dionysus\\nexercises an important influence on the spirit of the Greek nation, and\\nboth in sculpture and poetry gives rise to a class of feelings which agree\\nin displaying more powerful emotions of the mind, a bolder flight of the\\nimagination, and more acute sensations of pain and pleasure, than were\\nexhibited on occasions where this influence did not operate.\\n5. In like manner the Homeric poems (which instruct us not\\nmerely by their direct statements, but also by their indirect allusions, not\\nonly by what they say, but also by what they do not say), when atten-\\ntively considered, clearly show how this ancient religion of nature sank\\ninto the shade as compared with the salient and conspicuous forms of\\nthe deities of the heroic age. The gods who dwell on Olympus scarcely\\nappear at all in connexion with natural phenomena. Zeus chiefly\\nexercises his powers as a ruler and a king although he is still designated\\n(by epithets doubtless of high antiquity) as the god of the ether and\\nthe storms*; as in much later times the old picturesque expression was\\nused, What is Zeus doing? for What kind of weather is it? In\\nthe Homeric conception of Hera, Athena, and Apollo, there is no trace\\nof any reference of these deities to the fertility of the earth, the clearness\\nof the atmosphere, the arrival of the serene spring, and the like which,\\nhowever, can be discovered in other mythical legends concerning them,\\nand still more in the ceremonies practised at their festivals, which\\ngenerally contain the most ancient ideas. Hephaestus has passed from\\nthe powerful god of fire in heaven and in earth into a laborious smith\\nand worker of metals, who performs his duty by making armour and\\narms for the other gods and their favourite heroes. As to Hermes, there\\nare some stories in which he is represented as giving fruitfulness to cattle,\\nin his capacity of the rural god of Arcadia; from which, by means of\\n\\\\arious metamorphoses, he is transmuted into the messenger of Zeus,\\nand the servant of the gods.\\nThose deities, however, which stood at a greater distance from the\\nrelations of human life, and especially from the military and political\\nactions of the princes, and could not easily be brought into connexion\\nwith them, are for that reason rarely mentioned by Homer, and never\\ntake any part in the events described by him in general they keep aloof", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0021.jp2"}, "20": {"fulltext": "16 HISTORY OF THE\\nfrom the circle of the Olympic gods. Demeter is never mentioned as\\nassisting any hero, or rescuing him from danger, or stimulating him to\\nthe battle but if any one were thence to inter that this goddess was not\\nknown as early as Homer s time, he would be refuted by the incidental\\nallusions to her which frequently occur in connexion with agriculture\\nand corn. Doubtless Demeter (whose name denotes the earth as\\nthe mother and author of life*) was in the ancient Pelasgic time\\nhonoured with a general and public worship beyond any other deity but\\nthe notions and feelings excited by the worship of this goddess and\\nher daughter (whom she beheld, with deep lamentation, torn from her\\nevery autumn, and recovered with excessive joy every spring) constantly\\nbecame more and more unlike those which were connected with the other\\ngods of Olympus. Hence her worship gradually obtained a peculiar\\nform, and chiefly from this cause assumed the character of mysteries:\\nthat is, religious solemnities, in which no one could participate without\\nhaving undergone a previous ceremony of admission and initiation. In\\nthis manner Homer was, by a just and correct taste, led to perceive that\\nDemeter, together with the other divine beings belonging to her, had\\nnothing in common with the gods whom the epic muse assembled about\\nthe throne of Zeus and it was the same feeling which also prevented him\\nfrom mixing up Dionysus, the other leading deity of the mystic worship\\nof the Greeks, with the subject of his poem, although this god is\\nmentioned by him as a divine being, of a marvellous nature, stimu-\\nlating the mind to joy and enthusiasm.\\nCHAPTER III.\\n1. First efforts of Greek poetry. Plaintive songs of husbandmen. 2. Descrip-\\ntion of several of these songs, viz. the Linus. 3. The Ialemus, the Scephrus,\\nthe Lityerses, the Bormus, the Maneros, and the laments for Orpheus and Adonis.\\n4. The Paean, its origin and character. 5. The Threnos, or lament for the\\ndead, and the Hymenceos, or bridal song. 6. Origin and character of the chorus.\\n7. Ancient poets who composed sacred hymns, divided into three classes, viz.\\nthose connected, i. With the worship of Apollo; ii. With the worship of Demeter\\nand Dionysus and iii. With the Phrygian worship of the mother of the Gods, of\\nthe Corybantes, c. 8. Explanation of the Thracian origin of several of the\\nearly Greek poets. 9. Influence of the early Thracian or Pierian poets on the\\nepic poetry of Homer.\\n1. Many centuries must have elapsed before the poetical language of\\nthe Greeks could have attained the splendour, the copiousness, and the\\nfluency which so strongly excite our admiration in the poems of Homer.\\nThe service of the gods, to which all the highest energies of the mind\\nwere first directed, and from which the first beginnings of sculpture,\\nA?? fitirnp, that is, y j p.wrnp", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0022.jp2"}, "21": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 17\\narchitecture, music, and poetry proceeded, must for a long time have\\nconsisted chiefly in mute motions of the body, in symbolical gestures, in\\nprayers muttered in a low tone, and, lastly, in loud broken ejaculations\\n(dXoXvyuoc), such as were in later times uttered at the death of the\\nvictim, in token of an inward feeling before the winged word issued\\nclearly from the mouth, and raised the feelings of the multitude to\\nreligious enthusiasm in short, before the first hymn was heard.\\nThe first outpourings of poetical enthusiasm were doubtless songs\\ndescribing-, in few and simple verses, events which powerfully affected\\nthe feeling s of the hearers. From what has been said in the last chapter\\nit is probable that the earliest date may be assigned to the songs which\\nreferred to the seasons and their phenomena, and expressed with sim-\\nplicity the notions and feelings to which these events gave birth as\\nthey were sung by peasants at the corn and wine harvest, they had their\\norigin in times of ancient rural simplicity. It is remarkable that songs\\nof this kind often had a plaintive and melancholy character which cir-\\ncumstance is however explained when we remember that the ancient\\nworship of outward nature (which was preserved in the rites of Demeter\\nand Cora, and also of Dionysus) contained festivals of wailing and\\nlamentation as well as of rejoicing and mirth. 1 1 is not, however, to\\nbe supposed that this was the only cause of the mournful ditties in\\nquestion, for the human heart has a natural disposition to break out\\nfrom time to time into lamentation, and to seek an occasion for grief\\neven where it does not present itself as Lucretius says, that in the\\npathless woods, among the lonely dwellings of the shepherds, the sweet\\nlaments were sounded on the pipe*.\\n2. To the number of these plaintive ditties belongs the song Linus,\\nmentioned by Homer t, the melancholy character of which is shown by\\nits fuller names, AiXivog and OItoXlvoq (literally, Alas, Linus and\\nDeath of Linus It was frequently sung in Greece, according to\\nHomer, at the grape-picking. According to a fragment of HesiodJ,\\nall singers and players on the cithara lament at feasts and dances Linus,\\nthe beloved son of Urania, and call on Linus at the beginning and the\\nend which probably means that the song of lamentation began and\\nended with the exclamation At Ahe. Linus was originally the subject\\nof the song, the person whose fate was bewailed in it and there were\\nmany districts in Greece (for example, Thebes, Chalcis, and Argos) in\\nwhich tombs of Linus were shown. This Linus evidently belongs to\\na class of deities or demigods, of which many instances occur in the\\nInde mmutatim dulcet* didicere quere/ax,\\nTibia quas fuodit digitis pulsata eanentum,\\nAvia per nemora ac sylvas saltusque reperta,\\nPer loca pastorum deserta atqua otia dm. Lucretius, v. 13S3 138G.\\nf Iliad, xviii. 5G9.\\nCited ia Eustathius, p. 1163 (fragm. 1, od. Gaisfurd).\\nc", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0023.jp2"}, "22": {"fulltext": "L6\\nHISTORY OF THE\\nreligions of Greece and Asia Minor; boys of extraordinary beauty, and\\nin the flower of youth, who are supposed to have been drowned, or de-\\nvoured by raging dogs, OF destroyed by wild beasts, and whose death is\\nlamented in the harvest or other periods of the hot season. It is obvious\\nthat these cannot have been real persons, whose death excited so general\\na s\\\\ mpathy, although the fables which were offered in explanation of\\nthese customs often speak of youths of royal blood, who were carried off\\nin the prime of their life. The real object of lamentation was the tender\\nbeauty of spring 1 destroyed by the summer heat, and other phenomena\\nof the same kind, which the imagination of these early times invested\\nwith a personal form, and represented as gods or beings of a divine\\nnature. According to the very remarkable and explicit tradition of the\\nArgives, Linus was a youth, who, having sprung from a divine origin,\\ngrew up with the shepherds among the lambs, and was torn in pieces by\\nwild dogs whence arose the festival of the lambs, at which many\\ndogs were slain. Doubtless this festival was celebrated during the\\ngreatest heat, at the time of the constellation Sirius; the emblem of\\nwhich, among the Greeks, was, from the earliest times, a raging dog*.\\nIt was a natural confusion of the tradition that Linus should afterwards\\nbecome a minstrel, one of the earliest bards of Greece, who begins a\\ncontest with Apollo himself, and overcomes Hercules in playing on the\\ncithara even, however, in this character Linus meets his death, and\\nwe must probably assume that his fate was mentioned in the ancient\\nsong. In Homer the Linus is represented as sung by a boy, who plays\\nat the same time on the harp, an accompaniment usually mentioned with\\nthis song the young men and women who bear the grapes from the\\nvineyard follow him, moving onward with a measured step, and uttering\\na shrill cry*, in which probably the chief stress was laid on the excla-\\nmation a* Xii c. That this shrill cry (called by Homer tuy/ioc) was not\\nnecessarily a joyful strain will be admitted by any one who has heard\\nthe Ivyfxbc of the Swiss peasants, with its sad and plaintive notes,\\nresounding from hill to hill.\\n3. Plaintive songs of this kind, in which not the misfortunes of a\\nsingle individual, but an universal and perpetually recurring cause of\\ngrief was expressed, abounded in ancient Greece, and especially in Asia\\nMinor, the inhabitants of which country had a peculiar fondness for\\nmournful tunes. The Ialemus seems to have been nearly identical with\\nthe Linus, as, to a certain extent, the same mythological narrations are\\napplied to both. At Tegea, in Arcadia, there was a plaintive song,\\ncalled Scephrus, which appears, from the fabulous relation in Pausaniasf,\\nTo7 riv 5 iv (jAtraoHTt wait (p o^Ayyi y.iyur,,\\nifttpitt x.i d.PiZ,i. A/ v\u00c2\u00abv vto zctXov ccu^t\\nkiTTuXiy, tpuvr roi o\\\\ p /itrirovTis u./j.o.p t y)\\nf^o /.-rry, r ivyfiS re. iroei t?xuioo j~i; tzrov-ro.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 -Iliad, XV111. o()9 D/2j\\non the meaning of y-ok-ry, in this passage, see below, 6.\\nt viii. 53, 2.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0024.jp2"}, "23": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 19\\nto have been sung at the time of the summer heat. In Phrygia, a\\nmelancholy song called Lihjerscs, was sung at the cutting of the corn.\\nAt the same season of (he year, the MariandynianB, on the shores of\\nthe Black Sea, played the mournful ditty Bormua on the native flute.\\nThe subject of their lamentation may be easily conjectured from the\\nStory that Bormua was a beautiful boy, who, having- gone to fetch water\\nfor the reapers in the heat of the day, was, while drawing it, borne down\\nby the nymphs of the stream. Of similar meaning are the cries for the\\nyouth Hylas y swallowed up by the waters of the fountain, which, in the\\nneighbouring country of the Bithynians, re-echoed from mountain to\\nmountain. In the southern parts of Asia Minor we find, in connexion\\nwith the Syrian worship, a similar lament for Adonis*, whose untimely\\ndeath was celebrated by Sappho, together with Linus and the Maneros,\\na song current in Egypt, especially at Pelusium, in which likewise a\\nyouth, the only son of a king, who died in early youth, was bewailed a\\nresemblance sufficiently strong to induce Herodotus f, who is always\\nready to find a connexion between Greece and Egypt, to consider .the\\nManeros and the Linus as the same song\\n4. A very different class of feelings is expressed in another kind of\\nsongs, which originally were dedicated only to Apollo, and were closely\\nconnected with the ideas relating to the attributes and actions of this\\ngod, viz. the pecans (tcolliioveq in Homer). The paeans were songs, of\\nwhich the tune and words expressed courage and confidence. All\\nsounds of lamentation (aiAiva), says Callimachus, cease when the\\nIe Paean, Ie Paean, is heard As with the Linus the interjection\\ncu, so with the Paean the cry of nj was connected exclamations, un-\\nmeaning in themselves, but made expressive by the tone with which\\nthey were uttered, and which, as has been already mentioned, dated\\nback from the earliest periods of the Greek worship they were different\\nfor different deities, and formed as it were the first rudiments of the\\nhymns which began and ended with them. Paeans were sung, not\\nonly when there was a hope of being able, by the help of the gods, to\\novercome a great and imminent danger, but when the danger was\\nhappily past; they were songs of hope and confidence as well as of\\nBeautifully described in the well-known verses of Milton:\\nThammuz came next behind,\\nWhose annual wound in Lebanon allured\\nThe Syrian damsels to lament his fate\\nIn amorous ditties, all a summer s day,\\nWhile smooth Adonis from his native rock\\nRan purple to the sea, supposed with blood\\nOf Thammuz yearly wounded/ Paradise Lost, i. 44G.\\nf ii. 79.\\nI On the subject of these plaintive songs generally see Midler s Dorians, book ii.\\nch. 8, 12 (vol. i. p. 36G, English translation), and Thirlwall in the Philological\\nMuseum, vol. i. p. 119.\\nOTTTTOT lh llutnOV, i?) Ilxiyjo V. I Hj ITUi. ApOllt 80,\\nC2", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0025.jp2"}, "24": {"fulltext": "20\\nHISTORY OF THE\\nthanksgiving for victory and safety. The custom, at the termination ot\\nthe winter, when the year again assumes a mild and serene aspect, and\\ne\\\\er\\\\ heart is filled with hope and confidence, of singing venial pecans\\nkcc), recommended by the Delphic oracle to the cities of\\nLower Italy, is probably of very high antiquity. Among the Pythago-\\nreans likewise the solemn purification (Va9ap 7tc), which they performed\\nin spring, consisted in singing paeans and other hymns sacred to Apollo.\\nIn Homer*, the Acha?ans, who have restored Chryseis to the priest her\\nfather, are represented as singing;, at the end of the sacrificial feast, over\\ntheir cups, a paean in honour of the far-darting god, whose wrath they\\nthus endeavour completely to appease. And in the same poet, Achilles,\\nafter the slaughter of Hector, calls on his companions to return to the\\nships, singing a paean, the spirit and tone of which he expresses in the\\nfollowing words We have gained great glory we have slain the\\ndivine Hector, to whom the Trojans in the city prayed as to a god f.\\nFrom these passages it is evident that the paean was sung by several\\npersons, one of whom probably led the others (i^ap^wv), and that the\\nsingers of the paean either sat together at table (which w r as still custo-\\nmary at Athens in Plato s time), or moved onwards in a body. Of the\\nlatter mode of singing a paean the hymn to the Pythian Apollo fur-\\nnishes an example, where the Cretans, who have been called by the\\ngod as priests of his sanctuary at Pytho, and have happily performed a\\nmiraculous voyage from their own island after the sacrificial feast which\\nthey celebrate on the shores of Crissa, afterwards ascend to Pytho, in\\nthe narrow valley of Parnassus. Apollo leads them, holding his harp\\n((popfiiyL,) in his hand, playing [beautifully, with a noble and lofty\\nstep. The Cretans follow him in a measured pace, and sing, after the\\nCretin fashion, an Iepaean, which sweet song the muse had placed in\\ntheir breasts i. From this paean, which was sung by a moving body\\nof persons, arose the use of the paean (ttcuwviZeu in war, before the\\nattack on the enemy, which seems to have prevailed chiefly among the\\nDoric nations, and does not occur in Homer.\\nIf it was our purpose to seek merely probable conclusions, or if\\nthe nature of the present work admitted a detailed investigation, in\\nwhich we might collect and combine a variety of minute particles of\\nevidence, we could perhaps show that many of the later descriptions\\nof hymns belonging to the separate worships of Artemis, Demeter,\\nDionysus, and other gods, originated in the earliest period of Greek\\nliterature. As, however, it seems advisable in this work to avoid\\nmerely conjectural inquiries, we will proceed to follow up the traces\\nwhich occur in the Homeric poems, and to postpone the other matters\\nuntil we come to the history of lyric poetry.\\n5. Not only the common and public worship of the Gods, but also\\nIliad, i. 473. f Ihad, x xii. Wl. J Horn. Hymn. Apoll. 514.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0026.jp2"}, "25": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 21\\nthose events of private life which strongly excited the feelings, called\\nforth the gift of poetry. The lamentation for the. dead, which was\\nchiefly sung by women with vehement expressions of grief, had, at the\\ntime described by Homer, already been so far s)stematised, that singers\\nby profession stood near the bed where the body was laid out, and began\\nthe lament and while they sang it, the women accompanied them with\\ncries and groans*. These singers of the thrcnos were at the burial of\\nAchilles represented by the Muses themselves, who sang the lament,\\nwhile the sisters of Thetis, the Nereids, uttered the same cries of\\ngrieff.\\nOpposed to the threnos is the Hymenccos, the joyful and merry bridal\\nsong, of which there are descriptions by Homer in the account of the\\ndesigns on the shield of Achilles, and by Hesiod in that of the shield of\\nHercules Homer speaks of a city, represented as the seat of bridal\\nrejoicing, in which the bride is led from the virgin s apartment through\\nthe streets by the light of torches. A loud hymenaeos arises young\\nmen dance around while flutes and harps \u00c2\u00a3oppyy\u00c2\u00a3e) resound. The\\npassage of Hesiod gives a more finished and indeed a well-grouped\\npicture, if the parts of it are properly distinguished, which does not\\nappear to have been hitherto done with sufficient exactness. According\\nto this passage, the scene is laid in a fortified city, in which men can\\nabandon themselves without fear to pleasure and rejoicing Some bear\\nthe bride to the husband on the well-formed chariot; while a loud\\nhymenaeos arises. Burning torches, carried by boys, cast from afar their\\nlight: the damsels (viz., those who raise the hymenaeos) move forwards\\nbeaming with beauty. Both (i. e. both the youths who draw the car\\nand the damsels) are followed by joyful choruses. The one chorus, con-\\nsisting of youths (who have drawn the car), sings to the clear sound of the\\npipe ((TvpiyH,) with tender mouths, and causes the echoes to resound the\\nother, composed of damsels (forming the hymenaeos, properly so called),\\ndance to the notesjof the harp (0oppy\u00c2\u00a3). In this passage of Hesiod we\\nhave also the first description of a co?nos, by which word the Greeks de-\\nsignate the last part of a feast or any other banquet which is enlivened\\nand prolonged with music, singing, and other amusements, until the\\norder of the table is completely deranged, and the half-intoxicated guests\\ngo in irregular bodies through the town, often to the doors of beloved\\ndamsels On another side again comes, accompanied by flutes, a joy-\\nous band (/ow/uoe) of youths, some amusing themselves with the song and\\nthe dance, others with laughter. Each of these youths moves onwards,\\nattended by a player on the flute (precisely as may be seen so often re-\\npresented on vases of a much later age, belonging to southern Italy).\\naoilo) 6%wm s gxoi. Iliad, xxiv. 720 722.\\nf Odyssey, xxiv. 59\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Gl. Iliad, xviii. 492\u00e2\u0080\u0094495.\\nScut. 274\u00e2\u0080\u0094 280.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0027.jp2"}, "26": {"fulltext": "22 HISTORY OF THE\\nThe whole city is filled with joy, and dancing, and festivity*. The\\ncircumstances connected with the eomos afforded (as we shall hereafter\\npoint out) many opportunities for the productions of the lyric muse,\\nboth of a lofty and serious and of a comic and erotic description.\\n6. Although In the above description, and in other passages of\\nthe ancient epic poets, choruses are frequently mentioned, yet we are\\nnot to suppose that the choruses of this early period were like those\\nwhich sang the odes of Pindar and the choral song s of the tragedians,\\nand accompanied them with dancing and appropriate action. Originally\\nthe chorus had chiefly to do with dancing the most ancient sense of the\\nword chorus is a place for dancing hence in the Iliad and Odyssey ex-\\npressions occur, such as levelling the chorus (Xeialpeiv yppov), that is,\\nmaking the place ready for dancing going to the chorus (xopov^e\\nepxwOai), c. hence the choruses and dwellings of the gods are\\nmentioned together and cities which had spacious squares are said to\\nhave wide choruses (evpvxopoi). To these choruses young persons of\\nboth sexes, the daughters as well as the sons of the princes and nobles,\\nare represented jn Homer as going at these the Trojan and Phaeacian\\nprinces are described as being present in newly-washed garments and\\nin well-made armour. There were also, at least in Crete, choruses in\\nwhich young men and women danced together in rows, holding one\\nanother by the hands t: a custom which was in later times unknown\\namong the Ionians and Athenians, but which was retained among the\\nDorians of Crete and Sparta, as well as in Arcadia. The arrangement\\nof a chorus of this description is as follows a citharist sits in the midst\\nof the dancers, who surround him in a circle, and plays on the phorminx,\\na kind of cithara in the place of which (according to the Homeric hymn\\nto Hermes) another stringed instrument, the lyre, which differed in some\\nrespects, was sometimes used whereas the flute, a foreign, originally\\nPhrygian, instrument, never in these early times was used at the chorus,\\nbut only at the comos, with whose boisterous and unrestrained character its\\ntones were more in harmony. This citharist also accompanies the sound\\nof his instrument with songs, which appear to have scarcely differed from\\nsuch as were sung by individual minstrels, without the presence of a\\nchorus as, for example, Demodocus, in the palace of the Phaeacian\\nking, sings the loves of Ares and Aphrodite during the dances of the\\nyouths J. Hence he is said to begin the song and the dance The\\nother persons, who form the chorus, take no part in this song except\\nso far as they allow their movements to be guided by it an accompa-\\nniment of the voice by the dancers, such as has been already remarked\\nwith respect to the singers of the paean, does not occur among the\\nchorus-dancers of these early times and Ulysses, in looking at the\\nPhaeacian youths who form the chorus to the song of Demodocus,\\nScut. 281\u00e2\u0080\u0094285. f Iliad, xviii. 593. J Odyssey, viii. 266.\\nftoktfyjf i%Kg%av.-\u00e2\u0080\u0094 Iliad, xviii. 606.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0028.jp2"}, "27": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 23\\nadmires not the sweetness of their voices, or the excellence of their\\nsinging, but the rapid motions of their feet*. At the same time,\\nthe reader must guard against a misapprehension of the terms poXiHi and\\n/xeX-n-Eadai, which, although they are sometimes applied to persona\\ndancing, as to the chorus of Artemis f, and to Artemis herself}, neverthe-\\nless are not always connected with singing, but express any measured and\\ngraceful movement of the body, as for instance even a game at ball\\nWhen, however, the Muses are described as singing in a chorus\\nthey are to be considered only as standing in a circle, with Apollo in\\nthe centre as citharist, but not as also dancing in the prooemium to the\\nTheogony of Hesiod, they are described as first dancing in chorus on\\nthe top of Helicon, and afterwards as moving through the dark, and\\nsinging the race of the immortal gods.\\nIn the dances of the choruses there appears, from the descriptions\\nof the earliest poets, to have been much variety and art, as in the\\nchoral dance which Vulcan represented on the shield of Achilles^\\nAt one time the youths and maidens dance around nimbly, with\\nmeasured steps, as when a potter tries his wheel whether it will run at\\nanother, they dance in rows opposite to one another (a dance in a ring\\nalternately with one in rows). Within this chorus sits a singer with the\\nphorminx, and two tumblers (KvpiaTrjrfjpe, the name being derived from\\nthe violent motions of the body practised by them) turn about in the\\nmiddle, in accordance with the song. In a chorus celebrated by the\\ngods, as described in one of the Homeric hymns**, this latter part is\\nperformed by Ares and Hermes, who gesticulate (iralfrvai) in the\\nmiddle of a chorus formed by ten goddesses as dancers, while Apollo\\nplays on the cithara, and the Muses stand around and sing. It cannot\\nbe doubted that these Kvj3i(XTr]TfjpeQ, or tumblers (who occurred chiefly in\\nCrete, where a lively, and even wild and enthusiastic style of dancino*\\nhad prevailed from early times), in some measure regulated their ges-\\ntures and motions according to the subject of the song to which they\\ndanced, and that a choral dance of this kind was, in fact, a variety of\\nhyporcheme (v7r6pxr)fJ-a), as a species of choral dances and songs was\\ncalled, in which the action described by the song was at the same time\\nrepresented with mimic gestures by certain individuals who came forward\\n{ict,\u00c2\u00a3pa,\u00c2\u00a3vyou xobuv. Odyssey, viii. 265.\\nt Iliad, xvi. 182. J Hymn. Pyth. Apoll. 19.\\nabrag rtii al rov ra^tphv ^f acti n xa) ccvrh,\\nfftpxigri rai r kg stoci^ov kiro xQWiftva. fiuXovcroti\\nrri rt tl tJocva-iKoia. XivKuXivo; ij( %zro fiaX 7rri$. Odyssey, vi. 1 Oi\\nCompare Iliad, xviii. 604: lolu Ti xufiurrwrYiPt hut oclrov;\\nju.oX rris V^d.px,ovri? Qlvsvov Kara, ft urtrou;.\\nHesiod. Scut. 201\u00e2\u0080\u0094205.\\nIliad, xviii. 591 606. Compare Odyssey, iv. 17 19. It is doubtful whether\\nthe latter part of the description in the Iliad has not heen improperly introduced\\ninto the text from the passage, in the Odyssey. Editor.\\nHymn, Horn, ad Apoll. Pyth. 10\u00e2\u0080\u009426.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0029.jp2"}, "28": {"fulltext": "24\\nHISTORY OF THE\\nfrom the chorus. This description of choral dances always, in later\\ntimes, occurs in connexion with the worship of Apollo, which prevailed\\nto a great extent in Crete in Delos likewise, the birth-place of Apollo,\\nthere were several dances of this description, one of which represented\\nthe wanderings of Latona before the birth of that god. This circum-\\nstance appears to be referred to in a passage of the ancient Homeric\\nhymn to the Delian Apollo*, where the Delian damsels in the service\\nof Apollo are described as first celebrating the gods and heroes, and\\nafterwards singing a peculiar kind of hymn, which pleases the assembled\\nmultitude, and which consists in the imitation of the voices and lan-\\nguages of various nations, and in the production of certain sounds by\\nsome instruments like the Spanish castanets (jep\u00c2\u00a3juj3a\\\\ia rrvs), accord-\\ning to the manner of the different nations, so that every one might\\nimagine that he heard his own voice for what is more natural than\\nto suppose that this was a mimic and orchestic representation of the\\nwandering Latona, and all the islands and countries, in which she\\nattempted in vain to find a refuge, until she at length reached the\\nhospitable Delos?\\n7. Having now in this manner derived from the earliest records a\\ndistinct notion of the kinds of poetry, and its various accompaniments,\\nwhich existed in Greece before the Homeric time, with the exception of\\nepic poetry, it will be easier for us to select from the confused mass of\\nstatements respecting the early composers of hymns which are contained\\nin later writers, that which is most consonant to the character of remote\\nantiquity. The best accounts of these early bards were those which had\\nbeen preserved at the temples, at the places where hymns were sung\\nunder their names hence it appears that most of these names are in\\nconstant connexion with the worship of peculiar deities; and it will thus\\nbe easy to distribute them into certain classes, formed by the resemblance\\nof their character and their reference to the same worship.\\ni. Singers, who belong to the worship of AjjoIIo in Delphi, Delos, and\\nCrete. Among these is Olen, according to the legend, a Lycian or\\nHyperborean, that is to say, sprung from a country where Apollo loved\\nto dwell. Many ancient hymns, attributed to him, were preserved at\\nDelos, which are mentioned by Herodotus f, and which contained\\nremarkable mythological traditions and significant appellatives of the\\ngods; also no?nes, that is, simple and antique songs, combined with\\ncertain fixed tunes, and fitted to be sung for the circular dance of a\\nchorus. The Delphian poetess Boeo called him the first prophet of\\nPhoebus, and the first who, in early times, founded the style of singing\\nin epic metre (iicitav aotcd) Another of these bards is Philammon,\\nwhose name was celebrated at Parnassus, in the territory of Delphi. To\\nhim was referred the formation of Delphian choruses of virgins, which\\nsung the birth of Latona and of her children. It is plain, from what\\nv. 161\u00e2\u0080\u0094164. t iv. 35. Pausan. x. 5, 8.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0030.jp2"}, "29": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 2i)\\nhas been already observed, that so far as these songs really originated in\\nthe ancient mythical period, they were intended to be sung, not by a\\ndancing chorus, but by an individual to the choral dance. Lastly, Chry-\\nsothemis, a Cretan, who is said to have sung the first chorus to the\\nPythian Apollo, clothed in the solemn dress of ceremony, which the\\ncitharodi in later times wore at the Pythian games.\\nii. Singers in connexion with the cognate worships of Demetcr and\\nDionysvs. Among these were the Eumolpids in Eleusis of Attica a\\nrace which, from early times, took part in the worship of Demeter, and\\nin the historical age exercised the chief sacerdotal function connected\\nwith it, the office of Hierophant. These Eumolpids evidently derived\\ntheir name of beautiful singers from their character (from ev /je\\\\-\\n7T\u00c2\u00a3ff0at), and their original employment was the singing of sacred\\nhymns it will be afterwards shown that this function agrees well with\\nthe fact, that their progenitor, the original Eumolpus, is called a Thracian.\\nAlso another Attic house, the Lycomids (which likewise had in later\\ntimes a part in the Eleusinian worship of Demeter), were in the habit\\nof singing hymns, and, moreover, hymns ascribed to Orpheus, Musaeus,\\nand Pamphus. Of the songs which were attributed to Pamphus we\\nmay form a general idea, by remembering that he is said to have first\\nsung the strain of lamentation at the tomb of Linus. The name of\\nMusaeus (which in fact only signified a singer inspired by the Muses) is\\nin Attica generally connected with songs for the initiations of Demeter.\\nAmong the numerous works ascribed to him, a hymn to Demeter is\\nalone considered by Pausanias as genuine*; but however obscure may\\nbe the circumstances belonging to this name, thus much at least is\\nclear, that music and poetry were combined at an early period with\\nthis worship. Musaeus is in tradition commonly called a Thracian he\\nis also reckoned as one of the race of Eumolpids, and stated to be\\nthe disciple of Orpheus. The Thracian singer, Orpheus, is unquestion-\\nably the darkest point in the entire history of the early Grecian poetry,\\non account of the scantiness of the accounts respecting him, which have\\nbeen preserved in the more ancient writers the lyric poets, Ibycus f\\nand Pindar J, the historians Hellanicus and Pherecydes and the\\nAthenian tragedians, containing the first express testimonies of his\\nname. This deficiency is ill supplied by the multitude of marvellous\\nstories concerning him, which occur in later writers, and by the poems\\nand poetical fragments which are extant under the name of Orpheus.\\ni. 22, 7. Compare iv. 1, 5.\\nt Ibycus in Priscian, vi. 18, 92, torn. i. p. 283, ed. Krehl. (Fragm. 22, ed. Schnei-\\ndewin), who calls him ovopuxXuros O^j. Ibycus flourished 560 40, b. c.\\nJ Pyth. iv.315.\\nHellanicus in Proclus on Hesiod s Works and Days, 631 (Fragm. 75, ed. Sturz),\\nand in Proclus *i(i O^eu in Gaisford s Hephaestion, p. 466 (Fragm. 145, ed.\\nSturz).\\nPherecydes in Schol, Apollon. i. 23 (Fragm, 18, ed. Sturz).", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0031.jp2"}, "30": {"fulltext": "26 HISTORY OP THE\\nThese spurious productions of later times will be treated in that part of\\nour history to which they may with the greatest probability be referred\\nhere we will only state our opinion that the name of Orpheus, and the\\nlegends respecting him, are intimately connected with the idea and the\\nworship of a Dionysus dwelling in the infernal regions (Zaypevg), and\\nthat the foundation of this worship (which was connected with the\\nEleusinian mysteries), together with the composition of hymns and\\nsongs for its initiations (reXeral), was the earliest function ascribed to him\\nNevertheless, under the influence of various causes, the fame of Orpheus\\ngrew so much, that he was considered as the first minstrel of the heroic\\nage, was made the companion of the Argonauts*, and the marvels\\nwhich music and poetry wrought on a rude and simple generation were\\nchiefly described under his name.\\nhi. Singers and musicians, who belonged to the Phrygian worship\\nof the great mother of the gods, of the Corybantes, and other similar\\nbeings. The Phrygians, allied indeed to the Greeks, yet a separate and\\ndistinct nation, differed from their neighbours in their strong disposition\\nto an orgiastic worship that is, a worship which was connected with\\na tumult and excitement produced by loud music and violent bodily\\nmovements, such as occurred in Greece at the Bacchanalian rejoicings\\nwhere, however, it never, as in Phrygia, gave its character to every\\nvariety of divine worship. With this worship was connected the deve-\\nlopment of a peculiar kind of music, especially on the flute, which in-\\nstrument was always considered in Greece to possess a stimulating and\\npassion-stirring force. This, in the Phrygian tradition, was ascribed to\\nthe demi-god Marsyas, who is known as the inventor of the flute, and\\nthe unsuccessful opponent of Apollo, to his disciple Olympus, and,\\nlastly, to Hyagnis, to whom also the composition of nomes to the Phry-\\ngian gods in a native melody was attributed. A branch of this worship,\\nand of the style of music and dancing belonging to it, spread at an early\\ndate to Crete, the earliest inhabitants of which island appear to have\\nbeen allied to the Phrygians.\\n8. By far the most remarkable circumstance in these accounts of the\\nearliest minstrels of Greece is, that several of them (especially from the\\nsecond of the three classes just described) are called Thracians. It is\\nutterly inconceivable that, in the later historic times, when the Thracians\\nwere contemned as a barbarian racef, a notion should have sprung up,\\nthat the first civilisation of Greece was due to them consequently we\\ncannot doubt that this was a tradition handed down from a very early\\nperiod. Now, if we are to understand it to mean that Eumolpus,\\nOrpheus, Musaeus, and Thamyris, were the fellow-countrymen of those\\nEdonians, Odrysians, and Odomantians, who in the historical age\\noccupied the Thracian territory, and who spoke a barbarian language,\\nPindar, Pyth. iv. 315. f See, for example, Thucyd. vii. 29.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0032.jp2"}, "31": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 27\\nthat is, one unintelligible to the Greeks, we must despair of being able\\nto comprehend these accounts of the ancient Thracian minstrels, and of\\nassigning them a place in the history of Grecian civilisation since it is\\nmanifest that at this early period, when there was scarcely any inter-\\ncourse between different nations, or knowledge of foreign tongues, poets\\nwho sang in an unintelligible language could not have had more influence\\non the mental development of the people than the twittering of birds.\\nNothing but the dumb language of mimicry and dancing, and musical\\nstrains independent of articulate speech, can at such a period pass from\\nnation to nation, as, for example, the Phrygian music passed over to\\nGreece whereas the Thracian minstrels are constantly represented as\\nthe fathers of poetry which of course is necessarily combined with\\nlanguage. When we come to trace more precisely the country of these\\nThracian bards, we find that the traditions refer to Pieria, the district\\nto the east of the Olympus range, to the north of Thessaly and the south\\nof Emathia or Macedonia in Pieria likewise was Leibethra, where the\\nMuses are said to have sung the lament over the tomb of Orpheus the\\nancient poets, moreover, always make Pieria, not Thrace, the native place\\nof the Muses, which last Homer clearly distinguishes from Pieria*. It\\nwas not until the Pierians were pressed in their own territory by the early\\nMacedonian princes that some of them crossed the Strymon into Thrace\\nProper, where Herodotus mentions the castles of the Pierians at the\\nexpedition of Xerxes f. It is, however, quite conceivable, that in early\\ntimes, either on account of their close vicinity, or because all the north\\nwas comprehended under one name, the Pierians might, in Southern\\nGreece, have been called Thracians. These Pierians, from the intel-\\nlectual relations which they maintained with the Greeks, appear to be a\\nGrecian race which supposition is also confirmed by the Greek names\\nof their places, rivers, fountains, c, although it is probable that, situated\\non the limits of the Greek nation, they may have borrowed largely from\\nneighbouring tribes A branch of the Phrygian nation, so devoted to\\nan enthusiastic worship, once dwelt close to Pieria, at the foot of Mount\\nBermius, where King Midas was said to have taken the drunken Silenus\\nin his rose-gardens. In the whole of this region a wild and enthusiastic\\nworship of Bacchus was diffused among both men and women. It may\\nbe easily conceived that the excitement which the mind thus received\\ncontributed to prepare it for poetical enthusiasm. These same Thracians\\nor Pierians lived, up to the time of the Doric and iEolic migrations, in\\ncertain districts of Bceotia and Phocis. That they had dwelt about the\\nBoeotian mountain of Helicon, in the district of Thespiae and Ascra, was\\nevident to the ancient historians, as well from the traditions of the cities\\nas from the agreement of many names of places in the country near\\nOlympus (Leibethrion, Pimpleis, Helicon, c). At the foot of Parnas-\\nIliad, xiv. 226. f vii. 112.\\nI See Muller s Dorians, vol. i. p. 472, 488, 501.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0033.jp2"}, "32": {"fulltext": "28 HISTORY OF THE\\nsus, however, in Phocis, was said to have been situated the city of Daulis,\\nthe seat of the Thracian king* Tereus, who is known by his connexion\\nwith the Athenian king Pandion, and by the fable of the metamor-\\nphosis of his wife Procne into a nightingale. This story (which occurs\\nunder other forms in several parts of Greece) is one of those simple\\nfables which, among the early inhabitants of Greece easily grew from a\\ncontemplation of the phenomena of Nature and the still life of animals\\nthe nightingale, with her sad nocturnal song, seemed to them to lament\\na lost child, whose name Itys, or Ityhis, they imagined that they could\\nhear in her notes the reason why the nightingale, when a human being,\\nwas supposed to have dwelt in this district was, that it had the fame of\\nbeing the native country of the art of singing, where the Muses would be\\nmost likely to impart their gifts to animals as in other parts of Greece\\nit was said that the nightingales sang sweetly over the grave of the\\nancient minstrel, Orpheus. From what has been said, it appears suffi-\\nciently clear that these Pierians or Thracians, dwelling about Helicon\\nand Parnassus in the vicinity of Attica, are chiefly signified when a\\nThracian origin is ascribed to the mythical bards of Attica.\\n9. It is an obvious remark, that with these movements of the\\nPierians was also connected the extension of the temples of the Muses\\nin Greece, who alone among the gods are represented by the ancient\\npoets as presiding over poetry, since Apollo, in strictness, is only con-\\ncerned with the music of the cithara. Homer calls the Muses the Olym-\\npian in Hesiod, at the beginning of the Theogony, they are called the\\nHeliconian, although, according to the notion of the Boeotian poet, they\\nwere born on Olympus, and dwelt at a short distance from the highest\\npinnacle of this mountain, where Zeus was enthroned whence they\\nonly go at times to Helicon, bathe in Hippocrene, and celebrate their\\nchoral dances around the altar of Zeus on the top of the mountain. Now,\\nwhen it is borne in mind that the same mountain on which the worship\\nof the Muses originally flourished was also represented in the earliest\\nGreek poetry 7 as the common abode of the Gods in which, whatever\\ncountry they might singly prefer, they jointly assembled about the throne\\nof the chief god, it seems highly probable that it was the poets of this\\nregion, the ancient Pierian minstrels, whose imagination had created this\\ncouncil of the gods and had distributed and arranged its parts. Those\\nthings which the epic poetry of Homer must have derived from earlier\\ncompositions (such as the first notions concerning the structure of the\\nworld, the dominions of the Olympian gods and the Titans, the established\\nepithets which are applied to the gods, without reference to the peculiar\\ncircumstances under which they appear, and which often disagree with\\nthe rest of the epic mythology) probably must, in great measure, be\\nreferred to these Pierian bards. Moreover, their poetry was doubtless\\nnot concerned merely with the gods, but contained the first germs of the\\nApollodoius, i. 3. 3.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0034.jp2"}, "33": {"fulltext": "LITERA.TUUE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 29\\nepic or heroic style more especially should Thamyris, who in Homer is\\ncalled a Thracian, and in other writers a son of Philammon* (by\\nwhich the neighbourhood of Daulis is designated as his abode), be con-\\nsidered as an epic poet, although some hymns were ascribed to him\\nfor in the account of Homer, that Thamyris, while going from one\\nprince to another, and having just returned from Eurytus of Oechalia,\\nwas deprived both of his eyesight and of his power of singing and play-\\ning on the cithara by the Muses, with whom he had undertaken to\\ncontend*, it is much more natural to understand a poet, such as Phemius\\nand Demodocus, who entertained kings and nobles at meals by the\\nnarration of heroic adventures, than a singer devoted to the pious service\\nof the gods and the celebration of their praises in hymns.\\nThese remarks naturally lead us to the consideration of the epic style\\nof poetry, of which we shall at once proceed to treat.\\nCHAPTER IV.\\n1. Social position of the minstrels or poets in the heroic age. 2. Epic poems\\nsung at the feasts of princes and nobles, and at public festivals. 3. Manner\\nof reciting epic poems explanation of rhapsodists and rhapsodising. 4. Metrical\\nform, and poetical character of the epic poetry. 5. Perpetuation of the early\\nepic poems by memory and not by writing. 6. Subjects and extent of the ante-\\nHomeric epic poetry.\\nIt is our intention in this chapter to trace the Greek Poetry, as far as\\nwe have the means of following its steps, on its migration from the\\nlonely valleys of Olympus and Helicon to all the nations which ruled\\nover Greece in the heroic age, and from the sacred groves of the gods\\nto the banquets of the numerous princes who then reigned in the dif-\\nferent states of Greece. At the same time we propose, as far as the\\nnature of our information permits, to investigate the gradual develop-\\nment of the heroic or epic style of poetry, until it reached the high\\nstation which it occupies in the poems of Homer.\\nIn this inquiry the Homeric poems themselves will form the chief\\nsources of information since to them we are especially indebted for a\\nclear, and, in the main, doubtless, a correct picture of the age which we\\nterm the heroic. The most important feature in this picture is, that\\namong the three classes of nobles f, common freemen J, and serfs the\\nfirst alone enjoyed consideration both in war and peace they alone\\nperformed exploits in battle, whilst the people appear to be there only\\nthat these exploits may be performed upon them. In the assembly of\\nIliad, ii. 594\u00e2\u0080\u0094600.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- Called ccgurroi, ugt r-~y$s, avaxrif, (ZxtriXvis, piSovrs;, and many other names, i\\n%ypo; (both as a collective and a singular name), Mpov av\\\\n.\\n6 luaz;.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0035.jp2"}, "34": {"fulltext": "30 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe people, as in the courts of justice, the nobles alone speak, advise,\\nand decide, whilst the people merely listen to their ordinances and\\ndecisions, in order to regulate their own conduct accordingly; being\\nsuffered, indeed, to follow the natural impulse of evincing, to a certain\\nextent, their approbation or disapprobation of their superiors, but still\\nwithout any legal means of giving validity to their opinion.\\nYet amidst this nobility, distinguished by its warlike prowess, its\\ngreat landed possessions and numerous slaves, various persons and\\nclasses found the means of attaining respect and station by means of\\nintellectual influence, knowledge, and acquirements, viz., priests, who\\nwere honoured by the people as gods*; seers, who announced the\\ndestinies of nations and men, sometimes in accordance with superstitious\\nnotions, but not unfrequently with a deep foresight of an eternal and\\nsuperintending Providence heralds, who by their manifold knowledge\\nand readiness of address were the mediators in all intercourse between\\npersons of different states artisans, who were invited from one country\\nto another, so much were their rare qualifications in request t; and,\\nlastly, minstrels, or bards who, although possessing less influence and\\nauthority than the priests, and placed on a level with the travelling\\nartisans, still, as servants of the Muses j, dedicated to the pure and inno-\\ncent worship of these deities, thought themselves entitled to a peculiar\\ndegree of estimation, as well as a friendly and considerate treatment.\\nThus Ulysses, at the massacre of the suitors, respects Phemius their\\nbard\u00c2\u00a7; and we find the same class enjoying a dignified position in\\nroyal families as, for instance, the faithful minstrel to whose protection\\nAgamemnon entrusted his wife during his expedition against Troy\\n2. Above all, we find the bards in the heroic age described by\\nHomer as always holding an important post in every festal banquet as\\nthe Muses in the Olympian palace of Zeus himself, who sing to Apollo s\\naccompaniment on the cithara; amongst the Phaeacians, Demodocus,\\nwho is represented as possessing a numerous choice of songs, both of a\\nserious and lively cast Phemius, in the house of Ulysses, whom the\\ntwelve suitors of Penelope had brought with them from their palaces in\\nIthaca^. The song and dance are the chief ornaments of the banquet**,\\nand by the men of that age were reckoned as the highest pleasure tt.\\nThis connexion of epic poetry with the banquets of princes had, per-\\n6to$ S us rkro /if^oo.\\nrts yuo V/i l-s/Vflv xa. ku aXXofav a,vro$ S7tlX6uv\\naKXov y, i\\\\ f^h ruv o i /ifttoipyoi ictaiv J\\nfjccivTiv t /irriQtt x,ce.x.uv j rixrova %ovquv,\\ny\\\\ x.a) iioniv aoibh, o xiv TioTT /ifftv uillcuv\\neSroi yug xkr/roi yi otu) It utu^ovcc yetiav.\\nOdyssey, xvii. 383 ei seq.\\nh Odyss. xxii. 344; see particularly viii. 479. Odyss. hi. 267.\\nOd. xvi. 252. \u00c2\u00abv\u00c2\u00ab^\u00c2\u00abt\u00c2\u00ab Unit. ft Od. xvii. 518.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0036.jp2"}, "35": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 31\\nhaps, been of considerable duration in Greece. Even the first sketch of\\nthe Iliad and Odyssey may have been intended to be sung; on these\\noccasions, as Demodocus sang the celebrated poem on the contest\\nbetween Achilles and Ulysses*, or the taking of Troy by means of the\\nwooden horse f. It is clear also that the Homeric poems were intended\\nfor the especial gratification of princes, not of republican communities,\\nfor whom the adage The government of many is not good let there\\nbe one lord, one king could not possibly have been composed and\\nalthough Homer flourished some centuries later than the heroic age,\\nwhich appeared to him like some distant and marvellous world, from\\nwhich the race of man had degenerated both in bodily strength and\\ncourage yet the constitutions of the different states had not undergone\\nany essential alteration, and the royal families, which are celebrated in\\nthe Iliad and Odyssey, still ruled in Greece and the colonies of Asia\\nMinor To these the minstrels naturally turned for the purpose of\\nmaking them acquainted with the renown of their forefathers, and whilst\\nthe pride of these descendants of heroes was flattered, and the highest\\nenjoyment secured to them, poetry became the instrument of the most\\nvarious instruction, and was adapted exclusively for the nobles of that\\nage so that Hesiod rightly esteems the power of deciding law-suits with\\njustice, and influencing a popular assembly, as a gift of the Muses, and\\nespecially of Calliope, to kings\\nBut even before Homer s time heroic poetry was not only employed\\nto give an additional zest to the banquets of princes, but for other pur-\\nposes to which, in the later republican age, it was almost exclusively\\napplied, viz., the contests of poets at public festivals and games. A con-\\ntest of this nature is alluded to in the Homeric description of the Thracian\\nOd. viii. 74. f Od. viii. 500. J Iliad, ii. 204.\\nThe supposed descendants of Hercules ruled in Sparta, and for a long time also\\nin Messenia and Argos (Midler s Dorians, book iii. chap. 6, 10) as Bacchiads in\\nCorinth, as Aleuads in Thessaly. The Pelopids were kings of Achaia until Oxylus,\\nprobably for several centuries, and ruled as Penthilids in Lesbos as well as in Cyme.\\nThe Ne/ids governed Athens as archons for life until the seventh Olympiad, and the.\\ncities of the lonians as kings for several generations (at Miletus, for example, the\\nsuccession was Nileus, Phobius, Phrygius). Besides these the descendants of the\\nLycian hero Glaucus ruled in Ionia Herod, i. 147 a circumstance which doubtless\\ninfluenced the poet in assigning so important a part to the Lycians in the Trojan\\nwar, and in celebrating Glaucus (Iliad, vi.). The JEacids ruled over the Molossians,\\nthe Mneads over the remnant of the Teucrians, which maintained itself at Gergis, in\\nthe range of Ida and in the neighbourhood. (Classical Journal, vol. xxvi. p. 308, seq.)\\nIn Arcadia kings of the race of JEpytus (Iliad, ii. 604) reigned till about Olympiad 30.\\nPausan. viii. 5. Boeotia was, in Hesiod s time, governed by kings with extensive\\npowers and Amphidamas of Chalcis, at whose funeral games the Ascrsean bard was\\nvictorious Egya, v. 652) was probably a king in Euboea (see Proclus, Tivos Htno^ou,\\nand the hyuv) although Plutarch (Conviv. sept. sap. c. 10) only calls him an\\naw,o ToXifnyJs The Homeric epigram, 13, in the Life of Homer, c. 31, calls the\\nyipugot fixiriXni; vipivot uv ayo^n, the ornament of the market-place the later recension\\nof the same epigram in Htrio^ou xat O^n^ou uyuv mentions instead the kao; e/v uyoPv ri\\nxaHpivos, in a republican sense, the people having taken the place of kings.\\nH Theogony, v. 84.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0037.jp2"}, "36": {"fulltext": "32 HISTORY OF THE\\nbard Thamyris, who, on his road from Eurytus, the powerful ruler of\\nGEchalia, was struck blind at Dorium by the Muses, and deprived of his\\nentire art, because he had boasted of his ability to contend even with the\\nMuses*. The Boeotian minstrel of the Works and Days gives an\\naccount of his own voyage to the games at Chalcis, which the sons of\\nAmphidamas had celebrated at the funeral of their father and says,\\nthat among the prizes which were there held out, he carried off a tripod,\\nand consecrated it to the Muses on Mount Helicon f. Later authors\\nconverted this into a contest between Hesiod and Homer. Finally, the\\nauthor of the Delian Hymn to Apollo, which stands the first amongst\\nthose attributed to Homer, entreats the Delian virgins (who were them-\\nselves well versed in the song, and probably obeyed him with pleasure),\\nthat when a stranger should inquire what bard had pleased them most,\\nthey would answer the blind man of Chios, whose poetry every where\\nheld the first rank. It is beyond doubt that at the festivals, with which\\nthe Ionians celebrated the birth of Apollo at Delos, contests of rhapso-\\ndists were also introduced, just as we find them spread throughout Greece,\\nat a time when Grecian history assumes a more connected form J and,\\nas may be inferred with respect to the earlier period, from numerous\\nallusions in the Homeric hymns.\\n3. The mention of rhapsodists leads us to consider the circum-\\nstance from whence that name is derived, and from which alone we can\\ncollect a clear and lively idea of epic poetry, viz., the manner in which\\nthese compositions were delivered. Homer everywhere applies the term\\naoihr] to the delivery of poems, whilst iirq merely denotes the every-day\\nconversation of common life on the other hand, later authors, from\\nPindar downwards, use the term zirn frequently to designate poetry, and\\nespecially epic, in contradistinction to lyric. Indeed, in that primitive\\nand simple age, a great deal passed under the name of AotcY/, or song,\\nwhich in later times would not have been considered as such for in-\\nstance, any high-pitched sonorous recitation, with certain simple modu-\\nlations of the voice.\\nThe Homeric minstrel makes use of a stringed instrument, which is\\nIliad, ii. 594, seq. f v. 654, seq., compare above note\\nI Contests of rhapsodists at Sicyon, in the time of the tyrant Clisthenes, Herod.\\nV. 77 at the same time at the Panathencea, according to well known accounts in\\nSyracuse, about Olymp. 69, Schol. Pind. Nem. ii. 1 at the Asclepira in Epidaurus,\\nPlato, Ion, p. 530 in Attica also, at the festival of the Brauronian Artemis, Hesych.\\nin Bguvguvioi; at the festival of the Charites in Orchomenos that of the Muses at\\nThespice, and that of Apollo Ptous at Acrcephia, Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr., Nos.\\n1583 15S7, vol. i. p. 762 770 in Chios, in later times, but doubtless from ancient\\ncustom, Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2214, vol. ii. p. 201; in Teos, under the name\\nvnofioXKS ccvTccrodotrius, according to Boeckh. Prooem. Lect. Berol. aestiv. 1 834. Poems\\nwere likewise sometimes rhapsodised in O/ympia. Diog. Laert. viii. 6, 63 Diod.\\nxiv. 109. Contests of rhapsodists also suited the festivals of Dionysus, Athenaeus,\\nvii. p. 275 and those of all gods, which it is right to remark for the proper compre-\\nhension of the Homeric hymns.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0038.jp2"}, "37": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 33\\ncalled a cithara, or, more precisely, phorminx*, an instrument by which\\ndances were also accompanied. When the phorminx was used to lead\\na dancing-chorus, its music was of course continued as long as the\\ndancing* lasted f whilst, at the recitation of epic poetry, it was only em-\\nployed in the introduction (d /a/3oA//), and merely served to give the\\nvoice the necessary pitch 4. A simple accompaniment of this description\\nis very well adapted to the delivery of epic poetry and in the present\\nday the heroic lays of the Servians, which have most faithfully retained\\ntheir original character, are delivered in an elevated tone of voice by\\nwandering minstrels, after a few introductory notes, for which the gurla,\\na stringed instrument of the simplest construction, is employed. That\\na musical instrument of this nature was not necessary for the recital\\nof epic poetry is proved by the fact, that Hesiod did not make use of\\nthe cithara, and on that account is said to have been excluded from the\\nmusical contests at Delphi, where this instrument was held in the highest\\nestimation, as the favourite of Apollo himself. On the other hand, the\\npoets of this Boeotian school merely carried a laurel staff\u00c2\u00a7, as a token\\nof the dignity bestowed by Apollo and the Muses, as the sceptre was\\nthe badge of judges and heralds.\\nIn later times, as music was more highly cultivated, the delivery of the\\ntwo species of poetry became more clearly denned. The rhapsodists,\\nor chaunters of epic poetry, are clearly distinguished from the citharodi,\\nor singers to the cithara The expression pa\\\\p ohos, paxpwdeiv, signifies\\nnothing more than the peculiar method of epic recitation and it is an\\nerror which has been the occasion of much perplexity in researches re-\\nspecting Homer, and which has moreover found its way into ordinary\\nlanguage, to endeavour to found upon this word conclusions with respect\\nto the composition and connexion of the epic lays, and to infer\\nfrom it that they consisted of scattered fragments subsequently joined to-\\nThat the phorminx and cithara were nearly the same instrument appears not\\nonly from the expression tpbyuyyi xrfugl iv, which often occurs, hut from the con-\\nverse expression, xMpu p^i^uv, which is used in the Odyssey:\\nx /i^v t V Iv %i( fftv y a v vtgutcl\\\\ /.ioi Ovwiv\\n^fry/tied, 0$ p Alibi xa.^k f vi]ffT)igertv uvuyz /i.\\nfoot pogf i\u00c2\u00a3cuv uvifiuXXiro KttXh uiifoiv. Od. i. 153\u00e2\u0080\u00945.\\nf See, for example, Od. iv. 17:\\nfziru Vi ff(piv iuiXwiro 6i7o; uoi$os\\npo^[At^uv ^oiu Vi nvfiitTT /iryioi x.ut avrov;\\n(/.oXtm i^dp^ovrts Wivtvov kcctx fiitftrov;.\\nI Hence the expression, p^i^av unfiuXXir iuihiv, Od. i. 155 viii. 266 xvii. 262\\nHymn to Hermes, v. 426.\\nro Xa $e Xiyiu; K,i0ug!\u00c2\u00a3uv i\\nTygusT Kft[Zo\\\\a,%nV) Ipwrh Vz ei itrmro (ptuv/i.\\nOn ctpfZoXu, in the sense of prelude, see Pindar, Pyth. i. 7 compare Aristoph. Pac.\\n830 Theocrit. vi. 20. I pass over the testimonies of the grammarians.\\npolios, u1 rctKos, also called ffwvrgov. See Hesiod, Theogon. 30 Pindar, Isthm\\niii. 55 where, according to Dissen, puf os, as the symbolical sign of the poetical\\noffice, is also ascribed to Homer, Pausan. ix. 30 x. 7 Gottling ad Hesiod, p. 13.\\nSee, for example, Plato, Leg, ii. p. 658, and the inscriptions quoted above, p. 32,\\nnote J.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0039.jp2"}, "38": {"fulltext": "34 HISTORY OF THE\\ngether. The term rhapsodising applies equally well to the bard who\\nrecites his own poem (as to Homer, as the poet of the Iliad and\\nOdyssey and to the declaimer who recites anew the song that has\\nbeen heard a thousand times before. Every poem can be rhapsodised\\nwhich is composed in an epic tone, and in which the verses are of equal\\nlength, without being distributed into corresponding parts of a larger\\nwhole, strophes, or similar systems. Thus we find this term applied to\\nphilosophical songs of purification by Empedocles (ra0ap/ioc)\u00c2\u00bb and to\\niambics by Archilochus and Simonides, which were strung together in\\nthe manner of hexameters t; it was, indeed, only lyric poetry, like\\nPindar s odes, which could not be rhapsodised. Rhapsodists were also\\nnot improperly called arixytiol J, because all the poems which they re-\\ncited were composed in single lines independent of each other (tr-t^oi).\\nThis also is evidently the meaning of the name rhapsodist, which, ac-\\ncording to the laws of the language, as well as the best authorities\\nought to be derived from pd7rfeiv aoilr\\\\v, and denotes the coupling to-\\ngether of verses without any considerable divisions or pauses in other\\nwords, the even, unbroken, and continuous flow of the epic poem. As\\nthe ancients in general show great steadiness and consistency, both in\\nart and literature, and adhered, without any feeling of satiety or craving\\nafter novelty, to those models and styles of composition, which had been\\nonce recognised as the most perfect so epic poems, amongst the Greeks,\\ncontinued to be rhapsodised for upwards of a thousand years. It is\\ntrue, indeed, that at a later period the Homeric poems, like those of\\nHesiod, were connected with a musical accompaniment and it is said\\nthat even Terpander the Lesbian adapted the hexameters of Homer, as\\nwell as his own, to tunes made according to certain fixed nomes or styles\\nof music, and to have thus sung them at the contests and that Ste-\\nsander the Samian appeared at the Pythian games as the first who sung\\nthe Homeric poems to the cithara**. This assimilation between the\\ndelivery of epic and lyric poetry was however very far from being gene-\\nrally adopted throughout Greece, as the epic recitation or rhapsodia is\\nalways clearly distinguished from the poems sung to the cithara at the\\nmusical contests and how great an effect an exhibition of this kind,\\nHomer, pu-^uhT -rt^uav, the Iliad and Odyssey, according to Plato, Rep. x.\\np. GOO D. Concerning Hesiod as a rhapsodist, Nicocles ap. Schol. Pindar., Nem. ii.\\nt See Athenaeus, xiv. p. 620 C. Compare Plato, Ion. p. 531.\\nj Menaechmus in Schol. Pind., Nem. ii.\\nThe Homerids are called by Pindar, Nem. ii. 2, pavruv Inicov ueiht, that is, car-\\nminum perpetua oratione recitatorum, Dissen. ed. min. p. 371. In the scholia to this\\npassage a verse is cited under the name of Hesiod, in which he ascribes the /acr-\\ntuv aoilhv to himself and Homer, and, moreover, in reference to a hymn, not an\\nepic poem consisting of several parts.\\nAthenaeus, xiv. p. 620 B, after Chamseleon. But the argument of Athenaeus,\\nib. p. 632 D. Of wgov /u,ifjt,z?*o9roi /ix,i) oct tkfckv exurod r\u00c2\u00bbjv xo tr nv rests on erroneous\\nhypotheses.\\n\u00c2\u00abj[ Plutarch de Musica, 3. Athen. xiv. p. 638 A.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0040.jp2"}, "39": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 35\\ndelivered in a dress of solemn ceremony*, with suitable tones and expres-\\nsion f, produced upon the listeners, and how much it excited their sym-\\npathy, is most plainly described by Ion, the Ephesian rhapsodist, whom\\nPlato, in one of his lesser Dialogues, has brought forward as a butt for\\nthe irony of Socrates.\\n4. The form which epic poetry preserved for more than a thousand\\nyears among the Greeks agrees remarkably well with this composed and\\neven style of chaunting recitation which we have just described. In-\\ndeed, the ancient minstrels of the Homeric and ante-Homeric age had\\nprobably no choice, since for a long period the hexameter verse was the\\nonly regular and cultivated form of poetry, and even in the time of Ter-\\npander (about Olymp. 30) was still almost exclusively used for lyric\\npoetry although we are not on that account to suppose, that all popular\\nsongs, hymeneals, dirges, and ditties (such as those which Homer repre-\\nsents Calypso and Circe as singing at the loom), were composed in\\nthe same rhythm. But the circumstance of the dactylic verse, the hexa-\\nmeter, having^been the first and, for a long time,] the only metre which\\nwas regularly cultivated in Greece, is an important evidence with respect\\nto the tone and character of the ancient Grecian poetry, the Ho-\\nmeric and ante- Homeric epic. The character of the different rhythms,\\nwhich, among the Greeks, was always in exact accordance with that of\\nthe poetry, consists in the first place in the relation of the arsis and\\nthesis, of the strong or weak cadence in other words, of the greater or\\nless exertion of the voice. Now in the dactyl these two elements are\\nevenly balanced J, which therefore belongs to the equal class of equal\\nrhythms and hence a regular equipoise, with its natural accompani-\\nment, an even and steady tone, is the character of the dactylic measure.\\nThis tone is constantly preserved in the epic hexameter but there were\\nother dactylic metres, which, by the shortening of the long element, or\\nthe arsis, acquired a different character, which will be more closely\\nexamined when we come to treat of the iEolian lyric poetry. Accord-\\ning to Aristotle the epic verse was the most dignified and composed\\nof all measures its entire form and composition appears indeed pecu-\\nliarly fitted to produce this effect. The length of the verse, which con-\\nsists of six feet the break which is obtained by a pause at the end\\nthe close connexion of the parts into an entire whole, which results\\nPlato, Ion. p. 530. The sumptuous dress of the rhapsodist Magnes of Smyrna,\\nin the time of Gyges, is described by Nicolaus Damasc. Fr agm. p. 268, ed. Tauch-\\nnitz. In later times, when the Homeric poetry was delivered in a more dramatic\\nstyle (i/tfsxgi v To fyaf arixungoi), the Iliad was sung by the rhapsodists in a^ red, the\\nOdyssey in a violet, dress, Eustath. ad Iliad, A. p. 6, 9, ed. Rom.\\nf Plato, Ion. p. 535. From this, in later days, a regular dramatic style of acting\\n{vtox^ktis) for the rhapsodists or Homerists was developed. See Aristot. Poet. 26\\nRhetor, iii. 1, 8; Achill. Tat. ii. 1.\\nI For in Ivu, I is equal to two times, as well as vu. yUot rav.\\nI I Poet. 24, to h^uixh ffTowifAuroirov xa) hyxuViorrarov tuv ftireuv Itrrtv,\\nHence versus longi among the Romans. xaraAjjg/;.\\nd2", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0041.jp2"}, "40": {"fulltext": "30 HISTORY OF THE\\nfrom the dovetailing of the feet into one another, the alternation of dac-\\ntyls with the heavy spondees, all contribute to give repose and majesty\\nand a lofty solemn tone to the metre, and render it equally adapted to\\nthe pythoness who announces the decrees of the deity*, and to the rhap-\\nsodist who recites the battles and adventures of heroes.\\nNot only the metre, but the poetical tone and style of the ancient\\nepic, was fixed and settled in a manner which occurs in no other kind of\\npoetry in Greece. This uniformity in style is the first thing that strikes us\\nin comparing the Homeric poems with other remains of the more ancient\\nepic poetry the differences between them being apparent only to the\\ncareful and critical observer. It is scarcely possible to account satisfac-\\ntorily for this uniformity this invariableness of character except upon\\nthe supposition of a certain tradition handed down from generation to\\ngeneration in families of minstrels, of an hereditary poetical school. We\\nrecognise in the Homeric poems many traces of a style of poetry which,\\nsprung originally from the muse-inspired enthusiasm of the Pierians of\\nOlympus or Helicon, was received and improved by the bards of the\\nheroic ages, and some centuries later arrived at the matured excellence\\nwhich is still the object of our admiration, though without losing all\\nconnexion with its first source. We shall not indeed undertake to\\ndefend the genealogies constructed by Pherecydes, Damastes, and other\\ncollectors of legends from all the various names of primitive poets and\\nminstrels extant in their time genealogies, in which Homer and\\nHesiod are derived from Orpheus, Musams, and other Pierian bards f\\nbut the fundamental notion of these derivations, viz., the connexion of\\nthe epic poets with the early minstrels, receives much confirmation from\\nthe form of the epic poetry itself.\\nIn no other species of poetry besides the epic do we find generally\\nprevalent certain traditional forms, and an invariable type, to which\\nevery poet, however original and inventive his genius, submits and it\\nis evident that the getting by heart of these poems, as well as their extem-\\nporaneous effusion on particular occasions and at the inspiration of the\\nmoment, must have been by these means greatly facilitated. To the\\nsame cause, or to the style which had been consecrated by its origin and\\ntradition, we attribute the numerous and fixed epithets of the gods and\\nheroes which are added to their names without any reference to their\\nactions or the circumstances of the persons who may be described. The\\ngreat attention paid to external dignity in the appellations which the\\nheroes bestow on each other, and which, from the elevation of their\\ntone, are in strange contrast with the reproaches with which they at the\\nsame time load each other the frequently-recurring expressions, par-\\nticularly in the description of the ordinary events of heroic life, their\\nHence called Pythium metrum, and stated to be an invention of the priestess\\nPhemonoe, Dorians, ii. ch. 8, 13.\\nf These genealogies have been most accurately compared and examined with cri-\\ntical acuteness by Lobeck, in his learned work, Aglaophamus, vol. i. p. 322, seg.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0042.jp2"}, "41": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF AXCIENT GREECE. 37\\nassemblies, sacrifices, banquets, c. the proverbial expressions and\\nsentences derived from an earlier age, to which class may be referred\\nmost of the verses which belong in common to Homer and Hesiod and,\\nfinally, the uniform construction of the sentences, and their connexion\\nwith each other, are also attributable to the same origin.\\nThis, too, is another proof of the happy tact and natural genius of the\\nGreeks of that period since no style can be conceived which would be\\nbetter suited than this to epic narrative and description. In general,\\nshort phrases, consisting of two or three hexameters, and usually termi-\\nnating with the end of a verse periods of greater length, occurring\\nchiefly in impassioned speeches and elaborate similes the phrases care-\\nfully joined and strung together with conjunctions the collocation\\nsimple and uniform, without any of the words being torn from their\\nconnexion, and placed in a prominent position by a rhetorical artifice\\nall this appears the natural language of a mind which contemplates the\\nactions of heroic life with an energetic but tranquil feeling, and passes\\nthem successively in review with conscious delight and complacency.\\n5. The tone and style of epic poetry is also evidently connected\\nwith the manner in which these poems were perpetuated. After the\\nresearches of various scholars, especially of Wood and Wolf, no one can\\ndoubt that it was universally preserved by the memory alone, and handed\\ndown from one rhapsodist to another by oral tradition. The Greeks\\n(who, in poetry, laid an astonishing stress on the manner of delivery,\\nthe observance of the rhythm, and the proper intonation and inflection\\nof the voice) always, even in later times, considered it necessary that per-\\nsons, who were publicly to deliver poetical compositions, should previ-\\nously practise and rehearse their part. The oral instruction of the chorus\\nwas the chief employment of the lyric and tragic poets, who were hence\\ncalled chorodidascali. Amongst the rhapsodists also, to whom the cor-\\nrectness and grace of delivery was of much importance, this method of\\ntradition was the most natural, and at the same time the only one pos-\\nsible, at a time in which the art of writing was either not known at all\\nto the Greeks or used only by a few, and by them to a very slight extent.\\nThe correctness of this supposition is proved, in the first place, by the\\nsilence of Homer, which has great weight in matters which he had so\\nfrequently occasion to describe; but particularly by the fatal tokens\\n(W/juarct Xvypa), commanding the destruction of Bellerophon, which\\nProetus sends to Iobates these being clearly a species of symbolical\\nfigures, which must have speedily disappeared from use when alpha-\\nbetical writing was once generally introduced.\\nBesides this we have no credible account of written memorials of that\\nperiod and it is distinctly stated that the laws of Zaleucus (about Olymp.\\n30) were the first committed to writing those of Lycurgus, of earlier\\ndate, having been at first preserved only by oral tradition. Additional\\nconfirmation is afforded by the rarity and worthlessness of any historical", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0043.jp2"}, "42": {"fulltext": "38 HISTORY OF THE\\ndata founded upon written documents, of the period before the com-\\nmencement of the Olympiads. The same circumstance also explains\\nthe late introduction of prose composition among the Greeks, viz., during\\nthe time of the seven wise men. The frequent employment of writing\\nfor detailed records would of itself have introduced the use of prose.\\nAnother proof is afforded by the existing inscriptions, very few of which\\nare of earlier date than the time of Solon also by the coins which were\\nstruck in Greece from the reign of Phidon, king of Argos (about\\nOlymp. 8), and which continued for some time without any inscription,\\nand only gradually obtained a few letters. Again, the very shape of the\\nletters may be adduced in evidence, as in all monuments until about\\nthe time of the Persian war, they exhibit a great uncouthness in their\\nform, and a great variety of character in different districts so much so,\\nthat we can almost trace their gradual development from the Phoenician\\ncharacter (which the Greeks adopted as the foundation of their alphabet)\\nuntil they obtained at last a true Hellenic stamp. Even in the time of\\nHerodotus, the term Phoenician characters was still used for writing.\\nIf now we return to Homer, it will be found that the form of the text\\nitself, particularly as it appears in the citations of ancient authors, dis-\\nproves the idea of its having been originally committed to writing, since\\nwe find a great variety of different readings and discrepancies, which\\nare much more reconcilable with oral than written tradition. Finally,\\nthe language of the Homeric poems (as it still appears after the nume-\\nrous revisions of the text), if considered closely and without prejudice, is\\nof itself a proof that they were not committed to writing till many cen-\\nturies after their composition. We allude more particularly to the omis-\\nsion of the van, or (as it is termed) the iEolic digamma, a sound which\\nwas pronounced even by Homer strongly or faintly according to cir-\\ncumstances, but was never admitted by the Ionians into written com-\\nposition, they having entirely got rid of this sound before the introduc-\\ntion of writing and hence it was not received in the most ancient copies\\nof Homer, which were, without doubt, made by the Ionians. The\\nlicence as to the use of the digamma is, however, only one instance of the\\nfreedom which so strongly characterizes the language of Homer but it\\ncould never have attained that softness and flexibility which render it so\\nwell adapted for versification that variety of longer and shorter forms\\nwhich existed together that freedom in contracting and resolving vowels,\\nand of forming the contractions into two syllables if the practice of\\nwriting had at that time exercised the power, which it necessarily pos-\\nsesses, of fixing the forms of a language. Lastly, to return to the point,\\nfor the sake of which we have entered into this explanation, the\\npoetical style of the ancient epic poems shows the great use it made of\\nthose aids of which poetry, preserved and transmitted by means of\\nQotvixvia in Herod, v. 58. Likewise in the inscription known by the name ot\\nDirae Tt wrum.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0044.jp2"}, "43": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 39\\nmemory alone, will always gladly avail itself. The Greek epic, like\\nheroic poems of other nations which were preserved by oral tradition,\\nas well as our own popular songs, furnishes us with many instances,\\nwhere, by the mere repetition of former passages or a few customary\\nflowing phrases, the mind is allowed an interval of repose, which it\\ngladly makes use of in order to recal the verses which immediately follow.\\nThese epic expletives have the same convenience as the constantly-\\nrecurring burdens of the stanzas in the popular poetry of other nations,\\nand contribute essentially towards rendering comprehensible the marvel\\n(which, however, could only be accounted as such in times when the\\npowers of memory have been weakened by the use of writing) involved\\nin the composition and preservation of such poems by the means of\\nmemory alone*.\\n6. In this chapter our inquiries have hitherto been directed to the\\ndelivery, form, and character of the ancient epic, as we must suppose it\\nto have existed before the age of Homer. With regard, however, to any\\nparticular production of this ante- Homeric poetry, no historical testimony\\nof any is extant, much less any fragment or account of the subject of the\\npoem. And yet it is in general quite certain that at the period when\\nHomer and Hesiod arose, a large number of songs must have existed\\nrespecting the actions both of gods and heroes. The compositions of\\nthese poets, if taken by themselves, do not bear the character of a com-\\nplete and all-sufficient body, but rest on a broad foundation of other\\npoems, by means of which their entire a scope and application was deve-\\nloped to a contemporary audience. In the Theogony, Hesiod only aims\\nat bringing the families of gods and heroes into an unbroken genealo-\\ngical connexion the gods and heroes themselves he always supposes\\nto be well known. Homer speaks of Achilles, Nestor, Diomed, even\\nthe first time their names are introduced, as persons with whose race,\\nfamily, preceding history, and actions, every person was acquainted, and\\nwhich require to be only occasionally touched upon so far as may be\\nconnected with the actual subject. Besides this, we find a crowd of\\nsecondary personages, who, as if well known from particular traditions,\\nare very slightly alluded to persons whose existence was doubtless a\\nmatter of notoriety to the poet, and who were interesting from a variety\\nof circumstances, but who are altogether unknown to us, as they were to\\nthe Greeks of later days. That the Olympian council of the gods, as\\nrepresented in Homer, must have been previously arranged by earlier\\npoets, has been already remarked and poetry of a similar nature to one\\npart of Hesiod s Theogony, though in some respects essentially different,\\nThe author has here given a summary of all the arguments which contradict\\nthe opinion that the ancient epics of the Greeks were originally reduced to writing\\nprincipally because, in the course of the critical examination to which Wolf s in-\\nquiries have been recently submitted in Germany, this point has been differently\\nhandled by several persons, and it has been again maintained that these poems were\\npreserved in writing from the beginning.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0045.jp2"}, "44": {"fulltext": "40 HISTORY OP THE\\nmust have been composed upon Cronus and Japetus, the expelled deities\\nlanguishing in Tartarus*.\\nIn the heroic age, however, every thing great and distinguished must\\nhave been celebrated in song, since, according to Homer s notions, glo-\\nrious actions or destinies naturally became the subjects of poetry f.\\nPenelope by her virtues, and Clytaemnestra by her crimes, became respec-\\ntively a tender and a dismal strain for posterity J; the enduring opinion\\nof mankind being identical with the poetry. The existence of epic\\npoems descriptive of the deeds of Hercules, is in particular established\\nby the peculiarity of the circumstances mentioned in Homer with\\nrespect to this hero, which seem to have been taken singly from some\\nfull and detailed account of his adventures nor would the ship Argo\\nhave been distinguished in the Odyssey by the epithet of interesting\\nto all, had it not been generally well known through the medium of\\npoetry Many events, moreover, of the Trojan war were known to\\nHomer as the subjects of epic poems, especially those which occurred at\\na late period of the siege, as the contest between Achilles and Ulysses,\\nevidently a real poem, which was not perhaps without influence upon\\nthe Iliad and the poem of the Wooden Horse Poems are also men-\\ntioned concerning the return of the Achaeans ft, and the revenge of\\nOrestes J J. And since the newest song, even at that time, always pleased\\nthe audience most we must picture to ourselves a flowing stream of\\nvarious strains, and a revival of the olden time in song, such as never\\noccurred at any other period. All the Homeric allusions, however, leave\\nthe impression that these songs, originally intended to enliven a few\\nhours of a prince s banquet, were confined to the narration of a single\\nevent of small compass, or (to borrow an expression from the German\\nepopees) to a single adventure, for the connexion of which they\\nentirely relied upon the general notoriety of the story and on other\\nexisting poems.\\nSuch was the state of poetry in Greece when the genius of Homer\\narose.\\nThat is to say, it does not, from the intimations given in Homer, seem prohable\\nthat he reckoned the deities of the water, as Oceanus and Tethys, and those of the\\nlight, as Hyperion and Theia, among the Titans, as Hesiod does.\\nf See Iliad, vi.358; Od. iii. 204. J Od. xxiv. 197, 200.\\nSee Midler s Dorians, Append, v. 14, vol. i. p. 543.\\nOd. xii. 70 A^yu greuriplkoviret.\\nThe words are very remarkable\\nMevir a.o aoi^ov uv/ixtv azidifiiveti Kk -ct avoouv,\\natfMfc, T*K r or r \u00c2\u00abf a *Xso; oloavcv tv^vv ixanv,\\niukoc y Ql v r rm$ xa) DrtXi tbiw A^iXr.o;. Od. viii. 73, seq.\\nOd. viii. 492. ff Od. i. 326. Od. hi. 204. Od. i. 351.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0046.jp2"}, "45": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 41\\nCHAPTER V.\\n1. Opinions on the birthplace and country of Homer. 2. Homer probably a\\nSmynia s an: early history of Smyrna. 3. Union ofyEolian and Ionian cha-\\nracteristics in Homer. 4. Novelty of Homer s choice of subjects for his two\\npoems. 5. Subject of the Iliad the anger of Achilles. 6. Enlargement of\\nthe subject by introducing the events of the entire war. 7. and by dwelling on\\nthe exploits of the Grecian heroes. 8. Change of tone in the Iliad in its pro-\\ngress. 5 9. The Catalogue of Ships. 10. The later books, and the conclusion of\\nthe Iliad. 11. Subject of the Odyssey: the return of Ulysses. 12. Inter-\\npolations in the Odyssey. 13. The Odyssey posterior to the Iliad; but both\\npoems composed by the same person. 14. Preservation of the Homeric poems\\nby rhapsodists, and manner of their recitation.\\n1. The only accounts which have been preserved respecting the life of\\nHomer are a few popular traditions, together with conjectures of the\\ngrammarians founded on inferences from different passages of his poems\\nyet even these, if examined with patience and candour, furnish some mate-\\nrials for arriving at probable results. With regard to the native country of\\nHomer, the traditions do not differ so much as might at first sight appear\\nto be the case. Although seven cities contended for the honour of havins:\\ngiven birth to the great poet, the claims of many of them were only\\nindirect. Thus the Athenians only laid claim to Homer, as having\\nbeen the founders of Smyrna*, and the opinion of Aristarchus, the\\nAlexandrine critic, which admitted their claim, was probably qualified\\nwith the same explanation f. Even Chios cannot establish its right to\\nbe considered as the original source of the Homeric poetry, although the\\nclaims of this Ionic island are supported by the high authority of the\\nlyric poet Simonides It is true that in Chios lived the race of the\\nHomerids who, from the analogy of other yevq, are to be considered\\nnot as a family, but as a society of persons, who followed the same art,\\nand therefore worshipped the same gods, and placed at their head a\\nThis is clearly expressed in the epigram on Pisi stratus, in Bekker s Anecdota,\\nvol. ii. p. 768.\\nto!? (ai rvoavvrHruvra. TOTu.vra.Kii i^ihiu%iv\\n^Tifjco? Afava/cov, xoc) to)? WnyayiTo,\\ntov f^ tyctv iv QouXy Uit ritrrpxrov, eg tov Ouvoov\\nnQomo-u., ffvropadnv to toiv auYofttvov.\\nv/u.it;oo; yccQ xuvo? 6 y^ovtrio? riv ToXiyjT /j?,\\ni Iti( AO /ivkioi Ipvovuv afUKiff-Xfttv,\\nf The opinion of Aristarchus is briefly stated by Pseudo-Plutarch Vita Homeri,\\nii. :i. lis foundation may be seen by comparing, for example, the Schol. Venet. on Iliad,\\nxiii. 1D7, e cod. A, which, according 10 recent investigations, contain extracts from\\nAristarchus.\\nI Simonides in Pseudo-Plutarch, ii. 2, and others. Compare Theocritus, vii. 17.\\nConcerning this yivo?, see the statements in Harpocration in Opyiofiai, and Bek-\\nker s Anecdota, p. 288, which in part are derived from the logographers. Another\\nand different use of the word Opnefieti occurs in Plato, Isocrates, and other writers,\\naccording to which it means the admirers of Homer.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0047.jp2"}, "46": {"fulltext": "42 HISTORY OF THE\\nhero, from whom they derived their name*. A member of this house\\nof Homerids was, probably, the blind poet, who, in the Homeric\\nhymn to Apollo, relates of himself, that he dwelt on the rocky Chios,\\nwhence he crossed to Delos for the festival of the Ionians and the con-\\ntests of the poets, and whom Thucydides f took for Homer himself; a\\nsupposition, which at least shows that this great historian considered\\nChios as the dwelling-place of Homer. A later Homerid of Chios was\\nthe well-known Cinaethus, who, as we know from his victory at Syracuse,\\nflourished about the 69th Olympiad. At what time the Homerid Par-\\nthenius of Chios lived is unknown But notwithstanding the ascer-\\ntained existence of this clan of Homerids at Chios, nay, if we even, with\\nThucydides, take the blind man of the hymn for Homer himself, it\\nwould not follow that Chios was the birthplace of Homer indeed, the\\nancient writers have reconciled these accounts by representing Homer\\nas having, in his wanderings, touched at Chios, and afterwards fixed his\\nresidence there. A notion of this kind is evidently implied in Pindar s\\nstatements, who in one place called Homer a Smyrnsean by origin, in\\nanother, a Chian and Smyrnaean The same idea is also indicated in\\nthe passage of an orator, incidentally cited by Aristotle which says that\\nthe Chians greatly honoured Homer, although he was not a citizen\\nWith the Chian race of Homerids may be aptly compared the Samian\\nfamily although this is not joined immediately to the name of Homer,\\nbut to that of Creophylus, who is described as the contemporary and\\nhost of Homer. This house also flourished for several centuries since, in\\nthe first place, a descendant of Creophylus is said to have given the\\nHomeric poems to Lycurgus the Spartan (which statement may be so\\nfar true, that the Lacedaemonians derived their knowledge of these poems\\nfrom rhapsodists of the race of Creophylus) and, secondly, a later\\nCreophylid, named Hermodamas, is said to have been heard by Py-\\nthagoras**.\\n2. On the other hand, the opinion that Homer was a Smyrnasan not\\nonly appears to have been the prevalent belief in the flourishing times of\\nGreece tt but is supported by the two following considerations first,\\nthe important fact, that it appears in the form of a popular legend, a\\nmythus, the divine poet being called a son of a nymph, Critheis, and the\\nNiebuhr, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. note 747 (801). Compare the Preface to\\nMuller s Dorians, p. xii. seq. English Translation.\\nThucyd. iii. 104.\\nSuidas in Ua.t Uw. It may be conjectured tbat this vios Q httopo;, a-xoyovo;\\nOpipo-j, is connected with the ancient epic poet, Thestorides of Phocaea and Chios,\\nmentioned in Pseudo-Herodot. Vit. Horn.\\nSee Boeckh. Pindar. Fragm. inc. 86.\\nAristot. Rhet. ii. 23. Cornp. Pseudo-Herod. Vit. Horn., near the end.\\nSee particularly Heraclid. Pont. vroXiruuv, Fragm. 2.\\nSuidas in Uv^ayooet; ~S.dy,io;. p. 231, ed. Kuster.\\n\\\\t Besides the testimony of Pindar, the incidental statement of Scylaxis the most\\nremarkable. 2/*y ^a h V 0^r t oo fa, p. 35, ed. Is. Voss.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0048.jp2"}, "47": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 43\\nSmymaean river Meles*; secondly, that by assuming Smyrna as the\\ncentral point of Homer s life and celebrity, the claims of all the other\\ncities which rest on good authority (as of the Athenians, already men-\\ntioned, of the Cumaeans, attested by Ephorus, himself a Cumaean f, of\\nthe Colophonians, supported by Antimachus of Colophon may be ex-\\nplained and reconciled in a simple and natural manner. With this view,\\nthe history of Smyrna is of great importance in connexion with Homer,\\nbut from the conflicting interests of different tribes and the partial\\naccounts of native authorities, is doubtful and obscure the following\\naccount is, at least, the result of careful investigation. There were two\\ntraditions and opinions with respect to the foundation or first occupa-\\ntion of Smyrna by a Greek people the one was the Ionic according\\nto which it was founded from Ephesus, or from an Ephesian village\\ncalled Smyrna, which really existed under that name this colony was\\nalso called an Athenian one, the lonians having settled Ephesus under\\nthe command of Androclus, the son of CodrusU. According to the\\nother, the JEolian account, the iEolians of Cyme, eighteen years after\\ntheir own city was founded, took possession of Smyrna and, in con-\\nnexion with this event, accounts of the leaders of the colony are given,\\nwhich agree well with other mythical statements**. As the Ionic\\nsettlement was fixed by the Alexandrine chronologists at the year 140\\nafter the destruction of Troy, and the foundation of Cyme is placed at\\nthe year 150 after the same epoch (which is in perfect harmony with\\nthe succession of the iEolic colonies), the two races met at about the\\nsame time in Smyrna, although, perhaps, it may be allowed that the\\nlonians had somewhat the precedence in point of time, as the name of\\nthe town was derived from them. It is credible, although it is not\\ndistinctly stated, that for a long time the two populations occupied\\nSmyrna jointly. The ^Eolians, however, appear to have predominated,\\nSmyrna, according to Herodotus, being one of the twelve cities of the\\nMentioned in all the different lives of Homer. The name or epithet of Homer,\\nMelesigenes, can hardly be of late date, but must have descended from the early epic\\npoets.\\nf See Pseudo-Plutarch, ii. 2. Ephorus was likewise, evidently, the chief autho-\\nrity followed by the author of the life of Homer, which goes by the name of Hero-\\ndotus.\\nPseudo-Plutarch, ii. 2. The connexion between the Smymaean and Colophonian\\norigin of Homer is intimated in the epigram, ibid. i. 4, which calls Homer the son\\nof Meles, and at the same time makes Colophon his native countty.\\nTt\\\\ MiXwro;, Of/. /i( i cv ya,( tcXio? EXkd^t Tuffy\\nKai Kokotpuvs 7ru.r( n dnnKi iv u iotov.\\nSee Strabo s detailed explanation, xiv. p. 633 4.\\nStrabo, xiv. p. G32 3. Doubtless, likewise the Smymaean worship of Nemesis\\nwas derived from Rhamnus in Attica. The rhetorician Aristides gives many fabu-\\nlous accounts of the Athenian colony at Smyrna in several places.\\n\u00c2\u00abf[ Pseudo-IIerodot. Vit. Horn. c. 2, 38.\\nThe oix.tfft ni was, according to Pseudo-Herod, c. 2, a certain Theseus, the de-\\nscendant of Eumelus of Pherse according* to Parthonius, 5, the same family of\\nAdmetus the Pheraean founded Magnesia on the Mseander; and Cyme, the indther-\\ncity of Smyrna, had also received inhabitants from Magnesia. Pseudo-Herod, c. 2.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0049.jp2"}, "48": {"fulltext": "1 I HISTORY OF THE\\nJEotians, while the Ionic league includes twelve cities, exclusive of\\nSmyrna*; for the same reason Herodotus is entirely ignorant of the\\nEphesian settlement in Smyrna. Hence it came to pass, that the\\nlonians we know not exactly at what time were expelled by the\\njEolians upon which they withdrew to Colophon, and were mixed with\\nthe other Colophonians, always, however, retaining the wish of reco-\\nvering* Smyrna to the Ionic race. In later times the Colophonians, in\\nfact, succeeded in conquering Smyrna, and in expelling- the iEolians\\nfrom it-f; from which time Smyrna remained a purely Ionian city.\\nConcerning- the time when this change took place, no express testimony\\nhas been preserved all that we know for certain is, that it happened\\nbefore the time of Gyges, king of Lydia, that is, before about the 20th\\nOlympiad, or 700 B. C, since Gyges made war on Smyrna, together\\nwith Miletus and Colophon J, which proves the connexion of these\\ncities. We also know of an Olympic Tictor, in Olymp. 23 (688 B. C),\\nwho was an Ionian of Smyrna Mimnermus, the elegiac poet, who\\nflourished about Olymp. 37 (630 B. C), was descended from these\\nColophonians who had settled at Smyrna\\nIt cannot be doubted that the meeting of these different tribes in this\\ncorner of the coast of Asia Minor contributed by the various elements\\nwhich it put in motion to produce the active and stirring spirit which\\nwould give birth to such works as the Homeric poems. On the one side\\nthere were the lonians from Athens, with their notions of their noble-\\nminded, wise, and prudent goddess Athena, and of their brave and philan-\\nthropic heroes, among whom Nestor, as the ancestor of the Ephesian\\nand Milesian kings, is also to be reckoned. On the other side were the\\nAchceans, the chief race among the iEolians of Cyme, with the princes\\nof Agamemnon s family at their head*fl, with all the claims which were\\nbound up with the name of the king of men, and a large body of\\nlegends which referred to the exploits of the Pelopids, particularly the\\ntaking of Troy. United with them were various warlike bands from\\nLocris, Thessaly, and Eubcea but, especially colonists from Bceotia, with\\ntheir Heliconian worship of the Muses and their hereditary love for\\npoetry**.\\n3. If this conflux and intermixture of different races contributed pow-\\nThe Homeric epigram 4, in Pseudo Herod, c. 14, mentions Xuo) Wikuvos as the\\nfounders of Smyrna; thereby meaning the Locrian tribe, which, deriving its origin\\nfrom Phricion, near Thermopylae, founded Cyme Phriconis, and also Larissa Phri-\\nconis.\\ni.. 149. f Herod, i. 150. comp. i. 16. Pausan. vii. 5, 1.\\nI Herod, i. 14; Pansanias, iv. 21, 3, also states distinctly that the Smyrnaeans\\nwere at that time lonians. Nor would Mimnermus have sung the exploits of the\\nSmyrnaeans in this war if they had not been lonians.\\nPausan. v. 8, 3. Mimnermus in Strabo, xiv. p. 634.\\nStrabo, xiii. p. 582. An Agamemnon, king of Cyme, is mentioned by Pollux,\\nix. 83.\\nOn the connexion of Cyme with Boeotia, see below, ch. 8. 1.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0050.jp2"}, "49": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OV ANCIENT GREECE. 45\\nerfully to stimulate the mental energies of the people, and to develop the\\ntraditionary accounts of former times, as well as to create and modify\\nthe epic dialect yet it would be satisfactory if we could advance a step\\nfurther, and determine to which race Homer himself belonged. There\\ndoes not appear to be sufficient reason, either in the name or the accounts\\nof Homer, to dissolve him into a mere fabulous and ideal being we see\\nHesiod, with all his minutest family relations, standing before our eyes\\nand if Homer was by an admiring posterity represented as the son of\\na nymph, on the other hand, Hesiod relates how he was visited by the\\nMuses. Now, the tradition which called Homer a Smyrncean, evidently\\n(against the opinion of Antimachus) placed him in the iEolic time and\\nthe Homeric epigram*, in which Smyrna is called the iEolian, although\\nconsiderably later than Homer himself, in whose mouth it is placed, is\\nyet of much importance, as being the testimony of a Homerid who lived\\nbefore the conquest of Smyrna by the Colophonians. Another argu-\\nment to the same effect is, that Melanopus, an ancient Cymaean com-\\nposer of hymns, who, among the early bards, has the best claim to his-\\ntorical reality, the supposed author of a hymn referring to the Delian\\nworship f) in various genealogies collected by the logographers and other\\nmythologists is called the grandfather of Homer whence it appears,\\nthat when these genealogies were fabricated, the Smyrnaean poet was\\nconnected with the Cymaean colony. The critics of antiquity have\\nalso remarked some traits of manners and usages described in Homer,\\nwhich were borrowed from the iEolians the most remarkable is that\\nBubi ostis\u00c2\u00a7 i mentioned by Homer as a personification of unap-\\npeased hunger, had a temple in Smyrna which was referred to theiEolian\\ntime|[.\\nNotwithstanding these indications, every one who carefully notes in\\nthe Homeric poems all the symptoms of national feelings and recollec-\\ntions of home, will find himself drawn to the other side, and will, with\\nAristarchus, recognize the beat of an Ionic heart in the breast of Homer.\\nOne proof of this is the reverence which the poet shows for the chief gods\\nof the Ionians, and, moreover, in their character of Ionic deities. For\\nPallas Athenaea is described by him as the Athenian goddess, who loves\\nto dwell in the temple on the Acropolis of Athens, and also hastens from\\nthe land of the Phaeacians to Marathon and Athens^ Poseidon likewise\\nis known to Homer as peculiarly the Heliconian god, that is the deity of\\nthe Ionian league, to whom the Ionians celebrated national festivals both\\nEpigr. Homer, 4. in Pseudo-Herod. 14.\\nf Pausan. v. 7, 4, according to Bekker s edition. Fi om this it appears that Pau-\\nsanias makes Melanopus later than Olen, and earlier than Aristeas.\\nJ See Hellanicus and others in Proclus Vita Homeri, and Pseudo-Herod, c. 1.\\nII. xxiv. 532 and compare the Venetian Scholia.\\nj| According to the Ionica of Metrodorus in Plutarch Qucest. Symp. vi. 8, 1.\\nEustathius, on the other hand, ascribes the worship to the Ionians.\\nOd. vii. 80. Compare II. xi. 547.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0051.jp2"}, "50": {"fulltext": "46 HISTORY OF THE\\nin Peloponnesus and in Asia Minor* in describing Nestor s sacrifice\\nto Poseidon, moreover, the poet doubtless was mindful of those which\\nhis successors, the Nelids, were wont to solemnize, as kings of the\\nIonians. Among the heroes, Ajax, the son of Telamon, is not repre-\\nsented by Homer, as he was by the Dorians of j\u00c2\u00a3gina and most of the\\nGreeks, as being an iEacid and the kinsman of Achilles (otherwise some\\nmention of this relationship must have occurred), but he is considered\\nmerely as a hero of Salamis, and is placed in conjunction with Menes-\\ntheus the Athenian hence it must be supposed that he, as well as the\\nAttic logographer Pherecydes considered Ajax as being by origin an\\nAttic Salaminian hero. The detailed statement of the Hellenic descent\\nof ttie Lycian hero Glaucus in his famous encounter with Diomed,\\ngains a fresh interest, when we bear in mind the Ionic kings of the race\\nof Glaucus mentioned above Moreover, with respect to political insti-\\ntutions and political phraseology, there are many symptoms of Ionian\\nusage in Homer thus the Phratrias, mentioned in the Iliad, occur else-\\nwhere only in Ionic states the Thetes, as labourers for hire without\\nland, are the same in Homer as in Solon s time at Athens Demos, also,\\nin the sense both of flat country and of common people, appears\\nto be an Ionic expression. A Spartan remarks in Plato that Homer\\nrepresents an Ionic more than a Lacedaemonian mode of life and, in\\ntruth, many customs and usages may be mentioned, which were spread\\namong the Greeks by the Dorians, and of which no trace appears in\\nHomer. Lastly, besides the proper localities of the two poems, the\\nlocal knowledge of the poet appears peculiarly accurate and distinct in\\nnorthern Ionia and the neighbouring Maeonia, where the Asian mea-\\ndow and the river Cayster with its swans, the Gygaean lake, and Mount\\nTmolus||, where Sipylon with its Achelous^, appear to be known to\\nhim, as it were, from youthful recollections.\\nIf one may venture, in this dawn of tradition, to follow the faint light\\nof these memorials, and to bring their probable result into connexion\\nwith the history of Smyrna, the following may be considered as the sum\\nof the above inquiries. Homer was an Ionian belonging to one of the\\nfamilies which went from Ephesus to Smyrna, at a time when iEolians\\nand Achaeans composed the chief part of the population of the city, and\\nwhen, moreover, their hereditary traditions respecting the expedition ot\\nthe Greeks against Troy excited the greatest interest whence he recon-\\nciles in his poetical capacity the conflict of the contending races, inas-\\nIliad, viii. 203 xx.404 with the Scholia. Epigr. Horn. vi. in Pseudo-Herod. 17.\\nf Apollod. iii. 12, 6.\\nAbove, p. 31, note h. No use has here been made of the suspicious passages,\\nwhich might have been interpolated in the age of Pisistratus. Concerning Homer s\\nAttic tendency in mythical points, see also Pseudo-Herod, c. 28.\\nLeg. iii. p. 680. Iliad, ii. 865 xx. 392.\\nIliad, xxiv. 615. It is evident from the Scholia that the Homeric Achelous is\\nthe brook Achelous which runs from Sipylon to Smyrna.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0052.jp2"}, "51": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 47\\nmuch as he treats an Achaean subject with the elegance and geniality of\\nan Ionian. But when Smyrna drove out the Ionians, it deprived itself\\nof this poetical renown and the settlement of the Homerids in Chios\\nwas, in all probability, a consequence of the expulsion of the Ionians\\nfrom Smyrna.\\nIt may, moreover, be observed that according to this account, founded\\non the history of the colonies of Asia Minor, the time of Homer would\\nfall a few generations after the Ionic migration to Asia: and with this\\ndetermination the best testimonies of antiquity agree. Such are the\\ncomputations of Herodotus, who places Homer with Hesiod 400 years\\nbefore his time*, and that of the Alexandrine chronologists, who place\\nhim 100 years after the Ionic migration, 60 years before the legislation\\nof Lycurgust: although the variety of opinions on this subject which\\nprevailed among the learned writers of antiquity cannot be reduced\\nwithin these limits.\\n4. This Homer, then (of the circumstances of whose life we at least\\nknow the little just stated), was the person who gave epic poetry its first\\ngreat impulse; into the causes of which we shall now proceed to inquire.\\nBefore Homer, as we have already seen, in general only single actions\\nand adventures were celebrated in short lays. The heroic mythology\\nhad prepared the way for the poets by grouping the deeds of the prin-\\ncipal heroes into large masses, so that they had a natural connexion with\\neach other, and referred to some common fundamental notion. Now,\\nas the general features of the more considerable legendary collections\\nwere known, the poet had the advantage of being able to narrate any\\none action of Hercules, or of one of the Argive champions against\\nThebes, or of the Achaeans against Troy and at the same time of being\\ncertain that the scope and purport of the action (viz. the elevation of\\nHercules to the gods, and the fated destruction of Thebes and Troy)\\nwould be present to the minds of his hearers, and that the individual\\nadventure would thus be viewed in its proper connexion. Thus doubtless\\nfor a long time the bards were satisfied with illustrating single points of\\nthe heroic mythology with brief epic lays such as in later times were\\nproduced by several poets of the school of Hesiod. It was also possible,\\nif it was desired, to form from them longer series of adventures of the\\nsame hero; but they always remained a collection of independent\\npoems on the same subject, and never attained to that unity of character\\nand composition which constitutes one poem. It was an entirely new\\nphenomenon, which could not fail to make the greatest impression,\\nwhen a poet selected a subject of the heroic tradition, which (besides its\\nconnexion with the other parts of the same legendary cycle) had in itself\\nthe means of awakening a lively interest, and of satisfying the mind\\nand at the same time admitted of such a development that the principal\\npersonages could be represented as acting each with a peculiar and indi-\\nHerod, ii. 53. Apollod. Fragm, i, p. 410, ed. Heyne.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0053.jp2"}, "52": {"fulltext": "48 HISTORY OF THE\\nvidual character, without obscuring* the chief hero and the main action\\nof the poem.\\nOne legendary subject, of this extent and interest, Homer found in\\nthe anger of Achilles and another in the return of Ulysses.\\n5. The first is an event which did not long precede the final\\ndestruction of Troy inasmuch as it produced the death of Hector, who\\nwas the defender of the city. It was doubtless the ancient tradition,\\nestablished long before Homer s time, that Hector had been slain by\\nAchilles, in revenge for the slaughter of his friend Patroclus whose fall\\nin battle, unprotected by the son of Thetis, was explained by the tradi-\\ntion to have arisen from the anger of Achilles against the other Greeks\\nfor an affront offered to him, and his consequent retirement from the\\ncontest. Now the poet seizes, as the most critical and momentous period\\nof the action, the conversion of Achilles from the foe of the Greeks into\\nthat of the Trojans for as, on the one hand, the sudden revolution in the\\nfortunes of war, thus occasioned, places the prowess of Achilles in the\\nstrongest light, so, on the other hand, the change of his firm and reso-\\nlute mind must have been the more touching to the feelings of the\\nhearers. From this centre of interest there springs a long preparation\\nand gradual development, since not only the cause of the anger of\\nAchilles, but also the defeats of the Greeks occasioned by that anger,\\nwere to be narrated and the display of the insufficiency of all the other\\nheroes at the same time offered the best opportunity for exhibiting their\\nseveral excellencies. It is in the arrangement of this preparatory part\\nand its connexion with the catastrophe that the poet displays his perfect\\nacquaintance with all the mysteries of poetical composition and in his\\ncontinued postponement of the crisis of the action, and his scanty reve-\\nlations with respect to the plan of the entire work, he shows a maturity of\\nknowledge, which is astonishing for so early an age. To all appearance\\nthe poet, after certain obstacles have been first overcome, tends only to\\none point, viz. to increase perpetually the disasters of the Greeks, which\\nthey have drawn on themselves by the injury offered to Achilles and\\nZeus himself, at the beginning, is made to pronounce, as coming from him-\\nself, the vengeance and consequent exaltation of the son of Thetis. At\\nthe same time, however, the poet plainly shows his wish to excite in the\\nfeelings of an attentive hearer an anxious and perpetually increasing\\ndesire, not only to see the Greeks saved from destruction, but also that\\nthe unbearable and more than human haughtiness and pride of Achilles\\nshould be broken. Both these ends are attained through the fulfil-\\nment of the secret counsel of Zeus, which he did not communicate to\\nThetis, and through her to Achilles (who, if he had known it, would\\nhave given up all enmity against the Achaeans), but only to Hera, and\\nto her not till the middle of the poem*; and Achilles, through the loss\\nThetis hail said nothing to Achilles of the loss of Patroclus (II. xvii. 411), for\\nshe herself did not know of 4 it. II. xviii. 63. Zeus also long conceals bis jlans", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0054.jp2"}, "53": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 49\\nof his dearest friend, whom he had sent to battle, not to save the\\nGreeks, but for his own glory*, suddenly changes his hostile attitude\\ntowards the Greeks, and is overpowered by entirely opposite feelings.\\nIn this manner the exaltation of the son of Thetis is united to that\\nalmost imperceptible operation of destiny, which the Greeks were re-\\nquired to observe in all human affairs.\\nIt is evident that the Iliad does not so much aim at the individual\\nexaltation of Achilles, as at that of the hero before whom all the other\\nGrecian heroes humble themselves, and through whom alone the Tro-\\njans were to be subdued. The Grecian poetry has never shown itself\\nfavourable to the absolute elevation of a single individual, not even if\\nhe was reckoned the greatest of their heroes and hence a character\\nlike that of Achilles could not excite the entire sympathy of the poet.\\nIt is clear that the poet conceives his hero as striving after something\\nsuper-human and inhuman. Hence he falls from one excess of passion\\ninto another, as we see in his insatiable hatred to the Greeks, his despe-\\nrate grief for Patroclus, and his vehement anger against Hector but still\\nit is impossible to deny that Achilles is the first, greatest, and most ele-\\nvated character of the Iliad we find in him, quite distinct from his\\nheroic strength, which far eclipses that of all the others, a god-like lofti-\\nness of soul. Compared with the melancholy which Hector, however\\ndetermined, carries with him to the field of battle, anticipating the dark\\ndestiny that awaits him, how lofty is the feeling of Achilles, who\\nsees his early death before his eyes, and, knowing how close it must\\nfollow upon the slaughter of Hector f, yet, in spite of this, shows the\\nmost determined resolution before, and the most dignified calmness after\\nthe deed. Achilles appears greatest at the funeral games and at the inter-\\nview with Priam, a scene to be compared with no other in ancient poe-\\ntry; in which, both with the heroes of the event and with the hearers,\\nnational hatred and personal ambition, and all the hostile and most\\nopposite feelings, dissolve themselves into the gentlest and most humane,\\njust as the human countenance beams with some new expression after\\nlong-concealed and passionate grief; and thus the purifying and ele-\\nvating process which the character of Achilles undergoes, and by which\\nthe divine part of his nature is freed from all obscurities, is one continued\\nidea running through the whole of the poem and the manner in which\\nthis process is at the same time communicated to the mind of a hearer\\nfrom Hera and the other gods, notwithstanding their anger on account of the suf-\\nferings of the Achseans: lie does not reveal them to Hera till after his sleep upon\\nIda. II. xv. 65. The spuriousness of the verses (II. viii. 475 6) was recognized by the\\nancients, although the principal objection to them is not mentioned. See Schol.\\nVen. A.\\nHomer does not wish that the going forth of Patroclus should be considered as\\na sign that Achilles wrath is appeased Achilles, on this very occasion, expresses a\\nwish that no Greek may escape death, but that they two alone, Achilles and Patro\\nclus, may mount the walls of Ilion. 11. xvi. 97.\\nf Iliad, xviii. 95 j xix. 417.\\nE", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0055.jp2"}, "54": {"fulltext": "50 HISTORY OF THE\\nabsorbed with the subject, makes it the most beautiful and powerful charm\\nof the Iliad.\\n6. To remove from this collection of various actions, conditions, and\\nfeelings any substantial part, as not necessarily belonging to it, would in\\nfact be to dismember a living whole, the parts of which would neces-\\nsarily lose their vitality. As in an organic body life does not dwell in one\\nsingle point, but requires a union of certain systems and members, so\\nthe internal connexion of the Iliad rests on the union of certain parts\\nand neither the interesting introduction describing the defeat of the\\nGreeks up to the burning of the ship of Protesilaus, nor the turn of\\naffairs brought about by the death of Fatroelus, nor the final pacifi-\\ncation of the anger of Achilles, could be spared from the Iliad,\\nwhen the fruitful seed of such a poem had once been sown in the\\nsoul of Homer, and had begun to develop its growth. But the plan of\\nthe Iliad is certainly very much extended beyond what was actually\\nnecessary and, in particular, the preparatory part consisting of the\\nattempts of the other heroes to compensate the Greeks for the absence\\nof Achilles, has, it must be said, been drawn out to a disproportionate\\nlength so that the suspicion that there were later insertions of import-\\nant passages, on the whole applies with far more probability to the first\\nthan to the last books, in which, however, modern critics have found most\\ntraces of interpolation. For this extension there were two principal\\nmotives, which (if we may carry our conjectures so far) exercised an\\ninfluence even on the mind of Homer himself, but had still more pow-\\nerful effects upon his successors, the later Homerids. In the first place,\\nit is clear that a design manifested itself at an early period to make this\\npoem complete in, itself, so that all the subjects, descriptions, and actions,\\nwhich could alone give an interest to a poem on the entire war, might\\nfind a place within the limits of this composition. For this purpose it\\nis not improbable that many lays of earlier bards, who had sung single\\nadventures of the Trojan war, were laid under contribution, and that the\\nfinest parts of them were adopted into the new poem it being the natu-\\nral course of popular poetry propagated by oral tradition, to treat the\\nbest thoughts of previous poets as common property, and to give them\\na new life by working them up in a different context.\\nIf in this manner much extraneous matter has been introduced into\\nthe poem, which, in common probability, does not agree with the defi-\\nnite event which forms the subject of it, but would more pro-\\nperly find its place at an earlier stage of the Trojan war and if, by this\\nmeans, from a poem on the Anger of Achilles, it grew into an Iliad, as\\nit is significantly called, yet the poet had his justification, in the manner\\nin which he conceived the situation of the contending nations, and their\\nmode of warfare, until the separation of Achilles from the rest of the\\narmy, in which he, doubtless, mainly followed the prevalent legends of\\nthis time. According to the accounts of the cyclic and later poets (in", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0056.jp2"}, "55": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 51\\nwhose time, although the heroic traditions may have become more\\nmeagre and scanty than they had been in that of Homer, yet the chief\\noccurrences must have been still preserved in memory), the Trojans,\\nafter the Battle at the Landing*, where Hector killed Protesilaus, but\\nwas soon put to flight by Achilles, made no attempt to drive the Greeks\\nfrom their country, up to the time of the separation of Achilles from the\\nrest of the army, and the Greeks had had time (for the wall of Troy still\\nresisted them) to lay waste, under the conduct of Achilles, the surround-\\ning- cities and islands of which Homer mentions particularly Pedasus,\\nthe city of the Leleges the Cilician Thebe, at the foot of Mount Placus\\nthe neighbouring- city of Lyrnessus and also the islands of Lesbos and\\nTenedos*. The poet, in various places, shows plainly his notion of the\\nstate of the war at this time, viz., that the Trojans, so long as Achilles\\ntook part in the war, did not venture beyond the gates and if Hector\\nwas, perchance, willing to venture a sally, the general fear of Achilles\\nand the anxiety of the Trojan elders held him back j\\\\ By this view of\\nthe contest, the poet is sufficiently justified in bringing within the com-\\npass of the Iliad events which would otherwise have been more fitted\\nfor the beginning of the war. The Greeks now arrange themselves for\\nthe first time, by the advice of Nestor, into tribes and phratrias, which\\naffords an occasion for the enumeration of the several nations, or the\\nCatalogue of Ships (as it is called), in the second book; and when this\\nhas made us acquainted with the general arrangement of the army, then the\\nview of Helen and Priam from the walls, in the third book, and Agamem-\\nnon s mustering of the troops, in the fourth, are intended to give a more\\ndistinct notion of the individual character of the chief heroes. Further\\non, the Greeks and Trojans are, for the first time, struck by an idea\\nwhich might have occurred in the previous nine years, if the Greeks,\\nwhen assisted by Achilles, had not, from their confidence of their supe-\\nrior strength, considered every compromise as unworthy of them namely,\\nto decide the war by a single combat between the authors of it which\\nplan is frustrated by the cowardly flight of Paris and the treachery of\\nPandarus. Nor is it until they are taught by the experience of the first\\nday s fighting that the Trojans can resist them in open battle, that they\\nbuild the walls round their ships, in which the omission of the proper\\nsacrifices to the gods is given as a new reason for not fulfilling their\\nintentions. This appeared to Thucydides so little conformable to histo-\\nrical probability, that, without regarding the authority of Homer, he\\nThe question why the Trojans did not attack the Greeks when Achilles was\\nengaged in these maritime expeditions must he answered by history, not by the\\nmythical tradition. It is also remarkable that Homer knows of no Achaean hero\\nwho had fallen in battle with the Trojans after Protesilaus, and before the time of\\nthe Iliad. See particularly Od. iii. \\\\0b,seg. Nor is any Trojan mentioned who\\nhad fallen in battle. ./Eneas and Lycaon were surprised when engaged in peaceable\\noccupations, and a similar supposition must be made with regard to Nestor and\\nTroilus. II. xxiv. 257.\\nf II. v. 788; ix. 252; xv. 721.\\nE 2", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0057.jp2"}, "56": {"fulltext": "f 2 HISTORY OF Tilt\\nplaced the building of these walls immediately after the landing*.\\nThis endeavour to comprehend every thing in one poem also shows itself\\nin another circumstance, that some of the events of the war lying\\nwithin this poem are copied from others not included in it. Thus the\\nwounding of Diomed by Paris, in the heel f, is taken from the story of\\nthe death of Achilles, and the same event furnishes the general outlines\\nof the death of Patroclus; as in both, a god and a man together bring\\nabout the accomplishment of the will of fate\\n7. The other motive for the great extension of the preparatory part\\nof the catastrophe may, it appears, be traced to a certain conflict between\\nthe plcui of the poet and his own patriotic feelings. An attentive reader\\ncannot fail to observe that while Homer intends that the Greeks should\\nbe made to suffer severely from the anger of Achilles, he is yet, as it\\nwere, retarded in his progress towards that end by a natural endeavour\\nto avenge the death of each Greek by that of a yet more illustrious\\nTrojan, and thus to increase the glory of the numerous Achaean heroes\\nso that, even on the days in which the Greeks are defeated, more Trojans\\nthan Greeks are described as being slain. Admitting that the poet,\\nliving among the descendants of these Achaean heroes, found more\\nlegends about them than about the Trojans in circulation, still the intro-\\nduction of them into a poem, in which these very Achaeans were de-\\nscribed as one of the parties in a war, could not fail to impart to it a\\nnational character. How short is the narration of the second day s\\nbattle in the eighth book, where the incidents follow their direct course,\\nunder the superintendence of Zeus, and the poet is forced to allow the\\nGreeks to be driven back to their camp (yet even then not without\\nsevere loss to the Trojans), in comparison with the narrative of the first\\nday s battle, which, besides many others, celebrates the exploits of\\nDiomed, and extends from the second to the seventh book in which Zeus\\nappears, as it were, to have forgotten his resolution and his promise to\\nThetis. The exploits of Diomed are indeed closely connected with\\nthe violation of the treaty, inasmuch as the death of Pandarus, which\\nbecame necessary in order that his treachery might be avenged, is the\\nwork of Tydides but they have been greatly extended, particularly by\\nthe battles with the gods, which form the characteristic feature of the\\nlegend of Diomed hence in this part of the Iliad particularly, slight\\nThuc. i. 11. The attempt of the scholiast to remove the difficulty, hy supposing\\na smaller and a larger bulwark, is absurd.\\nII. xi. 377.\\nI II. xix. 417 xxii. 359. It was the fate of Achilles, Sj n xtu uAoi tyi luutvui.\\nAtofi /^ov; u.(3i T 7Uoc\\nI I II. v. 290. Homer does not make on this occasion the reflection which one\\nexpects; but it is his practice rather to leave the requisite morul impression to be\\nmade by the simple combination of the events, without adding any comment of his\\nown.\\nDiomed, in the Argive mytholog) which referred to Pallas, was a being closely\\nconnected with this goddess, her shield-bearer and defender of the Palladium.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0058.jp2"}, "57": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 53\\ninconsistencies of different passages and interruptions in the connexion\\nhave arisen. We may mention especially the contradictory expressions of\\nDiomed and his counsellor Athena, as to whether a contest with the gods\\nwas advisable or not*. Another inconsistency is that remarked by the\\nancients with respect to the breastplate of Diomedf; this, however, is re-\\nmoved, if we consider the scene between Diomed and Glancus as an inter-\\npolation added by an Homerid of Chios; perhaps^, with the view of doing\\nhonour to some king of the race of Glaucus With regard to the\\nnight-scenes, which take up the tenth book a remarkable statement\\nhas been preserved, that they were originally a separate book, and were\\nfirst inserted in the Iliad by Pisistratus||. This account is so far sup-\\nported, that not the slightest reference is made, either before or after,\\nto the contents of this book, especially to the arrival of Rhesus in the\\nTrojan camp, and of his horses taken by Diomed and Ulysses; and the\\nwhole book may be omitted without leaving any perceptible chasm.\\nBut it is evident that this book was written for the particular place in\\nwhich we find it, in order to fill up the remainder of the night, and to\\nadd another to the achievements of the Grecian heroes for it could\\nneither stand by itself nor form a part of any other poem.\\n8. That the first part of the Iliad, up to the Battle at the Ships, has,\\nas compared with the remaining part, a more cheerful, sometimes even a\\njocose character, while the latter has a grave and tragic cast, which\\nextends its influence even over the choice of expressions, naturally\\narises from the nature of the subject itself. The ill-treatment of Ther-\\nsites, the cowardly flight of Paris into the arms of Helen, the credulous\\nfolly of Pandarus, the bellowing of Mars, and the feminine tears of\\nAphrodite when wounded by Diomed, are so many amusing and even\\nsportive passages from the first books of the Iliad, such as cannot be\\nfound in any of the latter books. The countenance of the ancient bard,\\nwhich in the beginning assumed a serene character, and is sometimes\\nbrightened with an ironical smile, obtains by degrees an excited tragic\\nexpression. Although there are good grounds in the plan of the Iliad\\nfor this difference, yet there is reason to doubt whether the beginning of\\nHence he is, in Homer, placed in a closer relation with the Olympic gods than any\\nother hero: Pallas driving his chariot, and giving him courage to encounter Ares,\\nAphrodite, and even Apollo, in battle. It is particularly observable that Diomed\\nnever rights with Hector, but with Ares, who enables Hector to conquer.\\n*I1. v. 130, 434, 827; vi. 128.\\nf II. vi. 230; and viii. 194. Tbe inconsistency with regard to Pylaemenes is also\\nremoved, it* Ave sacrifice v. 579, and retain xiii. 6f 8. Of less importance, as it seems\\nto me, is the oblivion of the message to Achilles, which is laid to the charge of\\nPatroclus. II. xi. 839; xv. 390. Muy not Patroclus have sent a messenger to\\ninform Achilles of what he wished to know The non-observance by Polydamas of\\nthe advice which he himself gives to Hector (II. xii. 75 xv. 354, 447 xvi. 307) is\\neasily excused by the natural weakness of humanity.\\nI Above, p. 31, note\\nisuKTiyi^ffta and AoXcuviia.\\nSchol. Yen. ad II. ac 1 j Eustath. p. 785, 41, ed. Rom,", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0059.jp2"}, "58": {"fulltext": "54 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe second book, in which this humorous tone is most apparent, was\\nwritten by the ancient Homer or by one of the later Honierids. Zeus\\nundertakes to deceive Agamemnon, for, by means of a dream, he gives\\nhim great courage for the battle. Agamemnon himself adopts a second\\ndeceit against the Achseans, for he, though full of the hopes of victory,\\nyet persuades the Achaeans that he has determined on the return home\\nin this, however, his expectations are again deceived in a ludicrous man-\\nner by the Greeks, whom he had only wished to try, in order to stimu-\\nlate them to the battle, but who now are determined to fly in the ut-\\nmost haste, and, contrary to the decree of fate, to leave Troy uninjured, if\\nUlysses, at the suggestion of the gods, had not held them back. Here\\nis matter for an entire mythical comedy, full of fine irony, and with an\\namusing plot, in which the deceiving and deceived Agamemnon is the\\nchief character who, with the words, Zeus has played me a pretty\\ntrick*, at the same time that he means to invent an ingenious false-\\nhood, unconsciously utters an unpleasant truth. But this Homeric\\ncomedy, which is extended through the greater part of the second book,\\ncannot possibly belong to the original plan of the Iliad for Agamem-\\nnon, two days later, complaining to the Greeks of being deceived by\\nformer signs of victory which Zeus had shown him, uses in earnest the\\nsame words which he had here used in joke f But it is not conceivable\\nthat Agamemnon (if the laws of probability were respected) should be\\nrepresented as able seriously to repeat the complaint which he had before\\nfeigned, without, at the same time, dwelling on the inconsistency be-\\ntween his present and his former opinion. It is, moreover, evident,\\nthat the graver and shorter passage did not grow out of the more comic\\nand longer one but that the latter is a copious parody of the former,\\ncomposed by a later Homerid, and inserted in the room of an original\\nshorter account of the arming of the Greeks.\\n9. But of all the parts of the Iliad, there is none of which the dis-\\ncrepancies with the rest of the poem are so manifest as the Cata-\\nlogue of the Ships, already alluded to. Even the ancients had critical\\ndoubts on some passages as, for instance, the manifestly intentional\\nassociation of the ships of Ajax with those of the Athenians, which\\nappears to have been made solely for the interest of the Athenian\\nhouses (the Eurysacids and Philaids), which deduced their origin from\\nAjax and the mention of the Panhellenians, whom (contrary to Homer s\\ninvariable usage) the Locrian Ajax surpasses in the use of the spear.\\nBut still more important are the mythico-historical discrepancies between\\nthe Catalogue and the Iliad itself. Meges, the son of Phyleus, is in\\nthe Catalogue King of Dulichium in the Iliad J, King of the Epeans,\\ndwelling in Elis. The Catalogue here follows the tradition, which was\\nII. ii. 114, vuv Ti x xriv aTar /iv $ov kVJiTa.-o.\\nf II. ii. 111\u00e2\u0080\u009418 and 139\u00e2\u0080\u009441 correspond to I!, ix. IS\u00e2\u0080\u0094 23.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0060.jp2"}, "59": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE 55\\nalso known in later times*, that Phyleus, the father of Meges, quarrelled\\nwith his father Augeas, and left his home on this account. Medon, a\\nnatural son of Oileus, is described in the Catalogue as commanding* the\\ntroops of Philoctetes, which come from Methone but in the Iliad as lead-\\ning the Phthianst, inhabiting Phy lace, who, in the Catalogue, form quite\\na different kingdom, and are led by Podarces instead of Protesilaus. With\\nsuch manifest contradictions as these one may venture to attach some\\nweight to the less obvious marks of a fundamental difference of views of\\na more general kind. Agamemnon, according to the Iliad, governs from\\nMycenae the whole of Argos (that is, the neighbouring part of Peloponne-\\nsus), and many islands j according to the Catalogue, he governs no islands\\nwhatever but, on the other hand, his kingdom comprises iEgialeia,\\nwhich did not become Achaean till after the expulsion of the Ionians\u00c2\u00a7.\\nWith respect to the Boeotians, the poets of the Catalogue have entirely\\nforgotten that they dwelt in Thessaly at the time of the Trojan war for\\nthey describe the whole nation as already settled in the country after-\\nwards called Bceotia||. That heroes and troops of men joined the\\nAchaean army from the eastern side of the .ZEgean Sea and the islands\\non the coast of Asia Minor, is a notion of which the Iliad offers no\\ntrace it knows nothing of the heroes of Cos, Phidippus and Antiphus,\\nnor anything of the beautiful Nireus from Syme and as it is not said of\\nTlepolemus that he came from Rhodes, but only that he was a son of\\nHercules, it is most natural to understand that the poet of the Iliad\\nconceived him as a Tirynthian hero. The mention in the Catalogue of\\na whole line of islands on the coast of Asia Minor destroys the beauty\\nand unity of the picture of the belligerent nations contained in the Iliad,\\nwhich makes the allies of the Trojans come only from the east and north\\nof the iEgean Sea, and Achaean warriors come only from the west^.\\nThe poets of the Catalogue have also made the Arcadians under Aga-\\npenor, as well as the Perrhaebians and the Magnetes, fight before Troy.\\nThe purer tradition of the Iliad does not mix up these Pelasgic tribes\\n(for, among all the Greeks, the Arcadians and Perrhaebians remained\\nmost Pelasgic) in the ranks of the Achaean army.\\nIf the enumeration of the Achaean bands is too detailed, and goes\\nbeyond the intention of the original poet of the Iliad, on the other hand,\\nthe Catalogue of the Trojans and their allies is much below the notion\\nCallimachus ap. Schol. II. ii. 629. Comp. Theocrit. xxi.\\nf II. xiii. 693 xv. 334. II. ii. 108.\\nHere, in particular, the verse (11. ii. 572), in which Adrastus is named as first\\nking of Sicyon, compared with Herod, v. 67 8, clearly shows the objects of the\\nArgive rhapsodist.\\nThere is, likewise, in the Iliad a passage (not, indeed, of much importance) which\\nspeaks of Bwotians in Bosotia. II. v. 709. For this reason Thucydides assumed that\\nan uTobodr^h of the Boeotians had at this time settled in Bceotia; which, however,\\nis not sufficient for the Catalogue.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2jl The account of the Hkodians in the Catalogue also, by its great lengih, betrays\\nthe intention of a rhapsodist to celebrate this island.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0061.jp2"}, "60": {"fulltext": "56 HISTORY OF THE\\nwhich the Iliad itself gives of the forces of the Trojans: this altogether omits\\nthe important allies, the Caucones and the Leleges, both of whom often\\noccur in the Iliad, and the latter inhabited the celebrated city of Pedasus,\\non the Satnioeis Among the princes unmentioned in this Catalogue,\\nAsteropaeus, the leader and hero of the Paeonians, is particularly ob-\\nservable, who arrived eleven days before the battle with Achilles, and,\\ntherefore, before the review in the second book t, and at least deserved\\nto be named as well as Pyraechmes J. On the other hand, this Catalogue\\nhas some names, which are wanting in the parts of the Iliad, where they\\nwould naturally recur But we have another more decided proof that\\nthe Catalogue of the Trojans is of comparatively recent date, and was\\ncomposed after that of the Achaeans. The Cyprian poem, which was\\nintended solely to serve as an introduction to the Iliad gave at its con-\\nclusion (that is, immediately before the beginning of the action of the\\nIliad) a list of the Trojan allies^ which certainly would not have been\\nthe case if, in the second book of the Iliad, as it then existed, not the\\nAchaeans alone but also the Trojans had been enumerated. Perhaps\\nour present Catalogue in the Iliad is only an abridgment of that in the\\nCyprian poem at least, then, the omission of Asteropaeus could be ex-\\nplained, for if he came eleven days before the battle just mentioned,\\nhe would not (according to Homer s chronology) have arrived till after\\nthe beginning of the action of the Iliad, that is, the sending of the\\nplague.\\nBut from the observations on these two Catalogues may be drawn\\nother inferences, besides that they are not of genuine Homeric origin\\nfirst, that the rhapsodists, who composed these parts, had not the Iliad\\nbefore them in writing, so as to be able to refer to it at pleasure other-\\nwise, how should they not have discovered that Medon lived at Phy-\\nlace, and such like particulars; 2dly, that these later poets did not\\nretain the entire Iliad in their memory, but that in this attempt to give\\nan ethnographical survey of the forces on each side, they allowed them-\\nselves to be guided by the parts which they themselves knew by heart\\nand could recite, and by less distinct reminiscences of the rest of the\\npoem.\\n10. A far less valid suspicion than that which has been raised\\nFor the Caucones, see II. x. 429 xx. 329. For the Leleges, II. x. 429 xx. 96\\nxxi. 86. Comp. vi. 35.\\n-J- See II. xxi. 155 also xii. 102 xviii. 351.\\nJ II. ii. 848. The author of this Catalogue must have thought only of II. xvi. 287.\\nThe scholiast, on II. ii. 844, is also quite correct in missing Jphidamas who, indeed,\\nwas a Trojan, the son of Antenor and Theano, hut was furnished by his maternal\\ngrandfather, a Thracian prince, with a fleet of twelve ships. 11. xi. 221.\\nFor example, the soothsayer Eunomus, who, according to the Catalogue (11. ii.\\n861), was slain by Achilles in the river, of which there is no mention in the Iliad.\\nSo likewise Amphimachus. II. ii. 871.\\nj| See below, chap. vi. 4.\\nscat KdraXoyo; tuv ro7; Truei gv[/.(jmwtu.\\\\ tuv Prcclus in Gaisford s Hephaestion;\\np. 476.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0062.jp2"}, "61": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 57\\nagainst the first part of the Iliad, principally against the second, and\\nalso against the fifth, sixth, and tenth books, rests on the later ones,\\nand on those which follow the death of Hector. A tragedy, which\\ntreated its subject dramatically, might indeed have closed with the\\ndeath of Hector, but no epic poem could have been so concluded as in\\nthat it is necessary that the feeling which has been excited should be\\nallowed to subside into calm. This efFect is, in the first place, brought\\nabout by means of the games by which the greatest honour is conferred\\non Patroclus, and also a complete satisfaction is made to Achilles. But\\nneither would the Iliad at any time have been complete without the\\ncession of the body of Hector to his father, and the honourable burial\\nof the Trojan hero. The poet, who everywhere else shows so gentle\\nand humane a disposition, and such an endeavour to distribute even-\\nhanded justice throughout his poem, could not allow the threats of\\nAchilles* to be fulfilled on the body of Hector; but even if this had\\nbeen the poet s intention, the subject must have been mentioned for,\\naccording to the notions of the Greeks of that age, the fate of the dead\\nbody was almost of more importance than that of the living and in-\\nstead of our twenty-fourth book, a description must have followed of the\\nmanner in which Achilles ill-treated the corpse of Hector, and then cast\\nit for food to the dogs. Who could conceive such an end to the Iliad\\npossible It is plain that Homer, from the first, arranged the plan of\\nthe Iliad with a full consciousness that the anger of Achilles against\\nHector stood in need of some mitigation of some kind of atonement\\nand that a gentle, humane disposition, awaiting futurity with calm feel-\\nings, was requisite both to the hero and the poet at the end of the poem.\\n11. The Odyssey is indisputably, as well as the Iliad, a poem pos-\\nsessing an unity of subject nor can any one of its chief parts be re-\\nmoved without leaving a chasm in the development of the leading idea;\\nbut it diners from the Iliad in being composed on a more artificial and\\nmore complicated plan. This is the case partly, because in the first and\\ngreater half, up to the sixteenth book, two main actions are carried on\\nside by side partly because the action, which passes within the compass\\nof the poem, and as it were beneath our eyes, is greatly extended by\\nmeans of an episodical narration, by which the chief action itself is\\nmade distinct and complete, and the most marvellous and strangest part\\nof the story is transferred from the mouth of the poet to that of the\\ninventive hero himself f.\\nThe subject of the Odyssey is the return of Ulysses from a land\\nlying beyond the range of human intercourse or knowledge, to a home\\ninvaded by bands of insolent intruders, who seek to rob him of his wife,\\nand kill his son. Hence, the Odyssey begins exactly at that point,\\nII. xxii. 33; xxiii. 183.\\nf It appears, however, from his soliloquy, Od. xx. 18 21, that the poet did not\\nintend his adventures to be considered as imaginary.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0063.jp2"}, "62": {"fulltext": "5S HISTORY OF THE\\nwhere the hero is considered to be farthest from his home, in the island\\nof Ogygia*, at the navel, that is, the central point of the sea; where\\nthe nymph Calypso f has kept him hidden from all mankind for seven\\nyears thence having, by the help of the gods, who pity his misfortunes,\\npassed through the dangers prepared for him by his implacable enemy,\\nPoseidon, he gains the land of the Phseacians, a careless, peaceable, and\\neffeminate nation on the confines of the earth, to whom war is only\\nknown by means of poetry borne by a marvellous Phaeacian vessel, he\\nreaches Ithaca sleeping here he is entertained by the honest swine-\\nherd Eumseus, and having been introduced into his own house as a beg-\\ngar, he is there made to suffer the harshest treatment from the suitors, in\\norder that he may afterwards appear with the stronger right as a terri-\\nble avenger. With this simple story a poet might have been satisfied\\nand we should even in this form, notwithstanding its smaller extent,\\nhave placed the poem almost on an equality with the Iliad. But the\\npoet, to whom we are indebted tor the Odyssey in its complete form, has\\ninterwoven a second story, by which the poem is rendered much richer\\nand more complete although, indeed, from the union of two actions,\\nsome roughnesses have been produced, which perhaps with a plan of\\nthis kind could scarcely be avoided J.\\nFor while the poet represents the son of Ulysses, stimulated by\\nAthena, coming forward in Ithaca with newly excited courage, and\\ncalling the suitors to account before the people and then afterwards\\ndescribes him as travelling to Pylos and Sparta to obtain intelligence of\\nhis lost father he gives us a picture of Ithaca and its anarchical con-\\ndition, and of the rest of Greece in its state of peace after the return of\\nthe princes, which produces the finest contrast; and, at the same\\ntime, prepares Telemachus for playing an energetic part in the work of\\nvengeance, which by this means becomes more probable.\\nAlthough these remarks show that the arrangement of the Odyssey\\nis essentially different from that of the Iliad, and bears marks of a more\\nartificial and more fully developed state of the epos, yet there is much\\nthat is common to the two poems in this respect particularly that pro-\\nfound comprehension of the means of straining the curiosity, and of\\nkeeping up the interest by new and unexpected turns of the narrative.\\nThe decree of Zeus is as much delayed in its execution in the Odyssey\\nas it is in the Iliad as, in the latter poem, it is not till after the building\\nof the walls that Zeus, at the request of Thetis, takes an active part\\ntiyvyia, from Q.yvy/i;, who was originally a deity of the watery expanse which\\ncovers all things.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0j- KkXv-^u, the Concealer.\\nThere would be nothing abrupt in the transition from Menelaus to the suitors\\nin Od. iv. 624, if it fell at the beginning of a new book and, yet this division into\\nbooks is a mere contrivance of the Alexandrine grammarians. The four verses 620-4,\\nwhich are unquestionably spurious, are a mere useless interpolation as they contri-\\nbute nothing to the junction of the parts,", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0064.jp2"}, "63": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 59\\nagainst the Greeks so, in the Odyssey, he appears at the very begin-\\nning willing to acquiesce in the proposal of Athena for the return of\\nUlysses, but does not in reality despatch Hermes to Calypso till several\\ndays later, in the fifth book. It is evident that the poet is impressed\\nwith a conception familiar to the Greeks, of a divine destiny, slow in\\nits preparations, and apparently delaying, but on that very account\\nmarching with the greater certainty to its end. We also perceive in the\\nOdyssey the same artifice as that pointed out in the Iliad, of turning the\\nexpectation of the reader into a different direction from that which the\\nnarrative is afterwards to take; but, from the nature of the subject, chiefly\\nin single scattered passages. The poet plays in the most agreeable\\nmanner with us, by holding out other means by which the necessary\\nwork of vengeance on the suitors maybe accomplished and also after we\\nhave arrived somewhat nearer the true aim, he still has in store another\\nbeautiful invention with which to surprise us. Thus the exhortation twice\\naddressed to Telemachus in the same words, in the early books of the\\nOdyssey, to imitate the example of Orestes* (which strikes deep root in\\nhis heart), produces an undefined expectation that he himself may attempt\\nsomething against the suitors nor is the true meaning of it perceived,\\nuntil Telemachus places himself so undauntedly at his father s side. After-\\nwards, when the father and son have arranged their plan for taking\\nvengeance, they think of assaulting the suitors, hand to hand, with lance\\nand sword, in a combat of very doubtful issue f. The bow of Eurytus,\\nfrom which Ulysses derives such great advantage, is a new and unex-\\npected idea. Athena suggests to Penelope the notion of proposing it to\\nthe suitors as a prize j, and although the ancient legend doubtless repre-\\nsented Ulysses overcoming the suitors with this bow, yet the manner in\\nwhich it is brought into his hands is a very ingenious contrivance of the\\npoet\u00c2\u00a7. As in the Iliad the deepest interest prevails between the Battle\\nat the Ships and the Death of Hector, so in the Odyssey the narrative\\nbegins, with the fetching of the bow (at the outset of the twenty-first\\nbook), to assume a lofty tone, which is mingled with an almost painful\\nexpectation and the poet makes use of every thing which the legend\\noffered, as the gloomy forebodings of Theoclymenus (who is only intro-\\nduced in order to prepare for this scene of horror and the contempo-\\n-Od. i. 302; iii. 200.\\nf Od. xvi. 295. The aSirmrn of Zenodotus, as usual, rests on insufficient grounds,\\nand would deprive the story of an important point of its progress.\\nOd. xxi. 4.\\nThat this part of the poem is founded on ancient tradition appears from the\\nfact that the ^Rtolian tribe of* the Eurytanians, who derived their origin from Eurytus\\n(probably the yEtolian CEchalia also belonged to this nation, Strabo, x. p. 448), pos-\\nsessed an oracle of Ulysses. Lycophron, v. 799 and the Scholia from Aristotle.\\nAmong these the disappearance of the sun (Od. xx. 35G) is to be observed, which\\nis connected with the return of Ulysses during the new moon (Od. xiv. 162; xix.\\n307), when an eclipse of the sun could take place. This ah;o appears to be a trace\\nof ancient tradition.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0065.jp2"}, "64": {"fulltext": "GO HISTORY OF THE\\n.raucous festival of Apollo (who fully grants the prayer of Ulysses to\\nsecure him glory in the battle with the bow*), in order to heighten the\\nmarvellous and inspiriting parts of the scene.\\n12. It is plain that the plan of the Odyssey, as well as of the Iliad,\\noffered many opportunities for enlargement, by the insertion of new\\npassages and many irregularities in the course of the narration and its\\noccasional diffuseness may be explained in this manner. The latter, for\\nexample, is observable in the amusements offered to Ulysses when en-\\ntertained by the Pharacians and even some of the ancients questioned\\nthe genuineness of the passage about the dance of the Phseacians and\\nthe song of Demodocus on the loves of Ares and Aphrodite, although\\nthis part of the Odyssey appears to have been at least extant in the 50th\\nOlympiad, when the chorus of the Phseacians was represented on the\\nthrone of the Amyclsean Apollo f So likewise Ulysses account of his\\nadventures contains many interpolations, particularly in the nekyia, or\\ninvocation of the dead, where the ancients had already attributed an\\nimportant passage (which, in fact, destroys the unity and connexion of\\nthe narrative) to the diaskeuastce, or interpolators, among others, to the\\nOrphic Onomacritus, who, in the time of the Pisistratids, was employed\\nin collecting the poems of Homer Moreover, the Alexandrine critics,\\nAristophanes and Aristarchus, considered the whole of the last part\\nfrom the recognition of Penelope, as added at a later period Nor can\\nit be denied that it has great defects; in particular, the description of the\\narrival of the suitors in the infernal regions is only a second and feebler\\nnekyia, which does not precisely accord with the first, and is introduced\\nin this place without sufficient reason. At the same time, the Odyssey\\ncould never have been considered as concluded, until Ulysses had\\nembraced his father Laertes, who is so often mentioned in the course of\\nthe poem, and until a peaceful state of things had been restored, or\\nbegan to be restored, in Ithaca. It is not therefore likely that the original\\nOdyssey altogether wanted some passage of this kind but it was pro-\\nbably much altered by the Homerids, until it assumed the form in which\\nwe now possess it.\\n13. That the Odyssey was written after the Iliad, and that many\\ndifferences are apparent in the character and manners both of men and\\ngods, as well as in the management of the language, is quite clear but\\nThe festival of Apollo (the vtopwios) is alluded to. Od. xx. 156, 250, 278; xxi.\\n258. Comp. xxi. 267; xxii. 7.\\nf Pausau. iii. 18, 7.\\nI See Schol. Od. xi. 104. The entire passage, from xi. 568-626, was rejected by\\nthe ancients, and with good reason. For whereas Ulysses elsewhere is represented\\nas merely, by means of his libation of blood, enticing the shades from their dark\\nabodes to the asphodel-meadow, where he is standing, as it were, at the gate of\\nHades in this passage he appears in the midst of the dead, who are firmly bound to\\ncertain spots in the infernal regions. The same more recent conception prevails in\\nOd. xxiv. 13, where the dead dwell on the asphodel-meadow.\\nFrom Od. xxiii. 296, to the end.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0066.jp2"}, "65": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 61\\nit is difficult and hazardous to raise upon this foundation any definite\\nconclusions as to the person and age of the poet. With the exception of\\nthe anger of Poseidon, who always works unseen in the obscure distance,\\nthe gods appear in a milder form they act in unison, without dissension\\nor contest, for the relief of mankind, not, as is so often the case in the\\nIliad, for their destruction. It is, however, true, that the subject afforded\\nfar less occasion for describing the violent and angry passions and vehe-\\nment combats of the gods. At the same time the gods all appear a step\\nhigher above the human race they are not represented as descending\\nin a bodily form from their dwellings on Mount Olympus, and mixing\\nin the tumult of the battle, but they go about in human forms, only dis-\\ncernible by their superior wisdom and prudence, in the company of the\\nadventurous Ulysses and the intelligent Telemachus. But the chief\\ncause of this difference is to be sought in the nature of the story, and, we\\nmay add, in the fine tact of the poet, who knew how to preserve unity\\nof subject and harmony of tone in his picture, and to exclude every\\nthing of which the character did not agree. The attempt of many\\nlearned writers to discover a different religion and mythology for the\\nIliad and the Odyssey leads to the most arbitrary dissection of the two\\npoems above all, it ought to have been made clear how the fable of\\nthe Iliad could have been treated by a professor of this supposed religion\\nof the Odyssey, without introducing quarrels, battles, and vehement\\nexcitement among the gods in which there would have been no diffi-\\nculty, if the difference of character in the gods of the two poems were\\nintroduced by the poet, and did not grow out of the subject. On the\\nother hand, the human race appears in the houses of Nestor, Menelaus,\\nand especially of Alcinous, in a far more agreeable state, and one of far\\ngreater comfort f and luxury than in the Iliad. But where could the\\nenjoyments, to which the Atridse, in their native palace, and the peace-\\nable Phaeacians could securely abandon themselves, find a place in the\\nrough camp? Granting, however, that a different taste and feeling is\\nshown in the choice of the subject, and in the whole arrangement of the\\npoem, yet there is not a greater difference than is often found in the\\ninclinations of the same man in the prime of life and in old age and, to\\nspeak candidly, we know no other argument adduced by the Chorizontcsl,\\nboth of ancient and modern times, for attributing the wonderful genius\\nof Homer to two different individuals. It is certain that the Odyssey,\\nin respect of its plan and the conception of its chief characters, of Ulysses\\nBenjamin Constant, in particular, in his celebrated work, De la Religion, torn. iii.\\nhas been forced to go this length, as he distinguishes trois espcces de mythology in tho\\nHomeric poems, and determines from them the age of the different parts.\\nf The Greek word for this is Kopikh which, in the Iliad, is only used for the care\\nof horses, but in the Odyssey signifies human conveniences and luxuries, amoii\\nwhich hot baths may be particularly mentioned. See Od. viii. 450.\\nI Those Greek grammarians who attributed the Iliad and Odyssey to different\\nauthors were called oi %agigovrt;, The Separaters.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0067.jp2"}, "66": {"fulltext": "It histohy of the\\nhimself, of Nestor and Menelaus, stands in the closest affinity with the\\nIliad that it always presupposes the existence of the earlier poem, and\\nsilently refers to it; which also serves to explain the remarkable faet,\\nthat the Odyssey mentions many occurrences in the life of Ulysses,\\nwhich lie out of the compass of the action, but not one which is celebrated\\nin the Iliad*. If the completion of the Iliad and the Odyssey seems\\ntoo vast a work for the lifetime of one man, we may, perhaps, have\\nrecourse to the supposition, that Homer, after having sung* the Iliad in\\nthe vigour of his youthful years, in his old age communicated to some\\ndevoted disciple the plan of the Odyssey, which had long been working\\nin his mind, and left it to him for completion.\\n14. It is certain that we are perpetually met with difficulties in en-\\ndeavouring to form a notion of the manner in which these great epic\\npoems were composed, at a time anterior to the use of writing. But\\nthese difficulties arise much more from our ignorance of the period, and\\nour incapability of conceiving a creation of the mind without those appli-\\nances of which the use has become to us a second nature, than in the\\ngeneral laws of the human intellect. Who can determine how many\\nthousand verses a person, thoroughly impregnated with his subject, and\\nabsorbed in the contemplation of it, might produce in a year, and con-\\nfide to the faithful memory of disciples, devoted to their master and his\\nart Wherever a creative genius has appeared it has met with persons\\nof congenial taste, and has found assistants, by whose means it has\\ncompleted astonishing works in a comparatively short time. Thus ^the\\nold bard may have been followed by a number of younger minstrels, to\\nwhom it was both a pleasure and a duty to collect and diffuse the honey\\nwhich flowed from his lips. But it is, at least, certain, that it would be\\nunintelligible how these great epics were composed, unless there had\\nbeen occasions, on which they actually appeared in their integrity, and\\ncould charm an attentive hearer with the full force and effect of a com-\\nplete poem. Without a connected and continuous recitation they were\\nnot finished works they were mere disjointed fragments, which might\\nby possibility form a whole. But where were there meals or festivals\\nlong enough for such recitations? What attention, it has been asked,\\ncould be sufficiently sustained, in order to follow so many thousand\\nverses? If, however, the Athenians could at one festival hear in suc-\\ncession about nine tragedies, three satyric dramas, and as many comedies,\\nWe find Ulysses, in his youth, with Autolycus (Od. xix. 394 xxiv. 331) during\\nthe expedition against Troy in Delos, Od. vi. 162 in Lesbos, iv. 341 in a contest\\nwith Achilles, viii. 75; near the corpse and at the burial of Achilles, v. 308; xxiv.\\n39; contending for the arms of Achilles, xi. 544; contending with Philoctetes in\\nshooting with the bow, viii. 219; secretly in Troy, iv. 242 in the Trojan horse,\\niv. 270 (comp. viii. 492; xi. 522); at the beginning of the return, iii. 130; and,\\nlastly, going to the men who know not the use of salt, xi. 120. But nothing is said\\nof Ulysses acts in the Iliad his punishment of Thersites; the horses of Rhesus;\\nthe battle over the body of Patroclus, c. In like manner the Odyssey intentionally\\nrecords different exploits and adventures of Agamemnon, Achilles, Menelaus, and\\nNestor, from those celebrated in the Iliad.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0068.jp2"}, "67": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. C3\\nwithout ever thinking that it might be better to distribute this enjoyment\\nover the whole year, why should not the Greeks of earlier times have\\nbeen able to listen to the Iliad and Odyssey, and, perhaps, other poems,\\nat the same festival At a later date, indeed, when the rhapsodist was\\nrivalled by the player on the lyre, the dithyrambie minstrel, and by\\nmany other kinds of poetry and music, these latter necessarily abridged\\nthe time allowed to the epic reciter; but in early times, when the epic\\nstyle reigned without a competitor, it would have obtained an undivided\\nattention. Let us beware of measuring, by our loose and desultory\\nreading, the intension of mind with which a people enthusiastically\\ndevoted to such enjoyments*, hung with delight on the flowing strains\\nof the minstrel. In short, there was a time (and the Iliad and Odyssey\\nare the records of it) when the Greek people, not indeed at meals, but\\nat festivals, and under the patronage of their hereditary princes, heard\\nand enjoyed these and other less excellent poems, as they were intended\\nto be heard and enjoyed, viz. as complete wholes. Whether they were,\\nat this early period, ever recited for a prize, and in competition with\\nothers, is doubtful, though there is nothing improbable in the suppo-\\nsition. But when the conflux of rhapsodists to the contests became per-\\npetually greater when, at the same time, more weight was laid on the\\nart of the reciter than on the beauty of the well-known poem which he\\nrecited and when, lastly, in addition to the rhapsodizing, a number of\\nother musical and poetical performances claimed a place, then the rhap-\\nsodists were permitted to repeat separate parts of poems, in which they\\nhoped to excel and the Iliad and Odyssey (as they had not yet been\\nreduced to writing) existed for a time only as scattered and unconnected\\nfragments f. And we are still indebted to the regulator of the contest\\nof rhapsodists at the Panathenaea (whether it was Solon or Pisistratus),\\nfor having compelled the rhapsodists to follow one another, according to\\nthe order of the poem J, and for having thus restored these great works,\\nwhich were falling into fragments, to their pristine integrity. It is\\nindeed true that some arbitrary additions may have been made to them\\nat this period which, however, we can only hope to be able to distin-\\nguish from the rest of the poem, by first coming to some general agree-\\nment as to the original form and subsequent destiny of the Homeric\\ncompositions.\\nAbove, p. 30, note f f\\nf har-ratrfiivci, h-/i( \u00c2\u00ab/Avx, ff-xo^oibw aVopuia,. See the sure testimonies on this point in\\nWolf s Prolegomena, p. cxliii.\\nii vwoXi-^ius (or in Diog. Laert. vvrofioXr,;) pu-^^^v.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0069.jp2"}, "68": {"fulltext": "64\\nHISTORY OF THE\\nCHAPTER VI.\\n1. General character of the Cyclic poems.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 2. The Destruction of Troy and .Ethi-\\nopia of Arctinus of Miletus.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 3. The little Iliad of Lesches.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 4. The Cypria\\nof Stasiuus.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 5. The Nostoi of Agias of Troezen.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 6. The Telegonia of Eu-\\ngammon of Cyrene\u00e2\u0080\u0094 7. Poems on the War against Thehes.\\n1. Homer s poems, as they became the foundation of all Grecian\\nliterature, are likewise the central point of the epic poetry of Greece.\\nAll that was most excellent in this line originated from them, and was\\nconnected with them in the way of completion or continuation so that\\nby closely considering this relation, we arrive not only at a proper\\nunderstanding of the subjects of these later epics, but even are able,\\nin return, to throw some light upon the Homeric poems themselves,\\nthe Iliad and Odyssey. This class of epic poets is called the Cyclic,\\nfrom their constant endeavour to connect their poems with those of Ho-\\nmer, so that the whole should form a great cycle. Hence also originated\\nthe custom of comprehending their poems almost collectively under the\\nname of Homer their connexion with the Iliad and Odyssey being\\ntaken as a proof that the whole was one vast conception. More accurate\\naccounts, however, assign almost all these poems to particular authors,\\nwho lived after the commencement of Olympiads, and therefore con-\\nsiderably later than Homer. Indeed, these poems, both in their cha-\\nracter and their conception of the mythical events, are very different\\nfrom the Iliad and Odyssey. These authors cannot even have been\\ncalled Homerids, since a race of this name existed only in Chios, and\\nnot one of them is called a Chian. Nevertheless it is credible that\\nthey were Homeric rhapsodists by profession, to whom the constant\\nrecitation of the ancient Homeric poems would naturally suggest the\\nnotion of continuing them by essays of their own in a similar tone.\\nHence, too, it would be more likely to occur that these poems, when they\\nwere sung by the same rhapsodists, would gradually themselves\\nacquire the name of Homeric epics. From a close comparison of the\\nextracts and fragments of these poems, which we still possess, it is evi-\\ndent that their authors had before them copies of the Iliad and Odyssey\\nin their complete form, or, to speak more accurately, comprehending the\\nsame series of events as those current among the later Greeks and our-\\nselves, and that they merely connected the action of their own poems\\nwith the beginning and end of these two epopees. But notwithstanding\\nthe close connexion which they made between their own productions and\\nthe Homeric poems, notwithstanding that they often built upon particular\\nallusions in Homer, and formed from them long passages of their own\\n0/ fiivrei eio%u7oi *\u00c2\u00abi toy KvkKov uvcKpipoviriv ih uvrev O^tfgav). Proclus, Vita Homeri.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0070.jp2"}, "69": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 65\\npoems (a fact which is particularly evident in the excerpt of the Cypria)\\nstill their manner of treating and viewing mythical subjects differs so\\nwidely from that of Homer, as of itself to be a sufficient proof that the\\nHomeric poems were no longer in progress of development at the time\\nof the Cyclic poets, but had, on the whole, attained a settled form, to\\nwhich no addition of importance was afterwards made*. Otherwise, we\\ncould not fail to recognise the traces of a later age in the interpolated\\npassages of the Homeric poems.\\n2. We commence with the poems which continued the Iliad.\\nArctinus of Miletus was confessedly a very ancient poet, nay, he is\\neven termed a disciple of Homer the chronological accounts place him\\nimmediately after the commencement of the Olympiads. His poem,\\nconsisting of 9,100 versesf (about one-third less than the Iliad), opened\\nwith the arrival of the Amazons at Troy, which followed immediately\\nafter the death of Hector. There existed in antiquity one recension of\\nthe Iliad, which concluded as follows Thus they performed the funeral\\nrites of Hector then came the Amazon, the daughter of the valorous\\nman-destroying Ares J. This, without doubt, was the cyclic edition of\\nthe Homeric poems, more than once mentioned by the ancient critics\\nin which they appear to have been connected with the rest of the cyclus,\\nso as to form an unbroken series. The same order of events also appears\\nin several works of ancient sculpture, in which on one side Andromache\\nis represented as weeping over Hector s ashes, while, on the other, the\\nfemale warriors are welcomed by the venerable Priam. The action of the\\nepic of Arctinus was connected with the following principal events. Achilles\\nkills Penthesilea, and then in a fit of anger puts to death Thersites,\\nwho had ridiculed him for his love for her. Upon this Memnon, the\\nson of Eos, appears with his Ethiopians, and is slain by the son of\\nThetis after he himself has killed in battle Antilochus, the Patroclus of\\nArctinus. Achilles himself falls by the hand of Paris while pursuing\\nthe Trojans into the town. His mother rescues his body from the\\nfuneral pile, and carries him restored to life to Leuce, an island in the\\nBlack Sea, where the mariners believed that they saw his mighty form\\nflitting in the dusk of evening. Ajax and Ulysses contend for his arms\\nthe defeat of Ajax causes his suicide Arctinus further related the his-\\nIn these remarks we of course except the Catalogue of the Ships. See\\nchap. v. 9.\\nf According to the inscription of the tahlet in the Museo Borgia (see Heeren\\nBihliothek der alten Literatur und Kunst, part iv. p. 61) where it is said\\nA\u00c2\u00a3*tw]v vov MtXniriov xiyovtnv Wuv ovree. 8%. The plural ov-ra. refers to the two poems,\\naccording to the explanation in the text.\\nits oly ufttpitTOv TuQ/)v E}C7ogo; v,X6i Apu^uv\\nAgw; 6vya.Tn^ f*iya.XriTo^Oi uvogatyovoio. Schol. Veil, ad II. xxiv. ult. V.\\nSee Schol. Find. Isthm. iii. 58, who quotes for this event the ^Ethiopis, and\\nSchol. II. xi. 515, who quotes for it the Ikwu ti^o-i; of Arctinus. I particularly men-\\ntion this point since, from the account in the Chrestomathia of Proclus, it might\\nhe thought that Arctinus had omitted this circumstance.\\nP", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0071.jp2"}, "70": {"fulltext": "66 HISTORY OF THE\\ntory of the wooden horse, the careless security of the Trojans, and the de-\\nstruction of Laocoon, which induces jEneastoflee for safety to Ida before\\nthe impending destruction of the town*. The sack of Troy by the\\nGreeks returning from Tenedos, and issuing from the Trojan horse, was\\ndescribed so as to display in a conspicuous manner the arrogance and\\nmercilessness of the Greeks, and to occasion the resolution of Athene,\\nalready known from the Odyssey, to punish them in various ways on\\ntheir return home. This last part, when divided from the preceding,\\nwas called the Destruction of Troy IXi ov 7re/3o-ts) the former, com-\\nprising the events up to the death of Achilles, the Aethiopis of Arc-\\ntinus.\\n3. Lesches, or Lescheus, from Mytilene, or Pyrrha, in the island\\nof Lesbos, was considerably later than Arctinus the best authorities\\nconcur in placing him in the time of Archilochus, or about Olymp.\\nxviii. Hence the account which we find in ancient authors of a contest\\nbetween Arctinus and Lesches can only mean that the later competed\\nwith the earlier poet in treating the same subjects. His poem, which\\nwas attributed by many to Homer, and, besides, to very different\\nauthors, was called the Little Iliad, and was clearly intended as a sup-\\nplement to the great Iliad. We learn from Aristotle t that it comprised\\nthe events before the fall of Troy, the fate of Ajax, the exploits of Phi-\\nloctetes, Neoptolemus, and Ulysses, which led to the taking of the town,\\nas well as the account of the destruction of Troy itself: which statement\\nis confirmed by numerous fragments. The last part of this (like the\\nfirst part of the poem of Arctinus) was called the Destruction of Troy\\nfrom which Pausanias makes several quotations, with reference to the\\nsacking of Troy, and the partition and carrying away of the prisoners.\\nIt is evident from his citations that Lesches, in many important events\\n(e. g. 9 the death of Priam, the end of the little Astyanax, and the fate of\\niEneas, whom he represents Neoptolemus as taking to Pharsalus), fol-\\nlowed quite different traditions from Arctinus. The connexion of the\\nseveral events was necessarily loose and superficial, and without any\\nunity of subject. Hence, according to Aristotle, whilst the Iliad and\\nOdyssey only furnished materials for one tragedy each, more than eight\\nmight be formed out of the Little Iliad Hence, also, the opening of\\nQuite differently from Virgil, who in other respects has in the second hook of\\nthe iEneid chiefly followed Arctinus.\\nt Poet. c. 23, ad fin. ed. Bekker. (c. 38, ed. Tyrwhitt.)\\nTen are mentioned by Aristotle, viz., Orkuv Kauris, Qikexrvrvs, VliovroXtftof,\\nEvpuTvkoi, Tlru%ii (see Od. iv. 244), ActJiemvui, IXi ov rip ris, AtotXovs, Sivuv, Tgauhs.\\nAmong these tragedies the subject of the Auxatvai is not apparent. The name of\\ncourse means Lacedaemonian women who, as the attendants of Helen, formed the\\nchorus. Helen played a chief part in the adventures of Ulysses as a spy in Troy:\\nthe subject of the Utu^uo, above mentioned. Or perhaps Helen was represented\\nas the accomplice of the heroes in the wooden horse. See Od. iv. 271. Compare\\n^neid. vi. 517. Of Sophocles tragedy of this name only a few fragments are\\nextant Nos. 336\u00e2\u0080\u00949, ed. Dindorf.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0072.jp2"}, "71": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 67\\nthe poem, which promises so much, and has been censuied as arrogant,\\nI sing- of Ilion, and Dardania famous for its horses, on whose account\\nthe Greeks, the servants of Mars, suffered many evils*.\\nBefore proceeding any further I feel myself bound to justify the\\nabove account of the relation between Arctinus and Lesches, since\\nProclus, the well-known philosopher and grammarian, to whose Chres-\\ntomathia we are indebted for the fullest account of the epic eyelet,\\nrepresents it in a totally different point of view. Proclus gives us, as an\\nabridgment of the Cyclic poets, a continuous narrative of the events\\nof the Trojan war, in which one poet always precisely takes up\\nanother, often in the midst of a closely connected subject. Thus, ac-\\ncording to Proclus, Arctinus continued the Homeric Iliad up to the\\ncontest for the arms of Achilles then Lesches relates the result of this\\ncontest, and the subsequent enterprises of the heroes against Troy until\\nthe introduction of the wooden horse within the walls at this point\\nArctinus resumes the thread of the narrative, and describes the issuing\\nforth of the heroes inclosed in the wooden horse but he too breaks off\\nin the midst of the history of the return of the Greeks at the point\\nwhere Minerva devises a plan for their punishment the fulfilment of\\nthis plan being related by Agias, in the poem called the Nostoi. In\\norder to make such an interlacing of the different poems comprehensible,\\nwe must suppose the existence of an academy of poets, dividing their\\nmaterials amongst each other upon a distinct understanding, and with\\nthe most minute precision. It is, however, altogether inconceivable\\nthat Arctinus should have twice suddenly broken off in the midst of\\nactions, which the curiosity of his hearers could never have permitted\\nhim to leave unfinished, in order that, almost a century after, Lesches,\\nand probably at a still later date Agias, might fill up the gaps and com-\\nplete the narrative. Moreover, as the extant fragments of Arctinus and\\nLesches afford sufficient proof that they both sang of the events which,\\naccording to the abstract of Proclus, formed an hiatus in their poems,\\nit is easy to perceive that his account was not drawn up from these\\npoems according to their original forms, but from a selection made by\\nsome grammarian, who had put together a connected poetical descrip-\\ntion of these events from the works of several Cyclic poets, in which no\\noccurrence was repeated, but nothing of importance was omitted and\\nthis indeed the expressions of Proclus himself appear to indicate J.\\nIn fact, the Cyclus in this sense included not only the epoch of the\\nTrojan war (where the poems were mutually connected by means of\\nIXiov uiioa xa.) Aafiuviyv Iv-raXov,\\nH? 7ri(n ToXXa tuQov Aa.va.ot, faputfovris A^jjaj.\\nf This part of the Chrestomathia was first published iti the Gdttingen Bibliothek\\nfiir alte Litteratur und Kunst, Part i, inedita, afterwards in Gaisford s Hephaestion,\\np. 378, seq., 472, seq., and elsewhere.\\nKa) Ti^otrourai o Wikos xvxXog Ik hm pi( uv toujtuv ruwr\\\\ygo6f*Lvo; p i%\u00c2\u00a3t *riS\\n/3a re\u00c2\u00ab; OW rs\u00c2\u00ab? rri$ tig Ucckhv. Proclus, ubi Slip.\\nf2", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0073.jp2"}, "72": {"fulltext": "68 HISTORY OF THE\\ntheir common reference to Homer), but the whole mythology, from the\\nmarriage of Heaven and Earth to the last adventures of Ulysses for\\nwhich purpose use must have been made of poems totally distinct from\\neach other, and of whose original connexion, either in their execution or\\ndesign, no trace whatever is discoverable*.\\n4. The poem which in the Cyclus preceded the Iliad, and was\\nclearly intended by its author himself for that purpose, was the Cypria,\\nconsisting of eleven books, which may be most safely ascribed to Sta-\\nsinus of the island of Cyprus, who, however, according to the tradition,\\nreceived it from Homer himself (transformed on that account into a\\nSalaminian from Cyprus), as a portion on the marriage of his daughter.\\nAnd yet the fundamental ideas of the Cypria are so un-Homeric,\\nand contain so much of a rude attempt at philosophising on mytho-\\nlogy, which was altogether foreign to Homer, that Stasinus certainly\\ncannot be considered as of an earlier date than Arctinus. The Cypria\\nbegan with the prayer of the Earth to Zeus, to lessen the burdens of the\\nrace of man, already become too heavy and then related how Zeus,\\nwith the view of humbling the pride of mankind, begot Helen upon\\nthe goddess Nemesis, and gave her to be educated by Leda. The promise\\nby Venus of the woman whose beauty was to cause the destruction of\\nheroes to the shepherd Paris, as a reward for the decision respecting the\\napple of discord, her abduction from Sparta during the absence of her\\nhusband Menelaus in Crete, and while her brothers, the Dioscuri, are\\nslain in battle by the sons of Aphareus, were all related in conformity with\\nthe usual traditions, and the expedition of the heroes of Greece against\\nTroy was derived from these events. The Greeks, however, according to\\nthe Cypria, twice set out from Aulis against Troy, having the first time\\nbeen carried to Teuthrania in Mysia, a district ruled by Telephus, and\\nin sailing away having been driven back by a storm at their second\\ndeparture from Aulis the sacrifice of Iphigenia was related. The nine\\nyears contest before Troy, and in its vicinity, did not occupy near so\\nmuch space in the Cypria as the preparations for the war the full\\nstream of tradition, as it gushes forth from a thousand springs in the\\nHomeric poems, has even at this period dwindled down to narrow\\ndimensions the chief part w r as connected with the incidental mentions\\nof earlier events in Homer as the attack of Achilles upon iEneas near\\nthe herds of cattle t, the killing of Troilus J, the selling of Lycaon to\\nLemnos\u00c2\u00a7 Palamedes the nobler counterpart of Ulysses was the only\\nAs an additional proof of a point which indeed is almost self-evident, it may\\nbe also mentioned that, according to Proclus, there were Jive, and afterwards two\\nbooks of Arctinns in the epic cyclus: according to the Tabula Borgiana, however, the\\npoems of Arctinus included 9,100 verses, which, according to the standard of the\\nhooks in Homer, would at least give twelve books.\\nf II. xx. 90, seq.\\nI II. xxiv. 257. The more recent poetry combines the death of Troilus with the\\nlast events of Troy. II. xxi. 35.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0074.jp2"}, "73": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 69\\nhero either unknown to or accidentally never mentioned by Homer.\\nAchilles was throughout represented as the chief hero, created for the\\npurpose of destroying- the race of man by manly strength, as Helen by\\nfemale beauty; hence also these two beings, who otherwise could not\\nhave become personally known to each other, were brought together in\\na marvellous manner by Thetis and Amphitrite. As, however, the war,\\nconducted in the manner above described, did not destroy a sufficient\\nnumber of men, Zeus at last resolves, for the purpose of effectually\\ngranting the prayer of the Earth, to stir up the strife between Achilles\\nand Agamemnon, and thus to bring about all the great battles of the\\nIliad. Thus the Cypria referred altogether to the Iliad for the com-\\npletion of its own subject; and at the same time added to the motive\\nsupposed in the latter poem, the prayer of Thetis, a more general one,\\nthe prayer of the Earth, of which the Iliad knows nothing. In the\\nCypria a gloomy destiny hovers over the whole heroic world as in\\nHesiod* the Theban and Trojan war is conceived as a general war\\nof extermination between the heroes. The main origin of this fatality\\nis, moreover, the beauty of the woman, as in Hesiod s mythus of Pan-\\ndora. The unwarlike Aphrodite, who in Homer is so little fitted for\\nmingling in the combats of heroes, is here the conductor of the whole\\non this point the Cyprian poet may have been influenced by the im-\\npressions of his native island, where Aphrodite was honoured before all\\nother deities.\\n5. Between the poems of Arctinus and Lesches and the Odyssey\\ncame the epic of AGiAsf the Troezenian, divided into five books, the\\nNostoi. A poem of this kind would naturally be called forth by the\\nOdyssey, as the author in the very commencement supposes that all the\\nother heroes, except Ulysses, had returned home from Troy. Even in\\nHomer s time there existed songs on the subject of the homeward\\nvoyages of the heroes but these scattered lays naturally fell into ob-\\nlivion upon the appearance of Agias s poem, which was composed with\\nalmost Homeric skill, and all the intimations to be found in Homer were\\ncarefully made use of, and adopted as the outlines of the action J. Agias\\nbegan his poem with describing how Athene executed her plan of ven-\\ngeance, by exciting a quarrel between the Atridae themselves, which pre-\\nvented the joint return of the two princes. The adventures of the Atridae\\nfurnished the main subject of the poem\u00c2\u00a7. In the first place the wan-\\nderings of Menelaus, who first left the Trojan coast, were narrated\\nalmost up to his late arrival at home then Agamemnon, who did not\\nsail till afterwards, was conducted by a direct course to his native land\\nHesiod. Op. et D. 1G0, seq.\\nf \\\\yia.; is the correct form of his name, in Ionic Hyixs At/yias is a corruption.\\nJ See particularly Od. iii. 135.\\nHence, probably, the same poem is more than once in Athenaeus called h ruv\\nArpu^wv %x4oho$.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0075.jp2"}, "74": {"fulltext": "70 HISTORY OF THE\\nand his murder and the other fortunes of his family were described up\\nto the period when Menelaus arrives after the vengeance of Orestes had\\nbeen consummated*; with which event the poem properly concluded.\\nArtfully interwoven with the above narrative were the voyages and\\nwandering s of the other heroes, Diomed, Nestor, Calchas, Leonteus\\nand Polypoetes, Neoptolemus, and the death of the Locrian Ajax on\\nthe Capherian rocks, so that the whole formed a connected picture of\\nthe Achaean heroes at variance with each other, hastening homewards by\\ndifferent routes, but almost universally contending with misfortunes and\\ndifficulties. Ulysses ajpne was left for the Odysseyf.\\n6. The continuation of the Odyssey was the Telegonia, of which poem\\nonly two books were introduced into the collection used by ProclusJ.\\nEugammon of Cyrene, who did not live before the 53d Olympiad,\\nis named as the author. The Telegonia opened with the burial of the\\nsuitors by their kinsmen. The want of this part renders the Odyssey\\nincomplete as a narrative; although, for the internal unity, it is un-\\nnecessary, since the suitors are no longer a subject of interest after\\nUlysses had rid his house of them. The poem then related a voyage\\nof Ulysses to Polyxenus at Elis, the motives for which are not suf-\\nficiently known to us and afterwards the completion of the sacrifices\\noffered by Tiresias; upon which Ulysses (in all probability incompliance\\nwith the prophecy of Tiresias, in order to reach the country where the\\ninhabitants were neither acquainted with the sea nor with salt, the pro-\\nduct of the sea) goes to Thesprotia, and there rules victoriously and\\nhappily, till he returns a second time to Ithaca, where, not being re-\\ncognised, he is slain by Telegonus, his son by Circe, who had come to\\nseek his father.\\n7. With the exception of the events of the Trojan war, and the return\\nof the Greeks, nothing was so closely connected with the Iliad and\\nOdyssey as the War of the Arguses against Thebes since many of the\\nprincipal heroes of Greece, particularly Diomed and Sthenelus, were\\nSeeOd. iii. 311 j iv. 547.\\nf In what part of the Nostoi the Nekyia, or description of the infernal regions,\\nwhich belonged to it, was introduced, we are not indeed informed hut there can\\nscarcely be any doubt that it was connected with the funeral of Tiresias, which\\nCalchas, in the Nostoi, celebrated ai Colophon. Tiresias, in the Odyssey, is the\\nonly shade in the infernal regions who is endowed with memory and understanding,\\nfor whose sake Ulysses ventures as far as the entrance of Hades: would not then\\nthe poet, whose object it was to make his work an introduction to the Odyssey, have\\nseized this opportunity to introduce the spirit of the seer into the realm of shades,\\nand by his reception by Hades and Persephone to explain the privileges which,\\naccording to the Odyssey, he there enjoys The questioning of Tiresias invites to\\na preparatory explanation more perhaps than any other part of the Odyssey, since,\\ntaken by itself, it has something enigmatical.\\nThese two books were evidently only an epitome of the poem; for even all that\\nProclus states from them has scarcely sufficient space to say nothing of the poem\\non the Thesprotians in a mystic tone, which Clemens of Alexandria (Strom, vi. 277)\\nattributes to Eugammon, and which was manifestly in its original form a part of the\\nTelegonia.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0076.jp2"}, "75": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 71\\nthemselves amongst the conquerors of Thebes, and their fathers before\\nthem, a bolder and wilder race, had fought on the same spot, in a con-\\ntest which, although unattended with victory, was still far from inglorious.\\nHence also reputed Homeric poems on the subject of this war were\\nextant, which perhaps really bore a great affinity to the Homeric time\\nand school. For we do not find, as in the other poems of the cycle,\\nthe names of one or several later poets placed in connexion with these\\ncompositions, but they are either attributed to Homer, as the earlier\\nGreeks in general appear to have done*, or, if the authorship of Homer\\nis doubted, they are -usually attributed to no author at all. The Thebais,\\nwhich consisted of seven books, or 5,600 verses, originated from Argos,\\nwhich was also considered by Homer as the centre of the Grecian power\\nit commenced Sing, O Muse, the thirsty Argos, where the princes\\n.f Here dwelt Adrastus, to whom Poly nices, the banished son of\\n(Edipus, fled, and found with him a reception. The poet then took occa-\\nsion to enter upon the cause of the banishment of Polynices, and related\\nthe fate of GEdipus and his curse twice pronounced against his sons.\\nAmphiraus was represented as a wise counsellor to Adrastus, and in\\nopposition to Polynices and Tydeus, the heroes eager for battle.\\nEriphyle was the Helen of this war the seductive woman who induced\\nher otherwise prudent husband to rush, conscious of his doom, to meet\\nhis unhappy fate J. The insolence of the Argive chiefs was probably\\nrepresented as the principal cause of their destruction Homer in the\\nIliad described it as the crime and curse of these heroes\u00c2\u00a7, and iEschylus\\nportrays it in characteristic emblems and words. Adrastus is only saved\\nby his horse Areion, a supernatural being and a prophecy respecting\\nthe Epigoni concluded the whole.\\nThe Epigoni was so far a second part of the Thebais that it was some-\\ntimes comprehended under the same name though it might also be\\nconsidered as distinct. It began with an allusion to the first heroic\\nexpedition, Now, O Muses, let us commence the exploits of the later\\nmen^ and related the much less notorious actions of the sons of the\\nheroes, according to all probability under the auspices of the same\\nAdrastus** who was destined to conquer Thebes, if his army should be\\nIn Pausan. ix. 9, 3. KakkTvos is certainly the right reading. This ancient\\nelegiac poet therefore, about the 20th Olympiad, quoted the Thebaid as Homeric.\\nThe Epigoni was still commonly ascribed to Homer in the time of Herodotus, iv\u00e2\u0080\u009e 32.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f* Agyos eLiibt ha Trokvhtytov, tv6a clvx/cns.\\nX Hence the entire poem is in Pseudo-Herod. Vit. Horn. c. 9, called ApQiagtco\\nV katrln is e*)(Zas, in Suidas ApQia^oiov iffastafc,\\n11. v. 409.\\nThus the scholiast on Apoll. Rhod. i. 308, in the account of Manto, cites the\\nThebaid for the Epigoni.\\nN?v avff o-rkoripwv avh^uv a^A fji.i6a.^ Mouiroct.\\nSee Pindar, Pyth. viii. 48. It can be shown that Pindar, in his mentions of\\nthis fable, always keeps near to the Thebaid.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0077.jp2"}, "76": {"fulltext": "72 HISTORY OF THE\\nfreer from guilt, and thereby become more worthy of glory. Diomed\\nand Sthenelus, the sons of the wild Tydeus and the reckless Capaneus,\\nequalled their fathers in] power, while they surpassed them in modera-\\ntion and respect for the gods.\\nEven these few, but authentic accounts exhibit glorious materials for\\ngenuine poetry and they were treated in a style which had not de-\\ngenerated from Homer; the only difference being that an exalted\\nheroic life was not, as in the Iliad and Odyssey, exhibited in one great\\naction, and as accomplishing its appointed purpose but a longer series\\nof events was developed before the listeners, externally connected by\\ntheir reference to one enterprise, and internally by means of certain\\ngeneral moral reflections and mythico-philosophical ideas.\\nCHAPTER VII.\\n1. General character of the Homeric Hymns, or Proaemia. 2. Occasions on\\nwhich they were sung Poets by whom, and times at which, they were composed.\\n3. Hymn to the Delian Apollo. 4. Hymn to the Pythian Apollo.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 5.\\nHymn to Hermes. 6. Hymn to Aphrodite 7. Hymn to Demeter.\\n1. One essential part of the epic style of poetry consisted of hymns.\\nThose hymns which were recited by the epic poets, and which we com-\\nprehend under the name of Homeric, were called by the ancients\\nproosmia, that is preludes, or overtures. They evidently in part owed\\nthis name to their having served the rhapsodists as introductory strains\\nfor their recitations a purpose to which the final verses often clearly\\nrefer as, Beginning with thee I will now sing the race of the demi-\\ngods, or the exploits of the heroes, which the poets are wont to cele-\\nbrate*. But the longer hymns of this class could hardly have served\\nsuch a purpose as they sometimes are equal in extent to the rhapsodies\\ninto which the grammarians divided the Iliad and Odyssey, and they\\neven contain very detailed narratives of particular legends, which are\\nsufficient to excite an independent interest. These must be considered\\nas preludes to a whole series of epic recitations, in other words, as intro-\\nductions to an entire contest of rhapsodists making, as it were, the\\ntransition from the preceding festival of the gods, with its sacrifices,\\nprayers, and sacred chaunts, to the subsequent competition of the\\nsingers of heroic poetry. The manner in which it was necessary to\\nshorten one of these long hymns, in order to make it serve as a\\nprocemium of a single poem, or part of a poem, may be seen from the\\nSee, for example, Hymn xxxi. 18. ex it io V agld/t vos *Xwrm pigoTuv y zvo;\\navSg wv hpiB M J, and xxxii. 18. rio V ctf %of/,ivo; xkia Qairuv a. ro[JMi fifiifiiuv uv xXtiotw\\nigyfAur aoiho t. A prayer for victory also sometimes occurs x il- xofcXitpa.oi, y/.v\\nxv/aiiXix $o; V iv ayuvi v ihw rZh pi^i r6ai, Hymn vi. 19.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0078.jp2"}, "77": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 73\\n18th of the Homeric hymns, the short one to Hermes, which has been\\nabridged from the long one for this purpose.\\nWith the actual ceremonies of the divine worship these hymns had\\nevidently no immediate connexion. Unlike the lyric and choral songs,\\nthey were sung neither on the procession to the temple (rapr//), nor at\\nthe sacrifice (0vo-ta), nor at the libation nrovcri), with which the\\npublic prayers for the people were usually connected they had only a\\ngeneral reference to the god as patron of a festival, to which a contest\\nof rhapsodists or poets had been appended. One hymn alone, the\\neighth to Ares, is not a procemium, but a prayer to the god in this,\\nhowever, the entire tone, the numerous invocations and epithets, are so\\ndifferent from the Homeric, that this hymn has been with reason re-\\nferred to a much later period, and has been classed with the Orphic\\ncompositions*.\\n2. But although these procemia were not immediately connected\\nwith the service of the gods, and although a poet might have prefixed\\nan invocation of this kind to an epic composition recited by him alone,\\nwithout a rival, in any meeting of idle persons f, yet we may perceive\\nfrom them how many and different sacred festivals in Greece were at-\\ntended by rhapsodists. Thus it is quite clear that the two hymns to\\nApollo were sung, the one at the festival of the nativity of the god in\\nthe island of Delos, the other at that of the slaying of the dragon at Pytho\\nthat the hymn to Demeter was recited at theEleusinia, where musical con-\\ntests were also customary and that contests of rhapsodists were connected\\nwith the festivals of Aphrodite J, particularly at Salamis in Cyprus\u00c2\u00a7, from\\nwhich island we have also seen a considerable epic poem proceed.\\nThe short hymn to Artemis, which describes her wanderings from the\\nriver Meles at Smyrna to the island of Claros (where her brother Apollo\\nawaits her) appears also to have been recited at a musical contest,\\nwhich was connected with the festival of these two deities in the re-\\nnowned sanctuary of Claros, near Colophon. Festivals in honour of the\\nMagna Mater of Phrygia may have likewise been celebrated in the\\ntowns of Asia Minor, also accompanied with contests of rhapsodists.\\nThat these procemia were composed by rhapsodists of Asia Minor,\\nnearly the same as those who were concerned in the Homeric cycle,\\nand not by minstrels of the school of Hesiod, is proved by the fact that\\nwe find among them no hymn to the Muses, with whom the poet of\\nAres is in this hymn, viii. 7, 10, also considered as the planet of the same\\nname the hymn, therefore, belongs to a time when Chaldsean astrology had been\\ndiffused in Greece. The contest for which the aid of Ares is implored is a purely\\nmental one, with the passions, and the hymn is in fact philosophical rather than\\nOrphic.\\nf For example, in a k ur%n, a house of public resort, where strangers found an\\nabode. Homer, according to Pseudo -Herodotus, sang many poetical pieces in\\nplaces of this description.\\nI Hymn vi. 19. Hymn x. 4. Comp. ch. 6. 4. j| Hymn ix. 3, sey.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0079.jp2"}, "78": {"fulltext": "74 HISTORY OP THE\\nthe Theogony, as he himself says, began and ended his strains*. One\\nshort hymn however, formed of verses borrowed from the Theogony, has\\nfound its way into this miscellaneous collectionf. By a similar argu-\\nment we may refute the opinion that these hymns were exclusively the\\nwork of the Homerids, that is, the house of Chios these, as we know\\nfrom the testimony of Pindar, were accustomed to commence with an\\ninvocation to Zeus while our collection only contains one very small\\nand unimportant procemium to this god\\nWhether any of the preludes which Terpander, the Lesbian poet and\\nmusician, employed in his musical recitation of Homer have been\\npreserved in the present collection, must remain a doubtful question\\nit seems however probable that those hymns, composed for an accom-\\npaniment of the cithara, must have had a different tone and character.\\nMoreover, these hymns exhibit such a diversity of language and\\npoetical tone, that in all probability they contain fragments from every\\ncentury between the time of Homer and the Persian war. Several, as\\nfor instance that to the Dioscuri, show the transition to the Orphic\\npoetry, and several refer to local worships, which are entirely un-\\nknown to us, as the one to Selene, which celebrates her daughter by\\nZeus, the goddess Pandia, shining forth amongst the immortals of\\nwhom we can now only conjecture that the Athenian festival of Pandia\\nwas dedicated to her.\\n3. We will now endeavour to illustrate these general remarks by\\nsome special explanations of the five longer hymns. The hymn to the\\nD elian Apollo is (as has been already stated) ascribed by Thucydides\\nto Homer himself and is, doubtless, the production of a Homerid of\\nChios, who, at the end of the poem, calls himself the blind poet who\\nlived on the rocky Chios. But the notion that this poet was Cinaethus,\\nwho did not live till the 69th Olympiad ^1, appears only to have\\noriginated from the circumstance that he was the most celebrated of\\nthe Homerids. If any one of these hymns comes near to the age of\\nHomer, it is this one and it is much to be lamented that a large\\nportion of it has been lost**, which contained the beginning of the\\nnarration, the true ground of the wanderings of Latona. We can only\\nconjecture that this was the announcement, probably made by Here,\\nthat Latona would produce a terrible and mighty son of which\\na contradiction is meant to be implied in Apollo s first words, where he\\ncalls the cithara his favourite instrument, as well as the bow, and\\nTheogon. 48. Endings of this kind, called by the grammarians upv/tvut, are\\nalso mentioned in the Homeric hymns, xxi. 4, and xxxiv. 18, and the short song,\\nHymn xxi. is probably one of them. Comp. Theognis, v. i. (925), Apollon. Rhod.\\nArg. iv. 1774.\\nf See Hymn xxv. and Theog. 94 7. X Hymn xxiii.\\nPlutarch de Musica, c. 4, 6 and above, chap. iv. 3 (p. 34)\\nAbove, chap. v. 1 (p. 42).\\nSchol. Pind. Nem. ii. 1. Hymn i. 30.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0080.jp2"}, "79": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 75\\ndeclares his chief office to be the promulgation of the councils of Zeus*.\\nThe entire fable of the birth of Apollo is treated so as to give great honour\\nto the island of Delos, which alone takes pity on Latona, and dares to\\noffer her an asylum the fittest subject of a hymn for the joyful spring\\nfestival, to which the Ionians flocked together from far and wide on\\ntheir pilgrimage to the holy island.\\n4. The hymn to the Pythian Apollo is a most interesting record\\nof the ancient mythus of Apollo in the district of Pytho. It belongs\\nto a time when the Pythian sanctuary was still in the territory of Crissa\\nof the hostility between the Pythian priests and the Crissaeans, which\\nafterwards led to the war of the Amphictyons against the city of\\nCrissa (in Olymp. 47.), there is no trace a passage of the hymn also\\nshows that horse-races f had not as yet been introduced at the Pythian\\ngames, which began immediately after the Crissaean war the ancient\\nPythian contests had been confined to music. The following is the\\nconnexion of this hymn. Apollo descends from Olympus in order to\\nfound a temple for himself; and while he is seeking a site for it in\\nBoeotia, he is recommended by a water-goddess, Tilphussa or Delphussa,\\nto place it in the territory of Crissa in the ravine of Parnassus her ad-\\nvice being prompted by the malicious hope that a dangerous seipent,\\nwhich abode there, would destroy the youthful god. Apollo accepts\\nher counsel, but frustrates her intent: he founds his temple in this\\nsolitary glen, slays the dragon, and then punishes Tilphussa by stopping\\nup her fountain J. Apollo then procures priests for the new sanctuary,\\nCretan men, whom he, in the form of a dolphin, brings to Crissa, and\\nconsecrates as the sacrificers and guardians of his sanctuary.\\n5. The hymn to Hermes has a character very different from the\\nothers; which is the reason why modern critics have taken greater\\nliberties with it in the rejection of verses supposed to be spurious. With\\nthat lively simplicity which gives an air of credibility to the most\\nmarvellous incidents, it relates how Hermes, begotten by Zeus in\\nsecret, is able, when only a new-born child, to leave the cradle in\\nwhich his mother believed him to be safely concealed, in order to steal\\nApollo s cattle from the pastures of the gods in Pieria. The miraculous\\nchild succeeds in driving them away, using various contrivances for con-\\ncealing his traces, to a grotto near Pylos, and slays them there, with all\\nthe skill of the most experienced slaughterer of victims. At the same time\\nhe had made the first lyre out of a tortoise which had fallen in his way on\\nhis first going out and with this he pacifies Apollo, who had at length,\\nXpriffto I avfyio roi ri A/05 vn^i^rioc fiovXnv. Hymn. Del. Ap. 131 2.\\nf Hymn ii. 84, 199, where the noise of horses and chariots is given as a reason\\nwhy the place is not fitted for a temple of Apollo.\\nIt is not necessary to the right comprehension of this hymn to explain the\\nobscurer connexion of this mythus with the worship of a Demeter Tilphosseea, or\\nErinnys, hostile to Apollo.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0081.jp2"}, "80": {"fulltext": "76 history or the\\nby means of his power of divination, succeeded in discovering- the thief;\\nso that the two sons of Zeus form at the end the closest intimacy, after an\\ninterchange of their respective gifts. This story is narrated in a light and\\npointed style, the poet seems to aim at rapid transitions, and especially at\\nthe beginning he indicates the marvellous exploits of Hermes in an enig-\\nmatic manner thus he says that Hermes, by finding a tortoise, had\\ngained unspeakable wealth he had in truth known how to make the\\ntortoise musical.* This style is evidently far removed from the genuine\\nHomeric tone although some instances of this arch simplicity occur\\nboth in the Iliad and Odyssey, and the story of the loves of Ares and\\nAphrodite, in the Odyssey, appears to belong to nearly the same class of\\ncompositions as this hymn. But a considerably later age is indicated\\nby the circumstance that the lyre or the cithara for the poet treats\\nthese two instruments as identical, though distinguished in more precise\\nlanguage is described as having been at the very first provided with\\nseven strings t yet the words of Terpander are still extant in which\\nhe boasts of having introduced the seven- stringed cithara in the\\nplace of the four-stringed J. Hence it is plain that this poem could not\\nhave been composed till some time after the 30th Olympiad, perhaps\\neven by a poet of the Lesbian school, which had at that time spread to\\nPeloponnesus\u00c2\u00a7.\\n6. The hymn to Aphrodite relates how this goddess (who sub-\\njects all the gods to her power, three only excepted) is, according to\\nthe will of Zeus himself, vanquished by love for Anchises of Troy, and\\nmeets him in the form of a Phrygian princess by the herds on Mount\\nIda. At her departure she appears to him in divine majesty, and an-\\nnounces to him the birth of a son, named iEneas, who will come to\\nreign himself, and after him his family, over the Trojans It is an\\nobvious conjecture that this hymn (the tone and expression of which\\nhave much of the genuine Homer) was sung in honour of princes of\\nthe family of iEneas, in some town of the range of Ida, where the same\\nline continued to reign even until the Peloponnesian war.\\n7. The hymn to Demeter is chiefly intended to celebrate the\\nsojourning of this goddess among the Eleusinians. Demeter is seeking\\nfor her daughter, who has been carried away by Hades, until she learns\\nfrom the god of the sun that the god of the infernal regions is the\\nravisher. She then dwells among the Eleusinians, who have hospitably\\nreceived her, as the old attendant of Demophoon, until her divinity\\nbecomes evident upon which the Eleusinians build her a temple. In\\nthis she conceals herself as a wrathful deity, and withholds her gifts from\\nHymn iii. v. 24, 25, c. f v. 51.\\nEuclides Introduct. Harmon, in Meibomius, Script. Mus. p. 19.\\nWe know that the Lesbian lyric poet Alcaeus treated the mythus of the birth of\\nHermes and the robbery of the cattle in a very similar manner, but of course iu a\\nlyric form.\\nHymn iv. 196, seq. Compare Iliad, xx. 307.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0082.jp2"}, "81": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 77\\nmankind, until Zeus brings about an agreement that Cora shall be\\nrestored to her for two-thirds of the year, and shall only remain one-\\nthird of the year with Hades*. United again with her daughter, she\\ninstructs her hosts, the Eleusinians, in return for their hospitality, in her\\nsacred orgies.\\nEven if this hymn did not directly invite persons to the celebration of\\nthe Eleusinia, and to a participation in its initiatory rites, by calling\\nthose blessed who had seen them, and announcing an unhappy lot in\\nthe infernal regions to those who had taken no part in them yet we\\ncould not fail to recognise the hand of an Attic bard, well versed in the\\nfestival and its ceremonies, even in many expressions which have an\\nAttic and local colour. The ancient sacred legend of the Eleusinians\\nlies here before us in its pure and unadulterated form so far as it can\\nbe clothed with an epic garb in a manner agreeable to a refined taste.\\nWe may hence infer the value of this hymn (which was not discovered\\ntill the last century, and of which a part is lost) for the history of the\\nGreek religion.\\nCHAPTER VIII.\\ny\\n6 1. Circumstances of Hesiod s Life, and general character of his Poetry. 2.\\nThe Works and Days the Poem on Divination, and the Lessons of Chiron.\\n3. The Theogony.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 4. The Great Eoiae, the Catalogues of Women, the Me-\\nlampodia, the .^Egimius. 5. The Marriage of Ceyx, the Epithalamium of\\nPeleus and Thetis, the Descent of Theseus and Pirithous into Hell, the Shield of\\nHercules.\\n1. While the fairest growth of the Grecian heroic poetry was\\nnourishing under favourable circumstances upon the coast of Asia\\nMinor in the iEolic and Ionic colonies, the mother -country of Greece,\\nand especially Bceotia, to which we are now to direct our attention, were\\nnot so happily situated. In that country, already thickly peopled with\\nGreek tribes, and divided into numerous small states, the migrations\\nwith which the heroic age of Greece terminated necessarily produced a\\nstate of lasting confusion and strife, sometimes even reaching into the\\ninterior of single families. It was only on the coast of Asia Minor that\\nthe conquerors could find a wide and open field for their enterprises\\nthis country was still for the most part virgin soil to the Greek settlers,\\nand its native inhabitants of barbarous descent offered no very obstinate\\nresistance to the colonists. Hence likewise it came to pass that of the\\niEolic Boeotians, who after the Trojan war emigrated from Thessaliotis,\\nand obtained the sovereignty of Bceotia, a considerable number imme-\\nThis depends on the Athenian festival cycle. At the Thesmophoria, the\\nfestival of sowing, Cora is supposed to descend beneath the earth on the Anthes-\\nteria, the festival of the first bloom of spring, exactly four months afterwards, she\\nis supposed to reascend from the infernal regions.", "height": "4090", "width": "2387", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0083.jp2"}, "82": {"fulltext": "78 HISTORY OP THE\\ndiately quitted this narrow territory, and joined the Aehaeans, who, just\\nat this time, having been driven from Peloponnesus, were sailing to\\nLesbos, Tenedos, and the opposite shores of Asia Minor, there to found\\nthe colonies in which the name of iEolians subsequently preponderated\\nover that of Achseans, and became the collective denomination. As\\nnew cities and states rose up and flourished in these regions of Asia\\nMinor, which were moreover founded and governed by descendants of\\nthe most renowned princes of the heroic age, a free scope was given\\nto the genius of poetry, and a bright and poetical view of man s destiny\\nwas naturally produced. But in Boeotia a comparison of the present\\nwith the past gave rise to a different feeling. In the place of the races\\ncelebrated in numerous legends, the Cadmeans and Minyans, who were\\nthe early occupants of Thebes and Orchomenos, had succeeded the\\niEolic Boeotians, whose native mythology appears meagre and scanty\\nas compared with that of the other tribes. It is true that the Homeric\\nbards allowed themselves to be so far influenced by the impressions of\\nthe present as to introduce the heroes of these Boeotians, and not the\\nCadmeans, as taking a part in the expedition against Troy. But how\\nlittle of real individual character and of poetic truth is there in Peneleus\\nand Leitus, when compared with the leaders of the Achaean bands from\\nPeloponnesus and Thessaly The events of Greek history have, though\\nnot always, yet in most cases, verified the promises of their early le-\\ngends and thus we find the Boeotians always remaining a vigorous,\\nhardy race, whose mind can never soar far above the range of bodily\\nexistence, and whose cares are for the most part limited to the supply of\\ntheir immediate wants equally removed from the proud aspirings of\\nthe Doric spirit, which subjected all things within its reach to the influ-\\nence of certain deeply implanted notions, and from the liveliness and\\nfine susceptibility of the Ionic character, which received all impressions\\nwith a fond and impassioned interest. But, even in this torpid and ob-\\nscure condition of Boeotian existence, some stars of the first magnitude\\nappear, as brilliant in politics as in art Pindar, Epaminondas, and\\nbefore them Hesiod, with the other distinguished poets who wrote under\\nhis name.\\nBut Hesiod, although a poet of very considerable power, was yet\\na true child of his nation and his times. His poetry is a faithful\\ntranscript of the whole condition of Boeotian life; and we may, on the\\nother hand, complete our notions of Boeotian life from his poetry. If,\\nbefore we proceed to examine each separate poem in detail, we first\\nstate our general impression of the whole, and compare it with that\\nwhich we receive from the Homeric poems, we shall find throughout the\\nwritings of Hesiod (as well in the complete ones as in those which we\\ncan only judge by fragments) that we miss the powerful sway of a\\nyouthful fancy, which in every part of the poems of Homer sheds an\\nexpression of bright and inexhaustible enjoyment, which lights up the", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0084.jp2"}, "83": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP A.NCIENT GREECE. 79\\nsublime images of a heroic age, and moulds them into forms of sur-\\npassing beauty. That abandonment of the thoughts, with heartfelt\\njoy and satisfaction, to a flow of poetical images, such as came crowding\\non the mind of Homer how different is this from the manner of Hesiod\\nHis poetry appears to struggle to emerge out of the narrow bounds of\\ncommon life, which he strives to ennoble and to render more endurable.\\nRegarding with a melancholy feeling the destiny of the human race,\\nand the corruption of a social condition which has destroyed all serene\\nenjoyment, the poet seeks either to disseminate knowledge by which\\nlife may be improved, or to diffuse certain religious notions as to the\\ninfluence of a superior destiny, which may tend to produce a patient\\nresignation to its inevitable evils. Atone time he gives us lessons of civil\\nand domestic wisdom, whereby order may be restored to a disturbed com-\\nmonwealth or an ill regulated household at another, he seeks to reduce\\nthe bewildering and endless variety of stories about the gods to a\\nconnected system, in which each deity has his appointed place. Then\\nagain the poet of this school seeks to distribute the heroic legends\\ninto large masses and, by finding certain links which bind them all\\ntogether, to make them more clear and comprehensible. Nowhere does\\nthe poetry appear as the sole aim of the poet s mind, to which he de-\\nvotes himself without reserve, and to which all his thoughts are directed.\\nPractical interests are, in a certain sense, everywhere intermixed. It\\ncannot be denied that the poetry, as such, must thus lose much of\\nits peculiar merit but this loss is, to a certain extent, compensated by\\nthe beneficent and useful tendency of the composition.\\nThis view of the poetry of Hesiod agrees entirely with the description\\nwhich he has given of the manner of his first being called to the office\\nof a poet. The account of this in the introduction to the Theogony\\n(v. 1 35) must be a very ancient tradition, as it is also alluded to in\\nthe Works and Days (v. 659). The Muses, whose dwelling, according\\nto the commonly received belief of the Greeks, was Olympus in Pieria,\\nare yet accustomed (so says the Boeotian poet) to visit Helicon, which\\nwas also sacred to them. Then, having bathed in one of their holy\\nsprings, and having led their dances upon the top of Helicon, they go at\\nnight through the adjacent country, singing the great gods of Olympus, as\\nwell as the primitive deities of the universe. In one of these excursions\\nthey encountered Hesiod, who was watching his flocks by night in a\\nvalley at the foot of Helicon. Here they bestowed upon him the gift of\\npoetry, having first addressed him in these words Ye country shep-\\nherds, worthless wretches, mere slaves of the belly although we often\\ntell falsehoods and pretend that they are true, yet we can tell truth when\\nit pleases us.\\nAfter these words, the Muses immediately consecrated Hesiod to their\\nservice by offering him a laurel branch, which the Boeotian minstrels\\nalways carried in their hand during the recitation of poetry. There is", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0085.jp2"}, "84": {"fulltext": "M HISTORY OF THE\\nsomething very remarkable in this address of the Muses. In the first\\nplace, it represents poetical genius as a free gift of the Muses, imparted to\\na rough, unlettered man, and awakening him from his brutish condition\\nto a better life. Secondly, this gift of the Muses is to be dedicated to\\nthe diffusion of truth by which the poet means to indicate the serious\\nobject and character of his theogonic and ethical poetry not without an\\nimplied censure of other poems which admitted of an easier and freer\\nplay of fancy.\\nBut, beautiful and significant as this story is, it is clear that the poetry\\nof Hesiod can in nowise be regarded as the product of an inspiration\\nwhich comes like a divine gift from above; it must have been connected\\nboth with earlier and with contemporary forms of epic composition. We\\nhave seen that the worship of the Muses was of old standing in these\\ndistricts, whither it had been brought by the Pierian tribes from the\\nneighbourhood of Olympus and with this worship the practice of music\\nand poetry was most closely connected*. This poetry consisted chiefly\\nof songs and hymns to the gods, for which Bceotia, so rich in ancient\\ntemples, symbolical rites of worship, and festival ceremonies, offered\\nfrequent opportunities.\\nAscra itself, according to epic poems quoted by Pausanias, was\\nfounded by the Aloids, who were Pierian heroes, and first sacrificed to\\nthe Muses upon mount Helicon. That Hesiod dwelt at Ascra rests upon\\nhis own testimony in the Works and Days (v. 640) and this statement\\nis confirmed in a remarkable manner by other historical accounts, for\\nwhich we are indebted to the Boeotian writer, Plutarch. Ascra had, at\\nan early period, been destroyed by the neighbouring and powerful race\\nof Thespians, and the Orchomenians had received the fugitive Ascrseans\\ninto their city the oracle then commanded that the bones of Hesiod\\nshould be transferred to Orchomenus, and, when what were held to be\\nthe remains of the poet were discovered, a monument was erected to\\nhim at Orchomenus, upon which was written an inscription, composed by\\nthe Boeotian epic poet Chersias, describing him as the wisest of all poets.\\nOn the other hand, the intercourse which subsisted between the\\nBoeotians and their kinsmen on the iEolic coast of Asia Minor, and the\\nflight which poetry had taken in those countries, probably contributed\\nto stimulate the Boeotian poets to new productions. There is no reason\\nto doubt the testimony of the author of the Works and Days (v. 636),\\nthat his father came from Cyme in iEolis to Ascra the motive which\\nbrought him thither was doubtless the recollection of the ancient affinity\\nbetween the iEolic settlers and this race of the mother- country a recol-\\nlection which was still alive at the time of the Peloponnesian war f\\nThe father of the poet is not stated to be a Cymaean bard but is de-\\nscribed as a mariner, who, after repeated voyages from Cyme, had at\\nlength taken up his abode at Ascra yet it must have been by settlers\\nAbove, chap. iii. o 8, 9. t See Thucyd. iii. 2; vii. 57; viii. 100.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0086.jp2"}, "85": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT QRXECE. M\\nsuch as this that the fame of the heroic poetry, which at that time was\\nflourishing inthe colonies, must have been spread over the mother-country.\\nThe ancients have eagerly seized upon this point of union in the two\\nschools of poetry, iu order to prove that a near relationship existed\\nbetween Homer and Hesiod. The logographers (or historians before\\nHerodotus) as Ilellanicus, Pherecydes, and Damastes have combined\\nvarious names handed down by tradition into comprehensive genealogies,\\nin which it appears that the two poets were descended from a common\\nancestor for example, that Apellis (also called Apelles, or Apellaeus)\\nhad two sons Maeon, the supposed father of Homer, and Dius, who,\\naccording to an ancient but justly rejected interpretation of a verse in\\nthe Works and Days, was made the father of Hesiod*.\\nBut it is not our intention to support the opinion that the poetry of\\nHesiod was merely an offset from the Homeric stock transplanted to\\nBceotia, or that it is indebted to the Homeric poems either for its dialect,\\nversification, or character of style. On the contrary, the most generally re-\\nceived opinion of antiquity assigns Hesiod and Homer to the same period\\nthus Herodotus makes them both about four centuries earlier than his own\\ntimef in such cases, too, Hesiod is commonly named before Homer, as,\\nfor instance, in this passage of Herodotus. As far as we know, it was first\\nmaintained by Xenophanes of Colophon J that Hesiod was later than\\nHomer on the other hand, Ephorus, the historian of Cyme, and many\\nothers, have endeavoured to prove the higher antiquity of Hesiod. At\\nany rate, therefore, the Greeks of those times did not consider that\\nHomer had formed the epic language in Ionia, and that Hesiod had\\nborrowed it, and only transferred it to other subjects. They must\\nhave entertained the opinion (which has been confirmed by the re-\\nsearches of our own time), that this epic dialect had already become the\\nlanguage of refinement and poetry in the mother-country before the\\ncolonies of Asia Minor were founded. Moreover, this dialect is only\\nidentical in the two schools of poetry so far as its general features are\\nconcerned. Many differences occur in particular points and it can be\\nproved that this ancient poetical language among the Boeotian tribe\\nadopted many features of the native dialect, which was an JEolism\\napproaching nearly to the Doric Neither does it appear that the\\nphrases, epithets, and proverbial expressions common to both poets were\\nV. 299. Epycc u, n t\u00c2\u00a3 rn, ATov yivos- f ii. 53.\\nI In Gellius, Noct. Att. iii. 17. Xenophanes, the founder of the Eleatic school of\\nphilosophy, who flourished about the 70th Olympiad, was also an epic poet, and\\nmay perhaps, in his *T ny KoXofuvo;, have found many opportunities of speaking of\\nHomer, whom the Colophonians claimed as a countryman. See above, p. 43\\n(chap. v. 2). l\\nThus Hesiod often shortens the ending u; in the accusative plural of the first\\ndeclension, like Alcman, Stesichorus, and Kpicharmus it has indeed been observed\\nthat it only occurs long where the syllable is in the arsis, or where it is lengthened\\nby position. On the whole, there is in Hesiod a greater tendency to shorter, ofteu\\nto contracted forms while Homer s ear appears to have found neculiar delight in\\nthe multiplication of vowel syllables,\\nG", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0087.jp2"}, "86": {"fulltext": "82 HISTORY OP THE\\nsupposed by the ancient Greeks to have been borrowed by one from\\nthe other in general, too, they have the appearance of being separately\\nderived from the common source of an earlier poetry and in Hesiod\\nespecially, if we may judge from statements of the ancients, and from the\\ntone of his language, sayings and idioms of the highest antiquity are\\npreserved in all their original purity and simplicity*.\\nThe opinion that Hesiod received the form of his poetry from Homer\\ncannot, moreover, well be reconciled with the wide difference which ap-\\npears in the spirit and character of the two styles of epic poetry. Besides\\nwhat we have already remarked upon this subject, we will notice one\\npoint which shows distinctly how little Hesiod allowed himself to be\\ngoverned by rules derived from Homer. The Homeric poems, among\\nall the forms in which poetry can appear, possess in the greatest degree\\nwhat in modern times is called objectivity; that is, a complete aban-\\ndonment of the mind to the object, without any intervening conscious-\\nness of the situation or circumstances of the subject, or the individual\\nhimself. Homer s mind moves in a world of lofty thoughts and ener-\\ngetic actions, far removed from the wants and necessities of the present.\\nThere can be no doubt that this is the noblest and most perfect style of\\ncomposition, and the best adapted to epic poetry. Hesiod, however,\\nnever soars to this height. He prefers to show us his own domestic\\nlife, and to make us feel its wants and privations. It would doubtless\\nbe an erroneous transfer of the manners of later poets to this primi-\\ntive age, if we regarded Hesiod s accounts of his own life as mere\\nfictions used as a vehicle for his poetic conceptions. Moreover,\\nthe tone in which he addresses his brother Perses has all the frank-\\nness and naivete of reality and, indeed, the whole arrangement of\\nthe poem of the Works and Days is unintelligible, unless we conceive\\nit as founded on a real event, such as the poet describes.\\n2. This poem (which alone, according to Pausanias, the Boeotians\\nhold to be a genuine work of Hesiod, and with which, therefore, we\\nmay properly begin the examination of the several works of this school)\\nis so entirely occupied with the events o? common life, that the author\\nwould not seem to have been a poet by profession, as Homer was de-\\nThus the verse of the Works and Days, ftitrdos avl\u00c2\u00a3 p!\\\\a u^pivos Hgxto; u\u00c2\u00bb\\n(v. 370), was attributed to Pittheus of Troezen, a sage and prince of the early\\nfabulous times. (See Aristotle in Plutarch. Theseus, c. 3.) The meaning, according\\nto Buttmann, is, Let the reward be surely agreed on with a friend. Homer has\\nthe shorter expression ptaSos Vi el ci.oy.io; ttrrai. (See Buttmann s Lexilogus, in agxtos,\\np. 164, Engl, transl.) So likewise the phrase of Hesiod, uXXd Tin pot vavra, rt^ fyvv\\nrr-rA Tirgw (Theog. 35), is doubtless derived from the highest antiquity it is\\nconnected with the Homeric, Ov fjtiv tan vvv tcrriv ecro fyuo; olio ct-ro tit^s raj ou^i-\\nfUKUf and Oh yccp octto Iqv os lain Tu.Xa.itpa.Tov oho ccto -r tT^s- The oak and the rock\\nhere represent the simple country life of the Greek autochthons, who thought that\\ntln-y had sprung from their mountains and woods, and whose thoughts dwelt\\nonly upon these ideas, in primitive innocence and familiarity. These words,\\nwith which Hesiod breaks off his description of the scene of the shepherds\\nsleeping with their flocks, sound just like a saying of the ancient Pierian bards\\namong the Pelasgians. (Above, p. 27 8.)", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0088.jp2"}, "87": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 83\\nscribed by the ancients, but some Boeotian husbandman, whose mind\\nhad been so forcibly moved by peculiar circumstances as to give a\\npoetical tone to the whole course of his thoughts ;md feelings. The\\nfather of Hesiod, as was before mentioned, had settled at Ascra as a\\nfarmer; and although he found the situation disadvantageous, from\\nits great heat in summer and its storminess in winter, yet he had\\nleft a considerable property to his two sons, Hesiod and a younger\\nbrother, Perses. The brothers divided the inheritance and Perses, by\\nmeans of bribes to the kings (who at this time alone exercised the office\\nof judge), contrived to defraud his elder brother. But Perses showed a\\ndisposition which in later times became more and more common among\\nthe Greeks he chose rather to listen to lawsuits in the market-place,\\nand to contrive legal quibbles by which he might defraud others of their\\nproperty, than to follow the plough. Hence it came to pass that his\\ninheritance, probably with the help of a foolish wife, was soon dissipated\\nand he threatened to commence a new suit against his elder brother, in\\norder to dispute the possession of that small portion of their father s\\nland which had been allotted to him. The peculiar situation in which\\nHesiod was thus placed called forth the following expression of his\\nthoughts. We give only the principal heads, in order to point out their\\nreference to the circumstances of the poet*.\\nThere are two kinds of contention (the poet begins by saying),\\nthe one blameable and hateful, the strife of war and litigation the\\nother beneficial and praiseworthy, the competition of mechanics and\\nartists. Avoid the first, O Perses and strive not again through the\\ninjustice of the judges to wrest from me my own keep rather to the\\nworks of honest industry. For the gods sent toil and misery among\\nmen, when they punished Prometheus for stealing fire from heaven by\\nsending Pandora to Epimetheus, from whose box all evils were spread\\namong mankind. We are now in the fifth age of the world, the age of\\niron, in which man must perpetually contend with want and trouble.\\nI will now relate to the judges the fable of the hawk which killed\\nthe nightingale heedless of her song. The city where justice is\\npractised will alone flourish under the protection of the gods. But to\\nthe city where wicked deeds are done, Zeus sends famine and plague.\\nKnow, ye judges, that ye are watched by myriads of Jove s immortal\\nspirits, and his own all-seeing eye is upon you. To the brutes have the\\ngods given the law of force to men the law of justice. Excellence is\\nnot to be acquired, O Perses, except by the sweat of thy brow. Labour\\nis pleasing to the gods, and brings no shame honest industry alone\\ngives lasting satisfaction. Beware of wrongful acts; honour the gods\\nhold fast good friends and good neighbours be not misled by an im-\\nI pass over the short prooemium to Zeus, as it was rejected by most of the\\nancient critics, and probably was only one of the introductory strains which the\\nHesiodean rhapsodists could prefix to the Works and Days.\\ng2", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0089.jp2"}, "88": {"fulltext": "SI HISTORY OP THE\\nprovident wife and provide yourself with a plentiful, but not too nume-\\nrous an offspring, and you will be blessed with prosperity.\\nWith these and similar rules of economy (of which many are, perhaps,\\nrather adapted to the wants of daily life than noble and elevated) the first\\npart of the poem concludes its object being to improve the character and\\nhabits of Perses, to deter him from seeking riches by litigation, and to\\nincite him to a life of labour as the only source of permanent prosperity.\\nMythical narratives, fables, descriptions, and moral apophthegms, partly\\nof a proverbial kind, are ingeniously chosen and combined so as to\\nillustrate and enforce the principal idea.\\nIn the second part, Hesiod shows Perses the succession in which his\\nlabours must follow if he determines to lead a life of industry. Observing\\nthe natural order of the seasons, he begins with the time of ploughing\\nand sowing, and treats of the implements used in these processes, the\\nplough and the beasts which draw it. He then proceeds to show how\\na prudent husbandman may employ the winter at home, when the\\nlabours of the field are at a stand adding a description of the storms\\nand cold of a Boeotian winter, which several modern critics have\\n(though probably without sufficient ground) considered as exaggerated,\\nand have therefore doubted its genuineness. With the first appearance\\nof spring follows the dressing and cutting of the vines, and, at the rising\\nof the Pleiades (in the first half of our May), the reaping of the grain.\\nThe poet then tells us how the hottest season should be employed, when\\nthe corn is threshed. The vintage, which immediately precedes the\\nploughing, concludes the circle of these rural occupations.\\nBut as the poet s object was not to describe the charms of a country\\nlife, but to teach all the means of honest gain which were then open to\\nthe Ascraean countryman, he next proceeds, after having completed the\\nsubject of husbandry, to treat with equal detail that of navigation.\\nHere we perceive how, in the time of Hesiod, the Boeotian farmer\\nhimself shipped the overplus of his corn and wine, and transported it\\nto countries where these products were less abundant. If the poet had\\nhad any other kind of trade in view, he would have been more explicit\\nupon the subject of the goods to be exported, and would have stated how a\\nhusbandman like Perses was to procure them. Hesiod recommends for\\na voyage of this kind the late part of the summer, on the 50th day after\\nthe summer solstice, when there was no work to be done in the field,\\nand when the weather in the Greek seas is the most certain.\\nAll these precepts relating to the works of industry interrupt, some-\\nwhat suddenly, the succession of economical rules for the management\\nof a family*. The poet now speaks of the time of life when a man\\nIt would be a great improvement if the verses relating to marriage (697 705,\\ned. Gottling) could be placed before Nouvoytvvis Tt -rut s u\u00c2\u00bb (376). Then all the pru-\\ndential maxims relating to neighbours, friends, wife, and children, would be\\nexplained before the labours of agriculture, and the subsequent rules of domestic\\neconomy would all refer to the maxim, il d oV/v Mccmtm fx.ot.Ku.gm viVi/Xetyftiyo; ilivtci.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0090.jp2"}, "89": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE.\\n85\\nshould take a wife, and how he should look out for her. He then\\nespecially recommends to all to bear in mind that the immortal gods\\nwatch over the actions of men; in all intercourse with others to keep\\nthe tongue from idle and provoking- words and to preserve a certain\\npurity and care in the commonest occurrences of every-day life. At\\nthe same time he gives many curious precepts, which resemble\\nsacerdotal rules, with respect to the decorum to be observed in acts of\\nworship, and, moreover, have much in common with the symbolic rules\\nof the Pythagoreans, which ascribed a deep and spiritual import to\\nmany unimportant acts of common life.\\nOf a very similar nature is the last part of this poem, which treats of\\nthe days on which it is expedient or inexpedient to do this or that busi-\\nness. These precepts, which do not relate to particular seasons of the\\nyear, but to the course of each lunar month, are exclusively of a super-\\nstitious character, and are in great part connected with the different\\nworships which were celebrated upon these days but our knowledge is far\\ntoo insufficient to explain them all*.\\nIf we regard the connexion of this poem, as indicated by the heads\\nwhich we have mentioned, it must be confessed that the whole is\\nperfectly adapted to the circumstances of the case and conformable to\\nthe poet s view of turning his brother Perses from his scheme of enrich-\\ning himself by unjust lawsuits, and of stimulating him to a life of la-\\nborious husbandry. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the\\npoet has failed in producing so perfect an agreement of the several\\nmembers of his work, that by their combination they form, as it were,\\none body. Indeed, the separate parts have often very little connexion\\nwith each other, and are only introduced by announcements such\\nas these, Now, if thou wilt, I will tell another story; or, Now I will\\nrelate a fable to the kings, c. This plainly shows much less art in\\ncomposition than is displayed in the Homeric poems; the reason of\\nwhich was the far greater difficulty which must have been felt at that\\ntime of forming general reflections upon life into a connected whole,\\nthan of relating a great heroic event.\\nYet in the general tone of the poem, and in the sentiments which it\\ndisplays, a sufficient uniformity is not wanting. We feel, as we read it,\\nthat we are transported back to an age of primitive simplicity, in which\\neven the wealthy man does not disdain to increase his means by the\\nlabour of his own hands and an attention to economical cares was not\\nconsidered ignoble, as it was among the later Greeks, who from hus-\\nbandmen became mere politicians. S A coarse vein of homely good\\nOn the seventh day the poet himself remarks the connexion with Apollo. The\\nt\u00c2\u00abt\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00abj of the beginning and ending of the month is a day on which evils are to be\\nfeared: it was considered as the birthday of the toil-worn Hercules. On the 17th\\nthe corn is to be brought to the threshing floor: the 17th of Boedromion was the\\nsacrificial day of Demeter and Cora at Athens (Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 523),\\nand a great day of the Eleusinia.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0091.jp2"}, "90": {"fulltext": "86 HISTORY OF THE\\nsense, nay, on en a dash oi* interested calculating shrewdness, which\\nwere deeply rooted in the Greek character, are combined with\\nhonourable principles of justice, expressed in nervous apophthegms\\nand striking images. When we consider that the poet was brought\\nup in these hereditary maxims of wisdom, and moreover that he was\\ndeeply convinced of the necessity of a life of laborious exertion, we\\nshall easily comprehend how strongly an event such as that in which\\nhe was concerned with his brother Perses was calculated to strike\\nhis mind and from the contrast which it offered to his convictions,\\nto induce him to make a connected exposition of them in a poem.\\nThis brings us to the true source of the Didactic Epos, which never\\ncan proceed from a mere desire to instruct a desire which has no\\nconnexion with poetry. Genuine didactic poetry always proceeds\\nfrom some great and powerful idea, which has something so absorbing\\nand attractive that the mind strives to give expression to it. In the Works\\nand Days this fundamental idea is distinctly perceptible the decrees\\nand institutions of the gods protect justice among men, they have made\\nlabour the only road to prosperity, and have so ordered the year that\\nevery work has its appointed season, the sign of which is discernible by\\nman. In announcing these immutable ordinances and eternal laws,\\nthe poet himself is impressed with a lofty and solemn feeling, which\\nmanifests itself in a sort of oracular tone, and in the sacerdotal style\\nwith which many exhortations and precepts are delivered*. We have\\nremarked this priestly character in the concluding part of the poem,\\nand it was not unnatural that many in antiquity should annex to the\\nlast verse, Observing the omens of birds, and avoiding transgressions,\\nanother didactic epic poem of the same school of poetry upon divination f.\\nIt is stated that this poem treated chiefly of the flight and cries of\\nbirds; and it agrees with this statement, that Hesiod, according to\\nPausanias, learned divination among the Acananians the Acananian\\nfamilies of diviners deriving their descent from Melampus, whose ears,\\nwhen a boy, were licked by serpents, whereupon he immediately under-\\nstood the language of the birds.\\nA greater loss than this supplement on divination is another poem\\nof the same school, called the Lessons of Chiron (XsipwvoQ v7rodfjKai),\\nas this was in some measure a companion or counterpart to the Works\\nand Days. For while the extant poem keeps wholly within the circle\\nof the yearly occupations of a Boeotian husbandman, the lost one repre-\\nsented the wise Centaur, in his grotto upon Mount Pelion, instructing the\\nyoung Achilles in all the knowledge befitting a young prince and hero.\\nWe allude particularly to the yAyz. v-fan Ui^r, of Hesiod, and the piya. vf, rn\\nKeoTtrt of the Pythia and to the truly oracular expressions of the Works and Days,\\nas. the branch of five, Tivrogos, for the hand; the day-sleeper, -a^ookoits;\\navfy, for the thief, c. on which see Gbttling s Hesiod, Praef. p. xv.\\nTovron iTayeuffi t/vej r/?v ogvi6\u00c2\u00bbficevri!c v, elrtvce. Arto /.Xuvios o Po^to; a.6iru. Proclus\\non the Works and Days, at the end, v. 824.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0092.jp2"}, "91": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 87\\nWe might not improperly apply to this poem the name of a German\\npoem of the middle ages, and call it ;i Greek liiffcrspicgel.\\n3. We now follow this school of poetry to the great attempt of\\nforming from the Greek legends respecting; the gods a connected and\\nregular picture of their origin and powers, and in general of the entire\\npolytheism of the Greeks. The Theogony of Hesiod is not, indeed, to\\nbe despised as a poem besides many singular legends, it contains\\nthoughts and descriptions of a lofty and imposing character but for the\\nhistory of the religious faith of Greece it is a production of the highest\\nimportance. The notions concerning the gods, their rank, and their affini-\\nties, which had arisen in so much greater variety in the different dis-\\ntricts of Greece than in any other country of the ancient world, found\\nin the Theogony a test of their general acceptance. Every legend\\nwhich could not be brought into agreement with this poem sank into\\nthe obscurity of mere local tradition, and lived only in the limited\\nsphere of the inhabitants of some Arcadian district, or the ministers\\nof some temple, under the form of a strange and marvellous tale,\\nwhich was cherished with the greater fondness because its uncon-\\nformity with the received theogony gave it the charm of mystery*. It\\nwas through Hesiod that Greece first obtained a kind of religious code,\\nwhich, although without external sanctions or priestly guardians and\\ninterpreters (such as the Vedas had in the Brahmans, and the Zenda-\\nvesta in the Magians), must have produced the greatest influence on\\nthe religious condition of the Greeks inasmuch as it impressed upon\\nthem the necessity of agreement, and as the notions prevalent among\\nthe most powerful races, and at the most renowned temples, were em-\\nbodied by the poet with great skill. Hence Herodotus was justified\\nin saying that Hesiod and Homer had made the theogony of the\\nGreeks, had assigned the names, offices, and occupations of the gods,\\nand had determined their forms.\\nAccording to the religious notions of the Greeks, the deity, who\\ngoverns the world with omnipotence, and guides the destinies of man\\nwith omniscience, is yet without one attribute, which is the most\\nessential to our idea of the godhead eternity. The gods of the\\nGreeks were too closely bound up with the existence of the world\\nto be exempt from the law by which large, shapeless masses are de-\\nveloped into more and more perfect forms. To the Greeks the gods\\nof Olympus were rather the summit and crowning point of organized\\nand animate life, than the origin of the universe. Thus Zeus, who\\nmust be considered as the peculiar deity of the Greeks, was doubtless,\\nlong before the time of Homer or Hesiod, called Cronion, or Cronides,\\nNumbers of these fables, which cannot be reconciled with the Theogony, were,\\nas we know from Pausanias, in currency, especially in Arcadia; but bow little should\\nwe know of them from writers wbo addressed themselves to the entire nation. The\\nAttic tragedians likewise, in their accounts of the affinities of the gods, follow the\\nHesiodean Theogony far more than the local worships and legends of Attica.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0093.jp2"}, "92": {"fulltext": "vs HISTORY OF THE\\nwhich, according to the most probable interpretation, means the Son\\nof the Ancient of Days*; and, as the ruler of the clear heaven, he was\\nderived from Ura?nut or heaven itself. In like manner all the other\\n\u00c2\u00a3ods were, according- (o their peculiar attributes and character, con-\\nnected with beings and appearances which seemed the most ancient.\\nThe relation of the primitive and the originating to the recent and\\nthe derived was always conceived under the form of generation and\\nbirth the universe being considered to have a life, like that of animals;\\nand hence even heaven and earth were imagined to have an animal\\norganization. The idea of creation, of so high antiquity in the east,\\nand so early known to the Indians, Persians, and Hebrews, which sup-\\nposed the Deity to have formed the world with design, as an earthly\\nartificer executes his work, was foreign to the ancient Greeks, and could\\nonly arise in religions which ascribed a personal existence and an eter-\\nnal duration to the godhead. Hence it is clear that theogonies, in the\\nwidest sense of the word that is, accounts of the descent of the gods\\nare as old as the Greek religion itself; and, doubtless, the most ancient\\nbards would have been induced to adopt and expand such legends in their\\npoems. One result of their attempts to classify the theogonic beings,\\nis the race of Titans, who were known both to Homer and Hesiod, and\\nformed a link between the general personifications of parts of the\\nuniverse and the human forms of the Olympic gods, by whose might\\nthey were supposed to be hurled into the depths of Tartarus.\\nSurrounded as he was by traditions and ancient poems of this kind, it\\nwould have been impossible for Hesiod (as many moderns have con-\\nceived) to form his entire Theogony upon abstract philosophical prin-\\nciples of his own concerning the powers of matter and mind if his sys-\\ntem had been invented by himself, it would not have met with such\\nready acceptance from succeeding generations. But, on the other hand,\\nHesiod cannot be considered as a mere collector of scattered traditions\\nor fragments of earlier poems, which he repeated almost at random,\\nwithout being aware of their hidden connexion the choice which he\\nmade among different versions of the same fable, and his skilful arrange-\\nment of the several parts, are of themselves a sufficient proof that he\\nwas guided by certain fundamental ideas, and that he proceeded upon a\\nconnected view of the formation of outward nature.\\nTo make this position more clear, it will perhaps be most advisable\\nto illustrate the nature of the primitive beings which, according to the\\nTheogony, preceded the race of the Titans with the view of showing\\nthe consistency and connexion of Hesiod s notions for the rest, a more\\ngeneral survey will suffice.\\nWhatever doubts may exist with regard to the etymology of Koovc; (whether\\nthe name comes from x^uivu, or is allied with xoovo;), yet everything stated of him\\nagrees with this conception, his dominion during the golden age, the representation\\nof a simple patriarchal life at the festival of the Kfivm, Cronus as the ruler of the\\ndeparted heroes, c.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0094.jp2"}, "93": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF VNTIENT GREECE. 89\\nFirst of all (the Theogony, strictly so called, begins) was Chaos\\nthat is, the abyss, in which all peculiar shape and figure is lost, and of\\nwhich we arrive at the conception by excluding all idea of definite form.\\nIt is evident, however, that, as Hesiod represents other beings as spring-\\ning out of Chaos, he must have meant by this word not mere empty\\nspace, but a contused mixture of material atoms, instinct with the prin-\\nciple of life. Afterwards arose (that is from Chaos) the wide-bosomed\\nEarth y the firm resting-place of all things; and gloomy Tartara in the\\ndepth of the Earth; and Eros, the fairest of the immortal godsf.\\nThe Earth, the mother of all living things, according to the notion of\\nthe Greeks and many oriental countries, is conceived to arise out of the\\ndark abyss her foundations are in the depth of night, and her surface\\nis the soil upon which light and life exist. Tartara is, as it were, only\\nthe dark side of the Earth by which it still remains connected with\\nChaos. As the Earth and Tartara represent the brute matter of Chaos\\nin a more perfect form, so in Eros the living spirit appears as the\\nprinciple of all increase and development. It is a lofty conception of\\nthe poet of the Theogony, to represent the God of Love as proceed-\\ning out of Chaos at the beginning of all things though probably\\nthis thought did not originate with him, and had already been expressed\\nin ancient hymns to Eros, sung at Thespise. Doubtless it is not an\\naccidental coincidence that this city, which was 40 stadia from Ascra,\\nshould have possessed the most renowned temple of Eros in all Greece\\nand that in its immediate neighbourhood Hesiod should have given to\\nthis deity a dignity and importance of which the Homeric poems con-\\ntain no trace. But it appears that the poet was satisfied with borrowing\\nthis thought from the Thespian hymns without applying it in the\\nsubsequent part of his poem. For although it is doubtless implied that\\nall the following marriages and births of the gods spring from the in-\\nfluence of Eros, the poet nevertheless omits expressly to mention its\\noperation. Out of Chaos came Erebus the darkness in the depths\\nof the Earth, and black Night the darkness which passes over the\\nsurface of the Earth. From the union of Night and Erebus pro-\\nceeded JEther and Day. It may perhaps appear strange that these\\ndark children of Chaos bring forth the ever-shining JEther of the\\nhighest heavens, and the bright daylight of the earth this, however,\\nis only a consequence of the general law of development observed in the\\nTheogony, that the dim and shapeless is the prior in point of time\\nand that the world is perpetually advancing from obscurity to bright-\\n;\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00aba,-, literally synonymous with ^a^a, chasm.\\nf Plato and Aristotle in their quotations of this passage omit Tartara (also called\\nTartarus) but probably only because it has not so much importance among the\\nprincipal muivli as the others. Tartara could also be considered as included under\\nthe Earth, as it is also called Ta^rtt^a ya tn;. But the poet of the Theogony must\\nhave stated his origin in this place as lower down he describes Typhosus as the\\nson of ihe Earth and Tartarus.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0095.jp2"}, "94": {"fulltext": "90 HISTORY OF THE\\nness. Light bursting from the bosom of darkness is a beautiful image,\\nwhich recurs in the cosmogonies of other ancient nations. The Earth\\nthen first produced the starry heaven, of equal extent with herself, that\\nit might cover her all round, so as to be for ever a firm resting-place for\\nthe gods and also the far-ranging mountains, the lovely abodes of the\\nnymphs. As the hills are elevations of the Earth, so the Heaven is con-\\nceived as a firmament spread over the Earth c which, according to the\\ngeneral notion above stated, would have proceeded, and, as it were,\\ngrown out of it. At the same time, on account of the various fertilizing\\nand animating influences which the Earth receives from the Heaven, the\\nGreeks were led to conceive Earth and Heaven as a married pair*, whose\\ndescendants form in the Theogony a second great generation of deities.\\nBut another offspring of the Earth is first mentioned. The Earth\\nalso bore the roaring swelling sea, the Pontus, without the joys of mar-\\nriage. By expressly remarking of Pontus that the Earth produced\\nhim alone without love, although the other beings just enumerated\\nsprung from the Earth singly, the poet meant to indicate his rough\\nand unkindly nature. It is the wild, waste salt sea, separated at\\nits very origin from the streams and springs of fresh water, which\\nsupply nourishment to vegetation and to animal life. These are all\\nmade to descend from Ocean, who is called the eldest of the Titans.\\nThese, together with the Cyclopes and Hecatoncheires, were produced\\nby the union of Earth and Heaven and it is sufficient here to remark\\nof them that the Titans, according to the notions of Hesiod, represent a\\nsystem of things in which elementary beings, natural powers, and notions\\nof order and regularity are united into a whole. The Cyclopes de-\\nnote the transient disturbances of this order by storms, and the Heca-\\ntoncheires, or the hundred-handed giants, signify the fearful power of\\nthe greater revolutions of nature.\\nThe subsequent arrangement of the poem depends on its mixed\\ngenealogical and narrative character. As soon as a new generation of\\ngods is produced, the events are related through which it overcame\\nthe earlier race and obtained the supremacy. Thus, after the Titans\\nand their brethren, the Cyclopes and Hecatoncheires, are enumerated, it\\nis related how Cronus deprives his father of the power, by producing\\nnew beings, of supplanting those already in existence whereupon follow\\nthe races of the other primitive beings, Night and Pontus. Then suc-\\nceed the descendants of the Titans. In speaking of Cronus, the poet\\nrelates how Zeus was preserved from being devoured by his father, and\\nof Iapetus, how his son Prometheus incensed Zeus by coming for-\\nward as the patron of the human race, though not for their benefit.\\nThen follows a detailed account of the battle which Zeus and his\\nkindred, assisted by the Hecatoncheires, waged against the Titans with\\nThe same notion had prevailed, though in a less distinct form, in the early\\nreligion of outward nature among the Greeks. See above ch. ii. 4. (p. 14).", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0096.jp2"}, "95": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 91\\nthe description of the dreadful abode of Tartara, in which the Titans\\nwere imprisoned. This part, it must he confessed, appears to be over-\\nloaded by additions of rhapsodists. An afterpiece to the battle of the\\nTitanfl is the rebellion of Typlmuis (born of the Earth and Tartara)\\nagainst Zeus. The descendants of Zeus and the Olympian gods, united\\nwith him, formed the last part of the original Theogony.\\nNotwithstanding the great simplicity of this plan, we may yet remark\\na number of refinements which show a maturely considered design on\\nthe part of the poet. For instance, Hesiod might have connected the\\ndescendants of Night (born without marriage)* with the children\\nwhich she bore to Erebus, namely iEther and Dayf. But he relates\\nfirst the battle of Cronus against Uranus, and the mutilation of the\\nlatter; whereby the first interruption of the peaceable order of the\\nworld is caused, and anger and curses, personified by the Furies, are\\nintroduced into the world. The mutilation, however, of Uranus caused\\nthe production of the Meliae, or Nymphs of the Ash Trees, that is, the\\nmightiest productions of vegetation the Giants, or most powerful beings\\nof human form and the Goddess of Love herself. It is not till after\\nthis disturbance of the tranquillity of the world that Night produces\\nfrom her dark bosom those beings, such as Death, and Strife, and Woe,\\nand Blame, which are connected with the sufferings of mankind. Like-\\nwise the race of Pontus, so rich in monsters, with which the heroes were\\nto fight their fiercest battles, are properly introduced after the first deed\\nof violence upon Uranus. II is also evidently by design that the two\\nTitans, Cronus and lapetus, also named together by Homer, are, in the\\ngenealogy of their descendants J, arranged in a different order than at\\nthe first mention of the Titans In the latter passage Cronus is\\nthe youngest of all, just as Zeus is in Hesiod the youngest among his\\nbrothers whilst in Homer he reigns by the right of primogeniture.\\nBut Hesiod supposes the world to be in a state of perpetual develop-\\nment; and as the sons overcome the fathers, so also the youngest sons\\nare the most powerful, as standing at the head of a new order of things.\\nOn the other hand, the race of lapetus, which refers exclusively to\\nthe attributes and destinies of mankind is placed after the de-\\nscendants of Cronus, from whom the Olympic gods proceed because the\\nactions and destinies of those human Titans are entirely determined by\\nv.211, uq. f v. 124. J v. 453, 507. v. 132, seq.\\njl In the genealogy of lapetus in the Theogony are preserved remains of an\\nancient poem on the lot of mankind, lapetus himself is the fallen man (from\\nrr\u00c2\u00ab, root I An), the human race deprived of their former happiness. Of his sons,\\nAtlas and Menoetius represent the dupos of the human soul Atlas (from tXtjvki,\\nTAA), the enduring and obstinate spirit, to whom the gods allot the heaviest bur-\\ndens and Menoetius (pUos and oJroi), the unconquerable and confident spirit, whom\\nZeus hurls into Erebus. Prometheus and Epimetheus, on the other hand, personify\\nvovs the former prudent foresight, the latter the worthless knowledge which comes\\nafter the deed. And the gods contrive it so that whatever benefits are gained for the\\nhuman race by the former are lost to it again through his brother.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0097.jp2"}, "96": {"fulltext": "92 HISTORY OF THE\\ntheir relation to the Olympians, who have reserved to themselves alone a\\nconstantly equal measure of prosperity, and act jointly in repelling with\\nequal severity the bold attempts of the Iapetids.\\nAlthough therefore this poem is not merely an accumulation of raw\\nmaterials, but contains many connected thoughts, and is formed on a\\nwell-digested plan, yet it cannot be denied that neither in the Theogony\\nnor in the Works and Days can that perfect art of composition be found\\nwhich is so conspicuous in the Homeric poems. Hesiod has not only\\nfaithfully preserved the ancient tradition, and introduced without altera-\\ntion into his poetry many time-honoured sayings, and many a verse of\\nearlier songs, but he also seems to have borrowed long passages, and even\\nentire hymns, when they happened to suit the plan of his poem and with-\\nout greatly changing their form. Thus it is remarkable that the battle\\nof the Titans does not begin (as it would be natural to expect) with the\\nresolution of Zeus and the other Olympians to wage war against the\\nTitans, but with the chaining of Briareus and the other Hecatoncheires\\nby Uranus nor is it until the poet has related how Zeus set free these\\nHecatoncheires, by the advice of the Earth, that we are introduced to\\nthe battle with the Titans, which has already been some time going on.\\nAnd this part of the Theogony concludes with the Hecatoncheires being\\nset by the gods to watch over the imprisoned Titans, and Briareus, by\\nhis marriage with Cymopoleia, becoming the son-in-law of Poseidon.\\nThis Briareus, who in Homer is also called JEgaeon, and represents the\\nviolent commotions and heavings of the sea, was a being who in many\\nplaces seems to have been connected with the worship of Poseidon*,\\nand it is not improbable that in the temples of this god hymns were\\nsung celebrating him as the vanquisher of the Titans, one of which\\nHesiod may have taken as the foundation of his narrative of the battle\\nof the Titans.\\nIt seems likewise evident that the Theogony has been in many places\\ninterpolated by rhapsodists, as was naturally to be expected in a poem\\nhanded down by oral tradition. Enumerations of names always offered\\nfacilities for this insertion of new verses as, for example, the list of\\nstreams in the Theogony, which are called sons of the Oceanf.\\nAmong these we miss exactly those rivers which we should expect most\\nto find, the Boeotian Asopus and Cephisus and we find several which\\nat any rate lie beyond the sphere of the Homeric geography, such as the\\nIster, the Eridanus, and the Nile, no longer the river of Egypt, as in\\nHomer, but under its more modern name. The most remarkable cir-\\ncumstance, however, is that in this brief list of rivers, the passage of\\nHomer which names eight petty streams flowing from the mountains\\nof Ida to the coast, has been so closely followed, that seven of them\\nPoseidon, from uiyz 5} which signifies waves in a state of agitation, was also\\ncalled Alyalos and Alyaiuv.\\nf v. 338, scq. t Iliad, xii. 26.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0098.jp2"}, "97": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 93\\nare named in Hesiod. This seems to prove incontestably that the\\nTheogony has been interpolated by rhapsodists who were familiar witli\\nthe Homeric poems as well as with those of Hesiod.\\nIt has been already stated that the Theogony originally terminated\\nwith the races of the Olympian gods, that is, at v. 962 the part which\\nfollows being only added in order to make a transition to another and\\nlonger poem, which the rhapsodists appended as a kind of continuation\\nto the Theogony. For it seems manifest that a composer of genealogical\\nlegends of this kind would not be likely to celebrate the goddesses who,\\njoined in love with mortal men, had borne godlike children (which is\\nthe subject of the last part in the extant version), if he had not also\\nintended to sing of the gods who with mortal women had begotten\\nmighty heroes (a far more frequent event in Greek mythology). The\\ngod Dionysus, and Hercules, received among the gods (both of whom\\nsprang from an alliance of this kind), are indeed mentioned in a former\\npart of the poem*. But there remain many other heroes, whose\\ngenealogy is not traced, of far greater importance than Medeius, Phocus,\\niEneas, and many other sons of goddesses. Moreover, the extant\\nconcluding verses of the Theogony furnish a complete proof that a\\npoem of this description was annexed to it inasmuch as the women\\nwhom the Muses are in these last verses called on to celebrate t can be\\nno other than the mortal beauties to whom the gods came down from\\nheaven. As to the nature of this lost poem of Hesiod something will\\nbe said hereafter.\\nHitherto we have said nothing upon that part of the Theogony which\\nhas furnished so intricate a problem to the higher department of criti-\\ncism, viz., the procemium, as it is only after having taken a general\\nview of the whole poem that we can hope to succeed in ascertaining the\\noriginal form of this part. It can scarcely be questioned that this\\nprocemium, with its disproportionate length (v. 1 115), its intolerable\\nrepetition of the same or very similar thoughts, and the undeniable in-\\ncoherences of several passages, could not be the original introduction to\\nthe Theogony; it appears, indeed, to be a collection of all that the\\nBoeotian bards had produced in praise of the Muses. It is not, how-\\never, necessary, in order to explain how this confused mass was formed,\\nto have recourse to complicated hypotheses or to suppose that this long\\nprocemium was designedly formed of several shorter ones. It appears,\\nindeed, that a much simpler explanation may be found, if we proceed\\nupon some statements preserved in ancient authorsj. The genuine\\nv. 940, seq.\\nf Nuv 2\u00c2\u00ab yuveciKuv (fwAav uuffatt nhv xuou Movtrut, C.\\nI Especially the statement in Plutarch (torn. ii. p. 743, C. ed. Francof.) that the\\naccount of the hirth of the Muses from Hesiod s poems (viz., v. 36 67 in our\\nproem) was sung as a separate hymn and the statement of Aristophanes, the Alex-\\nandrine grammarian (in the scholia to v. 68), that the ascent of the Muses to\\nOlympus followed their dances on Helicon.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0099.jp2"}, "98": {"fulltext": "94 HISTORY OF THE\\nprooMnium contained the beautiful story above mentioned of the visit\\nof the Muses to Helicon, and of the consecration of Hesiod to the office\\nof a poet by the gift of a laurel branch. Next after this must have fol-\\nlowed the passage which describes the return of the Muses to Olympus,\\nwhere they celebrate their father Zeus in his palace as the vanquisher\\nof Cronus, and as the reigning governor of the world which might be\\nsucceeded by the address of the poet to the Muses to reveal to him the\\ndescent and genealogies of the gods. Accordingly the verses 1 35,\\n6S 74, 104 115, would form the original procemium, in the con-\\nnexion of which there is nothing objectionable, except that the last in-\\nvocation of the Muses is somewhat overloaded by the repetition of the\\nsame thought with little alteration. Of the intervening parts one, viz.,\\nv. 36 67, is an independent hymn, which celebrates the Muses as\\nOlympian poetesses produced by Zeus in Pieria in the neighbourhood\\nof Olympus, and has no particular reference to the Theogony. For the\\nenumeration contained in it of the subjects sung by the Muses in\\nOlympus, namely, first, songs to all the gods, ancient and recent,\\nthen hymns to Zeus in particular, and, lastly, songs upon the heroic\\nraces and the battle of the Giants, comprehends the entire range of the\\nBoeotian epic poetry nay, even the poems on divination of the school\\nof Hesiod are incidentally mentioned*. This hymn to the Muses\\nwas therefore peculiarly well fitted to serve not only as a separate\\nepic song, but, like the longer Homeric hymns, to open the contest of\\nBoeotian minstrels at any festival.\\nBut the Muses were, according to the statement of this procemiumf,\\ncelebrated at the end as well as at the beginning consequently there\\nmust have been songs of the Boeotian epic poets, in which they returned\\nto the Muses from the peculiar subject of their composition. For a\\nconcluding address of this kind nothing could be more appropriate\\nthan that the poet should address himself to the princes, who were pre-\\neminent among the listening crowd, that he should show them how\\nmuch they stood in need of the Muses both in the judgment-hall and\\nin the assemblies of the people, and (which was a main point with\\nHesiod) should impress upon their hearts respect for the deities of\\npoetry and their servants. Precisely of this kind is the other passage\\ninserted in the original prooemium, v. 75 103, which would have pro-\\nduced a good effect at the close of the Theogony by bringing back the\\npoetry, which had so long treated exclusively of the genealogies of the\\ngods, to the realities of human life whereas, in the introduction, the whole\\npassage is entirely out of place. But this passage could not remain in\\nthe place to which it belongs, viz., after v. 962, because the part relating\\nto the goddesses who were joined in love with mortal men was inserted\\nhere, in order that the mortal women who had been loved by gods might\\nfollow, and thus the Theogony be infinitely prolonged. Hence, in\\nV. 38. vftnvffcci ra t Vovros. ra r ltffof/,ivec rtgo t Uvt\u00c2\u00bb. f V. 34.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0100.jp2"}, "99": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 95\\nmaking an edition of the Theogony, in which the pieces belonging to\\nit were introduced into the series oi the poem, nothing remained\\nbut to insert the hymn to the Muses as well as the epilogue in the\\nprocemiutD an adaptation which, however, could only have been made\\nin an age when the true feeling for the ancient epic poetry had nearly\\npassed away*.\\nLastly, with regard to the relation between the Theogony and the\\nWorks and Days, it cannot be doubted that there is a great resemblance\\nin the style and character of the two poems but who shall pretend to\\ndecide that this resemblance is so great as to warrant an opinion that\\nthese poems were composed by an individual, and not by a succession\\nof minstrels It is, however, certain that the author of the Theogony\\nand the author of the Works and Days wish to be considered as the\\nsame person; viz., as the native of Helicon who had been trained to a\\ncountry life, and had been endowed by the Muses with the gift of poetry.\\nNor can it be doubted that the original Hesiod, the ancestor of this\\nfamily of poets, really rose to poetry from the occupations of common\\nlife although his successors may have pursued it as a regular pro-\\nfession. It is remarkable how the domestic and economical spirit of\\nthe poet of the Works appears in the Theogony, wherever the wide dif-\\nference of the subjects permits it as in the legend of Prometheus and\\nEpimetheus. It is true that this takes a somewhat different turn in\\nthe Theogony and in the Works as in the latter it is the casket\\nbrought by Pandora from which proceed all human ills, while in the\\nformer this charming and divinely endowed maiden brings woe into the\\nworld by being the progenitress of the female sex. Yet the ancient\\nbard views the evil produced by women not in a moral but in an econo-\\nmical light. He does not complain of the seductions and passions of\\nwhich they are the cause, but laments that women, like the drones in a\\nhive, consume the fruits of others industry instead of adding to the sum.\\n4. It is remarkable that the same school of poetry which was\\naccustomed to treat the weaker sex in this satiric spirit should have\\nproduced epics of the heroic mythology which pre-eminently sang the\\npraises of the women of antiquity, and connected a large part of the\\nheroic legends with renowned names of heroines. Yet the school\\nof Hesiod might probably find a motive in existing relations and\\npolitical institutions for such laudatory catalogues of the women of\\nearly times. The neighbours of the Boeotians, the Locrians, possessed\\na nobility consisting of a hundred families, all of which (according to\\nPolybiusf) founded their title to nobility upon their descent from heroines.\\nThat there was another and wholly different version of the Theogony, which\\ncontained at the end a passage deriving the origin of Hephaestus and Athene from\\na contest of Zeus and Here, appears from the testimony of Chrysippus, in Galen de\\nHippocratis et Platonis dogm. iii. 8, p. 349, seq.\\nf xii. o.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0101.jp2"}, "100": {"fulltext": "96 HISTORY OP THE\\nPindar, also, in the ninth Olympian ode, celebrates Protogeneia as the\\nancestress of the kings of Opus. That the poetry of this school was con-\\nnected with the country of the Locrians also appears from the tradition\\nmentioned by Thucydides* that Hesiod died and was buried [in\\nthe temple of Zeus Nemeius, near Oeneon. The district of Oeneon\\nwas bordered by that of Naupactus, which originally belonged to the\\nLocrians and it cannot be doubted that the grave of Hesiod, mentioned\\nin the territory of Naupactusf, is the same burying place as that near\\nOeneon. Hence it is the more remarkable that Naupactus was also\\nthe birth-place of an epic poem, which took from it the name of Nan-\\npactia, and in which women of the heroic age were celebrated^.\\nFrom all this it would follow that it was a Locrian branch of the\\nHesiodean school of poets whence proceeded the bard by whom\\nthe Eoiae were composed. This large poem, called the Eoia, or\\nthe Great Eoice (/xeyaXai Holat), took its name from the circum-\\nstance that the several parts of it all began with the words ofy,\\naut qualis. Five beginnings of this kind have been preserved\\nwhich have this in common, that those words refer to some heroine\\nwho, beloved by a god, gave birth to a renowned hero\u00c2\u00a7. Thence\\nit appears that the whole series began with some such introduc-\\ntion as the following Such women never will be seen again as\\nwere those of former times, whose beauty and charms induced\\neven the gods to descend from Olympus. Each separate part then\\nreferred to this exordium, being connected with it by the constant\\nrepetition of the words f/ oit] in the initial verses. The most con-\\nsiderable fragment from which the arrangement of the individual parts\\ncan be best learnt is the 56 verses which are prefixed as an introduction\\nto the poem on the shield of Hercules, and which, as is seen from the\\nfirst verse, belong to the Eoiae. They treat of Alcmene, but without\\nrelating her origin and early life. The narrative begins from the\\nflight of Amphitryon (to whom Alcmene was married) from his home,\\nand her residence in Thebes, where the father of gods and men de-\\nscended nightly from Olympus to visit her, and begot Hercules,\\nthe greatest of heroes. Although no complete history of Alcmene\\nis given, the praise of her beauty and grace, her understanding, and her\\nconjugal love is a main point with the poet and we may also perceive\\niii. 95. t Pausan. ix. 38. 3.\\nPausanias, x. 38, 6, uses of it the expression rn Tinotrifilva. is ywa.7x.a.s, and else-\\nwhere the Hesiodean poem is called ru I; yuvaTxas ah opiva. From single quotations\\nit appears that, in the Naupactia, the daughters of Minyas, as well as Medea, were\\nparticularly celebrated, and that frequent mention was made of the expedition of the\\nArgonauts.\\n6 The extant verses (which can be seen in the collection of fragments in Gais-\\nford s Poeta? Minores, and other editions) refer to Coronis, the mother of Asclepius\\nby Apollo, to Anliope, the mother of Zethus and Amphion by Zeus, to Mecionice,\\nthe mother of Euphemus by Poseidon, and to Cyrene, the mother of Aristaeus by\\nApollo. The longer fragment relating to Alcmene is explained in the text.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0102.jp2"}, "101": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 97\\nfrom extant fragments of the continuation of this section of the Eoite,\\nthat in the relation ol* the exploits of Hercules, tin poet frequently re-\\ncurred to Alcmene; and her relations with her son, her admiration of\\nhis heroic valour, and her grief at the labours imposed upon him, were\\ndepicted with great tenderness From this specimen we may form a\\njudgment of the general plan which was followed throughout the poem\\nof the Eoiae.\\nThe inquiry into the character and extent of the Eoiae is however\\nrendered more difficult by the obscurity which, notwithstanding- much\\nexamination, rests upon the relation of this poem to the KaruXoyoc\\nyvyatttwv, the Catalogue of Women. For this latter poem is some-\\ntimes stated to be the same as the Eoiae and for example, the\\nfragment on Alcmene, which, from its beginning, manifestly belongs to\\nthe Eoiae, is in the Scholia to Hesiod placed in the fourth book of the\\nCatalogue sometimes, again, the two poems are distinguished, and the\\nstatements of the Eoiae and of the Catalogue are opposed to each otherf.\\nThe Catalogues are described as an historical-genealogical poem, a cha-\\nracter quite different from that of the Eoiae, in which only such women\\ncould be mentioned as were beloved by the gods: on the other hand,\\nthe Catalogues resembled the Eoiae, when in the first book it was related\\nthat Pandora, the first woman according to the Legend of the Theo-\\ngony, bore Deucalion to Prometheus, from whom the progenitors of the\\nHellenic nation were then derived. We are therefore compelled to sup-\\npose that originally the Eoiae and the Catalogues were different in plan\\nand subject, only, that both were especially dedicated to the celebration\\nof women of the heroic age, and that this then caused the compilation\\nof a version in which both poems were moulded together into one\\nwhole. It is also easy to comprehend how much such poems, by their\\nunconnected form, would admit of constant additions, supposing only that\\nthey were strung together by genealogies or other links; and it need\\nnot therefore seem surprising that the Eoiae, the foundation of which had\\ndoubtless been laid at an early period, still received additions about the\\n40th Olympiad. The part which referred to Cyrene, a Thessalian\\nmaid, who was carried off by Apollo into Libya, and there bore Aris-\\ntaeus, was certainly not written before the founding of the city of\\nCyrene in Libya (Olymp. 37). The entire Mythus could only have\\nA beautiful passage, which relates to this point, is the address of Alcmene to\\nhe r son, u tIkvov, -h fJi.ti.Xa. %yi ri Tovwoorarov xcc) cioitrrov Zib; \\\\r ix.vuixt Ta?^.\\nOn the fragments of this part of the Eoiae, see Dorians, vol. i. p. 540, Engl.\\nTran si.\\nf For example, in the scholia to Apoll. Rhod. II. 181. Moreover, the Eoiae in\\nwhich Coronis was celebrated as the mother of Asclepius, was in contradiction with\\nthe Karcixoyes AioKiTTi^eav, in which Arsinoe, the daughter of Leucippus, according\\nto the Messenian tradition, was the mother of Asclepius, as appears from Schol.\\nTheogon. 142.\\nH", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0103.jp2"}, "102": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE\\noriginated with the settlement of the Greeks of Thera, among- whom\\nwere noble families of Thessalian origin.\\nOf the remaining poems which in antiquity went by the name of\\nHesiod, it is still less possible to give a complete notion. The Melam-\\n,i is as it were the heroic representation of that divinatory spirit of\\nthe Hesiodean poetry, the didactic forms of which have been already\\nmentioned. It treated of the renowned prince, priest, and prophet of\\nthe Argives, Melampus and as the greater part of the prophets who\\nwere celebrated in mythology were derived from this Melampus, the\\nHesiodean poet, with his predilection for genealogical connexion, pro-\\nbably did riot fail to embrace the entire race of the Melampodias.\\nThe JEgimius of Hesiod shows by its name that it treated of the\\nmythical Prince of the Dorians, who, according to the legend, was the\\nfriend and ally of Hercules, whose son Hyllus he is supposed to have\\nadopted and brought up with his own two sons Pamphylus and Dyman,\\na legend which referred to the distribution of the Dorians into three\\nPhylae or tribes, the Hylleis, Pamphylians, and Dymanes. The frag-\\nments of this poem also show that it comprehended the genealogical\\ntraditions of the Dorians, and the part of the mythology of Hercules\\nclosely allied to it however difficult it may be to form a w r ell-grounded\\nidea of the plan of this Epos.\\nAn interesting kind of composition attributed to Hesiod are the\\nsmaller epics, in which not a whole series of legends or a complicated\\nstory was described, but some separate event of the Heroic Mythology,\\nwhich usually consisted more in bright and cheerful descriptions than\\nin actions of a more elevated cast. Of this kind was the marriage of\\nCeyx, the well-known Prince of Trachin, who was also allied in close\\namity with Hercules; and a kindred subject, The Epithalamium of\\nPeleus and Tlietis. We might also mention here the Descent of The-\\nseus and Pirithous into the Infernal Regions, if this adventure of the\\ntwo heroes was not merely introductory, and a description of Hades in\\na religious spirit the principal object of the poem. We shall best illus-\\ntrate this kind of small epic poems by describing the one which has been\\npreserved, viz., the Shield of Hercules. This poem contains merely one\\nadventure of Hercules, his combat with the son of Ares, Cycnus, in the\\nTemple of Apollo at Pagasae. It is clear to every reader of the poem\\nthat the first 56 verses are taken out of the Eoiae, and only inserted be-\\ncause the poem itself had been handed down without an introduction,\\ni here is no further connexion between these two parts, than that the\\nfirst relates the origin of the hero, of whom the short epic then\\nrelates a separate adventure. It would have been as well, and perhaps\\nbetter, to have prefixed a brief hymn to Hercules. The description of\\nthe Shield of Hercules is however far the most detailed part of the poem\\nand that for which the whole appears to have been composed a descrip-", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0104.jp2"}, "103": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 99\\ntion which was manifestly occasioned by that of the shield of Achilles in\\nthe Iliad, but nevertheless quite peculiar, and executed in the genuine\\nspirit of the Hesiodean school. For while the reliefs upon the shield of\\nAchilles are entirely drawn from imagination, and pure poetical imagi-\\nnation, objects are represented upon the shield of Hercules which were\\nin fact the first subjects of the Greek artists who worked reliefs in\\nbronze and other decorative sculptures We cannot, therefore, sup-\\npose the shield of Hesiod to be anterior to the period of the Olympiads,\\nbecause before that time nothing was known of similar works of art\\namong the Greeks. But on the other hand, it cannot be posterior to\\nthe 40th Olympiad, as Hercules appears in it armed and equipped like\\nany other hero whereas about this date the poets began to represent\\nhim in a different costume, with the club and lion s skin f. The entire\\nclass of these short epics appears to be a remnant of the style of the\\nprimitive bards, that of choosing separate points of heroic history, in\\norder to enliven an hour of the banquet, before longer compositions had\\nbeen formed from them f On the other hand, these short Hesiodean\\nepics are connected with lyric poetry, particularly that of Stesichorus, who\\nsometimes composed long choral odes on the same or similar subjects (as\\nfor example, Cycnus), and not without reference to Hesiod. This close\\napproximation of the Hesiodean epic poetry and the lyric poetry of Ste-\\nsichorus doubtless gave occasion to the legend that the latter was the\\nson of Hesiod, although he lived much later than the real founder of\\nthe Hesiodean school of poetry.\\nOf the other names of Hesiodean Poems, which are mentioned by\\nThe shield of Achilles contains, on the prominence in the middle, a representation\\nof earth, heaven, and sea then in the next circular band two cities, the one engaged\\nin peaceable occupations, the other beleagured by foes afterwards, in six depart-\\nments (which must be considered as lying around concentrically in a third row), rural\\nand joyous scenes sowing, harvest, vine-picking, a cattle pasture, a flock of sheep, a\\nchoral dance lastly, in the external circle, the ocean. The poet takes a delight in\\nadorning this implement of bloody war with the most pleasing scenes of peace, and\\npays no regard to what the sculptors of his time were able to execute. The Hesiod-\\nean poet, on the other hand, places in the middle of the shield of Hercules a terrible\\ndragon (lipe xovros tpoftoi), surrounded by twelve twisted snakes, exactly as the gorgo-\\nneum or head of Medusa is represented oh Tyrrhenian shields of Tarquinii other\\nmonstrous heads are similarly introduced in the middle. A battle of wild boars\\nand lions makes a border, as is often the case in early Greek sculptures and vases.\\nIt must be conceived as a narrow band or ring round the middle. The first consi-\\nderable row, which surrounds the centre piece in a circle, consists of four depart-\\nments, of which two contain warlike and two peaceable subjects. So that the entire\\nshield contains, as it were, a sanguinary and a tranquil side. In these are repre-\\nsented the battle of the Centaurs, a choral dance in Olympus, a harbour and\\nfishermen, Perseus and the Gorgons. Of these the first and last subjects are among\\nthose which are known to have earliest exercised the Greek artists. An external row\\n(prtlp abriwv, v. 237) is occupied by a city at war and a city at peace, which the poet\\nborrows from Homer, but describes with greater minuteness, and indeed overloads\\nwith too many details. The rim, as in the other shield; is surrounded by the ocean.\\nt See the remarks on Peisander below, ch. x, 3.\\nSee above, p, 40, (ch. iv. 6);\\nh2", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0105.jp2"}, "104": {"fulltext": "100 HISTORY OF THE\\ngimmmarans, some Ut doubtful, as they do not occur in ancient au-\\nthor-., and Others do not by their title give any idea of their plan and\\nsubject so that we can make no use of them in our endeavour to con-\\nvej a notion oi the tone and character of the Hesiodean poetry.\\nCHAPTER X.\\n1. General character of other Epic Poets.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 2. Cinsethon of Lac.edaemon, Eumehi8\\nof Corinth, Asius of Samos, Chersias of Orehomenus.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 3. Epic Poems on Her-\\ncules the Taking of (Echalia the Heraclea of Peisander of Rhodes.\\n1. Great as was the number of poems which in ancient times passed\\nunder the name of Homer, and were connected in the way of supple-\\nment or continuation with the Iliad and Odyssey, and also of those\\nwhich were included under the all-comprehensive name of Hesiod, yet\\nthese formed only about a half of the entire epic literature of the early\\nGreeks. The hexameter was, for several centuries, the only perfectly\\ndeveloped form of poetry, as narratives of events of early times were the\\ngeneral amusement of the people. The heroic mythology was an inex-\\nhaustible mine of subjects, if they were followed up into the legends of\\nthe different races and cities; it was therefore natural, that in the\\nmost various districts of Greece poets should arise, who, for the gratifi-\\ncation of their countrymen, worked up these legends into an epic form,\\neither attempting to rise to an imitation of the Homeric style, or con-\\ntenting themselves with the easier task of adopting that of the school\\nof Hesiod. Most of these poems evidently had little interest except in\\ntheir subjects, and even this was lost when the logographers collected\\ninto shorter w r orks the legends of which they were composed. Hence\\nit happened only occasionally that some learned inquirer into tradi-\\ntionary story took the trouble to look into these epic poems. Even\\nnow it is of great importance, for mythological researches, carefully to\\ncollect all the fragments of these ancient poems; such, for example, as\\nthe Phoronh and Danais (the works of unknown authors), which con-\\ntained the legends of the earliest times of Argos but, for a history of\\nliterature, the principal object of which is to give a vivid notion of the\\ncharacter of writings, these are empty and unmeaning names. There\\nare, however, a few epic poets of whom enough is known to enable us\\nto form a general idea of the course which they followed.\\n2. Of these poets several appear to have made use of the links of\\ni alogy, in order, like the poet in the Hesiodean catalogues, to string\\ntogether fables which were not connected by any main action, but which\\noften extended over many generations. According to Pausanias, the\\nworks of Cinaethon the Lacedaemonian, who flourished about the 5th\\nOlympiad, had a genealogical foundation and from the great pleasure\\nwhich the Spartans took in the legends of the heroic age, it is probable", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0106.jp2"}, "105": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 101\\nthat he treated of certain mythical subjects to which a patriotic interest\\nwas attached. His Heraclea, which is very rarely mentioned, may\\nhave referred to the descent of the Doric Princes from Hercules and\\nalso his GEdipodia may have been occasioned by the first kings of\\nSparta, Procles and Eurysthenes, being, through their mother, descended\\nfrom the Cadmean kings of Thebes. It is remarkable that the Little\\nIliad, one of the Cyclic poems, which immediately followed Homer, was\\nby many* attributed to this Cinaethon and another Peloponnesian bard,\\nEumelus the Corinthian, was named as the author of a second Cyclic Epos,\\nthe Nostoi. Both statements are probably erroneous at least the authors\\nof these poems must, as members of that school who imitated and extended\\nthe Homeric Epopees, have adopted an entirely different style of com-\\nposition from that required for the genealogical collections of Pelopon-\\nnesian legends. Eumelus was a Corinthian of the noble and governing\\nhouse of the Bacchaids, and he lived about the time of the founding of\\nSyracuse (4th Olympiad, according to the commonly received date).\\nThere were poems extant under his name, of the genealogical and his-\\ntorical kind by which, however, is not to be understood the later style\\nof converting the marvels of the mythical period into common history,\\nbut only a narrative of the legends of some town or race, arranged in\\norder of time. Of this character (as appears also from fragments) were\\nthe Corinthiaca of Eumelus, and also, probably, the Europia, in which\\nperhaps a number of ancient legends were joined to the genealogy of\\nEuropa. Nevertheless the notion among the ancients of the style of\\nEumelus was not so fixed and clear as to furnish any certain criterion\\nfor there was extant a Titanomachia, as to which Athenaeus doubts whe-\\nther it should be ascribed to Eumelus, the Corinthian, or Aretinus, the\\nMilesian. That there should exist any doubt between these two claimants,\\nthe Cyclic poet who had composed the iEthiopis, and the author of\\ngenealogical epics, only convinces us how uncertain all literary decisions\\nin this period are, and how dangerous a region this is for the inquiries of\\nthe higher criticism. Pausanias will not allow anything of Eumelus to\\nbe genuine except a prosodion, or strain, which he had composed for\\nthe Messenians for a sacred mission to the Temple of Delos and it\\nis certain that this epic hymn, in the Doric dialect, really belonged to\\nthose times when Messenia was still independent and flourishing, before\\nthe first war with the Lacedaemonians, which began in the 9th Olym-\\npiadf Pausanias also ascribes to Eumelus the epic verses in the Doric\\nSee Schol. Vatic, ad Eurip. Troad. 822. Eumelus (corrupted into Eumolpus)\\nis called the author of the votrroi in Schol. Pind. Olymp. xiii. 31.\\nf The passage quoted from it by Pausanias iv. 33, p. 3.\\nTZ yot.( iScoftriirec, xarxOvfAios sttXito Mo7trx\\nA xcc6a.^a. xa.) Iksvfaga acrfAecr i%ov rx,\\nappears to say that the muse of Eumelus, which had composed the Prosodion,\\nhad also pleased Zeus Ithomatas that is, had gained a prize at the musical con-\\ntests among the Ithomseans in Messenia.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0107.jp2"}, "106": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE\\ndialed, Wh*b WW added to illustrate the reliefs on the chest of Cyp-\\nselus, the renowned work of ancient art. But it is plain that those\\nrerses were contemporaneous with the reliefs themselves, which were not\\nmade till a century later, under the Government of the Cypselids at\\nCorinth*. Asms of Samos, often mentioned by Pausanias, was a third\\ngenealogical epic poet. His poems referred chiefly to his native coun-\\ntry, the Ionian island of Samos and he appears to have taken occasion\\nto descend to Ins own time as in the glowing and vivid description of\\nthe luxurious costume of the Samians at a festival procession to the\\ntemple of their guardian goddess, Here. Chersias, the epic poet of Orcho-\\nmenus, collected Boeotian leg-ends and genealogies: he was, according\\nto Plutarch, a contemporary of the Seven Wise Men, and appears, from\\nthe monumental inscription above mentioned, to have been a great\\nadmirer and follower of Hesiod.\\n3. While by efforts of this kind nearly all the heroes (whose remem-\\nbrance had been preserved in popular legends) obtained a place in\\nthis endlessly extensive epic literature, it is remarkable that the hero\\non whose name half the heroic mythology of the Greeks depends, to\\nwhose mighty deeds (in a degree far exceeding those of all the Achaian\\nheroes before Troy) every race of the Greeks seem to have contributed\\nits share, that Hercules should have been celebrated by no epic poem\\ncorresponding to his greatness. Even the two Homeric epopees furnish\\nsome measure of the extent of these legends, and at the same time make\\nit probable that it was usual to compose short epic poems from single\\nadventures of the wandering hero; and of this kind, probably, was the\\nTaking of OEchalia, which Homer, according to a well-known tra-\\ndition, is supposed to have left as a present to a person joined to him by\\nties of hospitality, Creophylus of Samos, who appears to have been the\\nhead of a Samian family of rhapsodists. The poem narrated how Her-\\ncules, in order to avenge an affront early received by him from Eurytus\\nand his sons, takes (Echalia, the city of this prince, slays him and his\\nsons, and carries off his daughter Iole, as the spoil of war. This fable\\nis so far connected with the Odyssey that the bow which Ulysses uses\\nagainst the suitors is derived from this Eurytus, the best archer of his\\nPausanias proceeds on the supposition that this chest was the very one in which\\nthe little Cypselus was concealed from the designs of the Bacchiads by his mother\\nLabda, which was afterwards, in memory of this event, dedicated by the Cypse-\\nlids at Olympia. But not to say that this whole story is not an historial fact, but\\nprobably arose merely from the etymology of the word Ku-^iXo;, (from xv-^iXr,, a\\nchest.) it is quite incredible that a box so costly and so richly adorned with sculp-\\ntures should have been used by Labda as an ordinary piece of furniture. It is far\\nmore probable that the Cypselids, at the time of their power and wealth (after\\nOlymp. 30), had this chest made among other costly offerings, in order to be dedi-\\ncated at Olympia, meaning, at the same time, by the name of the chest {xv-^iXyi)\\nquite in the manner of the emblcmes parlans on Greek coins to allude to themselves\\nas donors. Another argument is, that Hercules was distinguished on it by a pecu-\\nliar costume (jr%tjfca)j and therefore was not, as in Hesiod s shield, represented in\\nthe common heroic accoutrements.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0108.jp2"}, "107": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 103\\ntime. This may have been the reason that very early Homerids\\nformed of this subject a separate epos, the execution pf which does\\nnot appear to have been unworthy of the name of Homer.\\nOther portions of the legends of Hercules had found a place in the\\nlarger poems of Hesiod, the Eoisc, the Catalogues, and the short epics and\\n(iiuethon the Lacedaemonian may have brought forward many legends\\nlittle known before his time. Yet this whole series of legends wanted\\nthat main feature which every one would now collect from poets and\\nworks of art. This conception of Hercules could not arise before his\\ncontests with animals were combined from the local tales separately\\nrelated of him in Peloponnesus, and. were embellished with all the\\nornaments of poetry. Hence, too, he assumed a figure different from\\nthat of all other heroes, as he no longer seemed to want the brazen\\nhelmet, breast-plate, and shield, or to require the weapons of heroic\\nwarfare, but trusting solely to the immense strength of his limbs, and\\nsimply armed with a club, and covered with the skin of a lion which he\\nhad slain, he exercises a kind of gymnastic skill in slaying the various\\nmonsters which he encounters, sometimes exhibiting rapidity in running\\nand leaping, sometimes the highest bodily strength in wrestling and\\nstriking. The poet who first represented Hercules in this manner, and\\nthus broke through the monotony of the ordinary heroic combats, was\\nPeisander, a Rhodian, from the town of Cameirus, who is placed at the\\n33d Olympiad, though he probably flourished somewhat later. Nearly\\nall the allusions in his Heraclea may be referred to those combats, which\\nwere considered as the tasks imposed on the hero by Eurystheus, and\\nwhich were properly called HpaKXeove adXoi. It is, indeed, very pro-\\nbable that Peisander was the first who fixed the number of these labours\\nat twelve, a number constantly observed by later writers, though they\\ndo not always name the same exploits, and which had moreover esta-\\nblished itself in art at least as early as the time of Phidias (on the tem-\\nple of Olympia). If the first of these twelve combats have a somewhat\\nrural and Idyllian character, the later ones afforded scope for bold ima-\\nginations and marvellous tales, which Peisander doubtless knew how to\\nturn to account as, for example, the story that Hercules, in his expedi-\\ntion against Geryon, was carried over the ocean in the goblet of the Sun,\\nis first cited from the poem of Peisander. Perhaps he was led to this\\ninvention by symbols of the worship of the Sun, which existed from early\\ntimes in Rhodes. It was most likely the originality, which prevailed\\nwith equal power through the whole of this not very long poem, that\\ninduced the Alexandrian grammarians to receive Peisander, together\\nwith Homer and Hesiod, into the epic canon, an honour which they\\ndid not extend to any other of the poets hitherto mentioned.\\nThus the Greek Epos, which seemed, from its genealogical tendency,\\nto have acquired a dry and steril character, now appeared once more\\nanimated with new life, and striking out new paths. Nevertheless it", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0109.jp2"}, "108": {"fulltext": "l()[ HISTORY OF THE\\n,nav be questioned whether the epic poets would have acquired this\\nspirit if the) had never moved out of the beaten track of their ancient\\nheroic son- and if other kinds of poetry had not arisen and re-\\nvealed to the Greeks the latent poetical character of many other feelings\\nand impressions besides those which prevailed in the epos. We now\\nturn to those kinds of poetry which first appear as the rivals of the epic\\nstrains*.\\nCHAPTER XI.\\n1. Exclusive prevalence of Epic Poetry, in connexion with the monarchical period;\\ninfluence of the change in the forms of Government upon Poetry.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 2. Elegeion,\\nits meaning origin of Elegos plaintive songs of Asia Minor, accompanied by\\nthe flute mode of Recitation of the Elegy.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 6 3. Metre of the Elegy.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 6 4. Po-\\nlitical and military tendency of the Elegy as composed by Callinus the circum-\\nstances of his time. 5. Tyrtaeus, his Life occasion and subject of his Elegy\\nof Eunomia. 6. Character and mode of recitation of the Elegies of Tyrtaeus.\\n7. Elegies of Archilochus, their reference to Banquets mixture of convivial jollity\\n(Asius). 8. Plaintive Elegies of Archilochus. 9. Mimnermus his Elegies;\\nthe expression of the impaired strength of the Ionic nation. 10. Luxury a\\nconsolation in this state the Nanno of Mimnermus. 11. Solon s character; his\\nElegy of Salamis. 5 12. Elegies before and after Solon s Legislation the ex-\\npression of his political feeling; mixture of Gnomic Passages (Phocylides).\\n13. Elegies of Theognis their original character. 14. Their origin in the\\npolitical Revolutions of Megara. 15. Their personal reference to the Friends\\nof Theognis. 16. Elegies of Xenophanes their philosophical tendency.\\n6 17. Elegies of Simonides on the Victories of the Persian War; tender and\\npathetic spirit of his Poetry general View of the course of Elegiac Poetry.\\n18. Epigrams iu elegiac form their Object and Character; Simonides, as a\\nComposer of Epigrams.\\n1. Until the beginning of the seventh century before our era, or\\nthe 20th Olympiad, the epic was the only kind of poetry in Greece, and\\nthe hexameter the only metre which had been cultivated by the poets\\nwith art and diligence. Doubtless there were, especially in connexion\\nwith different worships, strains of other kinds and measures of a lighter\\nmovement, according to which dances of a sprightly character could be\\nexecuted but these as yet did not form a finished style of poetry, and\\nwere only rude essays and undeveloped germs of other varieties, which\\nhitherto had only a local interest, confined to the rites and customs of\\nparticular districts. In all musical and poetical contests the solemn and\\nmajestic tone of the epopee and the epic hymn alone prevailed and the\\nsoothing placidity which these lays imparted to the mind was the only\\nfeeling which had found its satisfactory poetical expression. As yet the\\nheart, agitated by joy and grief, by love and anger, could not give utter-\\nSome epic poems of the early period, as the Minyis, J/cmceonis, and Tliesprotia,\\nwill be noticed in the chapter on the poetry connected with the Mysteries.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0110.jp2"}, "109": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 105\\nance to its lament for the lost, its longing- after the absent, its care for\\nthe present, in appropriate forms of poetical composition. These feel-\\nings were still without the elevation which the beauty of art can alone\\nconfer. The epopee kept the mind fixed in the contemplation of a\\nformer generation of heroes, which it could view with sympathy and in-\\nterest, but not with passionate emotion. And although in the econo-\\nmical poem of Hesiod the cares and sufferings of the present time fur-\\nnished the occasion for an epic work, yet this was only a partial descent\\nfrom the lofty career of epic poetry for it immediately rose again from\\nthis lowly region, and taking a survey of things affecting not only the\\nentire Greek nation but the whole of mankind, celebrated in solemn\\nstrains the order of the universe and of social life, as approved by the\\nGods.\\nThis exclusive prevalence of epic poetry was also doubtless connected\\nwith the political state of Greece at this time. It has been already re-\\nmarked* how acceptable the ordinary subjects of the epic poems must\\nhave been to the princes who derived their race from the heroes of the\\nmythical age, as was the case with all the royal families of early times.\\nThis rule of hereditary princes was the prevailing form of government\\nin Greece, at least up to the beginning of the Olympiads, and from this\\nperiod it gradually disappeared at an earlier date and by more vio-\\nlent revolutions among the Ionians, than among the nations of Pelopon-\\nnesus. The republican movements, by which the princely families were\\ndeprived of their privileges, could not be otherwise than favourable to a\\nfree expression of the feelings, and in general to a stronger development\\nof each man s individuality. Hence the poet, who, in the most perfect\\nform of the epos, was completely lost in his subject, and was only the\\nmirror in which the grand and brilliant images of the past were reflected,\\nnow comes before the people as a man with thoughts and objects of his\\nown and gives a free vent to the struggling emotions of his soul in\\nelegiac and iambic strains. As the elegy and the iambus, those two\\ncontemporary and cognate species of poetry, originated with Ionic poets,\\nand (as far as we are aware) with citizens of free states so, again, the\\nremains and accounts of these styles of poetry furnish the best image of\\nthe internal condition of the Ionic states of Asia Minor and the Islands\\nin the first period of their republican constitution*\\n2. The word elegeion, as used by the best writers, like the word\\nepos, refers not to the subject of a poem, but simply to its form. In\\ngeneral the Greeks, in dividing their poetry into classes, looked almost\\nexclusively to its metrical shape but in considering the essence of the\\nGreek poetry we shall not be compelled to depart from these divisions,\\nas the Greek poets always chose their verse with the nicest attention to\\nthe feelings to be conveyed by the poem. The perfect harmony, the\\naccurate correspondence of expression between these multifarious me-\\nChap.iv. \u00c2\u00a71,2.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0111.jp2"}, "110": {"fulltext": "10(i HISTORY OF THE\\ntrieal forms and the various states of mind required by the poem, is one\\nof the remarkable features of the Grecian poetry, and to which we shall\\nfrequently have occasion to advert. The word kXtyeiov, therefore, in its\\nstrict souse, means nothing more than the combination of an hexameter\\nand a pentameter, making together a distich and an elegeia (eXeyela)\\nis a poem made of such verses. The word elegeion is, however, itself\\nonly a derivation from a simpler word, the use of which brings us nearer\\nto the first origin of this kind of poetry. Elegos (k Aeyoe) means pro-\\nperly a strain of lament, without any determinate reference to a metri-\\ncal form thus, for example, in Aristophanes, the nightingale sings an\\nelegos for her lost Itys and in Euripides, the halcyon, or kingfisher,\\nsings an elegos for her husband Ceyx* in both which passages the\\nword has this general sense. The origin of the word can hardly be\\nGrecian, since all the etymologies of it which have been attempted seem\\nvery improbable^ on the other hand, if it is borne in mind, how cele-\\nbrated among the Greeks the Carians and Lydians were for laments\\nover the dead, and generally for songs of a melancholy cast], it will\\nseem likely that the Ionians, together with ditties and tunes of this kind,\\nalso received the word elegos from their neighbours of Asia Minor.\\nHowever great the interval may have been between these Asiatic\\ndirges and the elegy as embellished and ennobled by Grecian taste,\\nyet it cannot be doubted that they were in fact connected. Those\\nlaments of Asia Minor were always accompanied by the flute, which was\\nof great antiquity in Phrygia and the neighbouring parts, but which\\nwas unknown to the Greeks in Homers time, and in Hesiod only occurs\\nas used in the boisterous strain of revellers, called Comos\u00c2\u00a7. The elegy,\\non the other hand, is the first regularly cultivated branch of Greek\\npoetry, in the recitation of which the flute alone, and neither the cithara\\nnor lyre, was employed. The elegiac poet Mimnermus (about Olympiad\\n40, 620 b. p.), according to the testimony of Hipponax||, nearly as an-\\ncient as himself, played on the flute the KpaoirjQ vofxog that is, literally,\\nthe fig-branch strain, a peculiar tune, which was played at the Ionic\\nfestival of Thargelia, when the men appointed to make atonement for\\nthe sins of the city were driven out with fig branches. Nanno, the\\nbeloved of Mimnermus, was a flute player, and he, according [to. the\\nAristoph. Av. 218. Eurip. Iph. Taur. 1061.\\nt The most favourite is the derivation from Vi xiytiv but kiyuv is here an im-\\nproper form, and ought in this connexion to be x oyo;. The entire composition is,\\nmoreover, very strange.\\nCarian and Lydian laments are often mentioned in antiquity (Franch Callinus,\\np. 123, seq.); and the antispastic rhythm in which there is something dis-\\npleasing and harsh, was called xapxog which refers to its use in laments of this\\nkind. It is also very probable that the word vmla. came from Asia Minor (Pollux\\niv. 79), and was brought by the Tyrrhenians from Lydia to Etruria,and thence to\\nRome.\\nAbove, chap. iii. 5.\\nIn Plutarch de Musica, c. ix. comp. Hesych. in x.^* v \u00c2\u00b0f*\u00c2\u00b0S", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0112.jp2"}, "111": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 107\\nexpression of a later elegiac poet, himself played on the lotus-wood flute,\\nand wore the mouthpiece (the Qoppeia) used by the ancient flute\\nplayers when, together with his mistress, he led a comos*. And in en-\\ntire agreement with this the elegiac poet Theognis says, that his beloved\\nand much praised Cyrnus, carried by him on the wings of poetry oyer\\nthe whole earth, would be present at all banquets, as young men would\\nsing of him eloquently to the clear tone of little flutesf-\\nNevertheless, we are not to suppose that elegies were from the begin-\\nning intended to be sung, and to be recited like lyric poems in the\\nnarrower sense of the word. Elegies, that is distichs, were doubtless\\naccompanied by the flute before varied musical forms were invented for\\nthem. This did not take place till some time after Terpander the Les-\\nbian, who set hexameters to music, to be sung to the cithara, that is, pro-\\nbably, not before the 40th Olympiadf.\\nWhen the Amphictyons, after the conquest of Crissa, celebrated the\\nPythian games (Olymp. 47, 3 b.c 590), Echembrotus the Arcadian\\ncame forward with elegies, which were intended to be sung to the flute\\nthese were of a gloomy plaintive character, which appeared to the as-\\nsembled Greeks so little in harmony with the feeling of the festival, that\\nthis kind of musical representations was immediately abandoned^.\\nHence it may be inferred that in early times the elegy was recited rather\\nin the style of the Homeric poems, in a lively tone, though probably\\nwith this difference, that where the Homerid used the cithara, the flute\\nwas employed, for the purpose of making a short prelude and occasional\\ninterludes The flute, as thus applied, does not appear alien to the\\nwarlike elegy of Callinus among the ancients in general the varied\\ntones of the flute^[ were not considered as necessarily having a peaceful\\ncharacter. Not only did the Lydian armies march to battle, as Hero-\\ndotus states, to the sound of flutes, masculine and feminine but the\\nSpartans formed their military music of a large number of flutes, in-\\nstead of the cithara, which had previously been used. From this how-\\never we are not to suppose that the elegy was ever sung by an army on\\nits march, or advance to the fight, for which purpose neither the rhythm\\nnor the style of the poetry is at all suited. On the contrary, we shall\\nThis, according to the most probable reading, is the meaning of the passage of\\nHermesianax in Athen, xiii., p. 598 A. Kahro ph N\u00c2\u00abwo\u00c2\u00abj, vroXtM V It) vroxxdxt\\nXcotZ xnftuhts (according to an emendation in the Classical Journal, vii. p. 238)\\nxapovs (rnrtixi ffuvi%avvoov (the latter words according to SchweighaBuser s rendering).\\nf Theognis, v. 237, seq. Plutarch, de Musica, iii. 4, 8.\\nPaxisan. x. 7, 3. From the statement of Chamaeleon in Athen. xiv. p. C20, that\\nthe poems of Mimnermus as well as those of Homer were set to music (/^iX^^vcci)\\nit may be inferred that they were not so from the beginning.\\nArchilochus says nbwi v r alXyirwgo;, probably in reference to an elegy (Schol.\\nAristoph. Av. 1428) and Solon is stated to have recited his elegy of Salamis iv\\nbut in these passages aluv, as in the case of Homer, probably expresses a measured\\nstyle of recitation like that of a rhapsodist above, ch. iv. 3 (p. 32). Comp. also\\nPhilochorus ap. Athen. xiv. 630.\\nIltiftcpuvoi auXo), Pindar.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0113.jp2"}, "112": {"fulltext": "|08 HISTORY OF THE\\nfind in Tynans Archilochus, Xenophanes, Anacreon, and especially in\\nThooirnis, so many instances of the reference of elegiac poetry to ban-\\nquets, that we may safely consider the convivial meeting-, and especially\\nthe latter part of it, called Comos, as the appropriate occasion for the\\nGreek elegy*.\\n3. That the elegy was not originally intended to make a completely\\ndifferent impression from the epic poem, is proved by the slight devia-\\ntion of the elegiac metre from the epic hexameter. It seems as if the\\nspirit of art, impatient of its narrow limits, made with this metre its first\\ntimid step out of the hallowed precinct. It does not venture to invent\\nnew metrical forms, or even to give a new turn to the solemn hexame-\\nter, by annexing to it a metre of a different character it is contented\\nsimply to remove the third and the last thesis from every second hexa-\\nmeter t and it is thus able, without destroying the rhythm, to vary the\\nform of the metre in a highly agreeable manner. The even and regular\\nmarch of the hexameter is thus accompanied by the feebler and hesi-\\ntating gait of the pentameter. At the same time, this alternation pro-\\nduces a close union of two verses, which the hexametrical form of the\\nepos, with its uninterrupted flow of versification, did not admit; and\\nthus gives rise to a kind of small strophes. The influence of this metri-\\ncal character upon the structure of the sentences, and the entire tone of\\nthe language, must evidently have been very great.\\n4. Into the fair form of this metre the Ionic poets breathed a soul,\\nwhich was vividly impressed with the passing events, and was driven to\\nand fro by the alternate swelling and flowing of a flood of emotions. It\\nis by no means necessary that lamentations should form the subject of\\nthe elegy, still less that it should be the lamentation of love but emo-\\ntion is always essential to it. Excited by events or circumstances\\nof the present time and place, the poet in the circle of his friends\\nand countrymen pours forth his heart in a copious description of his\\nexperience, in the unreserved expression of his fears and hopes, in cen-\\nsure and advice. And as the commonwealth was in early times the\\nfirst thought of every Greek, his feelings naturally gave rise to the poli-\\ntical and warlike character of the elegy, which we first meet with in the\\npoems of Callinus.\\nThe age of Callinus of Ephesus is chiefly fixed by the allusions\\nto the expeditions of the Cimmerians and Treres, which occurred in his\\npoems. The history of these incursions is, according to the best ancient\\nauthorities, as follows The nation of the Cimmerians, driven out by\\nThe flute is described as used at the Comus in the passage of Hesiod cited\\nabove, p. 21 (ch. iii. h 5).\\nt Thus, in the first lines of the Iliad and the Odyssey, by omitting the thesis of\\nthe third and sixth feet, a perfect elegiac pentameter is obtained.\\nM?v/v aitbi ka.\\\\Ur\\\\\\\\ /{iahiu A\u00c2\u00a3 X?,|\u00c2\u00ab5|", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0114.jp2"}, "113": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 109\\nthe Scythians, appeared at the time of Gyges in Asia Minor in the\\nreign of Ardys (Olymp. 25, 3\u00e2\u0080\u009437, 4 or 678\u00e2\u0080\u009429 b.c.) they took\\nSardis, the capital of the Lydian kings, with the exception of the\\ncitadel, and then, under the command of Lygdamis, moved against\\nIonia; where in particular the temple of the Ephesian Artemis was\\nthreatened by them. Lygdamis perished in Cilicia. The tribe of the\\nTreres, who appear to have followed the Cimmerians on their expedi-\\ntion, captured Sardis for the second time in union with the Lycians, and\\ndestroyed Magnesia on the Maeander, which had hitherto been a\\nflourishing city, and, with occasional reverses, had on the whole come\\noff superior in its wars with the Ephesians. These Treres, however,\\nunder their chieftain Cobus, were (according to Strabo) soon driven\\nback by the Cimmerians under the guidance of Madys. Halyattes, the\\nsecond successor of Ardys, at last succeeded in driving the Cimmerians\\nout of the country, after they had so long occupied it. (Olymp. 40, 4\\n55, 1 617 560 B.C.) Now the lifetime of Callinus stands in relation\\nto these events thus he mentioned the advance of the formidable Cim-\\nmerians and the destruction of Sardis by them, but described Magnesia\\nas still flourishing and as victorious against Ephesus, although he also\\nknew of the approach of the Treres*. In such perilous times, when\\nthe Ephesians were not only threatened with subjugation by their coun-\\ntrymen in Magnesia, but with a still worse fate from the Cimmerians\\nand Treres, there was doubtless no lack of unwonted inducements for\\nthe exertion of every nerve. But the Ionians were already so softened\\nby their long intercourse with the Lydians, a people accustomed to all\\nthe luxury of Asia, and by the delights of their beautiful country, that\\neven on such an occasion as this they would not break through the in-\\ndolence of their usual life of enjoyment. It is easy to see how deep\\nand painful the emotion must have been with which Callinus thus\\naddresses his countrymen How long will you lie in sloth when will\\nyou, youths, show a courageous heart are you not ashamed that the\\nneighbouring nations should see you sunk in this lethargy? You think\\nindeed that you are living in peace but war overspreads the whole\\nearthf.\\nThe fragment which begins with the expressions just cited, the only\\nTwo fragments of Callinus prove this\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nNt/v o It) Ki/tptgiav errpecros zg%trcci ofytftosgyuv,\\nand\\nTjivgiM? ecvo^x; ccyuv.\\nEverything else stated in the text is taken from the precise accounts of Herodotus\\nand Strabo. Pliny s story of the picture of Bularchus Magnetum excidium\\nbeing bought for an equal weight of gold by Candaules, the predecessor of Gyges,\\nmust be erroneous. Probably some other Lydian named Candaules is confounded\\nwith the old king.\\nf Gaisford Poetse Minores, vol. i. p. 426\u00c2\u00ab", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0115.jp2"}, "114": {"fulltext": "110 HISTORY OP THE\\nconsiderable remnant of Callinus; and even that an imperfect one*, is\\nhighly interesting as the first specimen of a kind of poetry in which so\\nmuch was afterwards composed both by u Greeks and Romans. In\\ngeneral the character of the elegy may be recognized, as it was deter-\\nmined by the metre, and as it remained throughout the entire literature\\nof antiquity. The elegy is honest and straightforward in its expression\\nit marks all the parts of its picture with strong touches, and is fond of\\nheightening the effect of its images by contrast. Thus in the verses just\\nquoted Callinus opposes the renown of the brave to the obscurity of cow-\\nards. The pentameter itself, being a subordinate part of the metre,\\nnaturally leads to an expansion of the original thought by supplemen-\\ntary or explanatory clauses. This diffuseness of expression, combined\\nwith the excited tone of the sentiment, always gives the elegy a certain\\ndegree of feebleness which is perceptible even in the martial songs of\\nCallinus and Tyrtaeus. On the other hand, it is to be observed that the\\nelegy of Callinus still retains much of the fuller tone of the epic style\\nit does not, like the shorter breath of later elegies, confine itself within\\nthe narrow limits of a distich, and require a pause at the end of every\\npentameter but Callinus in many cases comprehends several hexame-\\nters and pentameters in one period, without caring for the limits of the\\nverses in which respect the earlier elegiac poets of Greece generally\\nimitated him.\\n5. With Callinus we will connect his contemporary Tyrtjeus, pro-\\nbably a few years younger than himself. The age of Tyrtseus is deter-\\nmined by the second Messenian war, in which he bore a part. If with\\nPausanias this war is placed between Olymp. 23. 4, and 28. 1 (635 and\\n668 b. c), Tyrtaeus would fall at the same time as, or even earlier than,\\nthe circumstances of the Cimmerian invasion mentioned by Callinus\\nand we should then expect to find that Tyrtaeus, and not Callinus, was\\nconsidered by the ancients as the originator of the elegy. As the\\nreverse is the fact, this reason may be added to others for thinking that\\nthe second Messenian war did not take place till after the 30th Olym-\\npiad (660 b.c), which must be considered as the period at which Callinus\\nflourished.\\nWe certainly do not give implicit credit to the story of later writers\\nthat Tyrtaeus was a lame schoolmaster at Athens, sent out of insolence\\nby the Athenians to the Spartans, who at the command of an oracle had\\napplied to them for a leader in the Messenian war. So much of this\\naccount may, however, be received as true, that Tyrtseus came from\\nAttica to the Lacedaemonians the place of his abode being, according\\nto a precise statement, Aphidnae, an Athenian town, which is placed by\\nthe legends about the Dioscuri in very early connexion with Laconia.\\nIt is even doubtful whether the part of this elegiac fragment in Stobaeus which\\nfollows the hiatus, in fact belongs to Callinus, or whether the name of Tyrtaeus has\\nnot fallen out.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0116.jp2"}, "115": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. Ill\\nIf Tyrtseus came from Attica, it is easy to understand how the elegiac\\nmetre which had its origin in Ionia should have been used by him, ami\\nthat in the very style of Callihus. Athens was so closely connected\\nwith her Ionic colonies, that this new kind of poetry must have been\\nsoon known in the mother city. This circumstance would be far\\nmore inexplicable if Tyrtseus had been a Lacedaemonian by birth, as\\nwas stated vaguely by some ancient authors. For although Sparta was\\nnot at this period a stranger to the efforts of the other Greeks in poetry\\nand music, yet the Spartans with their peuliar modes of thinking would\\nnot have been very ready to appropriate the new invention of the\\nIonians.\\nTyrtseus came to the Lacedaemonians at a time when they were not\\nonly brought into great straits from without by the boldness of Aristo-\\nmenes, and the desperate courage of the Messenians, but the state was\\nalso rent with internal discord. The dissensions were caused by those\\nSpartans who had owned lands in the conquered Messenia now that the\\nMessenians had risen against their conquerors, these lands were either in\\nthe hands of the enemy, or were left untilled from fear that the enemy\\nwould reap their produce and hence the proprietors of them demanded\\nwith vehemence a new division of lands the most dangerous and\\ndreadful of all measures in the ancient republics. In this condition of\\nthe Spartan commonwealth Tyrtseus composed the most celebrated of his\\nelegies, which, from its subject, was called Euno?nia, that is, Justice,\\nor Good Government, (also Politeia, or The Constitution\\nis not difficult, on considering attentively the character of the early\\nGreek elegy, to form an idea of the manner in which Tyrtteus probably\\nhandled this subject. He doubtless began with remarking the anarchi-\\ncal movement among the Spartan citizens, and by expressing the con-\\ncern with which he viewed it. But as in general the elegy seeks to\\npass from an excited state of the mind through sentiments and images\\nof a miscellaneous description to a state of calmness and tranquillity, it\\nmay be conjectured that the poet in the Eunomia made this transition\\nby drawing a picture of the well-regulated constitution of Sparta, and\\nthe legal existence of its citizens, which, founded with the divine assist-\\nance, ought not to be destroyed by the threatened innovations and that\\nat the same time he reminded the Spartans, who had been deprived of\\ntheir lands by the Messenian war, that on their courage would depend\\nthe recovery of their possessions and the restoration of the former pros-\\nperity of the state. This view is entirely confirmed by the fragments\\nof Tyrtseus, some of which are distinctly stated to belong to the Euno-\\nmia. In these the constitution of Sparta is extolled, as being founded\\nby the power of the Gods Zeus himself having given the country to\\nthe Heracleids, and the power having been distributed in the justest\\nmanner, according to the oracles of the Pythian Apollo, among the\\nkings, the gerons in the council, and the men of the commonalty in the\\npopular assembly.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0117.jp2"}, "116": {"fulltext": "112 HISTORY OF THE\\n6. But the Eunomia was neither the only nor yet the first elegy in\\nwhich TyrtKUS stimulated the Lacedaemonians to a bold defence against\\nthe Messenians. Exhortation to bravery was the theme which this poet\\ntook for many elegies*, and wrote on it with unceasing spirit and ever-\\nnew invention. Never was the duty and the honour of bravery im-\\npressed on the youth of a nation with so much beauty and force of\\nlanguage, by such natural and touching motives. In this we perceive\\nthe talent of the Greeks for giving to an idea the outward and visible\\nform most befitting it. In the poems of Tyrtaeus we see before us\\nthe determined hoplite firmly fixed to the earth, with feet apart,\\npressing his lips with his teeth, holding his large shield against the\\ndarts of the distant enemy, and stretching out his spear with a strong\\nhand against the nearer combatant. That the young, and even the old,\\nrise up and yield their places to the brave that it beseems the youthful\\nwarrior to fall in the thick of the fight, as his form is beautiful even in\\ndeath, while the aged man who is slain in the first ranks is a disgrace to\\nhis younger companion from the unseemly appearance of his body\\nthese and similar topics are incentives to valour which could not fail to\\nmake a profound impression on a people of fresh feeling and simple\\ncharacter, such as the Spartans then were.\\nThat these poems (although the author of them was a foreigner)\\nbreathed a truly Spartan spirit, and that the Spartans knew how to value\\nthem, is proved by the constant use made of them in the military expe-\\nditions. When the Spartans were on a campaign, it was their custom,\\nafter the evening meal, when the paean had been sung in honour of the\\nGods, to recite these elegies. On these occasions the whole mass did not\\njoin in the chant, but individuals vied with each other in repeat-\\ning the verses in a manner worthy of their subject. The successful\\ncompetitor then received from the polemarch or commander a larger\\nportion of meat than the others, a distinction suitable to the simple taste\\nof the Spartans. This kind of recitation was so well adapted to the\\nelegy, that it is highly probable that Tyrtoeus himself first published his\\nelegies in this manner. The moderation and chastised enjoyment of a\\nSpartan banquet were indeed requisite, in order to enable the guests to\\ntake pleasure in so serious and masculine a style of poetry among\\nguests of other races the elegy placed in analogous circumstances natu-\\nrally assumed a very different tone. The elegies of Tyrtaeus were, how-\\never, never sung on the march of the army and in the battle itself; for\\nthese a strain of another kind was composed by the same poet, viz., the\\nanapaestic marches, to which we shall incidentally revert hereafter.\\n7. After these two ancient masters of the warlike elegy, we shall pass\\nto two other nearly contemporary poets, who have this characteristic in\\ncommon, that they distinguish themselves still more in iambic than in\\nCalled r ro6\u00c2\u00abK\u00c2\u00ab.i V Iktyttat (Suidas) i. e. Lessons and exhortations in elegiac\\nverse.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0118.jp2"}, "117": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 113\\nelegiac poetry. Henceforward this union often appears the same poet\\nwho employs the elegy to express his joyous and melancholy emotions,\\nhas recourse to the iambus where his cool sense prompts him to censure\\nthe follies of mankind. This relation of the two metres in question is\\nperceptible in the two earliest iambic poets, Archilochus and Simo-\\nnides or Amorgus. The elegies of Archilochus (of which considerable\\nfragments are extant, while of Simonides we only know that he com-\\nposed elegies) had nothing of that bitter spirit of which his iambics were\\nfull, but they contain the frank expression of a mind powerfully affected\\nby outward circumstances. Probably these circumstances were in great\\npart connected with the migration of Archilochus from Paros to Thasos,\\nwhich by no means fulfilled his expectations, as his iambics show. Nor\\nare his elegies quite wanting in the warlike spirit of Callinus. Archi-\\nlochus calls himself the servant of the God of War and the disciple of\\nthe Muses*; and praises the mode of fighting of the brave Abantes in\\nEubcea, who engaged man to man with spear and sword, and not from\\nafar with arrows and slings perhaps, from its contrast with the prac-\\ntice of their Thracian neighbours who, perhaps, greatly annoyed the colo-\\nnists in Thasos by their wild and tumultuary mode of warfare j\\\\ But\\non the other hand, Archilochus avows, without much sense of shame,\\nand with an indifference which first throws a light on this part of the\\nIonic character, that one of the Saians (a Thracian tribe, with whom the\\nThasians were often at war) may pride himself in his shield, which he\\nhad left behind him in some bushes; he has saved his life, and will get\\na shield quite as good some other timej. In other fragments, Archilo-\\nchus seeks to banish the recollections of his misfortunes by an appeal to\\nsteady patience, and by the conviction that all men are equal sufferers\\nand praises wine as the best antidote to care\u00c2\u00a7. It was evidently very\\nnatural that from the custom already noticed among the Spartans, of\\nsinging elegies after drinking parties rv/^7r octet), there should arise a\\nconnexion between the subject of the poem and the occasion on which it\\nwas sung and thus wine and the pleasures of the feast became the sub-\\nject of the elegy. Symposiac elegies of this kind were, at least in later\\ntimes, after the Persian war, also sung at Sparta, in which, with all\\nrespect for the gods and heroes, the guests were invited to drinking and\\nmerriment, to the dance and the song and, in the genuine Spartan\\nfeeling, the man was congratulated who had a fair wife at home. Among\\nHi/a.) 5 \\\\yu) fogelfuv f h EvuuXioio clvaxros\\nKa) Movtrlcov Iparov ^mqov i-rnrrufAtvos.\\nf Gaisford, Poet.Gr. Min. frag. 4. J lb. frag. 3. Frajr. 1, v. 5; and frag. 7.\\nIt is clear that the ele^y of Ion of Chios, the contemporary of Pericies, of\\nwhich Athen. xi. p. 463, has preserved five distichs, was sung in Sparta or in the\\nSpartan camp and moreover, at the royal table (called by Xenophon the lafttxria).\\nFor Spartans alone could have been exhorted to make libations to Hercules, to Alc-\\nmene, to Procles, and to the Perseids. The reason why Procles alone is mentioned,\\nwithout Eurysthenes, (the other ancestor of the kings of Sparta,) can only be that the\\nking saluted in the poem (^w^to fip sngos fiourtXtvs car^ rt tfxryig re) was a Proclid,\\nthat is, from the date, probably, Archidamus.\\nI", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0119.jp2"}, "118": {"fulltext": "1 14 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe Tomans the elegy naturally took this turn at a much earlier period,\\nand all the various feeling-s excited hy the use of wine, in sadness or in\\nmirth, were doubtless first expressed in an elegiac form. It is natural\\nto expect that the praise of wine was not dissociated from the other orna-\\nment of Ionic symposia, the Heteerse (who, according to Greek manners,\\nwere chiefly distinguished from virgins or matrons by their participation\\nin the banquets of men) and there is extant a distich of a symposiac\\nelegy of Archilochus, in which the hospitable Pasiphile, who kindly\\nreceives all strangers, as a wild fig tree feeds many crows, is ironically\\npraised in relation to which an anecdote is preserved by Athenseus*.\\nThis convivial elegy was allowed to collect all the images fitted to drive\\naway the cares of life, and to pour a serene hilarity over the mind.\\nHence it is probable that some beautiful verses of the Ionic poet Asius,\\nof Samos, (already mentioned among the epic poets,) belonged to a\\npoem of this kind in which a parasite, forcing himself upon a marriage\\nfeast, is described with Homeric solemnity and ironical seriousness, as\\nthe maimed, scarred, and gray-haired adorer of the fragrancy of the kit-\\nchen, who comes unbidden, and suddenly appears among the guests a\\nhero rising from the mudf\\n8. This joyous tone of the elegy, which sounded in the verses of\\nArchilochus, did not however hinder this poet from also employing the\\nsame metre for strains of lamentation. This application of the elegy\\nis so closely connected with its origin from the Asiatic elegies, that it\\nprobably occurred in the verses of Callinus it must have come from\\nthe Ionic coast to the islands, not from the islands to the Ionic coast.\\nAn elegy of this kind, however, was not a threnos, or lament for the\\ndead, sung by the persons who accompanied the corpse to its burial\\nplace more probably it was chanted at the meal (called ireplZenrvov\\ngiven to the kinsmen after the funeral, in the same manner as elegies\\nat other banquets. In Sparta also an elegy was recited at the solemni-\\nties in honour of warriors who had fallen for their country. A distich\\nfrom a poem of this kind, preserved by Plutarch, speaks of those whose\\nonly happiness either in life or death consisted in fulfilling the duties of\\nboth. Archilochus was induced by the death of his sister s husband,\\nwho had perished at sea, to compose an elegy of this description, in\\nwhich he expressed the sentiment that he would feel less sorrow at the\\nevent if Hephaestus had performed his office upon the head and the\\nfair limbs of the dead man, wrapt up in white linen that is to say, if\\nbe land, and had been burnt on a funeral pile J.\\n9. Even in the ruins in which the Greek elegy lies before us, it is\\nstill the best picture of the race among which it chiefly flourished, viz.,\\nFragm. 44.\\nf Athen. in. 125. The earliest certain example of parody, to which we will return\\nin the next chapter. On Asius, see above, ch. ix.\\nX Fragm. 6.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0120.jp2"}, "119": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. lib\\nthe Ionian. In proportion as this race of the Greeks became more un-\\nwarlike and effeminate, the elegy was diverted from subjects relating to\\npublic affairs and to struggles for national independence. The elegies\\nof Mimnermus were indeed in great part political full of allusions to\\nthe origin and early history of his native city, and not devoid of the ex-\\npression of noble feelings of military honour but these patriotic and\\nmartial sentiments were mingled with vain regrets and melancholy,\\ncaused by the subjection of a large part of Ionia, and especially of the\\nnative city of Mimnermus, to the Lydian yoke. Mimnermus flourished\\nfrom about the 37th Olympiad (634 b. c.) until the age of the Seven\\nWise Men, about Olymp. 45 (600 b. c.) as it cannot be doubted that\\nSolon, in an extant fragment of his poems, addresses Mimnermus,\\nas living But if you will, even now, take my advice, erase this nor\\nbear me any ill-will for having thought on this subject better than you\\nalter the words, Ligyastades, and sing May the fate of death reach me\\nin my sixtieth year (and not as Mimnermus wished, in his eightieth*}.\\nConsequently the lifetime of Mimnermus, compared with the reigns of\\nthe Lydian kings, falls in the short reign of Sadyattes and the first part\\nof the longreign of Hal yattes, which begins in Olymp. 40, 4, b. c. 617.\\nThe native city of Mimnermus was Smyrna, which had at that time long\\nbeen a colony of the Ionic city Colophonf. Mimnermus, in an extant\\nfragment of his elegy Nanno, calls himself one of the colonists of\\nSmyrna, who came from Colophon, and whose ancestors at a still earlier\\nperiod came from the Nelean Pylos. Now Herodotus, in his accounts\\nof the enterprises of the Lydian kings, states that Gyges made war upon\\nSmyrna, but did not succeed in taking it, as he did with Colophon.\\nHalyattes, however, at length overcame Smyrna in the early part of\\nhis reign J. Smyrna, therefore, together with a considerable part of\\nIonia, lost its independence during the lifetime of Mimnermus, and lost\\nit for ever, unless we consider the title of allies, which Athens gave to\\nits subjects, or the nominal libertas with which Rome honoured many\\ncities in this region, as marks of independent sovereignty. It is im-\\nportant to form a clear conception of this time, when a people of a noble\\nnature, capable of great resolutions and endued with a lively and sus-\\nAXX e/ fjuoi xcu vuv in tfzicriai, s|sXs rovrc, f*. /)Vz p.zyccip on tnv Xu i ov ityguffufiyv,\\nxa) {tzruToiwrov, Aiyvatrroi^yi, uli B cities, C. The emendation of Aiyvonrrci^t} for\\nayviaa-ra.}} is due to a young German philologist. It is rendered highly probable\\nby the comparison of Suidas in Mipvegpos. This familiar address completes the\\nproof that Mimnermus was then still living.\\nf On the relations of Colophon and Smyrna see above, ch. v. 2.\\nThis appears first, because Herodotus, 1. 16, mentions this conquest imme-\\ndiately after the battle with Cyaxares (who died 594 b.c.) and the expulsion of the\\nCimmerians; secondly, because, according to Strabo, xiv. p. 646, Smyrna, having\\nbeen divided into separate villages by the Lydians, remained in that state for 400\\nyears, until the time of Antigonus. From this it seems that Smyrna fell into the\\nhands of the Lydians before 600 b. c.jj even in that case the period cannot have\\namounted to more than 300 years.\\ni 2", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0121.jp2"}, "120": {"fulltext": "11(3 HISTORY OF THE\\nvquible temperament, but wanting- in the power of steady resistance and\\nresolute union, bids a half melancholy, half indifferent, farewell to liberty\\nit is important, I repeat, to form a clear conception of this time and\\nthis people, in order to gain a correct understanding of the poetical\\ncharacter of Mimnermus. He too could take joy in valorous deeds, and\\nwrote an elegy in honour of the early battle of the Smyrneeans against\\nGyges and the Lydians, whose attack was then (as we have already\\nstated) successfully repulsed. Pausanias, who had himself read this\\nelegy*, evidently quotes from it* a particular event of this war in question,\\nviz., that the Lydians had, on this occasion, actually made an entrance\\ninto the town, but that they were driven out of it by the bravery of the\\nSmyrnaeans. To this elegy also doubtless belongs the fragment (pre-\\nserved by Stobeeus), in which an Ionian warrior is praised, who drove\\nbefore him the light squadrons of the mounted Lydians on the plain of\\nthe Hermus (that is in the neighbourhood of Smyrna), and in whose\\nfirm valour Pallas Athene herself could find nothing to blame when he\\nbroke through the first ranks on the bloody battle-field. As in these\\nlines the poet refers to what he had heard from his predecessors, who\\nhad themselves witnessed the hero s exploits, it is probable that this\\nbrave Smyrnaean lived about two generations before the period at which\\nMimnermus flourished that is precisely in the time of Gyges. As the\\npoet, at the outset of this fragment, says Not such, as I hear, was\\nthe courage and spirit of that warrior, c.|, we may conjecture that\\nthe bravery of this ancient Smyrnsean was contrasted with the effemi-\\nnacy and softness of the actual generation. It seems, however, that\\nMimnermus sought rather to work upon his countrymen by a melan-\\ncholy retrospect of this kind, than to stimulate them to energetic deeds\\nof valour by inspiriting appeals after the manner of Callinus and\\nTyrtaeus: nothing of this kind is cited from his poems.\\n10. On the other hand, both the statements of the ancients and the\\nextant fragments, show that Mimnermus recommended, as the only\\nconsolation in all these calamities and reverses, the enjoyment of the\\nbest part of life, and particularly love, which the gods had given as the\\nonly compensation for human ills. These sentiments were expressed in\\nhis celebrated elegy of Nanno, the most ancient erotic elegy of antiquity,\\nwhich took its name from a beautiful and much-loved flute player. Yet\\neven this elegy had contained allusions to political events: thus it\\nlamented how Smyrna had always been an apple of discord to the neigh-\\nbouring nations, and then proceeded with the verses already cited on the\\ntaking of the city by the Colophonians\u00c2\u00a7 the founder of Colophon, An-\\ndrsemon of Pylos, was also mentioned in it. But all these reflections\\non the past and present fortunes of the city were evidently intended only\\nto recommend the enjoyment of the passing hour, as life was only worth\\nix. 29. f iv. SI. Fragra. 11. ad Gaisford. Fragm. 9.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0122.jp2"}, "121": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 117\\nhaving while it could be devoted to love, before unseemly and anxious\\nold age comes on*. These ideas, which have since been so often re-\\npeated, are expressed by Mimnermus with almost irresistible grace. The\\nbeauty of youth and love appears with the greater charm when accom-\\npanied with the impression of its caducity, and the images of joy stand\\nout in the more vivid light as contrasted with the shadows of deep-seated\\ninelancholyt.\\n\u00c2\u00a711. With this soft Ionian, who even compassionates the God of the\\nSun for the toils which he must endure in order to illuminate the eartht,\\nSolon the Athenian forms an interesting contrast. Solon was a man\\nof the genuine Athenian stamp, and for that reason fitted to produce by\\nhis laws a permanent influence on the public and private life of his coun-\\ntrymen. In his character were combined the freedom and susceptibility\\nof the Asiatic Ionian, with the energy and firmness of purpose which\\nmarked the Athenian. By the former amiable and liberal tendencies\\nhe was led to favour a system of live and let live, which so strongly\\ndistinguishes his legislation from the severe discipline of the Spartan\\nconstitutions by the latter he was enabled to pursue his proposed ends\\nwith unremitting constancy. Hence, too, the elegy of Solon was dedi-\\ncated to the service of Mars as well as of the Muses and under the\\ncombined influence of a patriotic disposition like that of Callinus, and\\nof a more enlarged view of human nature, there arose poems of which\\nthe loss cannot be sufficiently lamented. But even the extant fragments\\nof them enable us to follow this great and noble-minded man through\\nall the chief epochs of his life.\\nThe elegy of Salamis, which Solon composed about Olymp. 44 (604\\nb. c.) had evidently more of the fire of youth in it than any other of his\\npoems. The remarkable circumstances under which it was written are\\nrelated by the ancients, from Demosthenes downwards, with tolerable\\nagreement, in the following manner. The Athenians had from an\\nearly period contested the possession of Salamis with the Megarians, and\\nthe great power of Athens was then so completely in its infancy, that\\nthey were not able to wrest this island from their Doric neighbours,\\nsmall as was the Megarian territory. The Athenians had suffered so\\nmany losses in the attempt, that they not only gave up all propositions in\\nthe popular assembly for the reconquest of Salamis, but even made it\\npenal to bring forward such a motion. Under these circumstances,\\nSolon one day suddenly appeared in the costume of a herald, with the\\nproper cap (w\u00c2\u00ab\\\\/oy) upon his head, having previously spread a report\\nthat he was mad sprang in the place of the popular assembly upon the\\nThat the subject of the elegy should not be contest and wai but the gifts of\\nthe Muses and Aphrodite for the embellishment of the banquet, is a sentiment also\\nexpressed by an Ionian later by two generations (Anacreon of Teos), who himself\\nalso composed elegies Ov pikiu Si xgnrygt tk^k TXtM oho 7roraZ 1 w/^ Ns/xsa no,) ToXspov\\nIxKpvoivrx, kiyu. (Athen. xi. p. 463.)\\nf Fragg. 1 5. J Fragm. 8.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0123.jp2"}, "122": {"fulltext": "1 IS HISTORY OF THE\\nMono where the heralds were wont to stand, and sang in an impassioned\\ntone in elegy, Which began with these words: I myself come as a\\nbet ld from the lovely island of Salamis, using song, the ornament of\\nwords, and not simple speech, to the people. It is manifest that the\\npoet feigned himself to be a herald sent from Salamis, and returned\\nfrom his mission by which fiction he was enabled to paint in far live-\\nlier colours than he could otherwise have done the hated dominion of the\\nMegarians over the island, and the reproaches which many Salaminian\\npartizans of Athens vented in secret against the Athenians. He described\\nthe disgrace which would fall upon the Athenians, if they did not re-\\nconquer the island, as intolerable. In that case (he said) I would\\nrather be an inhabitant of the meanest island than of Athens for wher-\\never I might live, the saying would quickly circulate This is one of\\nthe Athenians who have abandoned Salamis in so cowardly a man-\\nner*. And when Solon concluded with the words Let us go to\\nSalamis, to conquer the lovely island, and to wipe out our shame, the\\nyouths of Athens are said to have been seized with so eager a desire of\\nfighting, that an expedition against the Megarians of Salamis was un-\\ndertaken on the spot, which put the Athenians into possession of the\\nisland, though they did not retain it without interruption.\\n12. A character in many respects similar belongs to the elegy of\\nwhich Demosthenes cites a long passage in his contest with /Eschines\\non the embassy. This, too, is composed in the form of an exhortation\\nto the people. My feelings prompt me (says the poet) to declare to\\nthe Athenians how much mischief injustice brings over the city, and\\nthat justice everywhere restores a perfect and harmonious order of\\nthings. In this elegy Solon laments with bitter regret the evils in the\\npolitical state of the commonwealth, the insolence and rapacity of the\\nleaders of the people, i. e. of the popular party, and the misery of the\\npoor, many of whom were sold into slavery by the rich, and carried to\\nforeign countries. Hence it is clear that this elegy is anterior to Solon s\\nlegislation, which, as is well known, abolished slavery for debt, and\\nmade it impossible to deprive an insolvent debtor of his liberty.\\nThese verses give us a livelier picture of this unhappy period of Athens\\nthan any historical description. The misery of the people (says\\nSolon) forces itself into every man s house the doors of the court- yard\\nare no longer able to keep it out it springs over the lofty wall, and\\nfinds out the wretch, even if he has fled into the most secret part of\\nhis dwelling.\\nBut in other of Solon s elegies there is the expression of a subdued and\\ntranquil joy at the ameliorations brought about in Athens by his legisla-\\ntive measures (Olymp. 46, 3. 594 b. c), by which the holders of property\\nand the commonalty had each received their due share of consideration and\\nFragm. ib.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0124.jp2"}, "123": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 119\\npower, and both were protected by a firm shield*. But this feeling of\\ncalm satisfaction was not of long; continuance, as Solou observed and\\nsoon expressed his opinion in elegies, 4 that the people, in its ignorance,\\nwas bringing itself under the yoke of a monarch (Pisistratus), and that\\nit was not the gods, but the thoughtlessness with which the people put\\nthe means of obtaining the sovereign power into the hands of Pisistra-\\ntus, which had destroyed the liberties of Athens f.\\nSolon s elegies were therefore the pure expression of his political feel-\\nings a mirror of his patriotic sympathies with the weal and woe of his\\ncountry. They moreover exhibit an excited tone of sentiment in the\\npoet, called forth by the warm interest which he takes in the affairs of\\nthe community, and by the dangers which threaten its welfare. The\\nprevailing sentiment is a wide and comprehensive humanity. When\\nSolon had occasion to express feelings of a different cast when he\\nplaced himself in a hostile attitude towards his countrymen and contem-\\nporaries, and used sarcasm and rebuke, he employed not elegiac, but\\niambic and trochaic metres. The elegies of Solon are not indeed quite\\nfree from complaints and reproaches but these flow from the regard\\nfor the public interests, which animated his poetry. The repose which\\nalways follows an excited state of the mind, and of which Solon s elegies\\nwould naturally present the reflection, was found in the expression of\\nhopes for the future, of a calm reliance on the gods who had taken\\nAthens into their protection, and a serious contemplation of the conse-\\nquences of good or evil acts. From his habits of reflection, and of reli-\\nance on his understanding, rather than his feelings, his elegies contained\\nmore general remarks on human affairs than those of any of his prede-\\ncessors. Some considerable passages of this kind have been preserved\\none in which he divides human life into periods of seven years, and\\nassigns to each its proper physical and mental occupations J; another in\\nwhich the multifarious pursuits of men are described, and their inability\\nto command success for fate brings good and ill to mortals, and man\\ncannot escape from the destiny allotted to him by the gods\u00c2\u00a7. Many\\nmaxims of a worldly wisdom from Solon s elegies are likewise pre-\\nserved, in which wealth, and comfort, and sensual enjoyment are\\nrecommended, but only so far as was, according to Greek notions, con-\\nsistent with justice and fear of the gods. On account of these general\\nmaxims, which are called y^w/iou, sayings or apophthegms, Solon has\\nbeen reckoned among the gnomic poets, and his poems have been\\ndenominated gnomic elegies. This appellation is so far correct, that the\\ngnomic character predominates in Solon s poetry nevertheless it is to\\nbe borne in mind that this calm contemplation of mankind cannot\\nFragra. 20.\\nt Fragg. 18, 19. The fragm. 18 has received an additional distich from Diod.\\nExc. 1. vii. x. in Mai Script, vit. Nov. Coll, vol. ii. p. 21.\\nI Fragm. 14, Fragm. 5.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0125.jp2"}, "124": {"fulltext": "|20 HISTORY OF THE\\nalone constitute an elegy. For the unimpassioned enunciation of moral\\nSentences, the hexameter remained the most suitable form: hence the\\nsayings of 1 hocylides of Miletus (about Olymp. 60. b.c. 540), with\\nthe perpetually recurring introduction This, too, is a saying of Phocy-\\nlides appear, from the genuine remnants of them, to have consisted\\nonly of hexameters*.\\n13. The remains of Theognis, on the other hand, belong both in\\nmatter and form to the elegy properly so called, although in all that\\nrespects their connexion and their character as works of art, they have\\ncome down to us in so unintelligible a shape, that at first sight the most\\ncopious remains of any Greek elegiac poet that we possess for more\\nthan 1400 verses are preserved under the name of Theognis would\\nseem to throw less light on the character of the Greek elegy than the\\nmuch scantier fragments of Solon and Tyrta?us. It appears that from\\nthe time of Xenophon, Theognis was considered chiefly as a teacher of\\nwisdom and virtue, and that those parts of his writings which had a\\ngeneral application were far more prized than those which referred to\\nsome particular occasion. When, therefore, in later times it became\\nthe fashion to extract the general remarks and apophthegms from the\\npoets, everything was rejected from Theognis, by which his elegies\\nwere limited to particular situations, or obtained an individual colour-\\ning and the gnojnology or collection of apophthegms was formed,\\nwhich, after various revisions and the interpolation of some fragments\\nof other elegiac poets, is still extant. We know, however, that Theog-\\nnis composed complete elegies, especially one to the Sicilian Megari-\\nans, who escaped with their lives at the siege of Megara by Gelon\\n(Olymp. 74, 2. 4S3 b. c.) and the gnomic fragments themselves\\nexhibit in numerous places the traces of poems which were composed for\\nparticular objects, and which on the whole could not have been very\\ndifferent from the elegies of Tyrtaeus, Archilochus, and Solon. As in\\nthese poems of Theognis there is a perpetual reference to political sub-\\njects, it will be necessary first to cast a glance at the condition of\\nMegara in his time.\\n14. Megara, the Doric neighbour of Athens, had, after its separation\\nfrom Corinth, remained for a long time under the undisturbed domi-\\nnion of a Doric nobility, which founded its claim to the exercise of the\\nsovereign power both on its descent, and its possession of large landed\\nestates. But before the legislation of Solon, Theagenes had raised him-\\nself to absolute power over the Megarians by pretending to espouse\\nTwo distichs cited under the name of Phocylides, in which in the first person\\nhe expresses warmth and fidelity to friends, are probably the fragment of an elegy.\\nOn the other hand, there is a distich which has the appearance of a jocular appendix\\nto the yyvpx,, almost of a self-parcdy\\nKm Tih i uxvX ihu Aigioi xaxoi ov% o fitv, o; 3 oil\\nTlatrtS, ir .hv IlgoKXiev:, xat Tl^orXivs Aioiog.\\n(Gaisford, fragm. 5.;", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0126.jp2"}, "125": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 121\\nthe popular cause. After he had been overthrown, the aristocracy was\\nrestored, but only for a short period, as the commons rose with vio-\\nlence against the nobles, and founded a democracy, which however led\\nto such a state of anarchy, that the expelled nobles found the means of\\nregaining* their lost power. Now the poetry of Theognis, so far as its\\npolitical character extends, evidently falls in the beginning of this\\ndemocracy, probably nearer to the 70th (500 b. c.) than the 60th\\nOlympiad (540 b.c.) for Theognis, although according to the ancient\\naccounts he was born before the 60th Olympiad, yet from his own verses\\nappears to have lived to the. Persian war (Olymp. 75. 480 b. a). Re-\\nvolutions of this kind were in the ancient Greek states usually accom-\\npanied with divisions of the large landed estates among the commons\\nand by a fresh partition of the Megarian territory, made by the\\ndemocratic party, Theognis, who happened to be absent on a voyage,\\nwas deprived of the rich heritage of his ancestors. Hence he longs for\\nvengeance on the men who had spoiled him of his property, while he\\nhimself had only escaped with his life like a dog who throws every thing\\naway in order to cross a torrent and the cry of the crane, which gives\\nwarning of the season of tillage, reminds him of his fertile fields now in\\nother men s hands f. These fragments are therefore full of allusions to\\nthe violent political measures which in Greece usually accompanied the\\naccession of the democratic party to power. One of the principal\\nchanges on such occasions was commonly the adoption into the sove-\\nreign community of Periccci, that is, cultivators who were before excluded\\nfrom all share in the government. Of this Theognis says J, Cyrnus,\\nthis city is still the city, but a different people are in it, who formerly\\nknew nothing of courts of justice and laws, but wore their country dress\\nof goat skins at their work, and like timid deer dwelt at a distance from\\nthe town. And now they are the better class and those who were\\nformerly noble are now the mean who can endure to see these\\nthings The expressions good and bad men (ayaflot, evOXol and\\nKaicoly t)a\\\\ot), which in later times bore a purely moral signification, are\\nevidently used by Theognis in a political sense for nobles and commons\\nor rather his use of these words rests in fact upon the supposition that a\\nbrave spirit and honourable conduct can be expected only of men de-\\nscended from a family long tried in peace and war. Hence his chief\\ncomplaint is, that the good man, that is, the noble, is now of no account\\nas compared with the rich man and that wealth is the only object of\\nall. They honour riches, and thus the good marries the daughter of\\nthe bad, and the bad marries the daughter of the good wealth cor-\\nrupts the blood\u00c2\u00a7. Hence, son of Polypas, do not wonder if the race of\\nthe citizens loses its brightness, for good and bad are confounded to^e-\\nv. 345, seq. ed.Bekker. f v. 1297, seq. J 53, seq.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0127.jp2"}, "126": {"fulltext": "100 HISTORY OF THE\\nther Tlieo *nis doubtless made this complaint on the debasement of\\nthe Megarian nobility with the stronger feeling of bitterness, as he him-\\nself had been rejected by the parents of a young woman, whom he had\\ndesired to marry, and a far worse man, that is, a man of plebeian blood,\\nhad been preferred to himf- Yet the girl herself was captivated with\\nthe noble descent of Theognis she hated her ignoble husband, and\\ncame disguised to the poet, with the lightness of a little bird, as he\\nsays X\\nWith regard to the union of these fragments into entire elegies, it is\\nimportant to remark that all the complaints, warnings, and lessons\\nhaving a political reference, appear to be addressed to a single young\\nfriend of the poet, Cyrnus, the son of Polypas Wherever other\\nnames occur, either the subject is quite different, or it is at least treated\\nin a different manner. Thus there is a considerable fragment of an\\nelegy addressed by Theognis to a friend named Simonides, at the time\\nof the revolution, which in the poems addressed to Cyrnus is described\\nas passed by. In this passage the insurrection is described under the\\nfavourite image of a ship tossed about by winds and waves, while the\\ncrew have deposed the skilful steersman, and entrusted the guidance of\\nthe helm to the common working sailor. Let this (the poet adds) be\\nrevealed to the good in enigmatic language yet a bad man may under-\\nstand it, if he has sense. It is manifest that this poem was composed\\nduring a reign of terror, which checked the freedom of speech on the\\nother hand, in the poems addressed to Cyrnus, Theognis openly dis-\\nplays all his opinions and feelings. So far is he from concealing his\\nhatred of the popular party, that he wishes that he could drink the\\nblood of those who had deprived him of his property\\n15. On attempting to ascertain more precisely the relation of Cyrnus\\nto Theognis, it appears that the son of Polypas was a youth of noble\\nfamily, to whom Theognis bore a tender, but at the same time paternal,\\nregard, and whom he desires to see a good citizen, in his sense of\\nthe word. The interest felt by the poet in Cyrnus probably appeared\\nmuch more clearly in the complete elegies than in the gnomic extracts\\nnow preserved, in which the address to Cyrnus might appear a mere\\nsuperfluity. Several passages have, however, been preserved, in which\\nthe true state of his relation to Theognis is apparent. Cyrnus^[ (says\\nthe poet) when evil befals you, we all weep but grief for others is with\\nV. 189, seq. f v. 261, seq. V. 1091.\\nh Elmsley has remarked that TlokwrA is to be read as a patronymic. The\\nremark is certain, as Uo A-j7ra.ilyi never occurs before a consonant, but nine times be-\\nfore a vowel, and moreover in passages where the verse requires a dactyl. The\\nexhortations with the addresses K%= and TloXvvatiyi are also closely connected.\\n*o .v*a. s (with the long u has the same meaning as -zokv^^v, a rich proprietor.\\nII In v. G67\u00e2\u0080\u0094 32 there is a manifest allusion to the ynkwlcwpk in the verses\\nAcurpo; VqvkW l ro$ ylyvirKt I; to fAitrov.\\nv. 349.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0128.jp2"}, "127": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 123\\nyou only a transient feeling*. I have given you wing s, with which\\nyou will fly over sea and land, and will be present at all banquets, as\\nyoung men will sing of you to the flute. Even in future times your\\nname will be dear to all the lovers of song, so long as the earth and sun\\nendure. But to me you shew but little respect, deceiving me with\\nwords like a little boy f. It is plain that Cyrnus did not place in\\nTheognis that entire confidence which the poet desired. It cannot,\\nhowever, be doubted that these affectionate appeals and tender re-\\nproaches are to be taken in the sense of the earlier and pure Doric cus-\\ntom, and that no connexion of a criminal nature is to be understood,\\nwith which it would be inconsistent that the poet recommends a married\\nlife to the youth J. Cyrnus also is sufficiently old to be sent as a sacred\\nenvoy (dewpbg) to Delphi, in order to bring back an oracle to the city.\\nThe poet exhorts him to preserve it faithfully, and not to add or to omit\\na word\\nThe poems of Theognis, even in the form in which they are extant,\\nplace us in the middle of a circle of friends, who formed a kind of eat-\\ning society, like the philitia of Sparta, and like the ancient public tables\\nof Megara itself. The Spartan public tables are described to us as a\\nkind of aristocratic clubs and these societies in Megara might serve to\\nawaken and keep alive an aristocratic disposition. Theognis himself\\nthinks that those who, according to the original constitution of Megara,\\npossessed the chief power, were the only persons with whom any one\\nought to eat and drink, and to sit, and whom he should strive to please\\nIt is therefore manifest that all the friends whom Theognis names, not\\nonly Cyrnus and Simonides, but also Onomacritus, Clearistus, Demo-\\ncles, Demonax, and Timagoras, belonged to the class of the good,\\nalthough the political maxims are only addressed to Cyrnus. Various\\nevents in the Jives of these friends, or the qualities which each shewed\\nat their convivial meetings, furnished occasions for separate, but probably\\nshort elegies. In one the poet laments that Clearistus should have made\\nan unfortunate voyage, and promises him the assistance which is due to\\none connected with his family by ancient ties of hospitality^ in ano-\\nther he wishes a happy voyage to the same or another friend To\\nSimonides, as being the chief of the society, he addresses a farewell\\nelegy, exhorting him to leave to every guest his liberty, not to detain any\\none desirous to depart, or to waken the sleeping, c.tt; and to Onoma-\\ncritus the poet laments over the consequences of inordinate drinking JJ.\\nFew of the persons whom he addresses appear to have been without\\nthis circle of friends, although his fame had even in his lifetime spread\\nv. 653, seq. f v. 237, seq. v. 1225.\\nv. 805, seq. v. 3S,seq. v. r oll, seq. v. 691, seq.\\nff v. 469, seq. U v. 305, seq.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0129.jp2"}, "128": {"fulltext": "]0.| HISTORY OF THE\\nfar beyond Mcgara, by means of his travels as well as of his poetry\\nami his elegies were sung in many symposia*\\nThe poetry of Theognis is full of allusions to symposia so that from\\nit clear conception of the outward accompaniments of the elegy may\\nbe formed. When the guests were satisfied with eating, the cups were\\nfilled for the solemn libation and at this ceremony a prayer was offered\\nto the gods, especially to Apollo, which in many districts of Greece was\\nexpanded into a poean. Here began the more joyous and noisy part of\\nthe banquet, which Theognis (as well as Pindar) calls in general\\nkwjuoc, although this word in a narrower sense also signified the tumul-\\ntuous throng of the guests departing from the feast t. Now the Comos\\nwas usually accompanied with the flute hence Theognis speaks in so\\nmany places of the accompaniment of the flute-player to the poems sung\\nin the intervals of drinking while the lyre and cithara (or phorminx)\\nare rarely mentioned, and then chiefly in reference to the song at the\\nlibation And this was the appropriate occasion for the elegy, which\\nwas sung by one of the guests to the sound of a flute, being either\\naddressed to the company at large, or (as is always the case in Theognis)\\nto a single guest.\\n16. We have next to speak of the poems of a man different in his\\ncharacter from any of the elegiac poets hitherto treated of; a philoso-\\npher, whose metaphysical speculations will be considered in a future\\nchapter. Xenophanes of Colophon, who about the 68th Olympiad\\n(508 b. c.) founded the celebrated school of Elea, at an earlier period,\\nwhile he was still living at Colophon, gave vent to his thoughts and\\nfeelings on the circumstances surrounding him, in the form of elegies^]\\nThese elegies, like those of Archilochus, Solon, Theognis, c. were\\nsymposiac there is preserved in Athenaeus a considerable fragment, in\\nwhich the beginning of a symposion is described with much distinctness\\nand elegance, and the guests are exhorted, after the libation and song\\nof praise to the gods, to celebrate over their cups brave deeds and the\\nexploits of youths (i. e. in elegiac strains) and not to sing the fictions\\nTheognis himself mentions that he had been in Sicily, Euboea, and Sparta, v.\\n387, seq. In Sicily he composed the elegy for his countrymen, which has been men-\\ntioned ia the text, the colonists from Megara ofMegara Hyblaea. The verses 891 4\\nmust have been written in Eubcea. Many allusions to Sparta occur, and the pas-\\nsage v. 880 4 is probably from an elegy written by Theognis for a Spartan friend,\\nwho had a vineyard on Taygetus. The most difficult of explanation are v. 1200 and\\n1211, seq., which can scarcely be reconciled with the circumstances of the life of\\nTheognis.\\nSeeTheogn. v. 829,940, 1046, 1065, 1207.\\nI See above p. 21.\\nv. 241, 761, 825, 941, 975, 1041, 1056, 1065.\\nv. 534, 761, 791.\\nThere are, however, in Diogenes Laertius elegiac verses of Xenophanes, in\\nwhich he states himself to be ninety-two years old, and speaks of his wanderings\\nin Greece.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0130.jp2"}, "129": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 125\\nof ancient poets on the battles of Titans, or giants, or centaurs, and such\\nlike stories. From this it is evident that Xenophanes took no pleasure in\\nthe ordinary amusements at the banquets of his countrymen and from\\nother fragments of the same writer, it also appears that he viewed the\\nlife of the Greeks with the eye of a philosopher. Not only does he blame\\nthe luxury of the Colophonians, which they had learnt from the\\nLydians*, but also the folly of the Greeks in valuing- an athlete who had\\nbeen victorious at Olympia in running or wrestling, higher than the\\nwise man a judgment which, however reasonable in our eyes, must\\nhave seemed exceedingly perverse to the Greeks of his days.\\n17. As we intend in this chapter to bring down the history of the\\nelegy to the Persian war, we must also mention Simonides of Ceos, the\\nrenowned lyric poet, the early contemporary of Pindar and iEschylus,\\nand so distinguished in elegy that he must be included among the great\\nmasters of the elegiac song. Simonides is stated to have been vic-\\ntorious at Athens over iEschylus himself, in an elegy in honour of those\\nwho fell at Marathon (Olymp. 72, 3 490 b. a), the Athenians having\\ninstituted a contest of the chief poets. The ancient biographer of M\\nchylus, who gives this account, adds in explanation, that the elegy re-\\nquires a tenderness of feeling which was foreign to the character of\\niEschylus. To what a degree Simonides possessed this quality, and in\\ngeneral how great a master he was of the pathetic is proved by his cele-\\nbrated lyric piece containing the lament of Danae, and by other remains\\nof his poetry. Probably, also, in the elegies upon those who died at\\nMarathon and at Platsea, he did not omit to bewail the death of so many\\nbrave men, and to introduce the sorrows of the widows and orphans,\\nwhich was quite consistent with a lofty patriotic tone, particularly at the\\nend of the poem. Simonides likewise, like Archilochus and others,\\nused the elegy as a plaintive song for the deaths of individuals at least\\nthe Greek Anthology contains several pieces of Simonides, which appear\\nnot to be entire epigrams, but fragments of longer elegies lamenting\\nwith heartfelt pathos the death of persons dear to the poet. Among\\nthese are the verses concerning Gorgo, who dying, utters these words to\\nher mother: Remain here with my father, and become with a happier\\nfate the mother of another daughter, who may tend you in your old\\nage.\\nFrom this example we again see how the elegy in the hands of\\ndifferent masters sometimes obtained a softer and more pathetic, and\\nsometimes a more manly and robust tone. Nevertheless there is no\\nreason for dividing the elegy into different kinds, such as the military,\\npolitical, symposiac, erotic, threnetic, and gnomic inasmuch as some of\\nThe thousand persons cloathed in purple, who, before the lime of the Ttjrants,\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0were, according to Xenophanes (in Athen. xii. p. 526), together in the market-place,\\nformed an aristocratic body among the citizens (ro noXiTivpu) such as, at this time\\nof transition from the ancient hereditary aristocracies to democracy, also existed in\\nlihegium, Locri, Croton, Agrigentum and Cyme in yEolis.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0131.jp2"}, "130": {"fulltext": "125 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe o characters are at times combined in the same poem. Thus the\\nekgl W\u00c2\u00ab* usuallv, as we have seen, sung at the symposion and, in most\\nones, its main subject is political; after which it assumes either an\\namatory, a plaintive, or a sententious tone. At the same time the elegy\\n;ihvavs retains its appropriate character, from which it never departs.\\nThe feeling s of the poet, excited by outward circumstances, seek a vent\\nat the symposion, either amidst his friends or sometimes in a larger\\nassembly, and assume a poetical form. A free and full expression of the\\npoet s sentiments is of the essence of the Greek elegy. This giving a\\nvent to the feelings is in itself tranquillizing and as the mind disbur-\\ndens itself of its alarms and anxieties a more composed state naturally\\nensued, with which the poem closed. PWhen the Greek nation arrived at\\nthe period at which men began to express in a proverbial form general\\nmaxims of conduct, a period beginning with the age of the Seven Wise\\nMen, these maxims, or y v fiai, were the means by which the elegiac poets\\nsubsided from emotion into calmness. So far the elegy of Solon, Theog-\\nnis, and Xenophanes, may be considered as gnomic, although it did not\\ntherefore assume an essentially new character. That in the Alexandrine\\nperiod of literature the elegy assumed a different tone, which was, in\\npart, borrowed by the Roman poets, will be shown in a future chapter.\\n18. This place is the most convenient for mentioning a subordinate\\nkind of poetry, the epigram, as the elegiac form was the best suited to\\nit; although there are also epigrams composed in hexameters and other\\nmetres. The epigram was originally (as its name purports) an inscrip-\\ntion on a tombstone, on a votive offering in a temple, or on any other\\nobject which required explanation. Afterwards, from the analogy of\\nthese real epigrams, thoughts, excited by the view of any object, and\\nwhich might have served as an inscription, were called epigrams, and\\nexpressed in the same form. That this form was the elegiac may have\\narisen from the circumstance that epitaphs appeared closely allied with\\nlaments for the dead, which (as has been already shown) were at an\\nearly period composed in this metre. However, as this elegy compre-\\nhended all the events of life which caused a strong emotion, so the\\nepigram might be equally in place on a monument of war, and on the\\nsepulchral pillar of a beloved kinsman or friend. It is true that the\\nmere statement of the purpose and meaning of the object,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 for exam-\\nple, in a sacred offering, the person who gave it, the god to whom it was\\ndedicated, and the subject which it represented was much prized, if\\nmade with conciseness and elegance. and epigrams of this kind were\\noften ascribed to renowned poets, in which there is no excellence\\nbesides the brevity and completeness of these statements, and the per-\\nfect adaptation of the metrical form to the thought. Nevertheless, in\\ngeneral, the object of the Greek epigram is to ennoble a subject by\\nelevation of thought and beauty of language. The unexpected turn of\\nthe thought and the pointedness of expression, which the moderns con-", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0132.jp2"}, "131": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 127\\nsider as the essence of this species of composition, were not required in\\nthe ancient Greek epigram in which nothing more is requisite than that\\nthe entire thought should be conveyed within the limits of a few dis-\\ntichs: and thus in the hands of the early poets the epigram was\\nremarkable for the conciseness and expressiveness of its language\\ndiffering in this respect from the elegy, in which a full vent was given\\nto the feelings of the poet. I\\nEpigrams were probably composed in an elegiac form, shortly after\\nthe time when the elegy first arose and the Anthology contains some\\nunder the celebrated names of Archilochus, Sappho, and Anacreon.\\nNo peculiar character, however, is to be observed in the genuine epi-\\ngrams of this early period. It was Simonides, with whom we have\\nclosed the series of elegiac poets, who first gave to the epigram the\\nperfection of which, consistently with its purpose, it was capable. In\\nthis respect Simonides was favoured by the circumstances of his time\\nfor on account of the high consideration which he enjoyed both in\\nAthens and Peloponnesus, he was frequently employed by the states\\nwhich fought against the Persians to adorn with inscriptions the tombs\\nof their fallen warriors. The best and most celebrated of these epi-\\ntaphs is the inimitable inscription on the Spartans who died at Ther-\\nmopylae, which actually existed on the spot Foreigner, tell the\\nLacedaemonians that we are lying here in obedience to their laws*.\\nNever was heroic courage expressed with such calm and unadorned\\ngrandeur. In all these epigrams of Simonides the characteristic peculia-\\nrity of the battle in which the warriors fell is seized. Thus in the\\nepigram on the Athenians who died at Marathon Fighting in the\\nvan of the Greeks, the Athenians at Marathon destroyed the power of\\nthe glittering Mediansf. There are besides not a few epigrams of\\nSimonides which were intended for the tombstones of individuals\\namong these we will only mention one which diners from the others in\\nbeing a sarcasm in the form of an epitaph. It is that on the Rhodian\\nlyric poet and athlete Timocreon, an opponent of Simonides in Iris art\\nHaving eaten much, and drunk much, and said much evil of other\\nmen, here I lie, Timocreon the Rhodian J. With the epitaphs are\\nnaturally connected the inscriptions on sacred offerings, especially where\\nboth refer to the Persian war the former being the discharge of a debt\\nto the dead, the latter a thanksgiving of the survivors to the gods.\\nAmong these one of the best refers to the battle of Marathon, which,\\nfrom the neatness and elegance of the expression, loses its chief beauty\\nin a prose translation It was inscribed on the statue of Pan, which\\nSimonides, fr. 27. ed. Gaisford.\\n-r In Lycurgus and Aristides. Fr. 58.\\nThe words are these (fr. lb\\nTov r^ayoTovv l/u,\\\\ n\u00c2\u00abv#, rov Aqkuc", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0133.jp2"}, "132": {"fulltext": "J2S HISTORY OF THE\\nthe Athenians had set up in a grotto under their acropolis, because the\\nulian god had, according to the popular belief, assisted them at\\nMarathon. Miltiades set up me, the cloven-footed Pan, the Arca-\\ndian, who took part against the Medians, and with the Athenians.\\nBut Simonides sometimes condescended to express sentiments which he\\ncould not have shared, as in the inscription on the tripod consecrated at\\nDelphi, which the Greeks afterwards caused to be erased Pausanias,\\nthe commander of the Greeks, having destroyed the army of the Medes,\\ndedicated this monument to Phoebus*. These verses express the arro-\\ngance of the Spartan general, which the good sense and moderation of\\nthe poet would never have approved. The form of nearly all these epi-\\ngrams of Simonides is the elegiac. Simonides usually adhered to it\\nexcept when a name (on account of a short between two long syllables)\\ncould not be adapted to the dactylic metref in which cases he employed\\ntrochaic measures. The character of the language, and especially the\\ndialect, also remained on the whole true to the elegiac type, except that\\nin inscriptions for monuments designed for Doric tribes, traces of the\\nDoric dialect sometimes occur.\\nCHAPTER XT.\\n1. Striking contrast of the Iambic and other contemporaneous Poetry. 2.\\nPoetry in reference to the bad and the vulgar. 3. Different treatment of it in\\nHomer and Hesiod. 6 4. Homeric Comic Poems, Margites, c. 5. Scurri-\\nlous songs at meals, at the worship of Demeter the Festival of Demeter of Paros\\nthe cradle of the Iambic poetry of Archilochus. 6. Date and Public Life of\\nArchilochus. 7. His Private Life subject of his Iambics. 8. Metrical form\\nof his iambic and trochaic verses, and different application of the two asynaitetes\\nepodes. 9. Inventions and innovations in the musical recitation. 10. In-\\nnovations in Language. 11. Simonides of Amorgus; his Satirical Poem against\\nWomen. 12. Solon s iambics and trochaics. 13. Iambic Poems of Hippo-\\nnax invention of choliambics Ananias. 14. The Fable its application\\namong the Greeks, especially in Iambic poetry. 15. Kinds of the Fable, named\\nafter different races and cities. 16. iEsop, his Life, and the Character of his\\nFables. 17. Parody, burlesques in an epic form, by Hipponax. 18. Batra-\\nchomyomachia.\\n1. The kind of poetry distinguished among the ancients by the name\\nIambic, was created by the Parian poet Archilochus, at the same time\\nas the elegy. In entering on the consideration of this sort of poetry,\\nand in endeavouring by the same process as we have heretofore em-\\nployed to trace its origin to the character of the Grecian people, and to\\nestimate its poetical and moral value, we are met at the first glance by\\nfacts more difficult, and apparently more impossible of comprehension,\\nthan any we have hitherto encountered. At a time when the Greeks,\\nr 40. f As Apxivxvrvg, Wvrovixoi.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0134.jp2"}, "133": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 129\\naccustomed only to the calm unimpassioned tone of the Epos, had but\\njust found a temperate expression of livelier emotions in the elegy,\\nthis kind of poetry, which has nothing in common with the Epos,\\neither in form or in matter, arose. It was a light tripping measure,\\nsometimes loosely constructed or purposely halting and broken, and\\nwell adapted to vituperation, unrestrained by any regard to morality or\\ndecency*.\\nThe ancients drew a lively image of this bitter and unscrupulous\\nspirit of slanderous attack in the well-known story of the daughters of\\nLycambes, who hanged themselves from shame and vexation. Yet\\nthis sarcastic Archilochus, this venomous libeller, was esteemed by\\nantiquity not only an unrivalled master in his peculiar line, but, gene-\\nrally, the first poet after Homerf. Where, we are compelled to ask,\\nis the soaring flight of the soul which distinguishes the true poet\\nWhere that beauty of delineation which confers grace and dignity even\\non the most ordinary details\\n2. But Poetry has not only lent herself, in every age, to the descrip-\\ntions of a beautiful and magnificent world, in which the natural powers\\nrevealed to us by our own experience are invested with a might and a\\nperfection surpassing truth she has also turned back her glance upon\\nthe reality by which she was surrounded, with all its wants and its\\nweaknesses and the more she was filled with the beauty and the\\nmajestic grace of her own ideal world, the more deeply did she feel,\\nthe more vividly express, the evils and the deficiencies attendant on\\nman s condition. The modes in which Poetry has accomplished this\\nhave been various; as various as the tempers and the characters of\\nthose whom she has inspired.\\nA man of a serene and cheerful cast of mind, satisfied with the order\\nof the universe, regarding the great and the beautiful in nature and\\nin human things with love and admiration, though he distinctly per-\\nceives the defective and the bad, does not suffer his perception of\\nthem to disturb his enjoyment of the whole he contemplates it as the\\nshade in a picture, which serves but to bring out, not to obscure, the\\nbrilliancy of the principal parts. A light jest drops from the poet s\\ntongue, a pitying smile plays on his lip but they do not darken or\\ndeform the lofty beauty of his creations.\\nThe thoughts, the occupations, of another are more intimately\\nblended with the incidents and the conditions of social and civil life and\\nas a more painful experience of all the errors and perversities of man\\nis thus forced upon him, his voice, even in poetry, will assume a more\\nangry and vehement tone. And yet even this voice of harsh rebuke\\nAvcriruvTis etpfioif raging iambics, says the Emperor Hadrian. (Brunck, Anal. ii.\\np. 286.;\\nIn celeres iambos misit furentem. Horace.\\nf Maximus poeta aut certe summo proximus as he is called in Valerius Maximus.\\nK", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0135.jp2"}, "134": {"fulltext": "130 HISTORY OF THE\\nmay be poetical, when it is accompanied by a pure and noble conception\\noi things as they ought to be.\\ni more, the poet may himself suffer from the assaults of human\\nMarions. He may himself be stained with the vices and the weak-\\nnesses of human nature, and his voice may be poured forth from amidst\\nthe whirl and the conflict of the passions, and may be troubled, not only\\nby disgust at the sight of interruptions to the moral order of the world,\\nbut by personal resentments and hatreds. The ancients in their\\nday, and we in ours, have bestowed admiring sympathy on such a poet,\\nif the expressions of his scorn and his hate did but betray an unusual\\nvehemence of feeling- and vigour of thought and if, through all the\\npassionate confusion of his spirit, gleams of a nature susceptible of\\nnoble sentiments were apparent for the impotent rage of a vulgar\\nmind will never rise to the dignity of poetry, even though it be adorned\\nwith all the graces of language.\\n3. Here, as in many other places, it will be useful to recur\\nto the two epic poets of antiquity, the authors of all the principles\\nof Greek literature. Homer, spite of the solemnity and loftiness\\nof epic poetry, is full of archness and humour; but it is of that\\ncheerful and good-natured character which tends rather to increase\\nthan to disturb enjoyment. Thersites is treated with unqualified\\nseverity and we perceive the peculiar disgust of the monarchi-\\ncally disposed poet at such inciters of the people, who slander every-\\nthing distinguished and exalted, merely because they are below\\nit. But it must be remarked that Thersites is a very subordinate\\nfigure in the group of heroes, and serves only as a foil to those\\nwho, like Ulysses, hold dominion over the people as guides and\\nrulers. When, however, persons of a nobler sort are exhibited in\\na comic light, as, for instance, Agamemnon, blinded by Zeus and\\nconfident in his delusion and in his supposed wisdom it is done\\nwith such a delicacy of handling that the hero hardly loses any of his\\ndignity in our eyes. In this way the comedy of Homer (if we may\\nuse the expression) dared even to touch the gods, and in the loftiest\\nregions found subjects for humorous descriptions: for, as the gods\\npresided over the moral order of the universe only as a body, and no\\nindividual god could exercise his special functions without regard to the\\nprerogatives of others, Ares, Aphrodite, and Hermes might serve as\\ntypes of the perfection of quarrelsome violence, of female weakness, and\\nof finished cunning, without ceasing to have their due share of the\\nhonours paid to divinity.\\nOf a totally different kind is the wit of Hesiod; especially as it is\\nemployed in the Theogony against the daughters of Pandora, the female\\nsex. This has its source in a strong feeling of disgust and indignation,\\nSee ch. v. 8.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0136.jp2"}, "135": {"fulltext": "Literature op ancient Greece. 131\\nwhich leads the poet, in the bitterness of his mood, to overstep the bounds\\nof justice, and to deny all virtue to women.\\nIn the Works and Days, too, which afford him frequent opportunities\\nfor censure, Hesiod is not deficient in a kind of wit which exhibits the\\nbad and the contemptible with striking- vigour but his wit is never\\nthat g ay humour which characterises the Homeric poetry, of which\\nit is the singular property to reconcile the frail and the faulty with the\\ngrand and the elevated, and to blend both in one harmonious idea.\\n4. Before, however, we come to the consideration of the third stage\\nof the poetical representation of the bad and the despicable, the exist-\\nence of which we have hinted at in our mention of Archilochus, we must\\nremark that even the early epic poetry contained not only scattered\\ntraits of pleasantry and satire, but also entire pictures in the same tone,\\nwhich formed small epics. On this head we have great reason to\\nlament the loss of the Margites, which Aristotle, in his Poetics, ascribes,\\naccording to the opinion current among the Greeks, to Homer himself,\\nand regards as the ground-work of comedy, in like manner as he regards\\nthe Iliad and the Odyssey as the precursors of tragedy. He likewise\\nplaces the Margites in the same class with poems written in the iambic\\nmetre; but he seems to mean that the iambus was not employed\\nfor this class of poetry till subsequently to this poem. Hence it\\nis extremely probable that the iambic verses which, according to\\nthe ancient grammarians, were introduced irregularly into the Mar-\\ngites, were interpolated in a later version, perhaps by Pigres the Hali-\\ncarnassian, the brother of Artemisia, who is also called the author\\nof this poem*.\\nFrom the few fragments and notices relative to the Homeric Margites\\nwhich have come down to us, we can gather that it was a representa-\\ntion of a stupid man, who had a high opinion of his own cleverness, for\\nhe was said to know many works, but know all badly f; and we\\ndiscover from a story preserved by Eustathius that it was necessary to\\nhold out to him very subtle reasons to induce him to do things which\\nrequired but a very small portion of intellect J.\\nThere were several other facetious small epics which bore the name of\\nHomer such as the poem of the Cercopes, those malicious, and yet merry\\nelves whom Hercules takes prisoners after they have played him many\\nmischievous tricks, and drags them about till they escape from him by\\nThus the beginning of the Margites was as follows\\nT HX^s ri$ us KoXo puva yigwv xki duos ccot}os\\nMovcrxuv 6ipu, 7rwv kou Ix /ifibkou A rdXhuvo$,\\n$ikris ix uv iv X l 9\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 ^tS P^yyov Xvgw.\\nConcerning Pigres, see below, 18. He also interpolated the Iliad with penta-\\nmeters.\\nf riaAX yi-ria-rccro igyu, xuxus S ri ricrrccro vrctvrcc.\\nt Eustath. ad Od. x. 552, p. 1669, ed. Rom.\\nk2", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0137.jp2"}, "136": {"fulltext": "132 HISTORY OF THE\\nfresh stratagems the Datrachomyomachia, which we shall have occa-\\nsion to mention hereafter as an example of parody; the Seven\\ntimes shorn Goat (tut, eTrrdrreKTog), and the Song of the Fieldfares\\n(irucixktfe which Homer is said to hare sung to the boys for field-\\nfares. Some few such pleasantries have come down to us, particularly the\\npoem of the Pot-kiln ap oc kepapc), which applies the imagina-\\ntion and mythological machinery of the epic style to the business of\\npottery.\\n5. These humorous poems are too innocuous and too free from\\npersonal attacks to have much resemblance to the caustic iambics of\\nArchilochus. More akin to them undoubtedly were the satirical songs\\nwhich, according to the Homeric hymn to Hermes, the young men sang\\nextemporaneously in a sort of wanton mutual defiance*. At the public\\ntables of Sparta, also, keen and pointed raillery was permitted, and con-\\nversation seasoned with Spartan salt was not held to afford any reasonable\\nground of offence to those who took part in it. But an occasion for yet\\nmore audacious and unsparing jest was afforded to the Greeks by some\\nof the most venerable and sacred of their religious rites the per-\\nmission, or rather encouragement to wanton and unrestrained jokes\\non everything affording matter for such ebullitions of mirth, con-\\nnected with certain festivals of Demeter, and the deities allied to her.\\nIt was a law at these festivals that the persons engaged in their cele-\\nbration should, on certain days, banter all who came in their way, and\\nassail thein with keen and licentious raillery t- This was the case at the\\nmystic festival of Demeter at Eleusis, among others. Hence, also, Ari-\\nstophanes in the Frogs introduces a chorus of the initiated, who lead\\na blissful life in the infernal regions, and makes them pray to Demeter\\nthat she would grant them to sport and dance securely the livelong-\\nday, and have much jocose and much serious talk and, if the festival\\nhad been worthily honoured by jest and merriment, that they might be\\ncrowned as victors. The chorus also, after inviting the jolly god\\nIacchus to take part in its dances, immediately proceeds to exercise\\nits wit in satirical verses on various Athenian demagogues and cowards.\\nV. b5seq., ccvrotr^ih tn; tin xougoi\\nfifiureti SaXi Affi vxgcit(ZokK xtgreftzouffiv.\\nT Concerning the legality of this religious license there is an important passage\\nin Aristotle, Pol. vii. 15. We will set down the entire passage as we understand it\\nAs we banish from the state the speaking of indecent things, it is clear that we\\nalso prohibit indecent pictures and representations. The magistrate must therefore\\nprovide that no statue or picture of this kind exist, except for certain deities, of the\\nclass to Avhich the law allows scurrilous jesting (oh ko) rh ru6ttffp.lv a. x dftvff\u00c2\u00bb i\\nMftos). At temples of this kind the law also permits all persons of a mature age to\\npray to the gods for themselves, their children and wives. But younger persons\\nought to be prohibited from being present at the recitation of iambic verses, or at\\ncomedies, until they have reached the age at which they may sit at table and drink\\nto intoxicatiou.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0138.jp2"}, "137": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 133\\nThis raillery was so ancient and inveterate a custom that it had given\\nrise to a peculiar word, which originally denoted nothing but the jest,\\nand banter used at the festivals of Demeter, namely, Iambus*. This\\nwas soon converted into a mythological person, the maid Iambe, who by\\nsome jest first drew a smile from Demeter bewailing her lost daughter,\\nand induced her to take the barley drink of the cyceon a legend\\nnative to Eleusis, which the Homerid who composed the hymn to\\nDemeter has worked up into an epic form. If we consider that,\\naccording to the testimony of the same hymn, the island of Paros, the\\nbirth-place of Archilochus, was regarded as, next to Eleusis, the peculiar\\nseat of Demeter and Cora that the Parian colony Thasos, in the settle-\\nment of which Archilochus himself had a share, embraced the mystic\\nrites of Demeter as the most important worshipt that Archilochus him-\\nself obtained the prize of victory over many competitors for a hymn to\\nDemeter, and that one whole division of his songs, called the Io-bacchi,\\nwere consecrated to the service of Demeter and the allied worship of\\nBacchus I we shall entertain no doubt that these festal customs af-\\nforded Archilochus an occasion of producing his unbridled iambics,\\nfor which the manners of the Greeks furnished no other time or place\\nand that with his wit and talent he created a new kind of poetry out\\nof the raillery which had hitherto been uttered extempore. All the\\nwanton extravagance which was elsewhere repressed and held in\\ncheck by law and custom, here, under the protection of religion, burst\\nforth with boundless license and these scurrilous effusions were at\\nlength reduced by Archilochus into the systematic form of iambic\\nmetre.\\n6. The time at which this took place was the same with that in\\nwhich the elegy arose, or but little later. Archilochus was a son\\nof Telesicles, who, in obedience to a Delphic oracle, led a colony from\\nParos to Thasos. The establishment of this colony is fixed by the\\nancients at the 15th or 18th Olympiad (720 or 708 B.C.) with which\\nit perfectly agrees, that the date at which Archilochus flourished is,\\naccording to the chronologists of antiquity, the 23rd Olympiad\\n(688 b. c.) though it is often placed lower. According to this calcula-\\ntion, Archilochus began his poetical career in the latter years of the\\nis vain to seek an etymology for the word iambus the most probable suppo-\\nSjthat it originated in exclamations, oXoXvypo), expressive of joy. Similar in\\nIt is\\nsition is,\\nform are fyiuplZos, the Bacchic festival procession h^vguy^e;, a Bacchic hymn, and\\nSvpfios, also a kind of Bacchic song.\\nf The great painter Polygnotus, a native of Thasos, contemporary with Cimon,\\nin the painting of the infernal regions, which he executed at Delphi, repre-\\nsented in the boat of Charon the Parian priestess Cleoboea, who had brought this\\nmystic worship to Thasos.\\nJ Ari{xnrpo$ ccyvn$ xa) Kogfis r ;v rtav/iyu^iv tr ifoMV,\\nis a verse from these poems preserved by Hephsestion, fragm, 68, Gaisford.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0139.jp2"}, "138": {"fulltext": "134 HISTORY OF THE\\nLvdian kino: Gyges, whose wealth he mentions in a verse still extant*\\nbut is mainly to be regarded as the contemporary of Ardys (from Olymp.\\n2: 3 to 37,-1. b.c. 678 29). In another versef he mentions the cala-\\nmities of Magnesia, which befel that city through the Treres, and,\\n,s we have seen, not in the earliest part of Ardys reignj. Archilochus\\ndraws a comparison between the misery of Magnesia and the melancholy\\ncondition of Thasos, whither he was led by his family, and was dis-\\nappointed in his hopes of finding the mountains of gold they had\\nexpected. The Thasians seem, indeed, never to have been contented\\nwith their island, though its fertility and its mines might have yielded a\\nconsiderable revenue, and to have tried to get possession of the opposite\\ncoast of Thrace, abounding in gold and in wine an attempt which\\ninvolved them in wars not only with the natives of that country for\\nexample the Saians but also with the early Greek colonists. We\\nfind in fragments of Archilochus that they had, even in his time,\\nextended their incursions so far eastward as to come into conflict\\nwith the inhabitants of Maronea for the possession of Stryme winch\\nat a later period, during the Persian war, was regarded as a city of\\nthe Thasians. Dissatisfied with the posture of affairs, which the poet\\noften represents as desperate, (in such expressions as, that the cala-\\nmities of all Hellas were found combined in Thasos, that the stone of\\nTantalus was hanging over their heads, c.,)^[ Archilochus must have\\nquitted Thasos and returned to Paros, since we are informed by credible\\nwriters that he lost his life in a war between the Parians and the inha-\\nbitants of the neighbouring island of Naxos.\\n7. From these facts it appears, that the public life of Archi-\\nlochus was agitated and unsettled but his private life was still more\\nexposed to the conflict of contending passions. He had courted a\\nParian girl, Neobule, the daughter of Lycambes, and his trochaic\\npoems expressed the violent passion with which she had inspired\\nhim**. Lycambes had actually promised him his daughterft, and\\nwe are ignorant what induced him to withdraw his consent. The rage\\nwith which Archilochus assailed the family, now knew no bounds;\\nand he not only accused Lycambes of perjury, but Neobule and her\\nsisters of the most abandoned lives. It is unintelligible how the\\nParians could suffer the exasperated poet to heap such virulent\\nabuse on persons with whom he had shortly before so earnestly desired\\nto connect himself, had not these iambics first appeared at a fes-\\ntival whose solemnization gave impunity to every license and had it\\nnot been regarded as a privilege of this kind of poetry to exag-\\ngerate at will the evil reports for which any ground existed, and\\nFragm. 10. -j- Fragm. 71. The reading e\u00c2\u00abwv in this fragment is conjectural.\\nI Comp. ch. x. 4. Ch. x. 7.\\nSee Harpocrttion in i*^ qr Fragm 21 43 Fr 25 26#\\ntt Ita is evident from fr. 83, 3 5wr J lWw Xa Ti J r{", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0140.jp2"}, "139": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 135\\nin the delineation of offences which deserved some reproof to give\\nthe reins to the fancy. The ostensible object of Archilochus s iambics,\\nlike that of the later comedy, was to give reality to caricatures, every\\nhideous feature of which was made more striking by being mag-\\nnified. But that these pictures, like caricatures from the hand of a\\nmastey, had a striking truth, maybe inferred from the impression which\\nArchilochus s iambics produced, both upon contemporaries and posterity.\\nMere calumnies could never have driven the daughters of Lycambes\\nto hang themselves, if, indeed, this story is to be believed, and is\\nnot a gross exaggeration. But we have no need of it; the uni\\nversal admiration which was awarded to Archilochus s iambics, proves\\nthe existence of a foundation of truth for when had a satire which\\nwas not based on truth universal reputation for excellence? When\\nPlato produced his first dialogues against the sophists, Gorgias is said\\nto have exclaimed, Athens has given birth to a new Archilochus.\\nThis comparison, made by a man not unacquainted with art, shows\\nat all events that Archilochus must have possessed somewhat of the keen\\nand delicate satire which in Plato is most severe where a dull listener\\nwould be least sensible of it.\\n8. Unluckily, however, we can form but an imperfect idea of the\\ngeneral character and tone of Archilochus s poetry; and we can\\nonly lament a loss such as has perhaps hardly been sustained in the\\nworks of any other Greek poet. Horace s epodes are, as he himself\\nsays, formed on the model of Archilochus, as to form and spirit*, but\\nnot as to subject and we can but rarely detect or divine a direct imi-\\ntation of the Parian poetf.\\nAll that we can now hope to obtain is the knowledge of the external\\nform, especially the metrical structure of Archilochus s poems and if\\nwe look to this alone, we must regard Archilochus as one of those\\ncreative minds which discover the aptest expression for new directions\\nof human thought. While the metrical form of the epos was founded\\nupon the dactyl, which, from the equality of the arsis and thesis, has a\\ncharacter of repose and steadiness, Archilochus constructed his metres\\nout of that sort of rhythm which the ancient writers called the double\\n(yevog SnrXacriov), because the arsis has twice the length of the thesis.\\nHence arose, according as the thesis is at the beginning or the end, the\\niambus or the trochee, which have the common character of lightness\\nParios ego primus iambos\\nOstendi Latio, numeros animqgque secutus\\nArchilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben.\\n(Horat. Ep. i. 19, 23.)\\nf The complaint about perjury (Epod. xv.) agrees well with the relations of\\nArchilochus to the family of Lycambes. The proposal to go to the islands of the\\nblessed, in order to escape all misery, in Epod. xvi., would be more natural in the\\nmouth of* Archilochus. directed to the Thasian colony, than in that of Horace. The\\nNeobule of Horace is Canidia, but with great alterations.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0141.jp2"}, "140": {"fulltext": "13(i HISTORY OP THE\\nand rapidity. At the same time there is this difference, that the iambus,\\nproceeding from the short to the long syllable, acquires a tone\\nitrength, and appears peculiarly adapted to impetuous diction and\\nl)Dld invective, while the trochee, which falls from the long to the\\nshort, has a feebler character. Its light tripping movement appeared\\npeculiarly suited to dancing songs and hence, besides the name of\\ntroclucus, {he runner, it also obtained the name of chore ius, the dancer*\\noccasionally, however, its march was languid and feeble. Archilochus\\nformed long verses of both kinds of feet, and in so doing, with the pur-\\npose of giving more strength and body to these short and weak rhythms,\\nhe united iambic and trochaic feet in pairs. In every such pair of feet\\n(called dipodia), he left the extreme thesis of the dipodia doubtful\\n(that is, in the iambic dipodia the first, in the trochaic the last thesis)\\nso that these short syllables might be replaced by long ones. Archi-\\nlochus, however, in order not to deprive the metre of its proper rapidity,\\ndid not introduce these long syllables so often as iEschylus, for\\nexample, who sought, by means of them, to give more solemnity and\\ndignity to his verses. Moreover, Archilochus did not admit resolutions\\nof the long syllables, like the comic poets, who thus made the course of\\nthe metre more rapid and various. He then united three iambic\\ndipodias (by making the same words common to more than one pair\\nof feet) into a compact whole, the iambic trimeter and four trochaic\\ndipodias, two of which, however, were, divided from the other two\\nby a fixed pause (called diccresis), into the trochaic tetrameter.\\nWithout going more minutely into the structure of the verses, it is suf-\\nficiently evident from what has been said, that these metres were in\\ntheir way as elaborate productions of Greek taste and genius as the\\nParthenon or the statue of the Olympic Jupiter. Nor can there\\nbe any stronger proof of their perfection than that metres, said to\\nhave been invented by Archilochust, retained their currency through\\nall ages of the Greek poetry; and that although their application was\\nvaried in many ways, no material improvement was made in their\\nstructure.\\nThe distinction observed by Archilochus in the use of them was, that\\nhe employed the iambic for the expression of his wrath and bitterness,\\n(whence nearly all the iambic fragments of Archilochus have a hostile\\nbearing,) and that he employed the trochaic as a medium between the\\niambic and the elegiac, of which latter style Archilochus was, as we\\nhave already seen, one of the earliest cultivators. As compared with\\nthe elegy, the trochaic metre has less rapidity and elevation of sentiment,\\nAccording to Aristot. Poet. 4, the trochaic tetrameter is suited to an fegmri\\nbut the iambic verse is most Xuruiu\\nf t JJS \u00c2\u00a3i\u00c2\u00ab.T b t o IUSica C 28 the Chief P assa S e on the numerous inventions\\nof Archilochus in rhythm and music.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0142.jp2"}, "141": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OV ANCIENT GREECE. 137\\nand approaches more to the tone of common life as in the passage* in\\nwhich the poet declares that he is not fond of a tall general walking\\nwith his legs apart, with his hair carefully arranged, and his chin well\\nshorn; but he prefers a short man, with his legs bent in, walking\\nfirmly on his feet, and full of spirit and resource. A personal descrip-\\ntion of this kind, with a serious intent, but verging on the comic in its\\ntone, would not have suited the elegy; and although reflections on\\nthe misfortunes of life occur in trochaic as well as in elegiac verses, yet\\nan attentive reader can distinguish between the languid tone of the\\nlatter and the lively tone of the former, which would naturally be accom-\\npanied in the delivery with appropriate gesticulation. Trochaics were\\nalso recited by Archilochus at the banquet but while the elegy was an\\noutpouring of feelings in which the guests were called on to parti-\\ncipate, Archilochus selects the trochaic tetrameter in order to re-\\nprove a friend for having shamelessly obtruded himself upon a feast\\nprepared at the common expense of the guests, without contributing his\\nshare, and without having been invited f.\\nOther forms of the poetry of Archilochus may be pointed out, with a\\nview of showing the connexion between their metrical and poetical\\ncharacters. Among these are the verses called by the metrical writers\\nasynartetes, or unconnected, and by them said to have been invented by\\nArchilochus they are considered by Plutarch as forming the transi-\\ntion to another class of rhythms. Of these difficult metres we will only\\nsay, that they consist of two metrical clauses or members of different\\nkinds for example, dactylic or anapaestic, and trochaic, which are\\nloosely joined into one verse, the last syllable of the first member\\nretaining the license of the final syllable of a verse J. This kind of\\nmetre, which passed from the ancient iambic to the comic poets, has a\\nfeeble and languid expression, though capable at times of a careless\\ngrace nor was it ever employed for any grave or dignified subject. This\\ncharacter especially appears in the member consisting of three pure\\ntrochees, with which the asynartetes often close; which was named Ithy-\\nphallicus, because the verses sung at the Phallagogia of Dionysus, the\\nscene of the wildest revelry in the worship of this god, were chiefly com-\\nposed in this metre It seems as if the intention had been that after\\nFragm. 9.\\nf Fragm. 88. The person reproved is the same Pericles who, in the elegies, is\\naddressed as an intimate friend. (See fragm. 1, and 131.)\\nX Archilochus, as well as his imitator Horace, did not allow these two clauses to\\nrun into one another; hut as the comic poets used this liberty (Hephaestion, p. 84.\\nGaisf.) it is certain that in Archilochus, E^cc r^ovi}tj Xo^/Aae, xfipd ret yikoTov, for\\nexample, is to be considered as one verse.\\nA remarkable example of this class of songs is the poem in which the\\nAthenians saluted Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, as a new Bacchus, and which\\nis called by Athenseus l u pa.\\\\\\\\os. It begins as follows (vi. p. 253\\nCI; oi ftsytffToi ruv hut xct) tptXraroi\\nry toXzi vruQiitrtv.\\nThis poem, by its relaxed and creeping but at the same time elegant and graceful\\ntone, characterizes the Athens of that time far better than many declamations of\\nrhetorical historians.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0143.jp2"}, "142": {"fulltext": "|38 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe effort required in theanapnestic or dactylic member, the voice should\\nfind repose in the trochaic clause, and that the verse should thus proceed\\nfrith igreeabk slowness. Hence the soft plaintive tone, which may\\nMftiN be recognised ill the fragments of the asynartetes of Archilochus,\\n1 as in the corresponding imitations of Horace*.\\nAnother metrical invention of Archilochus was a prelude to the\\nformation of strophes, such as we find them in the remains of theiEolic\\nlyric poets. This was the epodes, which, however, are here to be consi-\\ndered not as separate strophes, but only as verses that is, as shorter\\nverses subjoined to longer ones. Thus an iambic dimeter forms an\\nepode to a trimeter, an iambic dimeter or trimeter to a dactylic hexa-\\nmeter, a short dactylic verse to an iambic trimeter, an iambic verse to\\nan asynartete the object often being to give force and energy to the\\nlanguid fall of the rhythm. In general, however, the purposes of these\\nepodic combinations are as numerous as their kinds; and if it appears\\nat first sight that Archilochus was guided by no principle in the forma-\\ntion of them, yet on close examination it will be found that each has\\nits appropriate excellence t-\\n9. As to the manner in which these metres were recited, so im-\\nportant a constituent in their effect, we know thus much, that the\\nuniformity of the rhapsodists method of recitation was broken, and that\\na freer and bolder style was introduced, which sometimes passed into\\nthe grotesque and whimsical although, in general, iambic verses (as we\\nhave already seen were in strictness not sung but rhapsodised. There,\\nwas, however, a mode of reciting iambics introduced by Archilochus, by\\nwhich some poems were repeated to the time of a musical instru-\\nment, and others were sung\u00c2\u00a7. The paracataloge, which consisted\\nIn the interpolation of a passage recited without strict rhythm and\\nfixed melody, into a piece composed according to certain rules,\\nwas also ascribed to Archilochus. Lastly, many entertained the opi-\\nnion (which, however, seems doubtful,) that Archilochus introduced\\nthe separation of instrumental music from singing, to this extent, that\\nSee especially fragm. 24, where Archilochus describes, in asynartetes with\\niambic epodes, the violent love which has consumed his heart, darkened his sight,\\nand deprived him of reason; probably in reference to his former love for Neobule,\\nwhich he had then given up. Horace s eleventh epode is similar in many respects.\\nf When one epode follows two verses there is a small strophe, as fragm. 33\\nAivos tic avS^uTuy ooi\\nu; S.p uXwrnZ kohto;\\nIf the two last verses are here united into one, a probde is formed, which is the\\nreverse of the epode; it often occurs in Horace. Another example of a kind of\\nstrophe is the short strain of victory which Archilochus is said to have composed\\nfor the Olympic festival to Hercules and Iolaus (fragm. CO) two trimeters with\\nthe ephymnion TmtXXa zaXXlnxu\\nChap. iv. 3.\\n\u00c2\u00a7t\u00c2\u00ab^\u00c2\u00a3v tm/tfiua kiyi r(cti \u00e2\u0096\u00a0xu.pu. rh zoovinv, ra \u00c2\u00abW\u00c2\u00ab/, Plutarch ubi sup. Probably\\nthis was connected with the epodic composition though, according to Plutarch, it\\nalso occurred in the tragedians,", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0144.jp2"}, "143": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 139\\nthe instrument left the voice, and did not fall in with it till the end\\nwhile the early musicians accompanied it, syllable for syllable, with\\nthe same notes on the instrument*. A peculiar kind of three-cornered\\nstringed instrument, called iambyce, was also used to accompany iambics,\\nand probably dated from the time of Archilochusf\\n10. It was necessary to lay these dry details before the reader in\\norder to give an idea of the inventive genius which places Archilochus\\nnext, in point of originality, to Homer, among the Greek poets. There\\nis, however, another remarkable part of the poetical character of Archi-\\nlochus, viz., his language. If we can imagine ourselves living at a\\ntime when only the epic style, with its unchanging solemnity, its abun-\\ndance of graphic epithets, and its diffuse and vivid descriptions, was\\ncultivated by poets, with no other exception than the recent and slight\\ndeviation of the elegy, we shall perceive the boldness of introducing\\ninto poetry a language which, surrendering all these advantages, attempt-\\ned to express ideas as they were conceived by a sober and clear under-\\nstanding. In this diction there are no ornamental epithets, intended only\\nto fill out the image but every adjective denotes the quality appropriate\\nto the subject, as conceived in the given placej. There are no anti-\\nquated words or forms deriving dignity from their antiquity, but it is\\nthe plain language of common life; and if it seem to contain still many\\nrare and difficult words, it is because the Ionic dialect retained words\\nwhich afterwards fell into disuse. We likewise find in it the article\u00c2\u00a7,\\nunknown to the epic language and many particles used in a manner\\nhaving a far closer affinity with a prose than with an epic style. In\\nshort, the whole diction is often such as might occur in an Attic comic\\npoet, and, without the metre, even in a prose writer nothing but the\\nliveliness and energy with which all ideas are conceived and expressed,\\nand the pleasing and graceful arrangement of the thoughts, distinguishes\\nthis language from that of common life\\nIn Plutarch the latter is called s^o^a^a xgovuv, the former h vro rhv utnv\\nxpovo-is, which Archilochus is said to have invented. The meaning is made clear by\\na comparison of Aristot. Problem, xix. 39, and Plato Leg. vii. p. 812. Kgovav\\ndenotes the playing on any musical instrument, the flute as well as the cithara.\\nf See Athen. xiv. p. 646. Hesychius and Photius in \\\\u.[jt.$vx.Yi. The instrument\\nKXi-^ xp-poh mentioned by Athenaeus, appears to have been specially destined for the\\nV7T0 rhv cio^hv xgodo-i;.\\nX Of this kind are such adjectives as (fragm. 27)\\nOux opus \u00c2\u00a7a,XXus uvrocXov fcgoci, xd^irui ya.( nhvi,\\nwhere the skin is not called tender generally, but in reference to the former bloom of\\nthe person addressed and as (fragm. 55)\\naftub^cLV %ot(3ciV tu.\\\\tuoifjt.zio;,\\nwhere the rock is not called dark generally, but in reference to the difficulty of\\navoiding a rock beneath the surface of the water. Such epic epithets as xa.7V Apiu\\n(jctntyovov (fragm. 116) are very rare.\\nE. g. fragm. 58 rctuvli Z ribikt), rr.v vrvyh ix s where the article separates\\nTotuv^s. from -xvy/iv such are the posteriors which you have.\\njj We may cite, as instances of the simple language of Archilochus, two fragments\\nevidently belonging to a poem which had some resemblance to Horace s 6th epode.\\nIn the beginning was fragment 122, ttoKK oil ika-prfe, y ferny h ft iyx; the", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0145.jp2"}, "144": {"fulltext": "1 10 HISTORY OF THE\\n\\\\m Wt have laboured to place the great merit of Archilochus in its\\ntrue light, we may give a shorter account of the works of his followers\\nin iambic poetry. His writings will also furnish a standard of com-\\nparison for the others.\\n11. Simonides of Amorgus follows Archilochus so closely that they\\nmay be considered as contemporaries. He is said to have flou-\\nrished in the period following Ol. 29 (664 b. c). The principal events\\nof his life, as of that of Archilochus, are connected with the foundation\\nof a colony: he is said to have led the Samians to the neighbour-\\ning island of Amorgus, and to have there founded three cities. One\\nol these was Minoa, where he settled. Like Archilochus, Simonides\\ncomposed iambics and trochaic tetrameters and in the former metre\\nhe also attacked individuals with the lash of his invective and ridicule.\\nWhat the family of Lycambes were to Archilochus, a certain Orodcecides\\nwas to Simonides. More remarkable, however, is the peculiar appli-\\ncation which Simonides made of the iambic metre that is to say, he\\ntook not individuals, but whole classes of persons, as the object of his\\nsatire. The iambics of Simonides thus acquire a certain resemblance to\\nthe satire interwoven into Hesiod s epic poems and the more so, as it\\nis on women that he vents his displeasure in the largest of his extant\\npieces. For this purpose he makes use of a contrivance which, at a\\nlater time, also occurs in the gnomes of Phocylides that is, he derives\\nthe various, though generally bad, qualities of women from the variety\\nof their origin by which fiction he gives a much livelier image of\\nfemale characters than he could have done by a mere enumeration\\nof their qualities. The uncleanly woman is formed from the swine,\\nthe cunning woman, equally versed in good and evil, from the fox,\\nthe talkative woman from the dog, the lazy woman from the earth, the\\nunequal and changeable from the sea, the woman who takes pleasure\\nonly in eating and sensual delights from the ass, the perverse woman\\nfrom the weasel, the woman fond of dress from the horse, the ugly\\nand malicious woman from the ape. There is only one race created for\\nthe benefit of men, the woman sprung from the bee, who is fond of her\\nwork and keeps faithful watch over her house.\\n12. From the coarse and somewhat rude manner of Simonides, we\\nturn with satisfaction to the contemplation of Solon s iambic style. Even\\nin his hands the iambic retains a character of passion and warmth, but\\nit is only used for self-defence in a just cause. After Solon had\\nintroduced his new constitution, he soon found that although he had\\nattempted to satisfy the claims of all parties, or rather to give to each\\nfox uses many ads, hut the hedgehog has one great one. viz. to roll himself up and\\nresist his enemy. And towards the end (fragm. 118) h V Mrretpeu ftiya, Tiv\\n77 \\\\uiva itivoTe Kvru pujiterfat hkkoT;, hy which words the poet applied to him-\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0ell I he image of the hedgehog: he had the art of retaliating on those who ill-\\n1 him. Consequently the first fragment would be an incomplete trochaic\\ntetrameter.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0146.jp2"}, "145": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 141\\nparty and order its due share of power, he had not succeeded in\\nsatisfying* any. In order to shame his opponents, he wrote some\\niambics, in which he calls on his censors to consider of how many citizens\\nthe state would have been bereaved, if he had listened to the demands of\\nthe contending factions. As a witness of the goodness of his plans, Solon\\ncalls the great goddess Earth, the mother of Cronus, whose surface had\\nbefore his time been covered with numerous boundary stones, in sign of\\nthe ground being mortgaged these he had succeeded in removing, and\\nin restoring the land in full property to the mortgagers. This frag-\\nment is well worth reading*, since it gives as clear an idea of the poli-\\ntical situation of Athens at that time, as it does of Solon s iambic style.\\nIt shows a truly Attic energy and address in defending a favourite\\ncause, while it contains the first germs of that power of speecht,\\nwhich afterwards came to maturity in the dialogue of the Athenian\\nstage, and in the oratory of the popular assembly and of the courts of\\njustice. In the dialect and expressions, the poetry of Solon retains\\nmore of the Ionic cast.\\nIn like manner the few remnants of Solon s trochaics enable us to\\nform some judgment of his mode of handling this metre. Solon wrote\\nhis trochaics at nearly the same time as his iambics when, notwith-\\nstanding his legislation, the struggle of parties again broke out between\\ntheir ambitious leaders, and some thoughtless citizens reproached\\nSolon, because he, the true patriot, the friend of the whole community,\\nhad not seized the reins with a firm hand, and made himself monarch\\nSolon was not a man of deep sense or prudent counsel for when\\nthe god offered him blessings, he refused to take them but when he\\nhad caught the prey, he was struck with awe, and drew not up the great\\nnet, failing at once in courage and sense: for else he would have been\\nwilling, having gained dominion and obtained unstinted wealth, and\\nhaving been tyrant of Athens only for a single day, afterwards to be flayed,\\nand his skin made a leathern bottle, and that his race should become\\nextinct J. s The other fragments of Solon s trochaics agree with the\\nsame subject so that Solon probably only composed one poem in this\\nmetre.\\n13. Far more nearly akin to the primitive spirit of the iambic\\nverse was the style of Hipponax, who flourished about the 60th\\nOlympiad (540 b. c). He was born at Ephesus, and was compelled by\\nthe tyrants Athenagoras and Comas to quit his home, and to establish\\nhimself in another Ionian city, Clazomenae. This political persecution\\n(which affords a presumption of his vehement love of liberty) probably\\nlaid the foundation for some of the bitterness and disgust with which\\nhe regarded mankind. Precisely the same fierce and indignant scorn\\nSolon, No. 28, Gaisford. fhivirns. Fragment 25, Gaisford.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0147.jp2"}, "146": {"fulltext": "1 \\\\2 HISTORY OF THfc\\nwhich (band m utterance in the iambics of Archilochus, is ascribed to\\nHipponax What the family of Lycambes was to Archilochus, Bupalus\\nendAthenifl (two sculptors of a family of Chios, which had produced\\nseveral generations of artists) were to Hipponax. They had made his\\nsmall, meagre, and ugly person the subject of a caricature; an insult\\nHipponax avenged in the bitterest and most pungent iambics, of which\\nsome remains are extant. In this instance, also, the satirist is said to\\nhave caused his enemy to hang himself. The satire of Hipponax,\\nhowever, was not concentrated so entirely on certain individuals from\\nexisting fragments it appears rather to have been founded on a general\\nview of life, taken, however, on its ridiculous and grotesque side. The\\nluxury of the Greeks of Lesser Asia, which had already risen to a high\\npitch, is a favourite object of his sarcasms. In one of the longest frag-\\nments he says*, For one of you had very quietly swallowed a continued\\nstream of thunny with dainty sauces, like a Lampsacenian eunuch, and\\nhad devoured the inheritance of his father therefore he must now\\nbreak rocks with a mattock, and gnaw a few figs and a little black\\nbarley bread, the food of slaves.\\nHis language is filled with words taken from common life, such as\\nthe names of articles of food and clothing, and of ordinary utensils,\\ncurrent among the working people. He evidently strives to make his\\niambics local pictures full of freshness, nature, and homely truth. For\\nthis purpose, the change which Hipponax devised in the iambic\\nmetre was as felicitous as it was bold he crippled the rapid agile\\ngait of the iambic by transforming the last foot from a pure iambus\\ninto a spondee, contrary to the fundamental principle of the whole\\nmode of versification. The metre thus maimed and stripped of its\\nbeauty and regularity was a perfectly appropriate rhythmical form\\nfor the delineation of such pictures of intellectual deformity as Hip-\\nponax delighted in. Iambics of this kind (called choliambics or\\ntrimeter scazons) are still more cumbrous and halting when the fifth\\nfoot is also a spondee which, indeed, according to the original struc-\\nture, is not forbidden. These were called broken-backed iambics (ischior-\\nrhogics), and a grammarian J settles the dispute (which, according to\\nancient testimony, was so hard to decide), how far the invention of this\\nkind of verse ought to be ascribed to Hipponax, and how far to another\\niambographer, Ananius, by pronouncing that Ananius invented the\\nischiorrhogic variety, Hipponax the common scazon. It appears, how-\\never, from the fragments attributed to him, that Hipponax sometimes\\nused the spondee in the fifth foot. In the same manner and with the\\nsame ellect these poets also changed the trochaic tetrameter by regu-\\nAp. Athen. vxi. p. 304. IS. f 7 l appvfyov.\\nIn Tyrwhitt, Dissert.de Babrio, p. 17.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0148.jp2"}, "147": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 143\\nlarly lengthening the penultimate short syllable. Some remains of this\\nkind are extant. Hipponax likewise composed pure trimeters in the\\nstyle of Archilochus but there is no conclusive evidence that he mixed\\nthem with scazons.\\nAnanius has hardly any individual character in literary history dis-\\ntinct from that of Hipponax. In Alexandria their poems seem to have\\nbeen regarded as forming one collection and thus the criterion by\\nwhich to determine whether a particular passage belonged to the\\none or to the other, was often lost or never existed. Hence in the\\nuncertainty which is the true author, the same verse is occasionally\\nascribed to both The few fragments which are attributed with cer-\\ntainty to Ananius are so completely in the tone of Hipponax, that it\\nwould be a vain labour to attempt to point out any characteristic dif-\\nference t.\\n14. Akin to the iambic are two sorts of poetry, which, though\\ndiffering widely from each other, have both their source in the turn for\\nthe delineation of the ludicrous, and both stand in a close historical\\nrelation to the iambic the Fable (originally called alvog y and after-\\nwards, less precisely, fivSog and Xo yoe), and the Parody.\\nWith regard to the fable, it is not improbable that in other countries,\\nparticularly in the north of Europe, it may have arisen from a child-\\nlike playful view of the character and habits of animals, which\\nfrequently suggest a comparison with the nature and incidents of human\\nlife. In Greece, however, it originated in an intentional travestie of\\nhuman affairs. The alvog is, as its name denotes, an admonition^,\\nor rather a reproof, veiled, either from fear of an excess of frankness\\nor from love of fun and jest, beneath the fiction of an occurrence\\nhappening among beasts. Such is the character of the ainos, at\\nits very first appearance in Hesiod Now I will tell the kings\\na fable, which they will understand of themselves. Thus spake the\\nhawk to the nightingale, whom he was carrying in his talons alojjfc\\nin the air, while she, torn by his sharp claws, bitterly lamented\\nFoolish creature, why dost thou cry out? One much stronger than\\nthou has seized thee thou must go whithersoever I carry thee, though\\nthou art a songstress I can tear thee in pieces or I can let thee go at\\nmy pleasure.\\nArchilochus employed the ainos in a similar manner in his iambics\\nagainst Lycambes He tells how the fox and the eagle had con-\\ntracted an alliance, but (as the fable, according to other sources, goes\\nAs in Athen. xiv. p. 625 C.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- There is no sufficient ground for supposing that Herondas, who is sometimes\\nmentioned as a choliarnbic poet, lived in this age. The mimiambic poetry ascribed\\nto him will be treated of in connexion with the Mimes of Sophron.\\n9ruguivuris. See Philological Museum, vol. i. p. 281.\\nOp. et D. y. 202, seg. Fr. 38, ed. Gaisford see note on fr. 39.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0149.jp2"}, "148": {"fulltext": "1 It HISTORY OF THE\\nM to toll) the eagle was so regardless of her engagement, that she\\nlie tlu* fbx i cubs. The fox could only call down the vengeance of the\\ngods, and this shortly overtook her; for the eagle stole the flesh from\\nan altar, and did not observe that she bore with it sparks which set\\nfin to her nest, and consumed both that and her young ones.\\nIt is clear that Archilochus meant to intimate to Lycambes, that\\nthough lie was too powerless to call him to account for the breach of his\\nengagement, he could bring down upon him the chastisement of the\\ngods.\\nAnother of Archilochus s fables was pointed at absurd pride of rankf.\\nIn like manner Stesichorus cautioned his countrymen, the Hime-\\nncans, against Phalaris, by the fable of the horse, who, to revenge him-\\nself on the stag, took the man on his back, and thus became his slave J.\\nAnd wherever we have any ancient and authentic account of the origin\\nof the jEsopian fable, we find it to be the same. It is always some\\naction, some project, and commonly some absurd one, of the Samians,\\nor Delphians, or Athenians, whose nature and consequences JEsop\\ndescribes in a fable, and thus often exhibits the posture of affairs in a\\nmore lucid, just, and striking manner than could have been done by\\nelaborate argument. But from the very circumstance, that in the Greek\\nfable the actions and business of men are the real and prominent object,\\nwhile beasts are merely introduced as a veil or disguise, it has nothing\\nin common with popular legendary stories of beasts, nor has it any con-\\nnexion with mythological stories of the metamorphoses of animals. It\\nis exclusively the invention of those who detected in the social habits of\\nthe lower animals points of resemblance with those of man and while\\nthey retained the real character in some respects, found means, by the\\nintroduction of reason and speech, to place them in the light required\\nfor their purpose.\\n15. It is probable that the taste for fables of beasts and nume-\\nrous similar inventions, found their way into Greece from the East;\\nsince this sort of symbolical and veiled narrative is more in harmony with\\nthe Oriental than with the Greek character. Thus, for example, the Old\\nTestament contains a fable completely in the style of iEsop (Judges,\\nix. 8). But not to deviate into regions foreign to our purpose, we may\\nconfine ourselves to the avowal of the Greeks themselves, contained in\\nthe very names given by them to the fable. One kind of fable was\\ncalled the Libyan, which we may, therefore, infer was of African origin,\\nand was introduced into Greece through Cyrene. To this class belongs,\\nCoracs, MX* Altruviiuv crv vecyuyh, c. i. Aristoph. Av. 651, ascribes the fable to\\nf See Gaisford, fr. 39.\\nArist. Rhet. ii. 20. The fable of Menenius Agrippa is similarly applied but\\nit u difficult to believe that the uinos, so applied, was known in Latium at that time,\\nami it seems probable tbat the story was transferred from Greece to Rome.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0150.jp2"}, "149": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 1 45\\naccording- to jEschylus the beautiful fable of the wounded eagle, who,\\nlooking at the feathering of the arrow with which he was pierced,\\nexclaimed, I perish by feathers drawn from my own wing. From\\nthis example we see that the Libyan fable belonged to the class of fables\\nof animals. So also did the sorts to which later teachers of rhetoric t give\\nthe names of the Cyprian and the CUician these writers also men-\\ntion the names of some fabulists among the barbarians, as Cybissus the\\nLibyan and Connis the Cilician. The contest between the olive and\\nthe laurel on mount Tmolus, is cited as a fable of the ancient\\nLydians\\nThe Carian stories or fables, however, were taken from human life,\\nas, for instance, that quoted by the Greek lyric poets, Timocreon and\\nSimonides. A Carian fisherman, in the winter, sees a sea polypus, and\\nhe says to himself, If I dive to catch it, I shall be frozen to death if\\nI don t catch it, my children must starve The Sybaritic fables men-\\ntioned by Aristophanes have a similar character. Some pointed\\nsaying of a man or woman of Sybaris, with the particular circumstances\\nwhich called it forth, is related The large population of the wealthy\\nIonian Sybaris appears to have been much given to such repartees,\\nand to have caught them up and preserved them with great eager-\\nness. Doubtless, therefore, the Sicilian poet Epicharmus means, by\\nSybaritic apophthegms^ what others call Sybaritic fables. The\\nSybaritic fables, nevertheless, occasionally invested not only the lower\\nanimals, but even inanimate objects, with life and speech, as in the\\none quoted by Aristophanes. A woman in Sybaris broke an earthen\\npot the pot screamed out, and called witnesses to see how ill she had\\nbeen treated. Then the woman said, By Cora, if you were to leave\\noff calling out for witnesses, and were to make haste and buy a copper\\nring to bind yourself together, you would show more wisdom. This\\nfable is used by a saucy merry old man, in ridicule of one whom he has\\nill treated, and who threatens to lay a complaint against him. Both\\nthe Sybaritic and iEsopian fables are represented by Aristophanes as\\njests, or ludicrous stories (yeXola).\\n16. To return to./Esop: Bentley has shown that he was very far from\\nbeing regarded by the Greeks as one of their poets, and still less as\\na writer. They considered him merely as an ingenious fabulist, under\\nwhose name a number of fables, often applicable to human affairs,\\nwere current, and to whom, at a later period, nearly all that were either\\nFragment of the Myrmidons.\\nfTheon, and in part also Aphthonius. A fragment of a Cyprian fable, about the\\ndoves of Aphrodite, is published in the excerpts from the Codex Angelicus in Walz\\nRhetor. Grec. vol. ii. p. 12.\\nJ Callim. fr. 93. B.ntl.\\nFrom the Codex Angelicus in Walz Rhet. Gr. vol. ii. p. 11., and the Proverbs of\\nMacarius in Walz Arsenii Violetum, p. 318.\\nAristoph. Vesp. 1259, 1427, 1 137. Suidas in v.\\nL", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0151.jp2"}, "150": {"fulltext": "1 t(i HISTORY OP THE\\ninvented or derived from any other source, were attributed. His\\nbieton km been dreaeed out by the later Greeks, with all manner of\\ndroll end whimsical incidents. What can be collected from the ancient\\nwriters down to Aristotle is, however, confined to the following.\\n\u00c2\u00a3eop ires a slave of the Samian Iadmon, the son of Hephaestopolis,\\nwho lived in the time of the Egyptian king Amasis. (The reign of\\nAmasis begins Olymp. 52, 3, 570 b. c.) According to the state-\\nment of Eugeon, an old Samian historian, he was a native of the\\nThracian city Mesembria, which existed long before it was peopled by\\na colony of Byzantines in the reign of Darius f. According to a less\\nauthentic account he was from Cotyaeon in Phrygia. It seems that his\\nwit and pleasantry procured him his freedom; for though he remained\\nin Iadmon s family, it must have been as a freedman, or he could not, as\\nAristotle relates, have appeared publicly as the defender of a dema-\\ngogue, on which occasion he told a fable in support of his client It is\\ngenerally received as certain that iEsop perished in Delphi the Del-\\nphians, exasperated by his sarcastic fables, having put him to death on a\\ncharge of robbing the temple. Aristophanes alludes to a fable which\\niEsop told to the Delphians, of the beetle who found means to revenge\\nhimself on the eagle J.\\nThe character of the iEsopian fable is precisely that of the genuine\\nbeast-fable, such as we find it among the Greeks. The condition and\\nhabits of the lower animals are turned to account in the same manner,\\nand, by means of the poetical introduction of reason and speech, are\\nplaced in such a light as to produce a striking resemblance to the inci-\\ndents and relations of human life.\\nAttempts were probably early made to give a poetical form to the\\niEsopian fable. Socrates is said to have beguiled his imprisonment\\nthus. The iambic would of course suggest itself as the most appro-\\npriate form (as at a later period it did to Phaedrus), or the scazon, which\\nwas adopted by Callimachus and Babrius\u00c2\u00a7. But no metrical versions\\nof these fables are known to have existed in early times. The aenus was\\ngenerally regarded as a mode of other sorts of poetry, particularly\\nthe iambic, and not as a distinct class.\\n17. The other kind of poetry whose origin we are now about\\nto trace, is the Parody. This was understood by the ancients, as\\nwell as by ourselves, to mean an adoption of the form of some cele-\\nbrated poem, with such changes in the matter as to produce a totally\\ndifferent effect; and, generally, to substitute mean and ridiculous for\\nelevated and poetical sentiments. The contrast between the grand and\\nElyiuv, or Euyiiuv, falsely written Euyttruv, in Suidas in v. A lcrwxos.\\nf Mesembria, Pattymbria, and Selymbria, are Thracian names, and mean the\\ncities of Mesus, Pattys, and Selys.\\nX Aristoph. Vesp. 1448. cf. Pac. 129. Coraes, iEsop. c. 2.\\nA distich of an /Esopian fable is, however, attributed by Diogenes Laertius to\\nSocrates. Fragments of fables in hexameters also occur.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0152.jp2"}, "151": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 147\\nsublime images suggested to the memory, and the comic ones introduced\\nin their stead, renders parody peculiarly fitted to place any subject in a\\nludicrous, grotesque, and trivial light. The purpose of it, however, was\\nnot in general to detract from the reverence due to the ancient poet\\n(who, in most cases was Homer), by this travestie, but only to add fresh\\nzest and pungency to satire. Perhaps, too, some persons sporting with\\nthe austere and stately forms of the epos, (like playful children dressing\\nthemselves in gorgeous and flowing robes of state,) might have fallen\\nupon the device of parody.\\nWe have already alluded to a fragment of Asius* in elegiac measure,\\nwhich is not indeed a genuine parody, but which approaches to it. It\\nis a comic description of a beggarly parasite, rendered more ludicrous by\\na tone of epic solemnity. But, according to the learned Polemon f, the\\nreal author of parody was the iambographer Hipponax, of whose pro-\\nductions in this kind a hexametrical fragment is still extant.\\n18. The Batrachomyomachia, or Battle of the Frogs and the Mice\\n(which has come down to us among the lesser Homeric poems), is\\ntotally devoid of sarcastic tendency. All attempts to discover a satirical\\nmeaning in this little comic epos have been abortive. It is nothing\\nmore than the story of a war between the frogs and the mice, which,\\nfrom the high-sounding names of the combatants, the detailed genealo-\\ngies of the principal persons, the declamatory speeches, the interference\\nof the gods of Olympus, and all the pomp and circumstance of the epos,\\nhas completely the external character of an epic heroic poem a cha-\\nracter ludicrously in contrast with the subject. Notwithstanding many\\ningenious conceits, it is not, on the whole, remarkable for vigour of\\npoetical conception, and the introduction falls far short of the genuine\\ntone of the Homeric epos, so that everything tends to show that the\\nBatrachomyomachia is a production of the close of this era. This sup-\\nposition is confirmed by the tradition that Pigres, the brother of the\\nHalicarnassian tyrant Artemisia, and consequently a contemporary of the\\nPersian war, was the author of this poem J, although at a later period of\\nantiquity, in the time of the Romans, the Batrachomyomachia was\\nascribed without hesitation to Homer himself.\\nCh. x. 7. f Ap. Athen. xv. p. 698, B.\\nI The passage of Plutarch de Malign. Herod, c. 43. ought to be written as fol-\\nlows T tXo; Vi Kufaftivovs h TlXa.rata.7i ayvoyjirai fJ^Xf 1 fsXaw? rov ayuva rovs EXXwvas,\\nui t7rio (Zar( uxoftut fAa%ia; yivoftivns (\u00c2\u00bbjv lliy^\u00c2\u00bbs o Agrtfiirius tv i rs ri pfaiZ,uv xa) tpXvapui\\niyga^iv) 7\\\\ ffiwry dice,yuv i raa6ut ffvvhfiivuv, tva XaSutu rob; uXXov;.\\nConcerning Pigres see Suidas, who, however, confounds the later with the earlier\\nArtemisia.\\nl2", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0153.jp2"}, "152": {"fulltext": "1 14 HISTORY OF THE\\nCHAPTER XII.\\ni. Transition from the Epos, through the Elegy and Iambus, to Lyric Poetry;\\nconnexion of Lyric Poetry with Music. 2. Founders of Greek Music Ter-\\npander, his descent and date. 3. Terpander s invention of the seven-stringed\\nCithara. 4. Musical scales and styles. 5. Nomes of Terpander for sing-\\ning to the Cithara; their rhythmical form. \u00c2\u00a76. Olympus, descended from an\\nancient Phrygian family of flute-players. 7. His influence upon the develop-\\nment of the music of the flute and rhythm among the Greeks. S.His influence\\nconfined to music. 9. Thaletas, his age. 10. His connexion with ancient\\nCretan worships. Paeans and hyporchemes of Thaletas. 6 11. Musicians of the\\nsucceeding period Clonav, Hierax, Xenodamus, Xenocritus, Polymnestus, Saca-\\ndas. 12, State of Greek Music at this period.\\nJ 1. When the epic, elegiac, and iambic styles had been perfected in\\nGreece, the forms of poetry seemed to have become so various, as scarcely\\nto admit of further increase. The epic style, raised above the ordinary\\nrange of human life, had, by the exclusive sway which it exercised for\\ncenturies, and the high place which it occupied in general opinion, laid a\\nbroad foundation for all future Greek poetry, and had so far influenced its\\nprogress that, even in those later styles which differed the most widely from\\nit, we may, to a certain extent, trace an epic and Homeric tone. Thus\\nthe lyric and dramatic poets developed the characters of the heroes\\ncelebrated in the ancient epic poetry so that their descriptions appeared\\nrather to be the portraits of real persons than the conceptions of the\\nindividual poet. It was not till the minds of the Greeks had been ele-\\nvated by the productions of the epic muse, that the genius of original\\npoets broke loose from the dominion of the epic style, and invented\\nnew forms for expressing the emotions of a mind profoundly agitated\\nby passing events with fewer innovations in the elegy, but with\\ngreater boldness and novelty in the iambic metre. In these two styles\\nof poetry, the former suited to the expression of grief, the latter to\\nthe expression of anger, hatred, and contempt Greek poetry entered the\\ndomain of real life.\\nYet a great variety of new forms of poetry was reserved for the\\ninvention of future poets. The elegy and the iambus contained the\\ngerms of the lyric style, though they do not themselves come under\\nthat head. The principal characteristic of lyric poetry is its connexion\\nwith music, vocal as well as instrumental. This connexion, indeed,\\nexisted, to a certain extent, in epic, and still more in elegiac and\\niambic poetry; but singing was not essential in those styles. Such\\nB recitation by a rhapsodist, as was usual for epic poetry, also served,\\nat least in the beginning, for elegiac, and in great part for iambic\\nverses. Singing and a continued instrumental accompaniment are appro", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0154.jp2"}, "153": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 149\\npriate, where the expression of feeling or passion is inconsistent with\\na more measured and equable mode of recitation. In the attempt to\\nexpress these impulses, the alternation of high and low tones would\\nnaturally give rise to singing. Hence, with the fine sense of harmony\\npossessed by the Greeks, there was produced a rising and falling in the\\nrhythm, which led to a greater variety and a more skilful arrangement\\nof metrical forms. Moreover, as the expression of strong feeling\\nrequired more pauses and resting-places, the verses in lyric poetry\\nnaturally fell into strophes, of greater or less length each of which\\ncomprised several varieties of metre, and admitted of an appropriate\\ntermination. This arrangement of the strophes was, at the same time,\\nconnected with dancing; which was naturally, though not necessa-\\nrily, associated with lyric poetry. The more lively the expression, the\\nmore animated will be the gestures of the reciter and animated and\\nexpressive movements, which follow the rhythm of a poem, and corre-\\nspond to its metrical structure, are, in fact, dancing.\\nThe Greek lyric poetry, therefore, was characterized by the expres-\\nsion of deeper and more impassioned feeling, and a more swelling and\\nimpetuous tone, than the elegy or iambus and, at the same time, the\\neffect was heightened by appropriate vocal and instrumental music,\\nand often by the movements and figures of the dance. In this union\\nof the sister arts, poetry was indeed predominant; and music and dancing\\nwere only employed to enforce and elevate the conceptions of the higher\\nart. Yet music, in its turn, exercised a reciprocal influence on poetry\\nso that, as it became more cultivated, the choice of the musical measure\\ndecided the tone of the whole poem. In order, therefore, that the cha-\\nracter of the Greek lyric poetry may be fully understood, we will prefix\\nan account of the scientific cultivation of music. Consistently with\\nthis purpose we should limit our attention to the general character\\nof the music of the ancient Greeks, even if the technical details of the\\nart, notwithstanding many able attempts to explain them, were not still\\nenveloped in great obscurity.\\n2. The mythical traditions of Orpheus, Philammon, Chrysothemis,\\nand other minstrels of the early times being set aside, the history of\\nGreek music begins with Terpander the Lesbian. Terpander appears\\nto have been properly the founder of Greek music. He first reduced to\\nrule the different modes of singing which prevailed in different coun-\\ntries, and formed, out of these rude strains, a connected system, from\\nwhich the Greek music never departed throughout all the improve-\\nments and refinements of later ages. Though endowed with an inven-\\ntive mind, and the commencer of a new era of music, he attempted\\nno more than to systematize the musical styles which existed in the tunes\\nof Greece and Asia Minor. It is probable that Terpander himself\\nbelonged to a family who derived their practice of music from the ancient\\nPierian bards of Becotia; such an inheritance of musical skill is quite", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0155.jp2"}, "154": {"fulltext": "[50 HISTORY OF THE\\nconformable to the manners and institutions of the early Greeks*. The\\nItalians of Lesbos had their origin in Bceotiaf, the country to which\\nthe worship of the Muses and the Thracian hymns belonged and\\nthey probably brought with them the first rudiments of poetry. This\\nmigration of the art of the Muses is ingeniously expressed by the legend\\nthat, after the murder of Orpheus by the Thracian Maenads, his head\\nund lyre were thrown into the sea, and borne upon its waves to the\\nisland of Lesbos whence singing and the music of the cithara flourished\\nin this, the most musical of islands The grave supposed to contain\\nthe head of Orpheus was shown in Antissa, a small town of Lesbos\\nand it was thought that in that spot the nightingales sang most\\nsweetly In Antissa also, according to the testimony of several ancient\\nwriters, Terpander was born. In this way, the domestic impressions\\nand the occupations of his youth may have prepared Terpander for the\\ngreat undertaking which he afterwards performed.\\nThe date of Terpander is determined by his appearance in the mother\\ncountry of Greece of his early life in Lesbos nothing is known. The\\nfirst account of him describes him in Peloponnesus, which at that time\\nsurpassed the rest of Greece in political power, in well-ordered govern-\\nments, and probably also in mental cultivation. It is one of the most\\ncertain dates of ancient chronology, that in the 26th Olympiad (b. c.\\n676) musical contests were first introduced at the feast of Apollo Car-\\nneius, and at their first celebration Terpander was crowned victor.\\nTerpander was also victor four successive times in the musical contests\\nat the Pythian temple of Delphi, which were celebrated there long before\\nthe establishment of the gymnastic games and chariot races (01. 47),\\nbut which then recurred every eight, and not every four years^f These\\nPythian victories ought probably to be placed in the period from the\\n27th to the 33rd Olympiad. For the 4th year of the 33rd Olympiad\\n645 b. c.) is the time at which Terpander introduced among the Lace-\\ndaemonians his nomes for singing to the cithara, and generally reduced\\nmusic to a system**. At this time, therefore, he had acquired the\\ngreatest renown in his art by his most important inventions. In Lace-\\nThere were in several of the Greek states, houses or gentes, yw, in which the\\nperformance of musical exhibitions, especially at festivals, descended as an heredi-\\ntary privilege. Thus,^ at Athens, the playing of the cithara at processions belonged\\nto the Eunids. The Eumolpids of Eleusis were originally, as the name proves, a gens\\nof singers of hymns (see above, p. 25, ch. iii. 7). The flute-players of Sparta con-\\ntinued their art and their rights in families. Stesichorus and Simonides also be-\\nlonged to musical families, as we will show below.\\nCh.i.$5(p. 9). J Chap.ii. \u00c2\u00a78.\\nxuffiu* 3 itrr)v aetlordrt}, says Phanocles, the elegiac poet, who gives the most\\nelegant version of this legend (Stob. tit. Ixii. p. 399).\\n(J Myrsilus of Lesbos, in Antigon. Caryst. Hist. Mirab. c. 5. In the account in\\nNicomachus Geraes. Enchir. Harm. ii. p. 29. ed. Meibora. Antissa is mentioned on\\nthe same occasion.\\nMuller s Dorians, b. iv. ch. vi. 2.\\nMarmor Parium, ep. xxxiv. 1. 49, compared with Plutarch de Musica, c. 9.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0156.jp2"}, "155": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP A.NCIENT GREECE. 151\\ndaemon, whose citizens had from the earliest times been distinguished\\nfor their love of music and dancing, the first scientific cultivation of\\nmusic was ascribed to Terpander and a record of the precise time\\nhad been preserved, probably in the registers of the public games.\\nHence it appears that Terpander was a younger contemporary of Calli-\\nnus and Archilochus; so that the dispute among the ancients,\\nwhether Terpander or Archilochus were the elder, must probably be\\ndecided by supposing them to have lived about the same time.\\n3. At the head of all the inventions of Terpander stands the seven\\nstringed cithara. The only accompaniment for the voice used by the\\nearly Greeks was a four-stringed cithara, the tetrachord; and this\\ninstrument had been so generally used, and held in such repute, that\\nthe whole system of music was always founded upon the tetrachord.\\nTerpander was the first who added three strings to this instrument\\nas he himself testifies in two extant verses f. u Disdaining the\\nfour-stringed song, we shall sound new hymns on the seven-stringed\\nphorminx. The tetrachord was strung so that the two extreme strings\\nstood to one another in the relation called by the ancients diatessaron,\\nand by the moderns a, fourth; that is to say, the lower one made three\\nvibrations in the time that the upper one made four. Between these two\\nstrings, which formed the principal harmony of this simple instrument,\\nthere were two others and in the most ancient arrangement of the\\ngamut, called the diatonic, these two were strung so that the three\\nintervals between these four strings produced twice a whole tone, and\\nin the third place a semitone. Terpander enlarged this instrument by\\nadding one tetrachord to another he did not however make the highest\\ntone of the lower tetrachord the lowest of the upper, but he left an\\ninterval of one tone between the two tetrachords. By this arrangement\\nthe cithara would have had eight strings, if Terpander had not left out\\nthe third string, which must have appeared to him to be of less import-\\nance. The heptachord of Terpander thus acquired the compass of an\\noctave, or, according to the Greek expression, a diapason because the\\nhighest tone of the upper and the lowest of the lower tetrachord stood in\\nthis relation, which is the simplest of all, as it rests upon the ratio of\\n1 to 2 and which was soon acknowledged by the Greeks as the funda-\\nmental concord. At the same time the highest tone of the upper tetra-\\nchord stands to the highest of the lower in the relation of the fifth, the\\narithmetical expression of which is 2 to 3 and in general the tones\\nwere doubtless so arranged that the simplest consonances after the\\nyi Tr^urn x.tt.ra. rra. rn rut -rtfi rhv pouffiKbv, says Plutarch de Musica, c. 9.\\nt In Euclid, Introd. Harm. p. 19. Partly also in Strabo, xiii. p. 618; Clemens\\nAlex. Strom, vi. p. 814, Potter. The verses are\\nHfiiTs toi rirgdyrigvv a.*o rri$ a.rris uoi hv\\nErrarovep ip o^tyyt viov$ xihadwofAiv vpvovt-", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0157.jp2"}, "156": {"fulltext": "]52 HISTORY OP THE\\nn Qu( 8 t sav the fourth and fifth\u00e2\u0080\u0094 governed the whole*.\\nHence the heptachord of Terpander long remained in high repute^ and\\nw.is employed by Pindar; although in his time the deficient string of\\nthe tower tetrachord had been supplied, and an octachord produced t*\\nIt will be convenient in this place to explain the ditFerence\\nbetween the scales (yiwi), and the styles or harmonies (rjOoVoi,\\nipfxoylai) of Greek music, since it is probable that they were regulated\\nby Terpander, The musical scales are determined by the intervals\\nbetween the four tones of the tetrachord. The Greek musicians describe\\nthree musical scales, viz., the diatonic, the chromatic, and the enhar-\\nmonic. In the diatonic, the intervals were two tones and a semi-\\ntone and hence the diatonic was considered the simplest and most\\nnatural, and was the most extensively used. In the chromatic scale\\nthe interval is a tone and a semitone, combined with.two other semi-\\ntones This arrangement of the tetrachord was also very ancient,\\nbut it was much less used, because a feeble and languid, though\\npleasing character, was ascribed to it. The third scale, the en-\\nharmonic, was produced by a tetrachord, which, besides an interval\\nof two tones, had also two minor ones of quarter-tones. This\\nwas the latest of all, and was invented by Olympus, who must\\nhave nourished a short time after Terpander The ancients greatly\\npreferred the enharmonic scale, especially on account of its liveliness\\nand force. But from the small intervals of quarter tones, the execution\\nof it required great skill and practice in singing and playing. These\\nmusical scales were further determined by the styles or harmonies^\\nbecause on them depended, first, the position or succession of the inter-\\nvals belonging to the several scales and, secondly, the height and\\ndepth of the whole gamut. Three styles were known in very early\\ntimes,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 the Doric, which was the lowest, the Phrygian, the middle one,\\nand the Lydian, the highest. Of these, the Doric alone is named from\\na Greek race; the two others are called after nations of Asia Minor,\\nwhose love for music, and particularly the flute, is well known. It is\\nprobable that national tunes were current among these tribes, whose\\nThe string* of the heptachord of Terpander were called, beginning from the\\nhighest, Nffo-4, Ta.oa.MTi rafietftifffi, pion, kt%avis, arec\u00c2\u00a3y recrt}, vTeHryj. The intervals\\nwere I, 1, l 1, 1,\u00c2\u00a3, if the heptachord was strung, according to the diatonic scale,\\nin the Doric style.\\nf In proof of the account of the heptachord given in the text, see Boeckh de\\nMetris Pindari, iii.7, p. 205, sqq.\\nf these short intervals, however, the one is greater than the other, the former\\nbeing more, (he latter less, than a semitone. The first is called apotome, the other\\nI ran ma.\\nutarch de Musics, 7, 11, 20, 29, 33 a treatise full of valuable notices,\\nbut written with io little care that the author often contradicts himself.\\nFor example, whether the intervals of the diatonon are 1, 1, as in the Doric\\nstyle, or 1, 1, as in the Phrygian, or 1, 1 as in the Lydian.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0158.jp2"}, "157": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 153\\npeculiar character was the origin of these styles. Yet their fixed\\nand systematic relation to the Doric style must have been the work\\nof a Greek musician, probably of Terpander himself, who, in his native\\nisland of Lesbos, had frequent opportunities of becoming acquainted\\nwith the different musical styles of his neighbours of Asia Minor. Thus\\na fragment of Pindar relates, that Terpander, at the Lydian feasts, had\\nheard the tone of the pectis, (a Lydian instrument, with a compass of\\ntwo octaves,) and had formed from it the kind of lyre which was called\\nBarbiton The Lesbians likewise used a particular sort of cithara,\\ncalled the Asiatic Aciac) and this was by many held to be the inven-\\ntion of Terpander, by others to be the work of his disciple Cepion f.\\nIt is manifest that the Lesbian musicians, with Terpander at their head,\\nwere the means of uniting the music of Asia Minor with that of the\\nancient Greeks (which was best preserved among the Dorians in Pelopon-\\nnesus), and that they founded on it a system, in which each style had its\\nappropriate character. To the establishment of this character the.\\nnomes (vojaoi) contributed, musical compositions of great simplicity an I\\nseverity, something resembling the most ancient melodies of our church\\nmusic. The Doric style appears from the statements of all the wit-\\nnesses to have had a character of great seriousness and gravity, pecu-\\nliarly calculated to produce a calm, firm, collected frame of mind. With\\nregard to the Doric style (says Aristotle), all are agreed that it is the\\nmost sedate, and has the most manly character. The Phrygian style\\nwas evidently derived from the loud vehement styles of music employed\\nby the Phrygians in the worship of the Great Mother of the gods and\\nthe Corybantes In Greece, too, it was used in orgiastic worships,\\nespecially in that of Dionysus. It was peculiarly adapted to the\\nexpression of enthusiasm. The Lydian had the highest notes of any\\nof the three ancient styles, and therefore approached nearer to the\\nfemale voice its character was thus softer and feebler than either of\\nthe others. Yet it admitted of considerable variety of expression, as\\nthe melodies of the Lydian style had sometimes a painful and me-\\nlancholy, sometimes a calm and pleasing character. Aristotle (who, in\\nhis Politics, has given some judicious precepts on the use of music in\\neducation) considers the Lydian style peculiarly adapted to the musical\\ncultivation of early youth.\\nIn order to complete our view of this subject, we will here give\\nan account of the other styles of Greek music, although they were\\nIn Athenauis, xvi. p. 635. There are great difficulties as to the sense of this\\nmuch contesled passage. Pindar s meaning probably is, that Terpander formed\\nthe deep-resounding barbiton, by taking the lower octave from the pectis (ormagadis).\\nAmong the Greek poets, Sappho is said to have first used the pectis or magadis,\\nthen Anacreon.\\nf Plutarch de Mus. 6. Anccd. Bekker, vol. i. p. 452. Compare Aristoph. Thesm.\\n120. with the Scholia.\\nX See ch.iii.\u00c2\u00a78.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0159.jp2"}, "158": {"fulltext": "|54 HISTOnY OP THE\\nInvented after the time of Terpander. Between the Doric and Phry-\\ngian styles with respect to the height and lowness of the tones,\\nthe Ionic waa interpolated; and between the Phrygian and Lydian,\\nthe folic. The former is said to have had a languid and soft, but\\npathetic tone it was particularly adapted to laments. The latter was\\nfitted for the expression of lively, and even impassioned feelings; it is\\nbest known from its use in the remains of the Lesbian poets and\\nol Pindar. To these five styles were then added an equal number\\nwith higher and lower tones, which were annexed, at their respective\\nextremes, to the original system. The former were called Hyperdorian,\\nII yperiastian, Hyperphrygian, c. the others Hypolydian, Hypoaeolian,\\nIlvpophrygian, c. Of these styles none belong to this period except\\nthose which approximate closely to the first five, viz., the Hyperlydian,\\nand the Hyperdorian, which was also called Mixolydian, as bordering\\nupon the Lydian. The invention of the former is ascribed to Polym-\\nncstus that of the latter to the poetess Sappho; this latter was pecu-\\nliarly used for laments of a pathetic and tender cast. But the entire\\nsystem of the fifteen styles was only brought gradually to perfection\\nby the musicians who lived after the times of Pindar.\\n5. Another proof that Terpander reduced to a regular system the\\nstyles used in his time is, that he was the first who marked the dif-\\nferent tones in music. It is stated, that Terpander first added musical\\nnotes to poems t. Of his mode of notation, indeed, we know nothing\\nthat subsequently used by the Greeks was introduced in the time of Py-\\nthagoras. Hence, in later times, there existed written tunes by Terpander,\\nof the kind called nomes J, whereas the nomes of the ancient bards, Olen,\\nPhilammon, c, were only preserved by tradition, and must there-\\nfore have undergone many changes. These nomes of Terpander\\nwere arranged for singing and playing upon the cithara. It cannot,\\nindeed, be doubted that Terpander made use of the flute, an instrument\\ngenerally known among the Greeks in his time Archilochus, the con-\\ntemporary of Terpander, even speaks of Lesbian paeans being sung to\\nthe flute\u00c2\u00a7 although the cithara was the most usual accompaniment for\\nsongs of this kind. But it appears, on the whole, from the accounts of the\\nancients, that the cithara was the principal instrument in the Lesbian\\nmusic. The Lesbian school of singers to the cithara maintained its\\npre-eminence in the contests, especially at the Carnean festival at Sparta,\\nup to Pericleitus, the last Lesbian who was victorious on the cithara,\\nSee \u00c2\u00a711.\\nf HiXot T\u00c2\u00a3 vr\u00c2\u00ab; Ti^iif/iKt roli$ *owf*ii rt, says Clemens Alex. Strom, i. p. 364, B.\\nT\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bb T tgTcivigov xtOa^cahtKuv Totnrrtv ovra. vo/u.uv xutu vopov ixeeffrov vols i-rtffi ro7f\\n\\\\aurou kcc) ro7s Opfyov f/i\\\\vi -rtpihvTa, ahiv h ro7s uyvcriv. Plutarch de MtlS. 3, after\\nHeraclides.\\nAbove, ch. hi. 7.\\nA.lri \\\\.\\\\apx,uv r{oi avXov Attrfitov \u00e2\u0080\u00a2ruwovu, Archilochus in Athen. v. p. 180, E. fr. 58.\\nGaiaford. It may also be conjectured from the mutilated passage of the Parian\\nmarble, Ep. 35, that Terpander practised flute-playing.", "height": "4030", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0160.jp2"}, "159": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 155\\nand who lived before Hipponax (Olym. 60)*. Probably some of these\\nnomes of Terpander were improvements on ancient tunes used in\\nreligious rites and this appears to be the meaning of the statement\\nthat some of the nomes noted down by Terpander were invented by the\\nancient Delphic bard Philammon. Others seem to have grown out of\\npopular songs, to which the names of iEolic and Boeotian nomes allude f.\\nThe greater number were probably invented by Terpander himself.\\nThese nomes of Terpander were finished compositions, in which a cer-\\ntain musical idea was systematically worked out as is proved by the\\ndifferent parts which belonged to one of them J.\\nThe rhythmical form of Terpander s compositions was very simple.\\nHe is said to have added musical notes to hexameters In particular\\nhe arranged passages of the Homeric poems (which hitherto had only\\nbeen recited by rhapsodists) to a musical accompaniment on the cithara\\nhe also composed hymns in the same metre, which probably resembled\\nthe Homeric hymns, though with somewhat of the lyric character\\nBut the nomes of Terpander can scarcely all have had the simple uni-\\nform rhythm of the heroic hexameter. That they had not, is proved\\nby the names of two of Terpander s nomes, the Orthian and the\\nTrochaic so called (according to the testimony of Pollux and other\\ngrammarians) from the rhythms. The latter was, therefore, composed\\nin trochaic metre the former in those orthian rhythms, the peculiarity\\nof which consists in a great extension of certain feet. There is like-\\nwise a fragment of Terpander, consisting entirely of long syllables, in\\nwhich the thought is as weighty and elevated as the metre is solemn\\nand dignified. Zeus, first cause of all, leader of all Zeus, to thee\\nI send this beginning of hymns ^f. Metres composed exclusively of\\nlong syllables were employed for religious ceremonies of the greatest\\nsolemnity. The name of the spondaic foot, which consisted of two long\\nsyllables, was derived from the libation (cnrovfirj), at which a sacred\\nsilence was observed**. Hymns of this kind were often sung to Zeus\\nin his ancient sanctuary of Dodona, on the borders of Thesprotia and\\nMolossia and hence is explained the name of the Molossian foot, con-\\nHence in Sappho, fr. 52, Bloraf. (69, Neue), the Lesbian singer is called -rippo^os\\na,\\\\Xoha,To7 riv.\\nf Plutarch de Mus. 4, Pollux iv. 9. 65.\\nX These, according to Pollux, iv. 9, 66, were strata, ftirecg%u, xarar^oTTa, fiiraxxroL-\\nrgoTet, op.Qako$ tr P( a,y)f \\\\iri\\\\oyos,\\nSee, particularly, Plutarch de Mus. 3 cf. 4. 6. Proclus in Photius, Biblioth.\\np. 523.\\nIt is, however, possible that some of the smaller Homeric hymns may have\\nbeen proems of this kind by Terpander. For example, that to Athene (xxviii.)\\nappears to be peculiarly fitted for singing to the cithara.\\nC Ziu, vrcivruv ug%cc \u00e2\u0080\u00a2rxvrwv ayvru^\\nZiZ, roi crifttfu raurxv vfivuv u^av.\\nIn Clemens Alex. Strom, vi. p. 784, who also states that this hymn to Zeus was\\nset hi the Doric style.", "height": "4097", "width": "2327", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0161.jp2"}, "160": {"fulltext": "U,(i HISTORY OF THE\\nusiiag oflhite bng syllables, by which the fragment of Terpander\\nOUghl probably to be measured.\\n6 0. The accounts of Terpander s inventions, and the extant remains\\nof his uomes, however meagre and scanty, give some notion of his\\nmerits as the father of Grecian music. Another ancient master, how-\\nc\\\\er, the Phrygian musician, Olympus, so much enlarged the system\\nof the Greek music, that Plutarch considers him, and not Terpander,\\nIS the founder of it.\\nThe date, and indeed the whole history of this Olympus, are involved\\nin obscurity, by a confusion between him (who is certainly as historical\\nas Terpander) and a mythological Olympus, who is connected with\\nthe first founders of the Phrygian religion and worship. Even Plu-\\ntarch, who in his learned treatise upon music has marked the distinc-\\ntion between the earlier and the later Olympus, has still attributed\\ninventions to the fabulous Olympus which properly belong to the his-\\ntorical one. The ancient Olympus is quite lost in the dawn of mythical\\nlegends he is the favourite and disciple of the Phrygian Silenus, Mar-\\nsyas, who invented the flute, and used it in his unfortunate contest with\\nthe cithara of the Hellenic god Apollo. The invention of nomes could\\nonly be ascribed to this fabulous Olympus, and to the still more ancient\\nHyagnis, as certain nomes were attributed by the Greeks to Olen and\\nPhilammon that is to say, certain tunes were sung at festivals, which\\ntradition assigned to these nomes. There was also in Phrygia a family\\nsaid to be descended from the mythical Olympus, the members of which,\\nprobably, played sacred tunes on the flute at the festivals of the Magna\\nMater: to this family, according to Plutarch, the later Olympus\\nbelonged.\\n7. This later Olympus stands midway between his native country\\nPhrygia and the Greek nation. Fhrygia, which had in general little\\nconnexion with the Greek religion, and was remarkable only for its\\nenthusiastic rites and its boisterous music, obtained, by means of\\nOlympus, an important influence upon the music, and thus upon the\\npoetry, of Greece. But Olympus would not have been able to exercise\\nthis influence, if he had not, by a long residence in Greece, become\\nacquainted with the Greek civilization. It is stated that he produced\\nnew tunes in the Greek sanctuary of Pytho and that he had disciples\\nwho were Greeks, such as Crates and Hierax the Argive*. It was by\\nmeans of Olympus that the flute attained an equal place in Greek music\\nwith the cithara by which change music gained a much greater com-\\npass than before. It was much easier to multiply the tones of the flute\\nthan those of the cithara; especially as the ancient flute-players were\\naccustomed to play upon two flutes at once. Hence the severe censors\\nThe former is mentioned by Plutarch de Mns. 7 the latter by the same\\nwriter, c. 26, and Pollux iv. 10. 79. Accordingly it is not probable that this second\\nOlympus was a mythical personage, or a collective appellation of the Phrvjnan\\nmusic in its improved state.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0162.jp2"}, "161": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 157\\nof music in antiquity disapproved of the flute on moral grounds, since\\nthey considered the variety of its tones as calculated to seduce the\\nplayer iuto an unchaste and florid style of music. Olympus also in-\\nvented and cultivated the third musical scale, the enharmonic the\\npowerful effects of which, as well as its difficulties, have been already\\nmentioned. His nomes were accordingly auletic, that is, intended for\\nthe flute, and belonged to the enharmonic scale.\\nAmong the different names which have been preserved, that of the\\nHarmateios Nomos may be particularly mentioned, as we are able to\\nform a tolerably correct idea of its nature. In the Orestes of Euripides,\\na Phrygian Eunuch in the service of Helen, who has just escaped the\\nmurderous hands of Orestes and Pylades, describes his dangers\\nin a monody, in which the liveliest expression of pain and terror is\\nblended with a character of Asiatic softness. This song, of which\\nthe musical accompaniment was doubtless composed with as much\\nart as the rhythmical structure, was set to the harmatian nome, as\\nEuripides makes his Phrygian say. This mournful and passionate\\nmusic appears to have been particularly adapted to the talent and taste\\nof Olympus. At Delphi, where the solemnities of the Pythian games\\nturned principally upon the fight of Apollo with the Python, Olympus\\nis said to have played a dirge in honour of the slain Python upon the\\nflute and in the Lydian style*. A nome of Olympus played upon\\nseveral flutes (t,vvav\\\\ld) was well known at Athens. Aristophanes, in\\nthe beginning of his Knights, describes the two slaves of Demus as\\ngiving utterance to their griefs in this tune. But from the esteem in\\nwhich Olympus was held by the ancients, it seems improbable that ,all\\nhis compositions were of this gloomy character; and we may therefore\\nfairly attribute a greater variety to his genius. His nome to Athene\\nprobably had the energetic and serene tone which suited the worship of\\nthis goddess. Olympus also shows great richness of invention in his\\nrhythmical forms, and particularly in such as seemed to the Greeks\\nexpressive of enthusiasm and emotion. It appears probable from\\na statement in Plutarch, that he introduced the rhythm of the songs\\nto the Magna Mater, or Galliambi f. The Atys of Catullus shows what\\nan impression of melancholy, beauty and tenderness this metre was capa-\\nble of producing, when handled by a skilful artist.\\nA more important fact, however, is, that Olympus introduced not\\nonly the third scale of music, but also a third class of rhythms. All\\nWith this is connected the account that Olympus the Mysian cultivated the\\nLydian style, IpiXorixwiv. Clem. Alex. Strom, i.p.363. Potter.\\nf The passage of Plutarch de Mnsica, c. x\\\\\\\\k., ku) rlv %\u00c2\u00bbouov (pv/lpov), Z toXXu\\nxi%ewr.ui lv reig M\u00c2\u00bbjw\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00abj, probably refers to the Iuviko; umaXufuvo;, which, on account\\nof the prevalence of trochees in it, might probably be considered as belonging to the\\n%O\u00c2\u00a3i70{ pvfftOf.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0163.jp2"}, "162": {"fulltext": "158 HISTORY OP THE\\nthe early rhythmical forms are of two kinds*, the equal (to-ov), in which\\nthe inifl is equal to the thesis; and the double (SnrXamov), in which\\nthe arsis is twice as long as the thesis. The former is the basis of the\\nhexameter, the latter of the chief part of the poetry of Archilochus.\\nThe equal rhythm is most appropriate, when a calm composed state of\\nmind is to be expressed, as there is a perfect balance of the arsis and\\nthesis. The double rhythm has a rapid and easy march, and is\\ntherefore adapted to the expression of passion, but not of great or\\nelevated sentiments, the double arsis requiring no great energy to\\ncarry forward the light thesis. Now, besides these, there is a third\\nkind of rhythm, called, from the relation of the arsis to the thesis,\\none and a half (fifxioXiov) in which an arsis of two times answers to\\na thesis of three. The Cretan foot (iu and the multifarious class\\nof pseons belong to this head (jLuuu,uoui_, c), to which .last the\\ntheoretical writers of antiquity ascribe much life and energy, and at\\nthe same time, loftiness of expression. That the poets and musicians\\nconsidered it in the same light may be inferred from the use which they\\nmade of it. Olympus was the first who cultivated this rhythm, as we\\nlearn from Plutarch, and it is almost needless to remark that this exten-\\nsion of the rhythms agrees with the other inventions of Olympus f.\\n8. It appears, therefore, that Olympus exercised an important\\ninfluence in developing the rhythms, the instrumental music, and the\\nmusical scales of the Greeks, as well as in the composition of numerous\\nnomes. Yet if we inquire to what words his compositions were arranged,\\nwe can find no trace of a verse written by him. Olympus is never, like\\nTerpander, mentioned as a poet he is simply a musician His\\nnomes, indeed, seem to have been originally executed on the flute alone,\\nwithout singing; and he himself, in the tradition of the Greeks, was\\ncelebrated as a flute-player. It was a universal custom at this time to\\nselect the flute-players for the musical performances in Greek cities\\nfrom among the Phrygians of this nation, according to the testimony\\nof Athenaeus, were Iambus, Adon and Telos, mentioned by the Lacedae-\\nmonian lyric poet Alcman, and Cion, Codalus, and Babys, mentioned\\nby Hipponax. Hence, for example, Plutarch says, that Thaletas took\\nthe Cretan rhythm from the flute-playing of Olympus and thus\\nacquired the fame of a good poet. Since Olympus did not properly\\nbelong to the Greek literature, and did not enter the lists with the poets\\nAbove, chap. xi. 8.\\nf According to Plutarch de Mus. c. 29. Some also ascribe to Olympus the\\n~Bax%uo( fv6pli which belongs to the same family, though its form makes\\na less pleasing impression.\\nI Suidas attributes to him /^.ixn and lXiyt7ai, which may be a confusion between\\ncompositions in the lyric and elegiac style and poetical texts.\\n\u00c2\u00a7ixr*s OXvfi*6uav\\\\wtus, Plutarch de Mus. c. 10 cf.c. 15. Hence also, inc. 7, an-\\nte tic nomes are ascribed to Olympus; but in c. 3 the first aulodic nomes are ascribed\\nto Clonas.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0164.jp2"}, "163": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 159\\nof Greece, it is natural that his precise date should not have been\\nrecorded. His date, however, is sufficiently marked by the advances of\\nthe Greek music and rhythm due to his efforts and the generation to\\nwhich he belonged can thus be determined. For, as it appears both\\nfrom the nature of his inventions and from express testimony that\\nmusic had made some progress in his time, he must be later than Ter-\\npander; on the other hand, he must be prior to Thaletas, according to\\nthe statement just mentioned so that he must be placed between the\\n30th and 40th Olympiads (b. c. 660\u00e2\u0080\u009420)\\n9. Thaletas makes the third epoch in the history of Greek music.\\nA native of Crete, he found means to express in a musical form the\\nspirit which pervaded the religious institutions of his country, by which\\nhe produced a strong impression upon the other Greeks. He seems\\nto have been partly a priest and partly an artist and from this circum-\\nstance his history is veiled in obscurity. He is called a Gortynian, but\\nis also said to have been born at Elyrus the latter tradition may per-\\nhaps allude to the belief that the mythical expiatory priest Carmanor\\n(who was supposed to have purified Apollo himself from the slaughter of\\nthe Python, and to have been the father of the bard Chrysothemis)\\nlived at Tarrha, near Elyrus, in the mountains on the west of Crete.\\nIt is at any rate certain that Thaletas was connected with this ancient\\nseat of religious poetry and music, the object of which was to appease\\npassion and emotion. Thaletas was in the height of his fame invited\\nto Sparta, that he might restore peace and order to the city, at that\\ntime torn by intestine commotions. In this attempt he is supposed to\\nhave completely succeeded and his political influence on this occasion\\ngave rise to the report that Lycurgus had been instructed by him f.\\nIn fact, however, Thaletas lived several centuries later than Ly-\\ncurgus, having been one of the musicians who assisted in perfecting\\nTerpander s musical system at Sparta, and giving it a new and fixed\\nform. The musicians named by Plutarch, as the arrangers of this\\nsecond system, are Thaletas of Gortyna, Xenodamus of Cythera, Xeno-\\ncritus the Locrian, Polymnestus of Colophon, Sacadas of Argos.\\nAmong these, however, the last named are later than the former j as\\nPolymnestus composed for the Lacedaemonians a poem in honour of\\nThaletas, which is mentioned by Pausanias. If, therefore, Sacadas was\\na victor in the Pythian games in Olymp. 47, 3 (b. c. 590), and if\\nthis may be taken as the time when the most recent of these musi-\\ncians flourished, the first of them, Thaletas, may be fixed not later\\nAccordingto Suidas, Olympus was contemporary with a king Midas, the son of\\nGordius but this is no argument against the assumed date, as the Phrygian kings,\\ndown to the time of Croesus, were alternately named Midas and Gordius.\\nf Nevertheless Strabo, x. p. 481, justly calls Thaletas a legislative man. Like the\\nCretan training in general Elian V. H. ii. 39,) he doubtless combined poetry and\\nmusic with a measured and well-ordered conduct.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0165.jp2"}, "164": {"fulltext": "ICO HISTORY OP THE\\nthan the 40th Olympiad c. 620); which places him in the right rela-\\ntion to Terpander and Olympus*.\\n10. We now return to the musical and poetical productions of\\nThaletas, which were connected with the ancient religious rites of his\\ncountry. In Crete, at the time of Thaletas, the predominating- worship was\\nthat of Apollo; the character of which was a solemn elevation of mind,\\na firm reliance in the power of the god, and a calm acquiescence in the\\norder of things proclaimed by him. But it cannot be doubted that the\\nancient Cretan worship of Zeus was also practised, with the wild war\\ndances of the Curetes, like the Phrygian worship of the Magna Mater t.\\nThe musical and poetical works of Thaletas fall under two heads pceans\\nand hyporchemcs. In many respects these two resembled each other;\\ninasmuch as the paean originally belonged exclusively to the worship of\\nApollo, and the hyporcheme was also performed at an early date in\\ntemples of Apollo, as at DelosJ. Hence paeans and hyporchemes were\\nsometimes confounded. Their main features, however, were quite dif-\\nferent. The paean displayed the calm and serious feeling which pre-\\nvailed in the worship of Apollo, without excluding the expression of an\\nearnest desire for his protection, or of gratitude for aid already vouch-\\nsafed. The hyporcheme, on the other hand, was a dance of a mimic\\ncharacter, which sometimes passed into the playful and the comic.\\nAccordingly the hyporchematic dance is considered as a peculiar species\\nof the lyric dances, and, among dramatic styles of dancing, it is com-\\npared with the cordax of comedy, on account of its merry and sportive\\ntone\u00c2\u00a7. The rhythms of the hyporcheme, if we may judge from the\\nfragments of Pindar, were peculiarly light, and had an imitative and\\ngraphic character.\\nThese musical and poetical styles were improved by Thaletas, who\\nemployed both the orchestic productions of his native country, and the\\nimpassioned music and rhythms of Olympus. It has already been re-\\nmarked that he borrowed the Cretan rhythm from Olympus, which doubt-\\nless acquired this name from its having been made known by Thaletas\\nof Crete. The entire class of feet to which the Cretan foot belongs,\\nwere called Pceons, from being used in paeans (or paeons). Thaletas\\ndoubtless gave a more rapid march to the paean by this animated and\\nvigorous rhythm;. But the hyporchematic productions of Thaletas\\nmust have been still gayer and more energetic. And Sparta was the\\nClinton, who, in Fast. Hellen. vol. 1. p. 199, tq. s places Thaletas before Ter-\\npander, rejects the most authentic testimony, that concerning the xuTcirrue,; of\\nmusic at Sparta and moreover, does not allow sufficient weight to the far more\\nartificial character of the music and rhythms of Thaletas.\\nf KovtY-i; n hit tyXMfetlyfunt Io-^ysty.oi:. Hesiod, fr. 94. Goettlin\u00c2\u00b0-.\\nX Above, ch. iii. h 6. Athen. xiv. p. 630, E.\\nFragments of a paean in paeons are preserved in Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 8, viz.\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nAn/.oyivi;, ifa Avxixv, and Xovvtoxepcc Eholti, vu.1 \u00c2\u00a3uig.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0166.jp2"}, "165": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 161\\ncountry which at this time was best suited to the music of dancing-.\\nThe Gymnoptcdia, the festival of naked youths, one of the chief\\nsolemnities of the Spartans, was well calculated to encourage the love of\\ng ymnastic exercises and dances among the youth. The boys in these\\ndances first imitated the movements of wrestling and the pancration\\nand then passed into the wild gestures of the worship of Bacchus\\nThere was also much jesting and merriment in these dancesf a fact\\nwhich points to mimic representations in the style of the hyporcheme,\\nespecially as the establishment of dances and musical entertainments at\\nthe gymnopsedia is ascribed by Plutarch to the musicians, at the head\\nof whom was Thaletas J. The Pyrrhic, or war-dance, was also formed\\nby the musicians of this school, particularly by Thaletas* It was a\\nfavourite spectacle of the Cretans and Lacedaemonians and both these\\nnations derived it from their ancestors, the former from the Curetes,\\nthe latter from the Dioscuri. It was accompanied by the flute, which\\ncould only have been the case after the music of the flute had been\\nscientifically cultivated by the Greeks although there was a legend that\\nAthene herself played the war-dance upon the flute to the Dioscuri\\nIt was a natural transition from the simple war-dance to imitations of\\ndifferent modes of fighting, offensive and defensive, and to the regular\\nrepresentation of mock fights with several Pyrrhichists. According to\\nPlato, the Pyrrhic dance was thus practised in Crete and Thaietas, in.\\nimproving the national music of Crete, composed hyporchemes for the\\nPyrrhic dance. The rhythms which were chosen for the expression of\\nthe hurried and vehement movements of the combat were of course\\nquick and changeable, as was usually the case in the hyporchematic\\npoems; the names of some of the metrical feet have been derived from\\nthe rhythms employed in the Pyrrhic dance\\n15. Terpander, Olympus, and Thaletas are distinguished by the\\nsalient peculiarities which belong to inventive genius. But it is difficult\\nto find any individual characteristics in the numerous masters who\\nfollowed them between the 40th and 50th Olympiads. It may, however,\\nbe useful to mention some of their names, in order to give an idea of\\nthe zeal with which the Greek music was cultivated, after it had passed\\nout of the hands of its first founders and improvers.\\nThe first name we will mention is Clonas, of Thebes, or Tegea, not\\nThese gymnopaedic dances, described by Athenaeus, xiv. p. 631, xv. p. 678,\\nwere evidently different from the yuftvovuthxh b gxvcri;, which, according to the same\\nAthenaeus, was the most solemn kind of lyric dance, and corresponded to the em-\\nmeleia among the dramatic dances.\\nf Pollux iv. 14, 104.\\nX Plutarch de Mus. 9. The ancient chronologists place the first introduction of\\nthe gymnopaedia somewhat earlier, viz. Olymp. 28. 4. (n. c. 665.)\\nSee Mliller s Dorians, book iv.ch. 6. 6 and 7.\\nNot only the Pyrrhic (oo), but also the proceleusmatic, or challenging, foot\\n(oooo), refers to the Pyrrhic dance. The latter ought probably to be considered\\na resolved anapaest and so the hbwku; pvfyog is removed to the anapaestic measure.\\nM", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0167.jp2"}, "166": {"fulltext": "1G2 HISTORY OF THE\\nmuch later than Terpander, celebrated as a composer of aulodic nomes,\\none of which was called Elegos, on account of its plaintive tone. The\\npoetry, which was set to his compositions and sung to the flute, chiefly\\nconsisted of hexameters and elegiac distichs, without any artificial rhyth-\\nmical construction. Secondly, Hierax, of Argos, a scholar of Olympus,\\nwas a master of flute-playing he invented the music to which the Argive\\nmaidens performed the ceremony of the Flower-carrying (avdevfiopia),\\nin the temple of Here; and another in which the youths represented\\nthe graceful exercises of the Pentathlon. We will next enumerate the\\nmasters who, after Thaletas, contributed the most towards the new\\narrangement of music irt Sparta. These were Xenodamus, a Lacedae-\\nmonian of Cythera, a poet and composer of paeans and hyporchemes,\\nlike Thaletas Xenocritus, from Locri Epizephyrii in Italy, a town\\nnoted for its taste in music and poetry. To this Xenocritus is attributed\\na peculiar Locrian, or Italian measure, which was a modification of the\\niEolic*; as the Locrian love-songs t approached closely to the iEolic\\npoetry of Sappho and Erinna. Erotic poems, however, are not attributed\\nto Xenocritus, but dithyrambs, the subjects of which were taken from\\nthe heroic mythology a peculiar kind of poetry, the origin and style\\nof which we will endeavour to describe hereafter. Lastly, there are to\\nbe mentioned Polymnestus, of Colophon and Sacadas, of Argos\\nthe former was an early contemporary of Alcman, who improved upon\\nthe aulodia of Clonas, and exceeded the limits of the five styles\\nHe appears, in general, to have enlarged the art of music, and was\\nparticularly distinguished in the loud and spirited Orthian nome.\\nSacadas was celebrated as having been victorious in flute-playinc;, at\\nthe first three Pythian games, at which the Amphictvons presided\\n(Olymp. 47. 3; 49.3; 50. 3; b. c. 590, 582, 578). He first\\nplayed the flute in the Pythian style, but without singing. He left this\\nbranch of the art to Echembrotus, an Arcadian musician, who, in the\\nfirst Pythiad, gained the prize for accompanying the voice with the\\nflute. But, according to Pausanias, this connexion of flute-playing\\nand singing seemed, from its mournful and gloomy expression, so\\nunsuited to the Pythian festival\u00e2\u0080\u0094 a joyful celebration of victory,\u00e2\u0080\u0094 that\\nthe Amphictyons abolished this contest after the first time. With\\nregard to Sacadas, and the state of music in his time, he is stated to have\\nbeen the inventor of the tripartite nome (rptfiep^ ^oc^ in which one\\nstrophe was set in the Doric, the second in the Phrygian, the third in\\nthe Lydian style; the entire character of the music and poetry beiner,\\ndoubtless, changed with the change of the style.\\nBoeckh de Metris Pind. p. 212, 225, 241 279.\\n.-a ttr t ^t? de Mus c 29 1,,hou h", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0168.jp2"}, "167": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE, 163\\n12. By the efforts of these masters, music appears to have been\\nbrought to the decree of excellence at which we find it in Pindar s\\ntime it was then perfectly adapted to express the general course of any\\nfeeling-, to which the poet could give a more definite character and\\nmeaning-. For however imperfect the management of instrumental\\nmusic and the harmonious combination of different voices and instru-\\nments may have been among the ancient Greeks, nevertheless the Greek\\nmusicians of this time had solved the great problem of their art, viz.,\\nthat of giving an appropriate expression to the different shades of feel-\\ning. It was in Greece the constant endeavour of the great poets, the\\nbest thinkers, and even of statesmen who interested themselves in the\\neducation of youth, to give a good direction to music they all dreaded\\nthe increasing prevalence of a luxuriant style of instrumental music, and\\nan unrestricted flight in the boundless realms of harmony. But these\\nefforts could only for a while resist the inclinations and turbulent de-\\nmands of the theatrical audiences and the new style of music was\\nestablished about the end of the Peloponnesian war. It will be here-\\nafter shown how strong an influence it exercised upon the poetry of\\nGreece at that time. At the courts of the Macedonian kings, from\\nAlexander downwards, symphonies were performed by hundreds of in-\\nstruments and from the statements of the ancients it would seem that\\ninstrumental music, particularly as regards wind instruments, was at\\nthat time scarcely inferior in force or number to our own. Yet amidst\\nall these grand and brilliant productions, the best judges were forced to\\nconfess that the ancient melodies of Olympus, which were arranged for\\nthe simplest instruments, possessed a beauty to which the modern art,\\nwith all its appliances, could never attain -f\\\\\\nWe now turn to lyric poetry, which, assisted by the musical improve\\nments of Terpander, Olympus, and Thaletas, began in the 40th Olym-\\npiad (620 b. c.) a course, which, in a century and a half, brought it to\\nthe highest perfection.\\nThe kxr^K^rU of Plato. f Plutarch de Mus, c. 18.\\nm2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0169.jp2"}, "168": {"fulltext": "1(34 HISTORY OF TH]\\nCHAPTER XIII.\\nI. Difference between the Lyric Poetry of the ^Eolians, and the Choral Lyric\\nfWry of the Dorians. 2. Life and political Acts of Alcseus.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 3. Their con-\\niu-xion with his Poetry. 4. The other subjects of his Poems. 5. Their me-\\ntiical form. G. Life and moral character of Sappho. 7. Her Erotic Poetry\\nto Phaon. o 8. Poems of Sappho to women. 9. Hymenseals of Sappho.\\nft li\u00c2\u00bb. Followers of Sappho, Damophila, Erinna. 11. Life of Anacreon. 12.\\nilis Poems to the youths at the Court of Pofycrates 13! His Love-songs to\\nrss. 14. Character of his versification 6 lo. Comparison of the later\\nAnacreontics. 16. Scolia occasions on which they were sung, and their sub-\\njects. o 17. Scolia of Hybrias and Callistratus.\\n1. The lyric poetry of the Greeks is of two kinds, which were culti-\\nvated by different schools of poets; the name which is commonly given\\nto poets living in the same country, and following the same rules of com-\\nposition. Of these two schools, one is called the Molic, as it flourished\\namong the JEolians of Asia Minor, and particularly in the island of\\nLesbos the other the Doric, because, although it was diffused over the\\nwhole of Greece, yet it was first and principally cultivated by the Do-\\nrians in Peloponnesus and Sicily. The difference of origin appears also\\nin the dialect of these two schools. The Lesbian school wrote in the\\n/Eolic dialect, as it is still to be found upon inscriptions in that island,\\nwhile the Doric employed almost indifferently either a mitigated Do-\\nrism, or the epic dialect, the dignity and solemnity of which was\\nheightened by a limited use of Doric forms. These two schools differ\\nessentially in every respect, as much in the subject, as in the form and\\nstyle of their poems and as in the Greek poetry generally, so here in\\nparticular, we may perceive that between the subject, form, and style,\\nthere is the closest connexion. To begin with the mode of recitation, the\\nDoric lyric poetry was intended to be executed by choruses, and to be\\nsung to choral dances, whence it is sometimes called choral poetry on\\nthe other hand, the /Eolic is never called choral, because it was meant\\nto be recited by a single person, who accompanied his recitation with a\\nstringed instrument, generally the lyre, and with suitable gestures.\\nThe structure of the Doric lyric strophe is comprehensive, and often\\nvery artificial inasmuch as the ear, which might perhaps be unable to\\ndetect the recurring rhythms, was assisted by the eye, which could fol-\\nlow the different movements of the chorus^and thus the spectator was\\nable to understand the intricate and artificial plan of the composition.\\nThe -Eolic lyric poetry, on the other hand, was much more limited, and\\neither consisted of verses joined together (~6 vara (rrc X oy), or it formed\\nof a few short verses, strophes in which the same verse is frequently re-\\npeated, and the conclusion is e fleeted by a change in the versification,\\nor by the addition of a short final verse. The strophes of the Doric", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0170.jp2"}, "169": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 165\\nlyric poetry were also often combined by annexing to two strophes\\ncorresponding with one another, a third and different one called an\\nepode. The origin of this, according* to the ancients, is, that the chorus,\\nhaving* performed one movement during* the strophe, return to their\\nformer position during the antistrophe and they then remain motion-\\nless for a time, during* which the epode is sung. The short strophes of\\nthe iEolic lyric poetry, on the other hand, follow each other in equal\\nmeasure, and without being interrupted by epodes. The rhythmical\\nstructure of the choral strophes of the Doric lyric poetry is likewise\\ncapable of much variety, assuming* sometimes a more elevated, some-\\ntimes a more cheerful character whilst in the iEolic, light and lively\\nmetres, peculiarly adapted to express the passionate emotion of an ex-\\ncitable mind, are frequently repeated.\\nChoral poetry required an object of public and general interest, as\\nthe choruses were combined with religious festivals and if they were\\ncelebrated in private, they always needed a solemn occasion and cele-\\nbration. Thoughts and feelings peculiar to an individual could not,\\nwith propriety, be sung* by a numerous chorus. Hence the choral lyric\\npoetry was closely connected with the interests of the Greek states,\\neither by celebrating their gods and heroes, and imparting a charm and\\ndignity to the festal recreations of the people, or by extolling citizens\\nwho had acquired high renown in the eyes of their countrymen. It\\nwas also sometimes used at marriages or funerals occasions in\\nwhich the events of private life are brought into public notice. On the\\nother hand, the iEolic lyric poetry frequently expresses thoughts and\\nfeelings in which only one mind can sympathize, and expresses them\\nwith such tenderness as to display the inmost workings of the heart.\\nHow would such impressions be destroyed by the singing of a chorus\\nof many voices Even when political events and other matters of public\\ninterest were touched upon in the iEolic lyric poetry, they were not\\nmentioned in such a manner as to invite general sympathy. Instead of\\nseeking, by wise admonitions, to settle the disorders of the state, the\\npoet gives expression to his own party feelings. Nevertheless, it is pro-\\nbable that the iEolic poets sometimes composed poems for choral ex-\\nhibition, for choruses were undoubtedly performed in Lesbos, as well as\\nin other parts of Greece and although some ancient festival songs\\nmight have existed, yet there would naturally be a wish to obtain new\\npoetry, for which purpose the labour of the poets in the island would\\nbe put in requisition. Several of the Lesbian lyric poems, of which\\nwe have fragments and accounts, appear to have been composed for\\nchoral recitation But the characteristic excellence of this lyric poetry\\nEspecially the hymenreus of Pappho, from which the yoem of Catullus, 62, is\\nimitated it was recited by choruses of young men and women; see below 9.\\nChoral dances had been usual, in connexion with the hymenreus, from the earliest\\ntimes see above ch. 5. So likewise the fragment of Sappho, Kfitrcrai w cr\\nc, No. 83, ed. Blomfield. No. 46, ed. Neue, alludes to some imitation of a Cretan", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0171.jp2"}, "170": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE\\nthe expression oi individual ideas and sentiments, with warmth and\\nfanknett. UlSse sentiments found a natural expression in the native\\ndi lect of these poets, the ancient iEolic, which has a character of sim-\\nplicitv and fondness the epic dialect, the general language of Greek\\npoetry, was only used sparingly, in order to soften and elevate this po-\\npular dialect. Unhappily the works of these poets were allowed to\\nperish at a time when they had become unintelligible from the singu-\\nlaritv of their dialect, and the condensation of their thoughts. To this\\ncause, and not to the warmth of their descriptions of the passion of love,\\n[a to be attributed the oblivion to which they were consigned. For if lite\\nrarv works had been condemned on moral grounds of this kind, the\\nwritings of Martial and Petronius, and many poems of the Anthology,\\nwould not exist while Alcseus and Sappho would probably be extant.\\nAs, however, the productions of these two poets have not been preserved,\\nwe must attempt to form as perfect an idea of them as can be obtained\\nfrom the sources of information which are open to us.\\n2. The circumstances of the life of Alceus are closely connected\\nwith the political circumstances of his native city Mytilene, in the island\\nof Lesbos. Alcseus belonged to a noble family, and a great part of his\\npublic life was employed in asserting the privileges of his order. These\\nwere then endangered by democratic factions, which appear to have\\nplaced ambitious men at their head, and to have given them powerful\\nsupport, as happened about the same time in Peloponnesus. In many\\ncases the demagogues obtained absolute, or (as the Greeks called it)\\ntyrannical power. A tyrant of this kind in Mytilene was Melanchrus,\\nwho was opposed by the brothers of Alcseus, Antimenidas and Cicis, in\\nconjunction with Pittacus, the wisest statesman of the time in Lesbos,\\nand was slain by them in the 42d Olympiad, 612 b. c. At this time\\nthe Mytileneans were at war with foreign enemies, the Athenians, who,\\nunder Phrynon, had conquered and retained possession of Sigeum, a\\nmaritime town of Troas. The Mytileneans, among whom was Alcseus,\\nwere defeated in this war but Pittacus slew Phrynon in single combat,\\nOlymp. 43. 3. 606 b. c. Mytilene henceforth was divided into parties,\\nfrom the heads of which new tyrants arose, such as (according to\\nStrabo) MyrsilttS, Megalagyrus, and the Cleanactids. The aristocratic\\nparty, to which Alcaeus and Antimenidas belonged, was driven out of\\nMytilene, and the two brothers then wandered about the world. Alcseus,\\nbeing exiled, made long sea voyages, which led him to Egypt and\\nAntimenidas served in the Babylonian army, probably in the war which\\nichadnezzar waged in Upper. Asia with the Egyptian Pharaoh\\nNecho, and the states of Syria, Phoenicia, and Judaea, in the years from\\ndance round the altar; and dances of this kind were, perhaps, often combined with\\nthe hymns of the yKolians see Anthol. Palat. 1, 189. Anacreon s poems were also\\ny female choruses at nocturnal festivals, according to Critias ap. Athen. xiii.\\np. 000 D. b F", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0172.jp2"}, "171": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 167\\nb. c. 606 (01. 43. 3) to 584 (01. 49. 1), and longer*. Some time\\nafter this we again find the brothers in the neighbourhood of their native\\ncity, at the head of the exiled nobles, and trying to effect their return\\nby force. Pittacus was then unanimously elected dictator by the people,\\nto defend the constitution, (al vfLv^ri]Q). The administration of Pit-\\ntacus lasted, according to the accounts of ancient chronologers, from\\nOlymp. 47. 3. (b. c. 590), to 50. 1. (b. c. 580). He was so fortunate\\nas to overcome the exiled party, and to gain them over fry his clemency\\nand moderation. He also (according to a well authenticated statement)\\nwas reconciled with Alcaeus and it is probable that the poet, after\\nmany wanderings, passed his latter days in the quiet enjoyment of his\\nhome.\\n3. In the midst of these troubles and perils, Alcaeus struck the\\nlyre, not, like Solon, with a spirit of calm and impartial patriotism, to\\nbewail the evils of the state, and to show the way to improvement, but to\\ngive utterance to the passionate emotions of his mind. When Myrsilus\\nwas about to establish a tyrannical government in Mytilene, Alcaeus\\ncomposed the beautiful ode, in which he compares the state to a ship\\ntossed about by the waves, while the sea has washed into the hold, and\\nthe sail is torn by the wind. A considerable fragment of this ode has\\nbeen preserved f and we may also form some idea of its contents from\\nthe fine imitation of it by Horace, which, however, probably falls short\\nof the original When Myrsilus dies, the joy of the poet knows no\\nbounds. Now is the time for carousing, now is the time for chal-\\nlenging the guests to drink, for Myrsilus is dead Horace has also\\ntaken the beginning of this ode for one of his finest poems After\\nthe death of Myrsilus, we find Alcaeus aiming the shafts of his poetry\\nat Megalagyrus and the Cleanactids, on account of their attempts\\nto obtain- illegal power although, according to Strabo, Alcaeus himself\\nwas not entirely guiltless of attempts against the constitution of Myti-\\nlene. Even when Pittacus was chosen dictator by the people, the dis-\\ncontent of the poet with the political state of his country did not cease\\non the contrary, Pittacus (who was esteemed by all a wise, moderate,\\nand patriotic statesman, and who had clearly shown his republican\\nvirtue by resigning his power after a ten years administration) now be-\\ncame the prime object of the vehement attacks of Alcaeus. He reproaches\\nthe people for having unanimously chosen the ignoble Pittacus to be\\ntyrant over the ill-fated city and he assails the dictator with vitupera\\nThe battle of Carchemish, or Circesium, appears from Bcrosus to fall in 604 u. c,\\nthe year of Nabopolassar s death but 606 b. c, the date of the biblical chronology.,\\nis probably right.\\nf Fragm. 2. Blomf. 2. Matth. cf. 3.\\nX Carm. 1, 14. O navis referent\\nFragm. 4. Blomf. 4. Matth.\\nCarm. 1. 37. Nunc est bibendum\\nrov KKKOTrar^ec UiTTdKov, Fragm, 23, Blomf. 5, Matth.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0173.jp2"}, "172": {"fulltext": "l(-,s HISTORY OF THE\\nti\\\\e epithets wh ch appetl filter for iambic than for lyric poetry. Thus\\nlie taunts him in words of the boldest formation, sometimes with his\\nmean appearance, sometimes with his low and vulgar mode of life*.\\ncompared with Pittacus, it seems that the poet now deemed the\\nformer tyrant Melanchrus, worthy of the respect of the city f.\\nIn this class of his poems (called by the ancients his party poems,\\nT7(im(irTTiK(\\\\), Alca?us gave a lively picture of the political state of\\nMytilene, as ii appeared to his partial view. His war-songs express a\\nstirring martial spirit, though they do not breathe the strict principles of\\nmilitary honour which prevailed among the Dorians, particularly in\\nSparta. He describes with joy his armoury, the walls of which glit-\\ntered with helmets, coats of mail, and other pieces of armour, which\\nmust now be thought upon, as the work of war is begun He\\nspeaks of war with courage and confidence to his companions in arms;\\nthere is no need of walls (he says), men are the best rampart of the\\ncity nor does he fear the shining weapons of the enemy. Em-\\nblems on shields make no wounds He celebrates the battles of his\\nadventurous brother, who had, in the service of the Babylonians, slain a\\ngigantic champion *f| and speaks of the ivory sword-handle which this\\nbrother had brought from the extremity of the earth, probably the pre-\\nsent of some oriental prince Yet the pleasure he seems to have felt\\nin deeds of arms did not prevent him from relating in one of his poems,\\nhow in a battle with the Athenians he had escaped indeed with his life,\\nbut the victors had hung up his castaway arms as trophies, in the\\ntemple of Pallas at Sigeumf -j\\\\\\n4. A noble nature, accompanied with strong passions, a variety of\\ncharacter frequent among the iEolians, appears in all the poetry of\\nAlcaeus, especially in the numerous poems which sing the praises of\\nlove and wine. The frequent mention of wine in the fragments of\\nAlcccus shows how highly he prized the gift of Bacchus, and how in-\\ngenious he was in the invention of inducements to drinking. Now it is\\nthe cold storms of winter which drive him to drink by the flame of the\\nIn Diog. Lacrt. 1. 81. Fra^m. C. Matth. Thus he calls Pittacus gofoho*vfiet f that\\nis. who sups in the dark, and not in a room lighted with lamps and torches.\\nf Fragm. 7. Blomf. 7. Matth.\\nFragm. 24. Blomf. 1. Matih. comp. helow 6 5.\\no Fragm. 9. Blcmf. 11,12. Matth.\\nragm. 13. Matth.\\nThe fragment in Strahoxiii. p. 617, (8G. Blomf. 8.Mahh.)liPsbeen thus emended\\nby the author in Niebuhr s Rheinisches Museum, vol. i. p. 287.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 K\u00c2\u00ab} tov hXQov\\nAtTifiMtotti) it Qifn AXzdtos Bu/ZvXuvtois ffv[if4.a.%ovvra. nXi/rui f/Ayuv .*v, xcu be crov^y\\nulrcvs fVTt/.txfc.t XTtimvra kv^u f/.u^arkv, as fr,tn, fZatrtXtiiov, -ruXaiaTuv uvoXiivovrK futat\\nfuttt vruyjuv krrl *ift*m, A\\\\o\\\\. for -tt ivti) that is, this royal champion only wanted\\na palm of five Greek cubits.\\nFragm. 32. Blomf. 67. Matth.\\n-it Fragm. 6. Blomf. 9. Matth.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0174.jp2"}, "173": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 169\\nhearth, as in a beautiful poem imitated by Horace now the heat of\\nthe dog- star, which parches all nature, and invites to moisten the\\ntongue with wine t. Another time it is the cares and sorrows of life for\\nwhich wine is the best medicine J; and then again, it is joy for the\\ndeath of the tyrant which must be celebrated by a drinking bout. Al-\\ncu)us however does not consider wine-drinking as a mere sensual excite-\\nment. Thus he calls wine the drowner of cares and, as opening the\\nheart, it is a mirror for mankind Still it may be doubted whether\\nAlcaeus composed a separate class of drinking songs, (o-vpronm.) From\\nthe fragments which remain, and the imitations by Horace, it is more\\nprobable that Alcaeus connected every exhortation to drink with some\\nreflection, either upon the particular circumstances of the time or upon\\nman s destiny in general.\\nIt is much to be regretted that so little of the erotic poetry of Alcaeus\\nhas reached our time. What could be more interesting than the re\\nlations between Alcaeus and Sappho of the poet with the poetess\\nwhilst on the part of Alcaeus love and respect for the noble and renowned\\nmaiden were in conflict. He salutes her in a poem, Violet crowned,\\npure, sweetly smiling Sappho and confesses to her in another that he\\nwishes to express more, but shame prevents him. Sappho understands\\nhis meaning, and answers with maiden indignation, If thy wishes\\nwere fair and noble, and thy tongue designed not to utter what is base,\\nshame would not cloud thy eyes, but thou wouldst freely speak thy just\\ndesires^. That his poems to beautiful youths breathed feelings of the\\ntenderest love may be conjectured from the well-known anecdote that\\nhe attributed a peculiar beauty to a small blemish in his beloved\\nThe amatory poems, like the passages in praise of wine, are free from a\\ntone of Sybaritic effeminacy, or merely sensual passion. Throughout\\nhis poems, we see the active restless man; and the tumult of war, the\\nstrife of politics, the sufferings of exile, and of distant wanderings, serve\\nby contrast to heighten the effect of scenes of tranquil enjoyment. The\\nLesbian citizen sang of war amidst the din of arms or, when he had\\nbound the storlh-tossed ship to the shore, he sang Of Bacchus and the\\nMuses, of Venus and her son, and Lycus, beautiful from his black hair\\nand black eyes ft- It isevidentthat poetry was not a mere pastime, or\\nexercise of skill to Alcaeus, but a means of pouring out the inmost feel-\\nings of his soul. How superior are these poems to the odes of Horace\\nwhich, admirable as they are for the refinement of the ideas and the\\nFragm. 1. Bloraf. 27. Matth. Horat. Carm. I. 9. Vides ut alta.\\nf Fragm. 18. Blomf. 28. Matth. J Fragm. 3. Blomf. 29. Matth.\\nXaAx* 2 Fragm. 20. Blomf. 31. Matth.\\nFr. 10. Blomf. 36, 37. Matth.\\nFragm. 38. Blomf. and Sappho, Fragm. 30. In Matthise, Fragm. 41,42.\\nCicero de Nat. D. 1.28. The cod. Glogan. has in Pericle pttero.\\nft Horat. Carm. I. 32. 5. s jq. Cf. Schol.Pind. Olymp. x. 15,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0175.jp2"}, "174": {"fulltext": "17(1 HISTORY OF THE\\nbeauty of the execution, yet are wanting- in that which characterized the\\n.Kolie lyric poetry, the expression of vehement passion.\\nThere is little characteristic in the religious poetry of Alcaeus,\\nwhich consisted of hymns to different deities. These poems (judging\\nfrom a few specimens of them) had so much of the epic style, and con-\\ntained so much diffuse and graphic narrative, that their whole structure\\nmust have been different from that of the poems designed for the ex-\\npression of opinions and feelings. In a hymn to Apollo, Alcaeus related\\nthe beautiful Delphic legend, that the youthful god, adorned by Zeus\\nwith a golden fillet, and holding the lyre, is carried in a car drawn by\\nswans to the pious Hyperboreans, and remains with them for a year\\nwhen, it being the time for the Delphic tripods to sound, the god about\\nthe middle of summer goes in his car to Delphi, while choruses of youths\\ninvoke him with poems, and nightingales and cicadae salute him with\\ntheir songs*. Another hymn, that to Hermes, had manifestly a close\\nresemblance to the epic hymn of the Homeric poet f both relate the\\nbirth of Hermes, and his driving away the oxen of Apollo, as also the\\nwrath of the god against the thief, B which however is changed into\\nlaughter, when he finds that, in the midst of his threats, Hermes has\\ncontrived to steal the quiver from his shoulder J. In another hymn the\\nbirth of Hephaestus was related. It appears from a few extant fragments\\nthat Alcaeus used the same metres and the same kind of strophes in the\\ncomposition of these hymns, as for his other poems. The How of the\\nnarrative must, however, have been checked by these short verses and\\nstrophes. Still Alcaeus (as Horace also does sometimes) was able to\\ncarry the same ideas and the same sentence through several strophes.\\nIt is moreover probable, from the extraordinary taste displayed by the\\nancient poets, and by Alcaeus in particular, in the choice and manage-\\nment of metrical forms, that he would in his hymns have brought the\\nverse and the subject into perfect harmony.\\n5. The metrical forms used by Alcaeus are mostly light and lively\\nsometimes with a softer, sometimes with a more vehement character.\\nThey consist principally of yEolic dactyls, which, though apparently\\nresembling the dactyls of epic poetry, yet are essentially unlike. Instead\\nof depending upon the perfect balance of the Arsis and Thesis they\\nadmit the shortening of the former whence arises an irregularity which\\nwas distinguished by the ancient writers on metre by the name of\\ndisproportioned dactyls (dXoyot cclktvXoi). These dactyls begin with\\nthe undetermined foot of two syllables, which is called ^basis, and\\nthey flow on lightly and swiftly, without alternating with heavy spondees.\\nFragm. 17. Matth. f Above ch. 7. 5.\\nFragm. 21. Matth. Horace, Carm. 1. 10. 9, has borrowed the last incident from\\nAlcams: but the hymn of Alcaeus, which related at length the story of the theft,\\nwas on the whole different from the ode of Horace, which touches on many adven-\\ntures of Hermes, without dwelling on any.\\n6 Above ch. 4. 4.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0176.jp2"}, "175": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 171\\nThe choriambics of the iEolic lyric poets are composed on the same\\nplan, as they have also the preceding basis yet this metre always re-\\ntains something of the stately tone which belongs to it. Hence Alceeus,\\nand also Horace, whose metres are for the most part borrowed from\\nhim, composed poems of choriambic verses by simple repetition, without\\ndividing them into strophes these poems have a somewhat loftier and\\nmore solemn tone than the rest. The Logacedic metre also belongs\\npeculiarly to the iEolic lyric poets it is produced by the immediate\\njunction of dactylic and trochaic feet, so that a rapid movement passes\\ninto a feebler one. This lengthened and various kind of metre was pe-\\nculiarly adapted to express the softer emotions, such as tenderness,\\nmelancholy, and longing. Hence this metre was frequently used by the\\niEolians, and their strophes were principally formed by connecting\\nlogacedic rhythms with trochees, iambi, and jEolic dactyls. Of this\\nkind is the Sapphic strophe, the softest and sweetest metre in the Greek\\nlyric poetry, and which Alcseus seems t to have sometimes employed, as\\nin his hymn to Hermes*. But the firmer and more vigorous tone of\\nthe metre, called after him the Alcaic, was better suited to the temper\\nof his mind. The logacedic elements t of this metre have but little of\\ntheir characteristic softness, and they receive an impulse from the iambic\\ndipodies which precede them. Hence the Alcaic strophe is generally\\nemployed by these poets in political and warlike poems, and in all in\\nwhich manly passions predominate. Alcseus likewise formed longer\\nverses of logacedic feet, and joined them in an unbroken series, after the\\nmanner of choriambic and many dactylic verses. In this way he ob-\\ntained a beautiful measure for the description of his armoury J. Among-\\nthe various metres used by Alcaeus, the last which we shall mention\\nThat is to say, if the verse in fragm. 37. Blomf. 22. Matth. was the beginning\\nof this hymn. According to Apollonius de pronom. p. 90. ed. Bekker, it runs thus\\n%x7gi, Kvk\\\\dvu; o fiihts (as participle, with the .^olic accent, for pib~u; s a\\\\ yd^ ftou\\nf In these remarks it is assumed that the second part of the alcaic verse is not\\nchoriambic, or dactylic, but logacedic and that the whole ought thus to be arranged\\no_/cj_o |_/oo_o\u00c2\u00bb_\\nfrl y. |_\u00c2\u00a3oo_o\\no_/ o_ J o_/ o _\\nThus* it appears that the third verse of the strophe is a prolongation of the first\\nhalf of the two first verses and that the fourth verse is a similar prolongation of\\nthe second half. The entire strophe is therefore formed of a combination of the two\\nelements, the iambic and the logacedic.\\nFragm. 24. Blomf. 1. Matth. The metre ought probably to be arranged as\\nfollows (the basis being marked X _)\\nX_ _/oo_o_|X_ _/ o cj _ o o I _/ orr\\nVerses 3 and 4 ought to be read thus xdXxtui It 7ra.irard.koii x^u-rroitrtv -rsgixtl/uivui\\nku^n^a.) xvdp.ihis, i. e. l and brazen shining grieves conceal the pegs, to which they\\nare suspended. -rao-irdXots is the ^Eolic accusative the dative in this dialect is al-\\nways 7rct r rdhoi(rt.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0177.jp2"}, "176": {"fulltext": "I 79 HISTORY OF THE\\nis the Ionic metre (Ionici a minori), which he used to express the emo-\\ntions ofhia passionate nature*.\\nWc come now to the other leader of the Lesbian school of\\npoetry, Sappho, the object of the admiration of all antiquity. There is\\ndo doubt that she belonged to the island of Lesbos j and the question\\nthe] she was born in EresosorMytileue is best resolved by supposing\\nthat she went from the lesser city to the greater, at the time of her\\ngreatest celebrity. She was nearly contemporaneous with her country-\\nman Alencus, although she must have been younger, as she was still\\nalive in 01. j3. 568 b. c. About Ol. 4(5. 596 b. c, she sailed from\\nMytilene in order to take refuge in Sicily t, but the cause of her flight\\nis unknown she must at that time have been in the bloom of her life.\\nAt a much later period she produced the ode mentioned by Herodotus,\\nin which she reproached her brother Charaxus for having purchased\\nRhodopis I the courtesan from her master, and for having been induced\\nby his love to emancipate her. This Rhodopis dwelt at Naucratis, and\\nthe event fails at a time when a frequent intercourse with Egypt had\\nalready been established by the Greeks. Now the government of\\nAmasis (who permitted the Greeks in Egypt to dwell in Naucratis)\\nbegan in Olymp. 52. 4. 569 b. c, and the return of Charaxus from the\\njourney to Mytilene, where his sister received him with this reproachful\\nand satirical ode, must have happened some years later.\\nThe severity with which Sappho censured her brother for his love for a\\ncourtesan enables us to form some judgment of the principles by which\\nshe o-uided her own conduct. For although at the time when she wrote this\\node to Charaxus, the fire of youthful passion had been quenched in her\\nbreast yet she never could have reproached her brother with his love\\nfor a courtesan, if she had herself been a courtesan in her youth and\\nCharaxus might have retaliated upon her with additional strength.\\nResides we may plainly discern the feeling of unimpeached honour clue\\nto a freeborn and well educated maiden, in the verses already quoted,\\nwhich refer to the relation of Alcaeus and Sappho. Alcaeus testifies\\nthat the attractions and loveliness of Sappho did not derogate from her\\nmoral worth when he calls her violet-crowned, pure, sweetly smiling\\nSappho These genuine testimonies are indeed opposed to the ac-\\ncounts of many hiter writers, who represent Sappho as a courtesan.\\nTo refute this opinion, we will not resort to the expedient employed by\\nFragm. 36. Blomf. G9. Matth.\\nif/A bii}.a.v lf*A Tarccv xcixortxrcdv 7ri%i%ei rciv.\\nEvery ten of the\u00c2\u00abe Ionic feet formed a system, as Bentley has arranged Horat.\\narm. III. 12. Horace, however, has not in this ode succeeded in catching the\\ngenuine tone of the metre. See above ch. 11. 6 7.\\nT Mann. Par. ep. 30. comp. Ovid Her. xv. 51. The date of the Parian marble is\\nlost; hut it must have been between Olymp. 44. 1. and 47.2.\\nII. 135, and see Athen. xiii. p. 590. Rhodopis or Doricha was the fellow slave\\nof ASeop, who flourished at the same time (Olymp. 52).\\ni-.t/^ aytfy fi.M /.r/J.iy.ua lairfoT. See above 6 4.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0178.jp2"}, "177": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 173\\nsome ancient writers, who have attempted to distinguish a courtesan of\\nEresos named Sappho from the poetess. A more probable cause of this\\nfalse imputation seems to be, that later generations, and especially the re-\\nfined Athenians, were incapable of conceiving- and appreciating the frank\\nsimplicity with which Sappho pours forth her feelings, and therefore\\nconfounded them with the unblushing- immodesty of a courtesan. In\\nSappho s time, there still existed among the Greeks much of that pri-\\nmitive simplicity which appears in the wi.sh of Nausicaa in Homer that\\nshe had such a husband as Ulysses. That complete separation between\\nsensual and sentimental love had not yet taken place which we find in\\nthe writings of later times, especially in those of the Attic comic poet?\\nMoreover the life of women in Lesbos was doubtless very different from\\nthe life of women at Athens and among the Ionians. In the Ionian\\nStates the female sex lived in the greatest retirement, and were exclu-\\nsively employed in household concerns. Hence, while the men of Athens\\nwere distinguished by their perfection in every branch of art, none of\\ntheir women emerged from the obscurity of domestic life. The secluded\\nand depressed condition of the female sex among the Ionians of Asia\\nMinor, originating in circumstances connected with the history of their\\nrace, had also become universal in Athens, where the principle on\\nwhich the education of women rested was that just so much mental\\nculture was expedient for women as would enable them to manage the\\nhousehold, provide for the bodily wants of the children, and overlook the\\nfemale slaves for the rest, says Pericles in Thucydides that woman\\nis the best of whom the least is said among men, whether for evil or for\\ngood. But the iEolians had in some degree preserved the ancient\\nGreek manners, such as we find them depicted in their epic poetry\\nand mythology, where the women are represented as taking an active\\nshare not only in social domestic life, but in public amusements; and\\nthey thus enjoyed a distinct individual existence and moral character.\\nThere can be no doubt that they, as well as the women of the Dorian\\nstates of Peloponnesus and Magna Grecia, shared in the advantages\\nof the general high state of civilization, which not only fostered poetical\\ntalents of a high order among women, but, as in the time of thePytha\\ngorean league, even produced in them a turn for philosophical reflee\\ntions on human life. But as such a state of the education and intellect\\nof women was utterly inconsistent with Athenian manners, it is natural\\nthat women should be the objects of scurrilous jests and slanderous\\nimputations. We cannot therefore wonder that women who had in\\nany degree overstepped the bounds prescribed to their sex by the\\nmanners of Athens, should be represented by the licentious pen of the\\nAthenian comic writers, as lost to every sentiment of shame or decency f.\\nII. 45.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f There were Attic comedies with the title of Sappho, by Amphis, Antiphanes,\\nEphippus, Timocles und Diphilus 5 and a comedy by Plato entitled Phaon.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0179.jp2"}, "178": {"fulltext": "1 7 HISTORY OP THE\\n7. [til certain that Sappho, in her odes, made frequent mention\\nth, (o whom she gave her whole heart, while he requited her\\nsion with cold indifference. But there is no trace whatever of her\\nhaving named the object of her passion, or sought to win his favour by\\nher beautiful verses. The pretended name of this youth, Phaon,\\nalthough frequently mentioned in the Attic comedies*, appears not to\\nhave occurred in the poetry of Sappho. If Phaon had been named in\\nher poetry, the opinion could not have arisen that it was the courtesan\\npho, and not the poetess, who was in love with Phaon f. Moreover,\\nthe marvellous stories of the beauty of Phaon and the love of the goddess\\nAphrodite for him, have manifestly been borrowed from the mythus\\nof Adonis J. Hesiod mentions Phaethon, a son of Eos and Cephalus,\\nwho when a child was carried off by Aphrodite, and brought up as the\\nguardian of the sanctuary in her temples This is evidently founded on\\nthe Cyprian legend of Adonis the Greeks, adopting this legend, appear\\nto have given the name of Phaethon or Phaon to the favourite of\\nAphrodite and this Phaon, by various mistakes and misinterpretations,\\nat length became the beloved of Sappho. Perhaps also the poetess\\nin an ode to Adonis, have celebrated the beautiful Phaon in such\\na manner that the verses may have been supposed to refer to a lover of\\nher own.\\nAccording to the ordinary account, Sappho, despised by Phaon, took\\nthe leap from the Leucadian rock, in the hope of finding a cure for the\\npains of unrequited love. But even this is rather a poetical image,\\na real event in the life of Sappho. The Leucadian leap was a re-\\nligious rite, belonging to the expiatory festivals of Apollo, which was\\ncelebrated in this as in other parts of Greece. At appointed times,\\ncriminals, selected as expiatory victims, were thrown from the high\\noverhanging Took into the sea; they were however sometimes caught\\nat the bottom, and, if saved, they were sent away from Leucadia\\nUna custom was applied in various ways by the poets of the time to\\nthe description of lovers. Stesichorus, in his poetical novel named\\nAs in the verses of Menander in Strabo x. p, 452.\\nov B /j Xiytrut Tpurvi Iwpt^u\\nrev uTigxe/wrov 6-/i^uffu iduv\\neitTT^uvrt rt6o) pl^/ui 5rs r\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00ab;\\nwro r /iXstpuvou;.\\nf In Athen. XIII. p. 596 E, and several ancient lexicographers.\\nX Cratinus, the comic poet, in an unknown play in Athen. II. p. 69. D. relates\\nthat Aphrodite had concealed Phaon h 0g/ axivuii, among the lettuce. The same\\nad is also related of Adonis by others, in Atheneeus and it refers to the use of\\nhorti Adonidit. Concerning Phaon- Adonis, see also ./Elian V. H. xii. 18. Lu-\\nDiaL Mort.9. Plin. N. H. xxii. 8. Servius ad Virg. JEn. III. 279. not to\\n-n inferior authorities for this legend.\\n,iod. Theog. 986. sq, woa-okov f*v%tov, according to the reading of Aris-\\nConcerning the connexion of this custom with the worship of Apollo, see Mailer s\\nborians. ]j. 11. ch. 11. 10. V", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0180.jp2"}, "179": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 175\\nCalyce, spoke of the love of a virtuous maiden for a youth who despised\\nher passion; and in despair she threw herself from the Leucatlian rock.\\nThe effect of the leap in the story of Sappho (viz. the curing her of\\nher intolerable passion) must therefore have been unknown to Stesi-\\nchorus. Some years later, Anacreon says in an ode, again casting\\nmyself from the Leucadian rock, I plunge into the grey sea, drunk with\\nlove The poet can scarcely by these words be supposed to say that\\nhe cures himself of a vehement passion, but rather means to describe the\\ndelirious intoxication of violent love. The story of Sappho s leap pro-\\nbably originated in some poetical images and relations of this kim\\nsimilar story is told of Aphrodite in regard to her lament for Adonis 1\\nNevertheless it is not unlikely that the leap from the Leucadian rock\\nmay really have been made, in ancient times, by desperate and frantic\\nmen. Another proof of the fictitious character of the story is that it\\nleaves the principal point in uncertainty, namely, whether Sappho sur-\\nvived the leap or perished in it.\\nFrom what has been said, it follows that a true conception of the\\nerotic poetry of Sappho, and of the feelings expressed in it, can only be\\ndrawn from fragments of her odes, which, though numerous, are for the\\nmost part very short. The most considerable and the best known of\\nSappho s remains is the complete ode J, in which she implores Aphi\\ndite not to allow the torments and agitations of love to destroy her\\nmind, but to come to her assistance, as she had formerly descended\\nfrom heaven in her golden car drawn by sparrows, and with radiant\\nsmiles on her divine face had asked her what had befallen her, and\\nwhat her unquiet heart desired, and who was the author of her pain.\\nShe promised that if he fled her now, he soon would follow her if he\\ndid not now accept her presents, he would soon offer presents to her\\nif he did not love her now, he would soon love her, even were she coy\\nand reluctant. Sappho then implores Aphrodite to come to her again\\nand assist her. Although, in this ode, Sappho describes her love in\\nglowing language, and even speaks of her own frantic heart yet\\nthe indelicacy of such an avowal of passionate love is much diminished\\nby the manner in which it is made. The poetess does not impor-\\ntune her lover with her complaints, nor address her poem to him,\\nbut confides her passion to the goddess and pours out to her all the\\ntumult and the anguish of her heart. There is great delicacy in her\\nnot venturing to give utterance in her own person to the expec-\\ntation that the coy and indifferent object of her affection would be\\ntransformed into an impatient lover; an expectation little likely to find\\na place in a heart so stricken and oppressed as that of the poetess she\\nIn Hephsestion, p. 130.\\nf See Ptolem. Hephsestion (in Phot, Bibliothec.) /3//3x/ov\\nX Fragm. 1. Blomf. 1. Neue.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0181.jp2"}, "180": {"fulltext": "1 7 f\u00c2\u00bb HISTORY OF THE\\nonly recalls to her miiul, that the goddess had in former and similar\\nLions vouchsafed her support and consolation. In other fragments\\nbos passionate excitable temper is expressed with frankness quite\\n-ii u our manners, but which possesses a simple grace. Thus\\nE jrs, 1 request that the charming Menon be invited, if the\\nis to bring enjoyment to me*; and she addresses a dis-\\ntinguished youth in these words Come opposite to me, oh friend,\\nand let the sweetness which dwells in thine eyes beam upon me f.\\nVet we can no where find grounds for reproaching her with having\\ntried to please men or met their advances when past the season of\\nyouth. On the contrary, she says, Thou art my friend, I therefore\\nadvise thee to seek a younger wife, I cannot bring myself to share thy\\nhouse as an elder J.\\nS. It is far more difficult to discover and to judge the nature of\\nSappho s intimacies with women. It is, however, certain that the\\nlife and education of the female sex in Lesbos was not, as in Athens,\\nconfined within the house; and that girls were not entrusted ex-\\nclusively to the care of mothers and nurses. There were women\\ndistinguished by their attainments, who assisted in instructing a circle\\nof young girls, in the same manner as Socrates afterwards did at Athens\\nyoung men of promising talents. There were also among the Dorians\\nof Sparta noble and cultivated women, who assembled young girls about\\nthem, to whom they devoted themselves with great zeal and affection\\nand these girls formed associations which, in all probability, were under\\nthe direction of the elder women Such associations as these existed\\nin Lesbos in the time of Sappho; but they were completely voluntary,\\nand were formed by girls who were studying to attain that proficiency\\nin music or other elegant arts, that refinement and grace of manners,\\nwhich distinguished the women around whom they congregated.\\nMusic and poetry no doubt formed the basis of these societies, and\\ninstruction and exercise in these arts were their immediate object.\\nThough poetry was a part of Sappho s inmost nature, a genuine ex-\\npression of the feelings by which she was really agitated, it is probable\\nthat with her, as with the ancient poets, it was the business and study\\nof life; and as technical perfection in it could be taught, it might,\\nby persevering instructions, be imparted to the young Not only\\nSappho, but many other women in Lesbos, devoted themselves to this\\nmode of life. In the songs of this poetess, frequent mention was made\\nFragm. 33. Nene, from Hephaest. p. 41 it is not, however, quite certain, that\\nthe verses belong to Sappho. Compare fragm. 10. Blomf. 5. Neue (sX0e, Kvff-{i).j\\nJ Fragm. 13. Blomf. 62. Neue. Compare fragment 24. Blomf. 32. Neue. (yXvxua\\ny-u-T-B, fjTct and 28. Blomf. 55. Neue, (SQvxi [x\\\\v u n~ku.vu.\\nJ Fragm. 12. Blomf. 20. Neue (according to the reading of the latter).\\nI filer s Dorians, B. iv. chap. 4. h 8. ch. 5. 6 2.\\n.ce Sappho calls her house, the house of the servant of the Muses,\\nnmmj from which mourning must be excluded Fragm. 71. Blomf. 28.\\nNeue.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0182.jp2"}, "181": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 177\\nof Gorgo and Andromeda as her rivals A great number of her you un-\\nfriends were from distant countries t, as Anactoria of Miletus, Gongvhi\\nof Colophon, Eunica of Salamis, Gyrinna, Atthis, Mnasidica. A\\ngreat number of the poems of Sappho related to these female friendships,\\nand reveal the familiar intercourse of the woman s chamber, the\\nGynaeconitis where the tender refined sensibility of the female mind\\nwas cultivated and impressed with every attractive form. Among\\nthese accomplishments, music and a graceful demeanor were the most\\nvalued. The poetess says to a rich but uncultivated woman, Where\\nthou diest, there wilt thou lie, and no one will remember thy name in\\ntimes to come, because thou hast no share in the roses of Pieria. In-\\nglorious wilt thou wander about in the abode of Hades, and flit among\\nits dark shades J. She derides one of her rivals, Andromeda, for her\\nmanner of dressing, from which it is well known the Greeks were wont\\nto infer much more of the native disposition and character than we\\ndo. What woman, says she to a young female friend, ever charmed\\nthy mind who wore a vulgar and graceless dress, or did not know how\\nto draw her garments close around her ankles She reproaches one\\nof her friends, Mnasidica, because, though her form was beautiful as\\nthat of the young Gyrinna, yet her temper was gloomy To another,\\nAtthis, to whom she had shown particular marks of affection, and who\\nhad grieved her by preferring her rival Andromeda, she says, Again\\ndoes the strength-dissolving Eros, that bitter-sweet, resistless monster\\nagitate me but to thee, O Atthis, the thought of me is importunate\\nthou fliest to Andromeda It is obvious that this attachment bears\\nless the character of maternal interest than of passionate love us\\namong the Dorians in Sparta and Crete, analogous connexions between\\nmen and youths, in which the latter were trained to noble and manly\\ndeeds, were carried on in a language of high wrought and pas-\\nsionate feeling which had all the character of an attachment between\\npersons of different sexes. This mixture of feelings, which among\\nnations of a calmer temperament have always been perfectly distinct, is\\nan essential feature of the Greek character.\\nFrom the passage on the relations of Sappho in Maxim. Tyrius, Dissert, xxiv.\\nf In Suidas in 2\u00c2\u00ab r^ the ItxT^ui and /u,ecdr,rgiui of Sappho are distinguished: but\\nthe trai^eci were, at least origin illy, -/ir^au Thus Maximus Tyrius mentions\\nAnactoria as being loved by Sappho; but it is probable that ^Avayo^x MiX*nrix, men-\\ntioned by Suidas among her fia^r^xi, is the same person, and that the name ought\\nto be written Avaxro^ a Mtkynria. This emendation is confirmed by the fact, that\\nthe ancient name of Miletus was Anactoria; Stephan. Byzant. in voc. M/knrtt,\\nEustath. ad II. II. 8, p. 21, ed. Rom. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 187.\\nFragm. 11. Blomf. 19. Neue.\\nFragm. 35. Blomf. 23. Neue. This passage is illustrated by ancient works of\\nsculpture, on which women are represented as walking with the upper garment drawn\\nclose to the leg above the ankle. See, for example, the relief in Mus. Capitol. T. IV.\\ntab. 43.\\nFragm. 26, 27. Blomf. 42. Neue. The reading, however, is not quite certain.\\n^f Fragm. 31. Blomf. 37. Neue. cf. 32. Blomf. 14. Neue. H^av ptv iyu rtfo V)\\nAt^J, vrakcu 7T0TX.\\nN", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0183.jp2"}, "182": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OP THE\\nThe most remarkable exemple of this impassioned strain of Sappho\\nin relation to female Wend is that considerable fragment preserved by\\nLongimiS, which luis often been incorrectly interpreted, because the\\nbeginning of it led to the erroneous idea that the object of the passion\\nexpresse d in it was a man. But the poem says, That man seems to\\nme equal to the gods who sits opposite to thee, and watches thy sweet\\nspeech and charming smile. My heart loses its force for when I look at\\nthee, my tongue ceases to utter my voice is broken, a subtle fire glides\\nthrough my veins, my eyes grow dim, and a rushing sound fills my\\nears. In these, and even stronger terms, the poetess expresses nothing\\nrribre than a friendly attachment to a young girl, but which, from the\\nextreme excitability of feeling, assumes all the tone of the most ardent\\npassion\\n9. From the class of Sapphic odes which we have just described,\\nwe must distinguish the Epithalamia or Hymeneals, which were pecu-\\nliarly adapted to the genius of the poetess from the exquisite perception\\nshe seems to have had of whatever was attractive in either sex. These\\npoems appear, from the numerous fragments which remain, to have had\\ngreat beauty, and much of that mode of expression which the simple,\\nnatural manners of those times allowed, and the warm and sensitive\\nheart of the poetess suggested. The Epithalamium of Catullus, not\\nthat playful one on the marriage of Manlius Torquatus, but the charm-\\ning, tender poem, Vesper adest, juvenes, consurgite, is an evident\\nimitation of a Sapphic Epithalamium, which was composed in the same\\nhexameter verse. It appears that in this, as in Catullus, the trains of\\nyouths and of maidens advanced to meet; these reproached, those\\npraised the evening star, because he led the bride to the youth. Then\\ncomes the verse of Sappho which has been preserved, Hesperus, who\\nbringest together all that the rosy morning s light has scattered\\nabroad f. The beautiful images of the gathered flowers and of the\\nvine twining about the elm, by which Catullus alternately dissuades\\nand recommends the marriage of the maiden, have quite the character\\nof Sapphic similes. These mostly turn upon flowers and plants, which\\nthe poetess seem to have regarded with fond delight and sympathy J. In\\na fragment lately discovered, which bears a strong impression of the\\nsimple language of Sappho, she compares the freshness of youth and\\nthe unsullied beauty of a maiden s face to an apple of some peculiar\\nkind, which, when all the rest of the fruit is gathered from the tree,\\nremains alone at an unattainable height, and drinks in the whole vigour\\nof vegetation or rather (to give the simple words of the poetess in\\nCatullus, who imitates this poem in Carm. 51, gives it an ironical termination,\\n^Otium, Catulle, tibi molestum est, c.,) which is certainly not borrowed from\\nS.ippho.\\nt Fragm. 45. Blomf. G8. Neue.\\nt Concerning the love of Sappho for the rose, see Philostrat. Epist. 73, comp.\\nNeue fragm. 132. r", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0184.jp2"}, "183": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 179\\nwhich the thought is placed before us and gradually heightened with\\ngreat beauty and nature) like the sweet apple which ripens at the top\\nof the bough, on the topmost point of the bough, forgotten by the\\ngatherers no, not quite forgotten, but beyond their reach A frag-\\nment written in a similar tone, speaks of a hyacinth, which growing\\namong the mountains is trodden underfoot by the shepherds, and its\\npurple flower is pressed to the ground f; thus obviously comparing the\\nmaiden who has no husband to protect her, with the flower which grows\\nin the field, as contrasted with that which blooms in the shelter of a\\ngarden. In another hymeneal, Sappho compares the bridegroom to a\\nyoung and slender sapling J. But she does not dwell upon such\\nimages as these alone she also compares him to Ares and his deeds\\nto those of Achilles and here her lyre may have assumed a loftier\\ntone than that which usually characterised it. But there was another\\nkind of hymeneal among the songs of Sappho, which furnished occasion\\nto a sort of petulant pleasantry. In this the maidens try to snatch\\naway the bride as she is led to the bridegroom, and vent their mockery\\non his friend who stands before the door, and is thence called the\\nPorter^\\nSappho also composed hymns to the gods, in which she invoked them\\nto come from their favourite abodes in different countries but there is\\nlittle information extant respecting their contents.\\nThe poems of Sappho are little susceptible of division into distinct\\nclasses. Hence the ancient critics divided them into books, merely\\naccording to the metre, the first containing the odes in the Sapphic\\nmetre, and so on. The hymeneals were thus placed in different books.\\nThe rhythmical construction of her odes was essentially the same as\\nthat of Alcseus, yet with many variations, in harmony with the softer\\ncharacter of her poetry, and easily perceptible upon a careful compa-\\nrison of the several metres.\\nHow great was Sappho s fame among the Greeks, and how rapidly\\nit spread throughout Greece, may be seen in the history of Solon**, who\\nwas a contemporary of the Lesbian poetess. Hearing his nephew recite\\nOiov ro ykvxvfiuXov Ig ufarui uscgco W otr^cfj,\\nOv fihv lx.XiXu.6ovT^ aXX. ovk i^vmvr $iKi r6a.i.\\nThe fragment is in Walz, Rhetores Graeci, vol. viii. p. 883. Himerius, Orat. I.\\n4. 16. cites something similar from a hymenseus of Sappho,\\nf O luv rctv vcHxivSov h ov^itrt -roipivt; a.\\\\$gi$\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2xotrai Kuruffri ifioutri y^etfjLOA %i ri -ro^u^ov il hf.\\nDemetrius tie elocut. c. 106, quotes these verses without a name; but it ran\\nscarcely he doubted that they are Sappho s. In Catullus, the young women use the\\nsame image as the young men in Sappho.\\nFragm. 42. Blomf. 34. Neue.\\nFragm. 39. Blomf. 73. Neue.\\nHimerius, Orat. I. 4. 16.\\nFragm. 43. Blomf. 38. Neue. It is worthy of remark, that Demetrius de\\nelocut. c. 167, expressly mentions the chorus in relation to this fragment.\\nIn Stobaeus, Serin, xxix. 28.\\nn2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0185.jp2"}, "184": {"fulltext": "M HISTORY OF THE\\none of her poems, he is said to have exclaimed, that he would not wil-\\nlingly die till be had learned it by heart. Indeed the whole voice of\\nantiquity has declared that the poetry of Sappho was unrivalled in grace\\nand sweetness.\\nAnd doubtless from that circle of accomplished women, of whom she\\nformed the brilliant centre, a flood of poetic warmth and light was\\npoured forth on every side. A friend of hers, Damophila the Pamphy-\\nlian, composed a hymn on the worship of the Pergaean Artemis (which\\nwas solemnized in her native land after the Asiatic fashion) in this the\\nA a)]\\\\c style was blended with the peculiarities of the Pamphylian man-\\nner*. Another poetess of far higher renown was Erinna, who died in\\nearly youth, when chained by her mother to the spinning-wheel she\\nhad as yet known the charm of existence in imagination alone. Her\\npoem, called The Spindle (TIAa/axr^), containing only 300 hex-\\nameter verses, in which she probably expressed the restless and aspiring\\nthoughts which crowded on her youthful mind, as she pursued her\\nmonotonous work, has been deemed by many of the ancients of such\\nhigh poetic merit as to entitle it to a place beside the epics of\\nHomer t-\\n11. We now come to Anacreon, whose poetry may be considered\\nas akin to that of Alcaeus and Sappho, although he was an Ionian from\\nTeos, and his genius had an entirely different tone and bent. In\\nrespect also of the external circumstances in which he was placed, he\\nbelonged to a different period inasmuch as the splendour and luxury\\nof living had, in his time, much increased among the Greeks, and even\\npoetry had contributed to adorn the court of a tyrant. The spirit\\nof the Ionic race was, in Callinus, united with manly daring and a high\\nfeeling of honour, and in Mimnermus with a tender melancholy, seeking\\nrelief from care in sensual enjoyment but in Anacreon it is bereft of\\nof all these deeper and more serious feelings; and he seems to consider\\nlife as valuable only in so far as it can be spent in love, music, wine, and\\nsocial enjoyments. And even these feelings are not animated with the\\nglow of the /Eolic poets Anacreon, with his Ionic disposition, cares\\nonly for the enjoyment of the passing moment, and no feeling takes\\nsuch deep hold of his heart that it is not always ready to give way to\\nfresh impressions.\\nAnacreon had already arrived at manhood, when his native city Teos\\nwas, after some resistance, taken by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus.\\nIn consequence of this capture, the inhabitants all took ship, and sailed\\nlor Thrace, where they founded Abdera, or rather they took possession\\nof a Greek colony already existing on the spot, and enlarged the town.\\nThis event happened about the 60th Olymp. 540 b.c. Anacreon was\\namong these Teian exiles; and, according to ancient testimony, he\\nPhibstrat. Vit. Apollon. i. 30, p. 37. ed. Olear.\\nf The chief authority is Authol, Palat. ix. 190.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0186.jp2"}, "185": {"fulltext": "LITER A TUll E OF ANCIENT CltEi .CF. 181\\nhimself called Abdcra, The fair settlement of the Teians* About\\nthis time, or at least not long after, Polycrates became tyrant of Samoa\\nfor Thucydidea places the height of his power under Cambyses, who\\nbegan to reign in Olymp. 62. 4. b. c. 529. Polycrates was, according\\n(o the testimony of Herodotus the most enterprising: and magnificent of\\nall the Grecian tyrants. His wide dominion over the islands of the\\n.flSgaean Sea, and his intercourse with the rulers of foreign countries (as\\nwith Amasis, king- of Egypt), supplied him with the means of adorning\\nhis island of Samos, and his immediate retinue, with all that art and\\nriches could at that time effect. He embellished Samos with exten-\\nsive buildings, kept a court like an oriental prince, and was surrounded\\nby beautiful boys for various menial services and he appears to have\\nconsidered the productions of such poets as Ibycus, and especially\\nAnacreon, as the highest ornament of a life of luxurious enjoyment.\\nAnacreon, according to a well known story of Herodotus, was still at the\\ncourt of Polycrates, when death was impending over him and he had\\nprobably just left Samos, when his host and patron was murdered by the\\ntreacherous and sanguinary Oroetes (Olympiad 64. 3. b. c. 522). At\\nthis time Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, ruled in Athens; and his\\nbrother Hipparchus shared the government with him. The latter had\\nmore taste for poetry than any of his family, and he is particularly\\nnamed in connexion with institutions relating to the cultivation of\\npoetry among the Athenians. Hipparchus, according to a Platonic\\ndialogue which bears his name, sent out a ship with fifty oars, to bring\\nAnacreon to Athens and here Anacreon found several other poets, who\\nhad then come to Athens in order to adorn the festivals of the city, and,\\nin particular, of the royal family. Meanwhile Anacreon devoted his\\nmuse to other distinguished families in Athens among others he is\\nsupposed to have loved the young Critias, the son of Dropides, and to\\nhave extolled this house distinguished in the annals of Athens t. At\\nthis time the fame of Anacreon appears to have reached its highest\\nIn Strabo xiv. p. 644. A fragment in Schol. Odyss. viii. 293. (fragment 132.\\ned. Bergk,) also refers to the Sintians in Thrace, as likewise does an epigram of\\nAnacreon (Anthol. Palat. viii. 226) to a brave warrior, who had fallen in the defence\\nof his native city Abdera.\\nf Plato, Charmid. p. 157 E. Schol. JSschyl. Prom. 128. This Critias was at that\\ntime (Olymp. 04) about sixteen years old; for he was born in Olymp. 60 and this\\nagrees with the fact, that his grandson Critias, the statesman, one of the thirty\\ntyrants of Athens, was, according to Plato Tim, p. 21G, eighty years younger than\\nhis grandfather. Consequently, the birth of the younger Critias falls in Olymp.\\n80, which agrees perfectly with the recorded events of his life. The Critias born in\\nOlymp. 60, is however called a sen of the Dropides, who is stated to have been a\\nfriend of Solon, and to have succeeded him in the office of Archon in Olymp. 46. 4.\\nB.C. 593. It seems impossible to escape from these chronological difficulties, ex-\\ncept by distinguishing this Dropides, and his son Critias, to whom Solon s verses\\nrefer (Elarifiipm K04W9 tu^otpi^i tkt^o; uxovuv, c), from the Dropides and Critias\\nin Anacreon s time. Upon this supposition the dates of the persons of this family\\nwould stand thus Dropides, born about Olymp. 36 Critias rv^o6^t% Olymp. 44\\nDropides. the grandson, Olymp. 52 Critias, the grandson, Olymp. 60 Callaeschrus,\\nOlymp. 70 Critias the tyrant, Oiymp. 80.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0187.jp2"}, "186": {"fulltext": "|89 HISTORY OP THE\\npoint he must also have been advanced in years, as his name was,\\namong the ancients, always connected with the idea of an old man,\\nwh Be grey hairs did not interfere with his gaiety and pursuit of plea-\\nsure. It is, indeed, stated, that Anacreon was still alive at the revolt of\\nthe loniaus, caused by Histiseus, and that being driven from Teos, he\\ntook refuge in Abdera But as this event happened in Olympiad 71. 3.\\nb. c. 494, about 35 years after Anacreon s residence with Polycrates,\\nthe statement must be incorrect; and it appears to have arisen from a\\ncontusion between the subjugation of the Ionians by Cyrus, and the\\nsuppression of their revolt under Darius. From an inscription for the\\ntomb of Anacreon in Teos, attributed to Simonidest, it is inferred that he\\nreturned in his old age to Teos, which had been again peopled under\\nthe Persian government. But the monuments which were erected to\\ncelebrated men in their own country were often merely cenotaphs; and\\nthis epitaph may perhaps, like many others bearing the name of Simo-\\nnides, have been composed centuries after the time of that poet|. It is\\nprobable that Anacreon, when he had once become known as the\\nwelcome guest of the richest and most powerful men of Greece, and\\nwhen his social qualities had acquired general fame, was courted and\\ninvited by princes in other parts of Greece. It is intimated in an epigram\\nthat he was intimately connected with the Aleuads, the ruling family in\\nThessaly, who at that time added great zeal for art and literature to the\\nhospitable and convivial qualities of their nation. This epigram refers\\nto a votive offering of the Thessalian prince Echecratides, doubtless the\\nperson whose son Orestes, in Olympiad 81. 2. b. c. 454, applied to the\\nAthenians to reinstate him in the government which had belonged to his\\nfather\\n12. Anacreon seems to have laid the foundation of his poetical\\nfame in his native town of Teos; but the most productive period of his\\npoetry was during his residence in Samos. The whole of Anacreon s\\npoetry (says the geographer Strabo, in speaking of the history of\\nSamos) is filled with allusions to Polycrates. His poems, therefore,\\nare not to be considered as the careless outpourings of a mind in the\\nstillness of retirement, but as the work of a person living in the midst of\\nthe splendour of the Samian tyrant. Accordingly, his notions of a life of\\nenjoyment are not formed on the Greek model, but on the luxurious man-\\nners of the Lydians|j, introduced by Polycrates into his court. The\\nbeautiful youths, who play a principal part in the genuine poems of\\nAnacreon, are not individuals distinguished from the mass of their con-\\ntemporaries by the poet, but young men chosen for their beauty, whom\\nIn Suidas in v. Avuxgiuv, Tiu;.\\nAnthol. Pal. vii. 25. fragm. 52. ed. Gaisford.\\nThe fragment AiWcfij xur^iV ixtyopau (Schol. Hail. Od. M. 313, fragm. 33.\\nBergk.) appears to refer to a journey to this country.\\nCompare Anthol. Pal. vi. 142, with Thucyd. I. 111.\\n|1 h Tui Avowv T^n,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0188.jp2"}, "187": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 183\\nPolycrates kept about his person, and of whom some had been procured\\nfrom a distance; as, for example, Smerdies, from the country of the\\nThracian Ciconians. Some of these youths enlivened the meals of Po-\\nlycrates by music as Bathyllus, whose flute-playing and Ionic singing\\nare extolled by a later rhetorician, and of whom a bronze statue was\\nshown in the Temple of Juno at Samos, in the dress and attitude of a\\nplayer on the cithara but Avhich, according to the description of Apu-\\nleius, appears to have been only an Apollo Citharcedus, in the ancient\\nstyle. Other youths were perhaps more distinguished as dancers.\\nAnacreon offers his homage to alHhese youths, and divides his affection\\nand admiration between Smerdies with the flowing locks, Cleobulus\\nwith the beautiful eyes, the bright and playful Lycaspis, the charming\\nMegistes, Bathyllus, Simalus, and doubtless many others whose names\\nhave not been preserved. He wishes them to sport with him in drunken\\nmerriment and if the youth will take no part in his joy, he threatens\\nto fly upon light wings up to Olympus, there to make his complaints,\\nand to induce Eros to chastise him for his scorn f. Or he implores Diony-\\nsus, the god with whom Eros, and the dark-eyed nymphs, and the purple\\nAphrodite, play, to turn Cleobulus, by the aid of wine, to the love of\\nAnacreon J. Or he laments, in verses full of careless grace, that the\\nfair Bathyllus favours him so little He knows that his head and temples\\nare grey but he hopes to obtain the affection of the youths by his\\npleasing song and speech In short, he pays his homage to these\\nyouths, in language combining passion and playfulness.\\n13. Anacreon, however, did not on this account withhold his admi-\\nration from female beauty. Again (he says, in an extant fragment)\\ngolden-haired Eros strikes me with a purple ball, and challenges me to\\nsport and play with a maiden with many-coloured sandals. But she, a\\nnative of the well-built Lesbos despises my grey hairs, and prefers an-\\nother man. His amatory poetry chiefly consists of complaints of the\\nindifference of women to his love; which, however, are expressed in so\\nlight and playful a manner, that they do not seem to proceed from ge-\\nnuine regret. Thus, in the beautiful ode, imitated in many places by\\nHorace Thracian filly, why do you look at me askance, and avoid\\nme without pity, and will not allow me any skill in my art? Know, then,\\nthat I could soon find means of curbing your spirit, and, holding the\\nAnacreon has a peculiar term to express this idea, viz. h(o\u00c2\u00bbv or truvyifioiv. One of\\nthe amusements of this kind of life is gambling, of which the fragment in Schol.\\nHorn. II. xxiii. S8, fragment 44. Bergk. speaks Dice are the vehement passion\\nand the conflict of Eros.\\nt Fragm. in Hephsest. p. 52. (22. Bergk.), explained hy Julian Epist. 18,\\np. 386. B.\\nFragm. in Dio Chrysost. Or. II. p. 31, fr. 2. Bergk.\\nHorat. Ep. xiv. 9. sq.\\nFragm. in Maxim. Tyr. viii. p. 9G, fr. 42. Bergk.\\nIn Athen. xiii. p. 599. C. fr. 15. Bergk. That it does not refer to Sappho is\\nproved by the dates of her lifetime, and of that of Anacreon.\\nIn Heraclid, Allegor, Horn. p. 10, ed, Schow. fr, 79, Bergk.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0189.jp2"}, "188": {"fulltext": "]^j HISTORY OF TUB\\nreins, could gttide you in the course round the goal Still you wander\\nabout the pastures, and bound lightly round them, for there has been\\nDO dexterous hand to tame you. 13ut such loves as these are far dif-\\nferent from the deep seriousness with which Sappho confesses her pas-\\nsion, and they can only be judged by those relations between the sexes\\nwhich were universally established among- the Ionians at that time, i\\nthe Ionic states of Asia Minor, as at Athens, a freeborn maiden was\\nbrought up within the strict limits of the family circle, and was never\\nallowed to enter the society of men. Thence it happened that a separate\\nclass of women devoted themselves to all those arts which qualified\\nthem to enhance the charm of social life the Hetaerije, most of them\\nforeigners or freed women, without the civic rights which belonged to\\nthe daughter of a citizen, but often highly distinguished by the elegance\\nof their demeanor and by their accomplishments. Whenever, there-\\nfore, women are mentioned by Ionic and Attic writers, as taking part\\nin the feasts and symposia of the men, and as receiving at their dwell-\\ning the salutations of the joyous band of revellers, the Comus,\\nthere can be no doubt that they were Hetserae. Even at the time of the\\norators an Athenian woman of genuine free blood would have lost\\nthe privileges of her birth, if she had so demeaned herself. Hence it\\nfollows, that the women with whom Anacreon offers to dance and sing,\\nand to whom, after a plenteous repast, he addresses a song on the\\nFectis -f, are Hetaera?, like all those beauties whose charms are cele-\\nbrated by Horace. Anacreon s most serious love appears to have been\\nfor the fair Eurypyle since jealousy of her moved him to write a\\nsatirical poem, in which Artemon, the favourite of Eurypyle, who was\\nthen passing an effeminate and luxurious life, is described in the mean\\nand necessitous condition in which he had formerly lived i. Anacreon\\nhere shows a strength and bitterness of satirical expression resembling\\nthe tone of Archilochus; a style which he has successfully imitated in\\nother poems. But Anacreon is content with describing the mere sur-\\nface, that is, the outward marks of disgrace, the slavish attire, the low-\\nbred demeanor, the degrading treatment to which Artemon had been\\nexposed without (as it appears) touching upon the intrinsic merit or\\ndemerit of the person attacked. Thus, if we compare Anacreon with\\nthe .Eolic lyric poets, he appears less reflective, and more occupied with\\nexternal objects. For instance, wine, the effects of which are described\\nby Alcneus with much depth of feeling, is only extolled by Anacreon as\\na means of social hilarity. Yet he recommends moderation in the use\\nof it, and disapproves of the excessive carousings of the Scythians,\\nwhich led to riot and brawling The ancients, indeed (probably with\\nDemosth. Nean-. p. 1352, Reiske, and elsewhere Isseus de Pynhi Hered.p. 30.\\nf In Heph.x-st. p. 59. fr. 16. Bergk.\\nI In Athen. xii. p. 533. E. fr. 19. Bergk.\\nV In Athen. x. p. 427. A. IV. 62. Bergk. Similarly Horace I. 27. 1. sq.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0190.jp2"}, "189": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GnEECE. 185\\njustice), considered the drunkenness of Anacreon as rather poetical\\nthan real. In Anacreon we see plainly how the spirit of the Ionic race,\\nnotwithstanding the elegance and refinement of Ionian manners, had\\nlost its energy, its warmth of moral feeling, and its power of serious re-\\nflexion, and was reduced to a light play of pleasing thoughts and senti-\\nments. So far as we are able to judge of the poetry of Anacreon, it\\nseems to have had the same character as that attributed by Aristotle to\\nthe later Ionic school of painting of Zeuxis, that it had elegance of\\ndesign and brilliancy of colouring, but was wanting in moral character\\n(to |0o S\\n14. The Ionic softness, and departure from strict rule, which cha-\\nracterizes the poetry of Anacreon, may also be perceived in his versifi-\\ncation. His language approached much nearer to the style of common\\nconversation than that of the iEolic lyric poets, so as frequently to seem\\nlike prose embellished with ornamental epithets and his rhythm is also\\nsofter and less bounding than that of the iEolians, and has an easy and\\ngraceful negligence, which Horace has endeavoured to imitate. Some-\\ntimes he makes use of logaoedic metres, as in the Glyconean verses, which\\nhe combines into strophes, by subjoining a Pherecratean verse to a\\nnumber of Glyconeans. In this metre he shows his love for variety and\\nnovelty, by mixing strophes of different lengths with several Glyconean\\nverses, yet so as to preserve a certain symmetry in the whole Anacreon\\nalso, like the JEolic lyric poets, sometimes used long choriamDic verses,\\nparticularly when he intended to express energy of feeling, as in the\\npoem against Artemon, already mentioned. This metre also exhibits a\\npeculiarity in the rhythm of the Ionic poets, viz., an alternation of dif-\\nferent metres, producing a freer and more varied, but also a more care-\\nless, flow of the rhythm. In the present poem this peculiarity consists\\nin the alternation of choriambics with iambic dipodies r f\\\\ The same cha\\nracter is still more strongly shown in the Ionic metre (Ionici a minori)\\nwhich was much used by Anacreon. At the same time he changed its\\nexpression (probably after the example of the musician Olympus) J, by\\nSo in the long fragment in Schol. Hephaest. p. 125. fr. 1. Bergk.\\nyovvovftxt f iXutynft oXt\\n\\\\a.y6n Tcc.7 A/oj, uygtuv\\nThis is followed by a second strophe, with four glyconeans and a pherecratean\\nand both strophes together form a larger whole. This hymn of Anacreon, the only-\\ncomposition of its kind Avhich is known, is evidently intended for the inhabitants of\\nMagnesia, on the Maeander and Lethaeus, rebuilt after its destruction (ch. 9. 4.),\\nwhere Artemis was worshipped under the title of Leucophryne.\\nf So that the metre is\\nS o o _ _^ o o _ I _/ O O I o _/ CJ _\\ni t a 1\\nToXXcc f/.iv iv 5oi/\u00c2\u00a3/ rifei; at^sva, tfoXXu. V iv Tgo%w,\\nToXXa. vurov ffxur ivn [tciirriyt 0cof i%fa);, xoftnv\\nTwo such verses as these are then followed by an iambic dimeter, as an epode\\nTuyuva. r IxTtriXfAivo;.\\nI Seech. 12. 6 7.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0191.jp2"}, "190": {"fulltext": "1^,, HISTORY OP THE\\ncoinlniiinn- two Ionic foci, so that the last long syllable of the first foot was\\nshortened and the first short syllable of the second foot was lengthened\\n1\u00c2\u00bb which change the second foot became a trochaic dipody By this\\nprocess, called by the ancients abending, or refraction (ava.K\\\\aaig) the\\nmetre obtained a less uniform, and at the same time a softer, expression\\nand thus, when distributed into short verses, it became peculiarly suited\\nto erotic poetry. The only traces of this metre, before Anacreon s time,\\noccur in two fragments of Sappho. Anacreon, however, formed upon\\nthis plan a great variety of metres, particularly the short Anacreontic\\nverse (a dimeter Ionicus), which occurs so frequently, both in his\\ngenuine fragments and in the later odes imitated from his style. Ana-\\ncreon used the trochaic and iambic verses in the same manner as Archi-\\nlochus, with whom he has as much in common, in the technical part of\\nhis poetry, as with the iEolic lyric poets. The composition of verses in\\nstrophes is less frequent with Anacreon than with the Lesbian poets\\nand when he forms strophes, it often happens that their conclusion is\\nnot marked by a verse different from those that precede but the divi-\\nsion is only made by the juxtaposition of a definite number of short\\nverses (for example, four Ionic dimeters), relating to a common\\nsubject.\\n15. It is scarcely possible to treat of the genuine remains of the\\npoetry of Anacreon, without adverting to the collection of odes, preserved\\nunder his name. Indeed, these graceful little poems have so much\\ninfluenced the notion formed of Anacreon, that even now the admiration\\nbestowed upon him is almost entirely founded upon these productions\\nof poets much later than him in date, and-very different from him in\\npoetical character. It has long since been proved that these Anacre-\\nontics are not the work of Anacreon and no further evidence of their\\nspuriousness is needed than the fact, that out of about 150 citations of\\npassages and expressions of Anacreon, which occur in the ancient\\nwriters, only one (and that of recent date) refers to a poem in this\\ncollection. But their subject and form furnish even stronger evi-\\ndence. The peculiar circumstances under which Anacreon wrote his\\npoetry never appear in these odes. The persons named in them (as,\\nfor example, Bathyllus) lose their individual reality; the truth and\\nvigour of life give place to a shadowy and ideal existence. Many of the\\ncommon places of poetry, as an old age of pleasure, the praise of\\nlove and wine, the power and subtlety of love, c, are unquestion-\\nably treated in them with an easy grace and a charming simplicity.\\nBut generalities of this kind, without any reference to particular events\\nor persons, do not consist with the character of Anacreon s poetry, which\\nwas drawn fresh from the life. Moreover, the principal topics in these\\npoems have an epigrammatic and antithetical turn the strength of the\\nweaker sex, the power of little Eros, the happiness of dreams, the\\nSo that yy^- j g y S. is changed into ow^o o _.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0192.jp2"}, "191": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 187\\nfreshness of age, are subjects for epigrams and for epigrams like those\\ncomposed in the first century before Christ (especially by Meleager), and\\nnot like those of Simonides. Throughout these odes love is represented\\nas a little boy, who carries on a sort of mischievous sport with mankind\\na conception unknown to ancient art, and closely akin to the epigram-\\nmatic sports which belonged to the literature of a later period, and to the\\nanalogous representations of Cupid in works of art, especially on gems,\\nwhere he appears, in various compositions, as a froward mischievous\\nchild. None of these works are more ancient than the time of Lysippus\\nor Alexander. The Eros of the genuine Anacreon, who strikes at\\nthe poet with a great hatchet, like a smith, and then bathes in the\\nwintry torrent*, is evidently a being different both in body and mind.\\nThe language of these odes is also prosaic and mean, and the versifica-\\ntion monotonous, inartificial, and sometimes faulty f.\\nThese objections apply to the entire collection nevertheless, there is\\na great difference between the several odes, some of which are excellent\\nin their way, and highly pleasing from their simplicity J; while others\\nare feeble in their conception and barbarous in their language and\\nversification. The former may, perhaps, belong to the Alexandrian\\nperiod; in which (notwithstanding its refined civilization) some poets\\nattempted to express the simplicity of childish dispositions, as appears\\nfrom the Idylls of Theocritus. Those of inferior stamp may be ascribed\\nto the later period of declining paganism, and to uncultivated writers,\\nwho imitated a hackneyed style of poetical composition. However, many\\neven of the better Anacreontics may have been written at as late a period\\nas that of the national migrations. There can be no doubt that the\\ncentury which produced the epic poetry of Nonnus, and so many inge-\\nnious and well-expressed epigrams, possessed sufficient talent and know-\\nledge for Anacreontics of this kind.\\n16. With Anacreon ceased the species of lyric poetry, in which he\\nexcelled indeed he stands alone in it, and the tender softness of his\\nsong was drowned by the louder tones of the choral poetry. The poem\\n(or melos) destined to be sung by a single person, never, among the\\nGreeks, acquired so much extent as it has since attained in the modern\\nEnglish and German poetry. By modern poets it has been used as\\nthe vehicle for expressing almost every variety of thought and feeling.\\nThe ancients, however, drew a more precise distinction between the\\nFragm. in Hephaest. p. 68. Gais. fr. 45. Bergk.\\nt The prevailing metre in these Anacreontics o_o_o_o (a dimeter\\niambic catulectic) does not occur in the fragments, except in Hephaest. p. 30, Schol.\\nAristoph. Plut. 302. (fr. 92. Bergk.) The verses there quoted are imitated in\\none of the Anacreontics, od. 38. Hephaestion calls this metre, the so called\\nAvaxoiovruov.\\nI One of the best, viz. Anacreon s advice to the toreutes, who is to make bim a\\ncup, (No. 17 in the collection,) is cited by Gellius N. A. xix. 9, as a work of Ana-\\ncreon himself but it has completely the tone and character of the common Ana-\\ncreontics,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0193.jp2"}, "192": {"fulltext": "1-s HISTORY OF THE\\ndifferent feelings to be expressed in different forms of poetry; and re-\\nserved the /Eolic melos for lively emotions of the mind in joy or sorrow,\\nor for impassioned overflowings of an oppressed heart. Anacreon s\\npoetry contains rather the play of a graceful imagination than deep\\nemotion and among the other Greeks there is no instance of the em-\\nployment of lyric poetry for the expression of strong feeling: so that\\nthis kind of poetry was confined to a short period of time, and to a small\\nportion of the Greek territory. One kind of lyric poems nearly re-\\nsembling the .Eolic, was, however, cultivated in the whole of Greece,\\nand especially at Athens, viz., the Scolion.\\nScolia were songs, which were sung at social meals during drinking,\\nwhen the spirit was raised by wine and conversation to a lyrical pitch.\\nBut this term was not applied to all drinking songs. The scolion\\nwas a particular kind of drinking song, and is distinguished from\\nother paroonia. It was only sung by particular guests, who were\\nskilled in music and poetry and it is stated that the lyre, or a sprig\\nof myrtle, was handed round the table, and presented to any one who\\npossessed the power of amusing the company with a beautiful song, or\\neven a good sentence in the lyric form. This custom really existed\\nalthough the notion that the name of the song arose from its irregular\\ncourse round the table (oxoXioV, crooked) is not probable. It is\\nmuch more likely (according to the opinion of other ancient writers),\\nthat in the melody, to which the scolia were sung, certain liberties\\nand irregularities were permitted, by which the extempore execution\\nof the song was facilitated and that on this account the song was\\nsaid to be bent. The rhythms of the extant scolia are very various,\\nthough, on the whole, they resemble those of the iEolic lyric poetry\\nonly that the course of the strophes is broken by an accelerated\\nrhythm, and is in general more animated t. The Lesbians were\\nthe principal composers of Scolia. Terpander, who (according to\\nPindar) invented this kind of song, was followed by Alcseus and\\nSappho, and afterwards by Anacreon and Praxilla of S icy on J besides\\nmany others celebrated for choral poetry, as Simonides and Pindar.\\nSee particularly the scene described in Aristoph. Vesp. 1219. sq. where the\\nScolion is caught up from one by the other.\\nf This is particularly true of the apt and elegant metre, which occurs in eight\\nScolia (one of them the Harmodius), and of which there i\u00c2\u00ab a comic imitation in\\nAristoph. EccL 938.\\n_o_^oo o_o_o\\no o _\u00c2\u00a3 o _ I _/ o o _\\n_/ o o _ o _ J _\u00c2\u00a3oo_o_\\nHere the hendecasyllables begin with a composed and feeble tone but a more\\nrapid rhythm is introduced by the anapaestic beginning of the third verse; and the\\ntwo expressions are reconciled by the logacedic members in the last verse.\\nI Praxilla (who, according to Eusebius, flourished in Olymp. 81. 2, b. c. 451\\nand is mentioned as a composer of odes of an erotic character) is stated to be the\\nauthor of the Scolion r-z-o veivr) XjI?, which was in the TK^oivia n^a|/XX (Schol.\\nKav. in Aristoph. Thesm. 528), and of the Scolion, OIk t rnv kXutix Zuv, (Schol.\\ny\u00c2\u00abl 1279. [1232.])", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0194.jp2"}, "193": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCI NT GREECE. 180\\nWe will not include in this number the seven wise men for although\\nDiogenes Laertius, the historian of ancient philosophy, cites popular\\nverses of Thales, Solon, Chilon, Pittocus, and Bias, which are some-\\nwhat in the style of scolia yet the genuineness of these sententious\\nsongs is very questionable. With respect to language and metre, they\\nall appear formed upon the same model so that we must suppose the\\nseven wise men to have agreed to write in an uniform style, and more-\\nover in a kind of rhythm which did not. become common until the time\\nof the tragedians f. Nevertheless they appear, in -substance, to be as\\nearly as the age to which they are assigned, as their tone has a great\\nresemblance to that of the scolia in the iEolic manner. For example,\\none of the latter contains these thoughts Would that we could open\\nthe heart of every man, and ascertain his true character; then close it\\nagain, and live with him sincerely as a friend the scolion, in Doric\\nrhythms, ascribed to Chilon, has a similar tone Gold is rubbed on the\\ntouchstone, and thus tried; but the minds of men are tried by gold,\\nwhether they are good or bad. Hence it is probable that these scolia\\nwere framed at Athens, in the time of the tragedians, from traditional\\nsayings of the ancient philosophers.\\n17. Although scolia were mostly composed of moral maxims or of\\nshort invocations to the gods, or panegyrics upon heroes, there exist\\ntwo, of greater length and interest, the authors of which are not other-\\nwise known as poets. The one beginning, My great wealth is my\\nspear and sword, and written by Hybrias, a Cretan, in the Doric\\nmeasure, expresses till the pride of the dominant Dorian, whose right\\nrested upon his arms inasmuch as through them he maintained his\\nsway over bondmen, who were forced to plough and gather in the\\nharvest, and press out the grapes for him J. The other beginning, In\\nthe myrtle-bough will I bear my sword, is the work of an Athenian,\\nnamed Cailistratus, and was written probably not long after the Persian\\nwar, as it was a favourite song in the time of Aristophanes. 1 1 celebrates\\nDiogenes generally introduces them with some such expression as this ruv V\\naSoftivuv auTov pukurret, tv^oxi^trtv lx.s7vo.\\nThey are all in Doric rhythms (which consist of dactylic members and trochaic\\ndipodies), but with an ithyphallic o _ o _ o) at the close. This composite kind\\nof rhythm never occurs in Pindar, occurs only once in Simonides, but occurs regu-\\nlarly in the Doric choruses of Euripides. The following scolion of Solon may serve\\nas an example\\nni \u00c2\u00a3v\\\\ctyftivo; riiihoa. ixuffTOV o( u,\\nM*j kouttov iyx\u00c2\u00b0i *X UV ft^a^iy Qufyu vrpoo-tvvia /i yrgo ru r*y,\\nTXutrffoc Vi ol o tftOfJuSa; Ik (JLiXcc i-\\nvet; p^svo; yiyuvy,.\\nAlso the following one of Pittacus\\nEvavra o*ii r o\\\\a. xu) loooxov tpuoirgtiv ffrii^itv Ton \u00c2\u00a7uru. xukov.\\nTlitrrov ykp ouTiv ykcuffo-a, %tu, crrofia,ros kaXii, ^t^of^uSov i^ouffa\\nKafirs, voyificc.\\nIn that of Thales (Diog. Laert. I. i. 35,) the ithyphallic is before the last verse.\\nJ See Mailer s Dorians, B. III. ch. 4. 1,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0195.jp2"}, "194": {"fulltext": "190 HISTORY OP THE\\nthe liberators of the Athenian people, Harmodius and Aristogiton, for\\nhaying, at the festival of Athene, slain the tyrant Hipparchus, and re-\\nstored equal rights to the Athenians for this they lived for ever in the\\nislands of the blest, in community with the most exalted heroes, and on\\nearth their fame was immortal*. This patriotic scolion does not indeed\\nrest on an historical foundation for it is known from Herodotus and\\nThttcydides, that, though Hipparchus, the younger brother of the tyrant,\\nwas slain by Harmodius and Aristogiton, this act only served to make\\nthe government of Hippias, the elder brother, more cruel and suspicious;\\nand it was Cleomenes the Spartan, who, three years later, really drove\\nthe Pisistratids from Athens. But the patriotic delusion in which the\\nscolion was composed was universal at Athens. Even before the\\nPersian war, statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton had been erected,\\nas of heroes which statues, when carried away by Xerxes, were after-\\nwards replaced by others. Supposing the mind of the Athenian poet\\npossessed with this belief, w r e cannot but sympathize in the enthusiasm\\nwith which he celebrates his national heroes, and desires to imitate\\ntheir costume at the Panathenaic festival, when they concealed their\\nswords in boughs of myrtle. The simplicity of the thoughts, and the\\nfrequent repetition of the same burden, for they slew the tyrant, is\\nquite in conformity with the frank and open tone of the scolion and we\\nmay perhaps conjecture that this poem was a real impromptu, the pro-\\nduct of a rapid and transient inspiration of its author.\\nCHAPTER XIV.\\n1. Connection of lyric poetry with choral songs gradual rise of regular forms\\nfrom this connection. First stage. 2. Alcman his origin and date mode of\\nrecitation and form of his choral songs. 3. Their poetical character.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 4.\\nStesichorus hereditary transmission of his poetical taste his reformation of\\nthe chorus. 5. Subjects and character of his poetry. 6. Erotic and bucolic\\npoetry of Stesichorus. 7. Arion. The dithyramb raised to a regular choral\\nsong. Second stage. 6 8. Life of Ibycus his imitation of Stesichorus. 9.\\nErotic tendency of his poetry.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 6 10. Life of Simonides. 11. Variety and\\ningenuity of his poetical powers. Comparison of his Epinikia with those of\\nPindar. 6 12. Characteristics of his style.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 13. Lyric poetry of Bacchylides,\\nimitated from that of Simonides.\u00e2\u0080\u0094 14. Parties among the lyric poets; rivalry,\\nof Lasus, Timocreon, and Pindar with Simonides.\\n1. The characteristic features of the Doric lyric poetry have been\\nalready described, for the purpose of distinguishing it from the ^Eolic.\\nThese were; recitation by choruses, the artificial structure of long\\nstrophes, the Doric dialect, and its reference to public affairs, especially\\nThese, and most of the other scolia, are in Athenaeus, xv. p. 694, sq.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0196.jp2"}, "195": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 191\\nto the celebration of divine worship. The origin of this kind of lyric\\npoetry can be traced to the earliest times of Greece for (as has been\\nalready shown) choruses were generally used in Greece before the time\\nof Homer although the dancers in the ancient choruses did not also\\nsing, and therefore an exact correspondence of all their motions with the\\nwords of the song was not requisite. At that period, however, the joint\\nsinging of several persons was practised, who either sat, stood or\\nmoved onwards; aS in paeans and hymenseals; sometimes the mimic\\nmovements of the dancer were explained by the singing, which was\\nexecuted by other persons, as in the hyporchemes. And thus nearly\\nevery variety of the choral poetry, which was afterwards so elaborately\\nand so brilliantly developed, existed, even at that remote period, though\\nin a rude and unfinished state. The production of those polished forms\\nin which the style of singing and the movements of the dance were\\nbrought into perfect harmony, coincides with the last advance in musical\\nart the improvements in which, made by Terpander, Olympus, and\\nThaletas, have formed the subject of a particular notice.\\nThaletas is remarkable for having cultivated the art of dancing as\\nmuch as that of music while his rhythms seem to have been nearly as\\nvarious as those afterwards employed in choral poetry. The union of song\\nand dance, which was transferred from the lyric to the dramatic choruses\\nmust also have been introduced at that time since the complicated\\nstructure of the strophes and antistrophes is founded, not on singing\\nalone, but on the union of that art with dancing. In the first century\\nsubsequent to the epoch of these musicians, choral poetry does not,\\nhowever, appear in its full perfection and individuality but approaches\\neither to the Lesbian lyric poetry, or to the epos thus the line which\\nseparated these two kinds (between which the choral songs occupy a\\nmiddle place) gradually became more distinct. Among the lyric poets\\nwhom the Alexandrians placed in their canon, Alcmanand Stesichorus\\nbelong to this period of progress while finished lyric poetry is repre-\\nsented by Ibycus, Simonides with his disciple Bacchylides, and Pindar.\\nWe shall now proceed to take a view of these poets separately class-\\ning among the former the dithyrambic poet Arion, and among the latter\\nPindar s instructor Lasus, and a few others who have sufficient indivi-\\nduality of character to distinguish them from the crowd.\\nWe must first, however, notice the erroneous opinion that choral\\npoetry existed among the Greeks in the works of these great poets\\nonly they are, on the contrary, to be regarded merely as the eminent\\npoints arising out of a widely extended mass; as the most perfect re-\\npresentatives of that poetical fervour which, at the religious festivals,\\ninspired all classes. Choral dances were so frequent among the Greeks\\nUcikcci fAv ya^ el alro) xu) ffiov xu) u^oZvto, says Lucian de Saltat. 30, comparing\\nthe modern pantomimic style of dancing with the ancient lyric and dramatic style.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0197.jp2"}, "196": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OP THE\\nat this period, among the Dorians in particular, and were performed by\\nthe whole people, especially in Crete and Sparta, with such ardour and\\nenthusiasm, that the demand for songs to be sung as an aceompani-\\nment to them must have been very great. Jt is true that, in many\\nplaces, even at the great festivals, people contented themselves with the\\nold traditionary songs, consisting of a few simple verses in which the\\nprincipal thoughts and fundamental tone of feeling were rather touched\\nthan worked out. Thus, at the festival of Dionysus, the women of\\nElis sang, instead of an elaborate dithyramb, the simple ditty, full\\nof antique symbolic language Come, hero Dionysus, to thy holy sea-\\ntemple, accompanied by the Graces, and rushing on, oxen-hoofed holy\\nox! holy ox*!\\nAt Olympia too, long before the existence of Pindar s skilfully com-\\nposed Epinikia, the little song ascribed to Archilochus t was sung in\\nhonour of the victors at the games. This consisted of two iambic verses\\nHail, Hercules, victorious prince, all hail\\nThyself and Iolaus, warriors bold,\\nwith the burden Tenella victorious to which a third verse, in\\npraise of the victor of the moment, was probably added extempore. So\\nalso the three Spartan choruses, composed of old men, adults and boys,\\nsang at the festivals the three iambic trimeters:\\nOnce we were young, and strong as other youths.\\nWe are so still if you list, try our strength.\\nWe shall be stronger far than all of you J.\\nBut from the time that the Greeks had learned the charm of peifect\\nlyric poetry, in which not merely a single chord of feeling was struck by\\nthe passing hand of the bard, but an entire melody of thoughts and\\nsentiments was executed, their choruses did not persist in the mere\\nrepetition of verses like these songs were universally demanded, dis-\\ntinguished for a more artificial metre, and for an ingenious combina-\\ntion of ideas. Hence every considerable town, particularly in the\\nDoric^ Peloponnesus, had its poet who devoted his whole life to the\\ntraining and execution of choruses in short to the business, so im-\\nportant to the whole history of Greek poetry, of the Chorodidascalus.\\nHow many such choral poets there were, whose fame did,, not extend\\nbeyond their native place, may be gathered from the fact that Pindar,\\nwhile celebrating a pugilist of iEgina, incidentally mentions two lyric\\npoets of the same family, the Theandrids, Timocritus and Euphanes.\\nSparta also possessed seven lyric poets besides Alcman, in these early\\ntimes There too, as in other Doric states, women, even in the time\\nPlutarch, Quaest. Graec. 36. See above, p. 138. note f.\\nPlutarch, Lycurg; 21. These triple choruses are called vyxhat* in Pollux IV.\\n107, where the establishment of them is attributed to Tyrtaeus.\\n6 Their names are Spendon, Dionysodotus, Xenodamus, (see Chap. xii. \u00c2\u00a711.)\\nGittadai, Areius, Eurytus, and Zarex.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0198.jp2"}, "197": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 193\\nof Alcinan, contributed to the cultivation of poetry; as, for example,\\nthe maiden whom Alcman himself celebrates in these words This\\ngift of the sweet Muses hath the fair-haired Megalostrata, favoured\\namong virgins, displayed among us. From this we see how widely\\ndiffused, and how deeply rooted, were the feeling and the talent for such\\npoetical productions in Sparta; and that Alcman, with his beautiful\\nchoral songs, introduced nothing new into that country, and only em-\\nployed, combined and perfected elements already existing. But neither\\nAlcman, nor the somewhat earlier Terpander, were the first who\\nawakened this spirit among the Spartans. Even the latter found the\\nlove for arts of this description already in existence, where, according\\nto an extant verse of his, The spear of the young men, and the\\nclear-sounding muse, and justice in the wide market-place, flourish.\\n2. According to a well known and sufficiently accredited account,\\nAlcman was a Lydian of Sardis, who grew up as a slave in the house\\nof Agesidas, a Spartan but was emancipated, and obtained rights\\nof citizenship, though of a subordinate kind -j-. A learned poet of\\nthe Alexandrian age, Alexander the ^Etolian, says of Alcman, (or\\nrather makes him say of himself,) Sardis, ancient home of my\\nfathers, had I been reared within thy walls, I were now a cymbal-\\nbearer j, or a eunuch-dancer in the service of the Great Mother, decked\\nwith gold, and whirling the beautiful tambourine in my hands. But\\nnow I am called Alcman, and belong to Sparta, the city rich in sacred\\ntripods and J have become acquainted with the Heliconian Muses,\\nwho have made me greater than the despots Daskyles and^Gyges.\\nAlcman however, in his own poems, does not speak so contemptuously\\nof the home of his forefathers, but puts into the mouth of a chorus of\\nvirgins, words wherein he himself is celebrated as being no man of\\nrude unpolished manners, no Thessalian or iEtolian, but sprung from\\nthe lofty Sardis This Lydian extraction had doubtless an influence\\non Alcman s style and taste in music. The date at which he lived is\\nusually placed at so remote a period as to render it unintelligible how\\nlyric poetry could have already attained to such variety as is to be\\nfound in his works. It may indeed be true that he lived in the reign\\nof the Lydian king Ardys but it does not thence follow that he lived\\nat the beginning of it on the contrary, his childhood was contemporary\\nwith the close of that reign. (Ol. 37. 4. b. c. 629.) Alcman, in one\\nof his poems, mentioned the musician Polymnastus, who, in his turn,\\nFragm. 27. ed.Welcker.\\nt According to Suidas he was kto Murox;, and Mesoa was one of the phylse of\\nSparta, which were founded on divisions of the city. Perhaps, however, this state-\\nment only means that Alcman dwelt in Mesoa, where the family of his former\\nmaster and subsequent patron may have resided.\\nI Ki^vus is equivalent to x,i^o p o^at, the bearer of the dish, xiovo;, used in the wor-\\nship of Cybele. See the epigram in Anthol. Pal. VII. 709.\\nFragm. 11. ed. Welcker, according to Welcker s explanation.\\no", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0199.jp2"}, "198": {"fulltext": "\\\\()4 HISTORY OF THE\\ncomposed a poem to Thaletas According to this, he must have\\nflourished about OI. 42. (b. c. 612), which is the date assigned to him\\nby ancient chronologists. His mention of the island Pityusae f near the\\nBalearic islands, points to this age; since, according to Herodotus,\\nthe western parts of the Mediterranean were first known to the Greeks\\nby the voyages of the Phocaeans, from the 35th Olympiad downwards\\nand then became a subject of geographical knowledge, not, as hereto-\\nfore, of fabulous legends. Alcman had thus before him music in that\\nmaturity which it had attained, not only by the labours of Terpander,\\nbut also by those of Thaletas he lived at a time when the Spartans,\\nafter the termination of the Messenian wars, had full leisure to devote\\nthemselves to the arts and pleasures of life for their ambition was not\\nas yet directed to distinguishing themselves from the other Greeks\\nby rude unpolished manners. Alcman devoted himself entirely to the\\ncultivation of art and we find in him one of the earliest examples of a\\npoet who consciously and purposely strove to embellish his works with\\nnew artistical forms. In the ode which is regarded by the ancients as\\nthe first, he says, u Come, Muse, clear-voiced Muse, sing to the maidens\\na melodious song in a new fashion J and he elsewhere frequently\\nmentions the originality and the ingenuity of his poetical forms. He\\nought always to be imagined as at the head of a chorus, by means of\\nwhich, and together with which, he seeks to please.\\nArise, Muse, exclaims he, Calliope, daughter of Jove, sing us\\npleasant songs, give charm to the hymn, and grace to the chorus\\nAnd again, May my chorus please the house of Zeus, and thee,\\noh lord Alcman is regarded by some as the true inventor of\\nchoral poetry, although others assign this reputation to his predecessor\\nTerpander, or to his successor Stesichorus. He composed more espe-\\ncially for choruses of virgins, as several of the fragments quoted above\\nshow as well as the title of a considerable portion of his songs, Par-\\nthen ia. The word Parthenia is, indeed, not always employed in the\\nsame sense but in its proper technical signification it denotes choral\\nsongs sung by virgins, not erotic poems addressed to them. On the\\ncontrary, the music and the rhythm of these songs are of a solemn and\\nlofty character; many of those of Alcman and the succeeding lyric\\npoets were in the Doric harmony. The subjects were very various\\naccording to Proclus, gods and men were celebrated in them, and the\\npassage of Alcman, in which the virgins, with Homeric simplicity, ex-\\nS\u00c2\u00bb:e Ch. xii. 9. f Steph. Byz. in TJ^uovo-ai.\\nI This is the meaning of fragm. 1., which probably ought to be written and dis-\\ntributed (with a slight alteration) as follows\\nM W5- ecys, Meocru, XiyuTcc, -ToXvpiXh ptXos\\nThe first verse is logaoedic, the second iambic.\\nFragm. 4. Fragm.68.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0200.jp2"}, "199": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 195\\nclaim, Oh father Zeus, were he but my husband* was doubtless in\\na Parthenion. If we inquire more minutely into the relation of the\\npoet to his chorus, we shall not find, at least not invariably, that it as\\nyet possessed that character to which Pindar strictly adhered. The\\nchorus was not the mere organ of the poet, and all the thoughts and\\nfeelings to which it gave utterance, those of the poetf. In Alcman,\\nthe virgins more frequently speak in their own persons and many\\nParthenia contain a dialogue between the chorus and the poet, who\\nwas at the same time the instructor and the leader of the chorus. We\\nfind sometimes addresses of the chorus of virgins to the poet, such as\\nhas just been mentioned sometimes of the poet to the virgins asso-\\nciated with him as in that beautiful fragment in hexameters, No\\nmore, ye honeyvoiced, holy-singing virgins, no more do my limbs\\nsuffice to bear me oh that I were a Cerylus, which with the halcyons\\nskims the foam of the waves with fearless heart, the sea-blue bird of\\nspring\\nBut, doubtless, Alcman composed and directed other choruses,\\nsince the Parthenia were only a part of his poetical works, besides\\nwhich Hymns to the Gods, Paeans, Prosodia\u00c2\u00a7, Hymeneals, and love-\\nsongs, are attributed to him. These poems were generally recited or\\nrepresented by choruses of youths. The love-songs were probably\\nsung by a single performer to the cithara. The clepsiambic poems,\\nconsisting partly of singing, partly of common discourse, and for which\\na peculiar instrument, bearing the same name, was used, also occurred\\namong the works of Alcman, who appears to have borrowed them, as\\nwell as many other things, from Archilochus||. Alcman blends the\\nsentiments and the style of Archilochus, Terpander, and Thaletas, and,\\nperhaps, even those of the iEolian lyric poets hence his works ex-\\nhibit a great variety of metre, of dialect, and of general poetical tone.\\nStately hexameters are followed by the iambic and trochaic verse of\\nArchilochus, by the ionics and cretics of Olympus and Thaletas, and by\\nvarious sorts of logacedic rhythms. His strophes consisted partly of\\nverses of different kinds, partly of repetitions of the same, as in the ode\\nwhich opened with the invocation to Calliope above mentioned The\\nconnexion of two corresponding strophes with a third of a different\\nSchol. Horn. Od. VI. 244.\\nf There are only a few passages in Pindar, in which it has heen thought that\\nthere was a separation of the person of the chorus and the poet; viz. Pyth. v. 68.\\n(96.) ix. 98. (174.) Nem. i. 19. (29.) vii. 85. (125.); and these have, by an accu-\\nrate interpretation, been reduced to the abovementioned rule.\\nI Fragm. 12. See Muller s Dorians, b. iv. ch. 7. 11.\\nTlgoffobia, songs to be sung during a procession to a temple, before the sacrifice.\\nAbove, p. 139, note f, with Aristoxenus ap. Hesych. in v. KAs^/a^/Saj.\\n*T Mua llyi, KctXXio^a, 6vyuri\u00c2\u00a3 bio;. Dactylic tetrameters of this kind were com-\\nbined into strophes, without hiatus and syllaba anceps, that is, after the manner of\\nsystems.\\n02", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0201.jp2"}, "200": {"fulltext": "196 HISTORY OF THE r\\nkind, called an epode, did not occur in Alcman. He made strophes of\\nthe same measure succeed each other in an indefinite number, like the\\nfolic lyric poets there were, however, odes of his, consisting of\\nfourteen strophes, with an alteration (/*era/3o\\\\?/) in the metre after\\nthe seventh which was of course accompanied with a marked change\\nin the ideas and in the whole tone of the poem.\\nIt ought also to be mentioned that the Laconic metre, a kind of\\nanapaestic verse, used as a march (e/i/3ar\u00c2\u00bb7|cnoy), which the Spartan\\ntroops sang as they advanced to attack the enemy, is attributed to\\nAlcman t whence it may be conjectured that Alcman imitated Tyr-\\ntaeus, and composed war-songs similar to his, consisting not of strophes,\\nbut of a repetition of the same sort of verse. The authority for such\\na supposition is, however, slight. There is not a trace extant of any\\nmarches composed by Alcman, nor is there any similarity between their\\nform and character and any of his poetry with which we are acquainted.\\nIt is true that Alcman frequently employed the anapaestic metre, but\\nnot in the same way as Tyrtaeus J, and never unconnected with other\\nrhythms. Thus Tyrtaeus, who was Alcman s predecessor by one gene-\\nration, and whom we have already described as an elegiac poet, appears\\nto have been the only notable composer of Embateria. N These were\\nsung to the flute in the Castorean measure by the whole army and, as\\nis proved by a few extant verses, contained simple, but vigorous and\\nmanly exhortations to bravery. The measure in which they were\\nwritten was also called the Messenian, because the second Messenian\\nwar had given occasion to the composition of war-songs of peculiar\\nforce and fervour.\\n3. Alcman is generally regarded as the poet who successfully over-\\ncame the difficulties presented by the rough and intractable dialect of\\nSparta, and invested it with a certain grace. And, doubtless, inde-\\npendent of their general Doric form, many Spartan idioms are found\\nin his poems though by no means all the peculiarities of that dialect\\nAlcman s language, therefore, agrees with the other poetical dialects of\\nGreece, in not representing a popular dialect in its genuine state, but\\nin elevating and refining it by an admixture with the language of epic\\npoetry, which may be regarded as the mother and nurse of every variety\\nof poetry among the Greeks.\\nWe may also observe that this tinge of popular Laconian idioms is\\nby no means equally strong in all the varieties of Alcman s poetry they\\nHephaest. p. 134. ed. Gaisford.\\nt The metrical scholia to Eurip. Hec. 59.\\nI According to the Latin metrical writers, Servius and Marins Victorinus, the\\ndimeter hypercatalectos, the trimeter catalecticus, and the tetrameter brachycata-\\nlectos were called Alcmaniea metra. The embateria were partly in the dimeter\\ncatalecticus, partly in the tetrameter catalecticus.\\nAs \u00c2\u00abr fur 6 (,dk\\\\t, for 6^k\\\\\u00c2\u00bb, c), the rough termination gff in pC\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00abp, Utfa s\\nII For example, not MS T^ih^, K xt Z (for rxo c.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0202.jp2"}, "201": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 197\\nare most abundant in certain fragments of a hearty, simple character*,\\nin which Alcman depicts his own way of life, his eating and drinking,\\nof which, without being absolutely a glutton, he was a great lover f.\\nBut even here we may trace the admixture with the iEolic character J,\\nwhich ancient grammarians attribute to Alcman. It is explained by\\nthe fact that Peloponnesus was indebted for the first perfect specimen\\nof lyric poetry to an /Eolian of Lesbos, Terpander. In other frag-\\nments the dialect approximates more nearly to the epic, and has re-\\ntained only a faint tinge of Dorism especially in all the poems in\\nhexameters, and, indeed, wherever the poetry assumes a dignified,\\nmajestic character\\nAlcman is one of the poets whose image is most effaced by time, and\\nof whom we can the least hope to obtain any accurate knowledge. The\\nadmiration awarded to him by antiquity is scarcely justified by the\\nextant remains of his poetry; but, doubtless, this is because they are\\nextremely short, or are cited only in illustration of trifles. A true and\\nlively conception of nature pervades the whole, elevated by that power\\nof quickening the inanimate which descended from remote antiquity\\nthus, for instance, the poet calls the dew, Hersa, a daughter of Zeus\\nand Selene, of the God of the Heavens and the Moon\\nHe is also remarkable for simple and cheerful views of human life,\\nconnected with an intense enthusiasm for the beautiful in whatsoever\\nage or sex, especially for the grace of virgins, the objects of Alcman s\\nmost ardent homage. The only evidence that his erotic poetry is\\nsomewhat voluptuous is to be found in the innocence and simplicity\\nwith which, in the true Spartan fashion, he regarded the relation\\nbetween the sexes. A corrupt, refined sensuality neither belongs to\\nthe age in which he lived, nor to the character of his poetry and\\nalthough, perhaps, he is chiefly conversant with sensual existence, yet\\nindications are not wanting of a quick and profound conception of the\\nspiritual\\n4. The second great choral poet, Stesichorus, has so little in\\ncommon with Alcman, that he can in no respect be regarded as suc-\\nFragm. 24. 28.\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0f o Toifttpa. yo; AkKftoiv.\\nI Especially in the sound 012 for an original ON2, as in (p i^oicra,. It appears,\\nhowever, that the pure Doric form MoJ rn ought to he introduced everywhere for\\nMoTtret. In the third person plural, Alcman prohahly had, like Pindar, either\\nalviovri (fr. 73), or ivIohtiv. The o-l in f^KTi^x, xrfa.(iobiv, is also yEolic the pure\\nDoric form was xitugfihv, c.\\nAs in the heautiful fragment, No. 10, in Welcker s collection, which contains\\na description of the repose of night.\\nFr. 47.\\n*J[ uKoXatrrov, Archytas (o a^ovmos) in Athen. xiii. p. COO. F.\\nAlcman called the memory, the ftv/ipw, by the name (p^aai ho^xov, that which\\nsees in the mind: as should he written in Etym. Grud, p. 395. 52. for yxeriVo^xov.\\n*^\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00abr is a well-known Doric form for tp%i ri.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0203.jp2"}, "202": {"fulltext": "198 HISTORY OF THE\\ncessor to the Laconian poet, in his endeavours to bring that branch\\nof poetry to perfection. We must consider him as starting from the\\nsame point, but led by the originality of his genius into a totally\\ndifferent path. Stesichorus is of rather a later date than Alcman.\\nHe was born, indeed, just at the period when the first steps towards\\nthe development of lyric poetry were made by Terpander (Olympiad\\n33. 4. 643 b. c. according to others, Olympiad 37. b. c. 632),\\nbut his life was protracted above eighty years (to Olympiad 55. 1.\\n560 b. c. according to others 56. b. c. 556) so that he might be a\\ncontemporary of the Agrigentine tyrant Phalaris, against whose ambi-\\ntious projects he is said by Aristotle to have warned his fellow-citizens\\nin an ingenious fable According to common tradition, Stesichorus\\nwas a native of Himera, a city containing a mixed population, half\\nIonic, half Doric, the Himeraeans having come partly from the Chalci-\\ndian colony Zancle, partly from Syracuse. But at the time Stesichorus\\nwas born, Himera was but just founded, and his family could have\\nbeen settled there but a few years. His ancestors, however, were nei-\\nther Zanclaeans nor Syracusans, but dwelt at Mataurus, or Metaurus, a\\ncity on the south of Italy, founded by the Locrians f. This circum-\\nstance throws a very welcome light on the otherwise strange tradition,\\nwhich Aristotle I thought worthy of recording, that Stesichorus was a\\nson of Hesiod, by a virgin named Ctimene, of (Eneon, a place in the\\ncountry of the Ozolian Locrians. If we abstract from this what belongs\\nto the ancient mode of expression, which generally clothes in the simplest\\nforms all relationships of blood, the following will result from the first\\nmentioned facts. There was, as we saw above a line of epic bards in\\nthe style of Hesiod, who inhabited (Eneon, and the neighbouring Nau-\\npactus, in the country of the Locrians. A family in which a similar\\npractice of the poetical art was hereditary came through the colony\\nof Locri in Italy, in which the Ozolian Locrians took peculiar interest,\\nto these parts, and settled in Mataurus. From this family sprang Stesi-\\nchorus.\\nStesichorus lived at a time when the serene tone of the epos and an\\nexclusive devotion to a mythical subject no longer sufficed the predo-\\nminant tendency of the Greek mind was towards lyric poetry. He\\nhimself was powerfully affected by this taste, and consecrated his life to\\nthe transplantation of all the rich materials, and the mighty and imposing\\nshapes, which had hitherto been the exclusive property of the epos, to\\nthe choral poem. His special business was the training and direction\\nof choruses, and he assumed the name of Stesichorus, or leader of\\nchoruses, his original name being Tisias. This occupation must have\\nAbove, ch. xi. 14.\\nf Steph. Byz. in Mdruvgo; 2r j r/^^\u00c2\u00abj, MaravgTvo; yivo;. See Klein, Fragmenta\\nStesichori, p. 9.\\nIn Proclus and Tzetzes, Proleg. to Hesiod. Ch. 8. 4.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0204.jp2"}, "203": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 199\\nremained hereditary in his family in Himera a younger Stesichorus of\\nHimera came, in Olympiad 73. 1. B.C. 485, to Greece as a poet* a\\nthird Stesichorus of Himera was victor at Athens, doubtless as chorus-\\nleader, in Olympiad 102. 3. b. c. 370 f. The eldest of them, Stesi-\\nchorus Tisias, made a great change in the artistical form of the chorus.\\nHe it was who first broke the monotonous alternation of the strophe\\nand antistrophe through a whole poem, by the introduction of the epode,\\ndiffering- in measure, and by this means made the chorus stand still J.\\nDuring the strophe, the chorus moved in, a certain evolution, which\\nagain during the antistrophe was made back to its original station,\\nwhere it remained while the epode was sung. The chorus of Stesi-\\nchorus seems to have consisted of a combination of several rows or\\nmembers of eight dancers the number eight appears indeed from various\\ntraditions to have been, as it were, consecrated by him The mu-\\nsical accompaniment was the cithara. The strophes of Stesichorus were\\nof great extent, and composed of different verses, like those of Pindar,\\nthough of a simpler character. In many poems they consisted of dac-\\ntylic series, which were sometimes broken shorter, sometimes extended\\nlonger, as it were variations of the hexameter. With these Stesichorus\\ncombined trochaic dipodies by which the gravity of the dactyls was\\nsomewhat tempered; the metres used by Pindar, and generally for\\nall odes in the Dorian style of music, thus arose. Although Stesichorus\\nalso mainly employed this grave and solemn harmony, yet he himself\\nmentions on one occasion the use of the Phrygian, which is characte-\\nrized by a deeper pathos, and a more passionate expression It appears\\nfrom this fragment that the poet chose, as its metrical form, dactylic sys-\\ntems (i. e. combinations of similar series without any close or break), to\\nwhich ponderous trochees were attached Elsewhere, Stesichorus used\\nalso anapaests and choriambics, which correspond in their character to\\nthe dactylic verses just mentioned. Occasionally, however, he used the\\nlighter and rather pleasing than solemn logacedic measure.\\n5. As the metres of Stesichorus approach much more nearly to the\\nepos than those of Alcman, as his dialect also is founded on the epic, to\\nMaim. Par. ep. 50. f Ibid. ep. 73.\\nSee several grammarians and compilers in rg/\u00c2\u00ab ~2ryiri%ogov or OvTt rtfa. 2rwt%\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00a3ov\\nytyvuirxits.\\nSeveral grammarians at the explanation of roW\u00c2\u00ab oxru.\\n|1 _/ o _ o. Several verses of greater or less length, formed of dipodies of this\\nkind, are called by the grammarians Stesichorean verses.\\nFragm. 12. Mus. Crit. Cantab. Fasc. VI. Fragm. 39. ed. Klein\\nvuv i g jyiov (A kos \\\\%iv-\\nStesichorus, also, according to Plutarch, used the ug/uartos vopos, which had been\\nset by Olympus in the Phrygian a^ovU; above, ch. 12. 7.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0205.jp2"}, "204": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE\\nwhich be gave a different tone only by the most frequent and most cur-\\nrent Dorisms, so also with regard to the matter and contents of his\\npoems, Stesichorus makes, of all lyric poets, the nearest approach to the\\nepic. Stesichorus, says Quintilian elegantly, sustained the weight of\\nepic poetry with the lyre. We know the epic subjects which he treated\\nin this manner; they have a great resemblance to the subjects of the\\nshorter epic poems of the Hesiodean school, of which we have spoken\\nabove. Many of them were borrowed from the great mythic cycle of\\nHercules (whom he, like Pisander, invariably represented with the\\nlion s skin, club, and bow); such as his expedition against the triple\\ngiant of the west, Geryon (Trjpvoylg) Scylla (2/cuXXa), whom, in\\nthe same expedition, Hercules subdued the combat with Cycnus\\n(Kuwoe) the son of Ares, and the dragging of Cerberus (Kipfiepog)\\nfrom the infernal regions. Others related to the mythic cycle of Troy\\nsuch as the destruction of Ilium IXtov Trepmg), the returns of the\\nheroes (Nooroi), and the story of Orestes (Opeareia). Other my-\\nthical subjects were, the prizes which Acastus, King of Iolcus, distri-\\nbuted at the funeral games of his father Pelias (\u00c2\u00a37rt UeXiy d$Xa)\\nEriphyle, who seduced her husband Amphiaraus to join in the expedi-\\ntion against Thebes EpKpvXa) the hunters of the Calydonian boar\\n((Tvodijpai, according to the most probable interpretation) lastly, a\\npoem called Europeia (a title also borne by the epos of Eumelus),\\nwhich, from the little we know of it, seems to have treated of the tradi-\\ntional stories of Cadmus, with which that of Europa was interwoven.\\nA question here arises, how these epic subjects could be treated in a\\nlyric form. It is manifest that these poems could not have had the per-\\nfect repose, the vivid and diffuse descriptions, in short all the characte-\\nristics of the epos. To connect with these qualities the accompaniment\\nof many voices and instruments, a varied rhythmical structure, and\\nchoral dancing, would have seemed to the Greeks, with their fine sense\\nof harmony and congruity, a monstrous misjoinder. There must, there-\\nfore, have been something which induced Stesichorus, or his fellow\\ncitizens, to take an interest in these heroes and their exploits. Thus in\\nPindar all the mythological narratives have reference to some recent\\nevent t. In Stesichorus, however, the mythical subject must have been\\ntreated at greater length, and have occupied nearly the entire poem\\notherwise the names of these poems would not have been like those of\\nepic compositions. One of them, the Oresteia, was so long, that it was\\ndivided into two books and it contained so much mythical matter, that\\nin the Iliac table, a well known ancient bas-relief, the destruction of\\nTroy is represented in a number of scenes from this poem. The most\\nprobable supposition, therefore, is that these poems were intended to be\\nrepresented at the mortuary sacrifices and festivals, which were fre-\\nCh. 8. (p. 98-9.) f Below, ch. 15. 1.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0206.jp2"}, "205": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 201\\nquently celebrated in Magna Grsecia to the Greek heroes, especially to\\nthose of the Trojan cycle\\nThe entire tone in which Stesichorus treated these mythic narratives\\nwas also quite different from the epic. It is evident from the fragments\\nthat he dwelt upon a few brilliant adventures, in which the force aud\\nthe glory of the heroes was, as it were, concentrated and that he gave\\nthe reins to his fancy. Thus, in an extant fragment, Hercules is de-\\nscribed as returning to the god of the sun (Helios), on the goblet on\\nwhich he had swum to the island of Geryoneus M Helios, the Hype-\\nrionid, stepped into the golden goblet, in order to go, over the ocean, to\\nthe sacred depths of the dark night to his mother, and wife, and dear\\nchildren; while the son of Zeus (Hercules) entered into the laurel\\ngrove t. In another, the dream of Clytsemnestra, in the night before\\nshe was killed, is described A serpent seemed to approach her, its\\ncrest covered with blood but, of a sudden, the king of Pleisthenes race\\n(Agamemnon) came out of it In general, a lyric poet like Stesi-\\nchorus was more inclined than an epic poet to alter the current legend\\nsince his object was not so much mere narration, as the praise of indi-\\nvidual heroes, and the mythus was always introduced with a view to its\\napplication. As a proof of this assertion, it is sufficient to refer to the\\nstory, celebrated in antiquity, of Stesichorus having, in a poem (pro-\\nbably the destruction of Troy), attributed all the sufferings of the Trojan\\nwar to Helen but the deified heroine having, as it was supposed,\\ndeprived him of his sight, as a punishment for this insult, he composed\\nhis famous Palinodia, in which he said that the Helen who had been\\nseen in Troy, and for whom the Greeks and Trojans fought during\\nso many years, was a mere shadow ((pavfia, eidwXov) while the true\\nHelen had never embarked from Greece. Even this, however, is not to\\nbe considered as pure invention there were in Laconia popular legends\\nof Helen s having appeared as a shade long after her death like her\\nbrothers Castor and Pollux and it is possible that Stesichorus may\\nhave met with some similar story. Stesichorus simply conceived Helen\\nto have remained in Greece he did not suppose her to have gone to\\nEg-ypt f\\nThus in Tarentum hayirfio) were offered to the Atrids, Tydids, Alcids,\\nLaertiads (Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. 114.); in Metapontum to the Nelids\\n(Strabo VI. p. 263,) c.\\nf Fragm. 3. (10. ed. Klein).\\nFragm. inc. 1. (43. Klein). This fragment too is in a lyric metre^md ought\\nnot to be forced into an elegiac distich.\\nHence in the Iliac table, Menelaus is represented as attempting to stab Helen\\nwhom he has just recovered while she flies for protection to the temple of\\nAphrodite.\\n|j Herod. VI. 61.\\nOthers supposed that Proteus, the marine demigod skilled in metamorphoses,\\nwent to the island of Pharos, and there formed a false Helen with which he\\ndeceived Paris a version of the story which even the ancient Scholiasts have con-", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0207.jp2"}, "206": {"fulltext": "0()2 HISTORY OF THE\\nThe language of Stesichorus likewise accorded with the tone of his\\npoettt Quintilian, and other ancient critics, state that it corresponded\\nw ith the dignity of the persons described by him and that he might\\nhave stood next to Homer, if he had restrained the copiousness of his\\ndiction. It is possible that, in expressing this opinion, Quintilian did\\nnot sufficiently advert to the distinction between the epic and lyric\\nstyles.\\nG. We have subjoined these remarks to the longer lyric poems of\\nStesichorus, which were nearest to the epos, as it was in these that the\\npeculiar character of his poetry was most clearly displayed. Stesi-\\nchorus, however, also composed poems in praise of the gods, especially\\npaeans and hymns not in an epic, but in a lyric form. There were\\nalso erotic poems of Stesichorus, differing as much as his other produc-\\ntions from the amatory lyric poems of the Lesbians. They consisted of\\nlove-stories; as the Calyce, which described the pure but unhappy love\\nof a maiden of that name; and the 1 R hadina^ which related the\\nmelancholy adventures of a Samian brother and sister, whom a Corin-\\nthian tyrant put to death out of love for the sister, and jealousy of the\\nbrother*. These are the earliest instances in Greek literature of love-\\nstories forming the basis of romantic poetry the stories themselves\\nprobably having been derived from the tales with which the inmates of\\nthe Greek gynaecea amused themselves. These stories (which were\\nafterwards collected by Parthenius, Plutarch, and others) usually be-\\nlonged, not to the purely mythical period, but either to historical times,\\nor to the transition period between fable and history. In this manner\\nthe story involved the ordinary circumstances of life, while extraordi-\\nnary situations could be introduced, serving to show the fidelity of the\\nlovers. Of a similar character was the bucolic poem, which Stesichorus\\nfirst raised from a rude strain of merely local interest, to a classical\\nbranch of Greek poetry. The first bucolic poem is said to have been\\nsung by Diomus, a cowherd in Sicily, a country abounding in cattlet-\\nThe hero of this pastoral poetry was the shepherd Daphnis (celebrated\\nin Theocritus), who had been beloved by a nymph, and deprived by\\nher, out of jealousy, of his sight and with whose laments all nature\\nfounded with that of Stesichorus. As this Proteus was converted hy the Egyptian\\ninterpreters (X^wiii) into a king of* Egypt, this king was said to have taken Helen\\nfrom Paris, and to have kept her for Menelaus. This was the story which Hero-\\ndotus heard in Egypt, II. 112. Euripides, in his Helen, gives quite a new turn to\\nthe tale. In this play, the gods form a false Helen, whom Paris takes to Troy\\nthe true Helen is carried hy Hermes to the Egyptian king Proteus. In this\\nmanner, Proteus completely loses the character which he bears in the ancient\\nGreek mythus but the events tend to situations which suited the pathetic tragedy\\nof Euripides.\\nCompare Strab. VIII. p. 347. D. with Pausan. VII. 5. 6. The chief authority\\nfor these love-stories is the long excursus in Athenaeus on the popular songs of the\\nGreeks, XIV. p. 618. sqq. FY* B\\nf BovxoXmtftit, Epicharmus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. The song of Eriphanis,\\n3W\u00c2\u00ab) \\\\ii^ piyuXut, appears to have been of native Sicilian origin.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0208.jp2"}, "207": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 203\\nsympathised. This legend was current in the native country of Stesi-\\nehorus, near the river Himeras, where Daphnis is said to have uttered\\nhis laments; and near Cephalcedium, where a stone resembling- a man s\\nform was said to have once been Daphnis. Himera was the only one\\namong the ancient Greek colonies in Sicily, which lay on the northern\\ncoast of the island it was entirely surrounded by the aboriginal inha-\\nbitants, the Siculians and it is therefore probable that the hero Daphnis,\\nand the original form of the pastoral song, belonged to the Siculian\\npeasantry i /f\\nFrom what precedes, it appears that the poetry of Stesichorus was\\nnot employed in expressing his own feelings, or describing the events of\\nhis own life, but that he preferred the past to the present. This cha-\\nracter seems to have been common to all the poems of Stesichorus.\\nThus he did not, like Sappho, compose Epithalamia having an imme-\\ndiate reference to the present, but he took some of his materials from\\nmythology. The beautiful Epithalamium of Theocritus f, supposed to\\nhave been sung by the Laconian virgins before the chamber of Mene-\\nlaus and Helen, is, in part, imitated from a poem of Stesichorus.\\n7. Thus much for the peculiarities of this choral poet, not less re-\\nmarkable in himself, than as a precursor of the perfect lyric poetry of\\nPindar. Our information respecting Arion is far less complete and\\nsatisfactory yet the little that we know of him proves the wide exten-\\nsion of lyric poetry in the time of Alcman and Stesichorus. Arion was\\nthe contemporary of Stesichorus he is called the disciple of Alcman,\\nand (according to the testimony of Herodotus) flourished during the\\nreign of Periander at Corinth, between Olymp. 38. 1. and 48. 4. (628\\nand 585 b. c), probably nearer the end than the beginning of this\\nperiod. He was a native of Methymna in Lesbos a district in which\\nthe worship of Bacchus, introduced by the Boeotians, was celebrated\\nwith orgiastic rites, and with music. Arion was chiefly known in\\nGreece as the perfecter of the dithyramb. The dithyramb, as a song\\nof Bacchanalian festivals, is doubtless of great antiquity its name is\\ntoo obscure to have arisen at a late period of the Greek language, and\\nprobably originated in the earliest times of the worship of Bacchus J.\\nIts character was always, like that of the worship to which it belonged,\\nimpassioned and enthusiastic the extremes of feeling, rapturous plea-\\nsure, and wild lamentation, were both expressed in it. Concerning the\\nmode of its representation we are but imperfectly informed. Archilo-\\nchus says, that he is able, when his mind is inflamed with wine, to\\nIt appears from ^Elian V. H., X. 18. that the legend of Daphnis was given in\\nStesichorus, not as it is expanded in Theocrit. Id. I., but as it is touched upon in Id.\\nVII. 73. The pastoral legend of the Goathead Comatas, who was inclosed in a box\\nby the king s command, and fed by a swarm of bees, sent by the Muses (Theocrit\\nVII. 78. sq.) has all the appearance of a story embellished by Stesichorus.\\nf Id. XVIII.\\nOn the formation of Idugaftflos, see p. 133 note", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0209.jp2"}, "208": {"fulltext": "804 HISTORY OF THE\\nsing the dithyramb, the beautiful strain of Dionysus* from which\\nexpressions it is probable that in the time of Archilochus, one of a\\nband of revellers sometimes sang the dithyramb, while the others\\njoined him with their voices. There is, however, no trace of a choral\\nperformance of the dithyramb at this time. Choruses had been already\\nintroduced in Greece, but in connexion with the worship of Apollo, and\\nthey danced to the cithara f 6pfiiy\u00c2\u00a3,), the instrument used in this\\nworship. In the worship of Dionysus, on the other hand, an irregular\\nband of revellers, led by a flute-player, was the prominent feature t.\\nArion, according to the concurrent testimonies of the historians and\\ngrammarians of antiquity, was the first who practised a chorus in\\nthe representation of a dithyramb, and therefore gave a regular and\\ndignified character to this song, which before had probably consisted of\\nirregular expressions of excited feeling, and of inarticulate ejacula-\\ntions. This improvement was made at Corinth, the rich and flourish-\\ning city of Periander hence Pindar in his eulogy of Corinth exclaims\\nWhence, but from Corinth, arose the pleasing festivals of Dionysus,\\nwith the dithyramb, of which the prize is an ox J? The choruses\\nwhich sang the dithyramb were circular choruses (kvkXioi x\u00c2\u00b0P\u00c2\u00b00 so\\ncalled, because they danced in a circle round the altar on which the\\nsacrifice was burning. Accordingly, in the time of Aristophanes, the\\nexpressions dithyrambic poet, and teacher of cyclian choruses\\n(KVKXiodidaaKaXog), were nearly synonymous With regard to the\\nsubjects of the dithyrambs of Arion we know nothing, except that he\\nintroduced the tragic style into them This proves that he had dis-\\ntinguished a choral song of a gloomy character, which referred to the\\ndangers and sufferings of Dionysus, from the ordinary dithyramb of\\nthe joyous kind; as will be shown in a subsequent chapter With\\nregard to the musical accompaniment of the dithyrambs of Arion, it\\nmay be remarked, that the cithara was the principal instrument used\\nin it, and not the flute, as in the boisterous comus. Arion was himself\\nthe first cithara-player of his time and the exclusive fame of the Les-\\nbian musicians from Terpander downwards was maintained by him\\nft; Liuvvtrnv ccvax.ro? xaXov l%dg%ai ft thes\\nOi^cx. o^iQupupliov o lvu ervyKiQuvvwh)} tyfnvKt.\\nap. Athen. xiv. p. 628.\\nf See ch. iii. 6 5.\\nPind. 01. xiii. 18. (25.), where the recent editors give a full and accurate ex-\\nplanation of the matter.\\nHence Arion is said to have been the son of Cycleus.\\nT^ccyiKos rgofo;, Suidas in Agiuv, Concerning the satyrs whom Arion is said to\\nhave used on this occasion, see below, chap. xxi.\\nChap. xxi. The finest specimen of a dithyramb of the joyful kind is the frag-\\nment of a dithyramb by Pindar, in Dion. Hal. de Comp. Verb. 22. This dithy-\\nramb was intended for the great Dionysia Qra pteyaXa or ra atrru towwa), which\\nare described in it as a great vernal festival, at the season when the chamber of\\nthe Hours opens, and the nectarian plants feel the approach pf the fragrant spring.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0210.jp2"}, "209": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 205\\nArion also, according to the well known fable played the orthian\\nnomef, when he was compelled to throw himself from a ship into the\\nsea, and was miraculously saved by a dolphin Arion is also stated,\\nas well as Terpander, to have composed procemia, that is, hymns to the\\ngods, which served as an introduction to festivals\\n8. In descending to the choral poets who lived nearer the time of\\nthe Persian war, we meet with two poets of very peculiar characters\\nthe vehement Ibycus, and the tender and refined Simonides.\\nIbycus was a native of Rhegium, the city near the southernmost point\\nof Italy, which was closely connected with Sicily, the country of Stesi-\\nchorus. Rhegium was peopled partly by Ionians from Chalcis, partly\\nby Dorians from Peloponnesus; the latter of whom were a superior\\nclass. The peculiar dialect formed in Rhegium had some influence on\\nthe poems of Ibycus; although these were in general written in an epic\\ndialect with a Doric tinge, like the poems of Stesichorus Ibycus was\\na wandering poet, as is intimated in the story of his death having been\\nattested and revenged by cranes but his travels were not, like those of\\nStesichorus, confined to Sicily. He passed a part of his time in Samos\\nwith Polycrates whence the flourishing period of Ibycus may be\\nplaced at Olymp. 63. (b. c. 528) ^f. We have already explained the\\nstyle of poetry which was admired at the court of Polycrates. Ibycus\\ncould not here compose solemn hymns to the gods, but must accommo-\\ndate his Doric cithara, as he was best able, to the strains of Anacreon.\\nAccordingly, it is probable that the poetry of Ibycus was first turned\\nmainly to erotic subjects during his residence in the court of Poly-\\ncrates and that his glowing love-songs (especially to beautiful youths),\\nwhich formed his chief title to fame in antiquity, were composed at this\\ntime.\\nBut that the poetical style of Ibycus resembled that of Stesichorus is\\nproved by the fact that the ancient critics often doubted to which of the\\ntwo a particular idea or expression belonged It may indeed be\\nHerod. I, 23. This fable probably arose from a sacred offering in a temple at\\nTffinarum, which represented Taras sitting on a dolphin, as he appears on the coins\\nof Tarentum. Plutarch, Conv. Sept. Sap. c. 18. mentions the Pythian instead of the\\northian nome.\\nf The orthian nome was mentioned above, chap. xii. 15, in connexion with Po-\\nlymnestus.\\nX The nomos ovthios was sung to the cithara (Herod. 1. 24. Aiistoph. Eq. 127G.\\nRan. 1308, et Sehol.), but also to the Phrygian flute (Lucian4).\\nSuidas in v, The ode to Neptune which ./Elian H. A., xii. 45, ascribes to\\nArion, is copious in words, but poor in ideas, and is quite unworthy of such a poet\\nas Arion. It also presupposes the truth of the fable that Arion was saved by a\\ndolphin.\\nA peculiarity of the Rheginian dialect in Stesichorus was the formation of the\\nthird persons of barytone verbs in n rr, p ^yi ri, Kiynai, c.\\nAbove, ch. xiii. 12.\\nCitations of Stesichorus or Ibycus, or (for the same expression) of Stesichorus\\nerne? Ibycus, occur in Athen. iv. p. 172 D\u00e2\u0080\u009e Schol. Von. ad II. xxiv. 259. iii. 114. He-\\nsych. in fi^vaxUrut, vol. i. p. 774. ed. Alb., Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1302, Schol.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0211.jp2"}, "210": {"fulltext": "206 HISTORY OP THE\\nconjectured that this doubt arose from the works of these two poets being\\nunited in the same collection, like those of Hipponax and Ananius, or\\nof Simonides and Bacchylides but their works would not have been so\\nunited by the ancient editors if there had not been a close affinity\\nbetween them. The metres of Ibycus also resemble those of Stesicho-\\nrus, being in general dactylic series, connected together into verses ot\\ndifferent lengths, but sometimes so long, that they are rather to be\\ncalled systems than verses. Besides these, Ibycus frequently uses\\nlogacedic verses of a soft or languid character and in general his\\nrhythms are less stately and dignified, and more suited to the expression\\nof passion, than those of Stesichorus. Hence the effeminate poet Aga-\\nthon is represented by Aristophanes as appealing to Ibycus with Ana-\\ncreon and Alcaeus, who had made music more sweet, and worn many-\\ncoloured fillets (in the oriental fashion), and had led the wanton Ionic\\ndance\\n9. The subjects of the poems of Ibycus appear also to have a\\nstrong affinity with those of the poems of Stesichorus. For although\\nno poems with such names as Cycnus or the Orestea are attributed to\\nIbycus yet so many peculiar accounts of mythological stories, espe-\\ncially relating to the heroic period, are cited from his poems, that it\\nseems as if he too had written long poems on the Trojan war, the ex-\\npedition of the Argonauts, and other similar subjects. That, like\\nStesichorus, he dwelt upon the marvellous in the heroic mythology, is\\nproved by a fragment in which Hercules is introduced as saying I\\nalso slew the youths on white horses, the sons of Molione, the twins\\nwith like heads and connected limbs, both born in the silver egg t.\\nThe erotic poetry of Ibycus is however more celebrated. We know\\nthat it consisted of odes to youths, and that these breathed a fervour of\\npassion far exceeding that expressed in any similar productions of\\nGreek literature. Doubtless the poet gave utterance to his own feel-\\nings in these odes; as indeed appears from the extant fragments.\\nNevertheless the length of the strophes and the artificial structure of\\nthe verses prove that these odes were performed by choruses. Birth-\\ndays or other family festivals or distinctions in the gymnasia may have\\nafforded the poet an opportunity of coming with a chorus into the\\ncourt-yard of the house, and offering his congratulations in the most\\nimposing and brilliant manner. The occasions of these poetical con-\\ngratulations were doubtless the same as those which gave rise to the\\npainted vases in Magna Graecia, with the inscription the boy is beau-\\ntiful (\u00c2\u00bbcaXoe 6 7rcuc), and scenes from gymnastic exercises and\\nsocial life. But that in the poems of Ibycus, as well as of Pindar, the\\nyratislav. ad Pind. 01. ix. 128. (\u00c2\u00abj vifi Ifiuxov xu) 2t\u00c2\u00bb^o^v), Etymol. Gud. in\\n\u00c2\u00abT\u00c2\u00a3\u00c2\u00a3 ry j;, p. 98. 31.\\nThesm. 161.\\nf Ap. Athen. p. 57 F. (Fr. 27. coll. Schneidewin).", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0212.jp2"}, "211": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 207\\nchorus was the organ of the poet s thoughts and feelings, is sufficiently\\nproved (as has been already remarked) by the extant fragments. In\\na very beautiful fragment, the versification of which expresses the course\\nof the feeling with peculiar art, Ibycus says*:f^Lln the spring the\\nCydonian apple-trees flourish, watered by rivulets from the brooks in\\nthe untrodden garden of the virgins, and the grapes which grow under\\nthe shady tendrils of the vine.*- But Eros gives me peace at no season\\nlike a Thracian tempest, gleaming with fightning, he rushes from\\nCypris, and, full of fury, he stirs up my heart from the bottom. In\\nsome other extant verses he saysf Again Eros looks at me from\\nbeneath his black eyelashes with melting glances, and drives me with\\nblandishments of all kinds into the endless nets of Cypris. I tremble\\nat his attack as a harnessed steed which contends for the prize in the\\nsacred games, when he approaches old age, unwillingly enters the race-\\ncourse with the rapid chariot.\\nThese amatory odes of Ibycus did not however consist merely of\\ndescriptions of his passion, which could scarcely have afforded sufficient\\nmaterials for choral representation. He likewise called in the assist-\\nance of mythology in order to elevate, by a comparison with divine or\\nheroic natures, the beauty of the youth or his own passion. Thus in a\\npoem of this kind, addressed to Gorgias, Ibycus told the story of\\nGanymedes and Tithonus, both Trojans and favourites of the gods\\nwho were described as contemporary J, and were associated in the\\nnarrative. Ganymedes is carried off by Zeus in the form of an eagle,\\nin order to become his favourite and cup-bearer in Olympus and, at\\nthe same time, Eros incites the rising Aurora to bear away from Ida,\\nTithonus, a Trojan shepherd and prince The perpetual youth of\\nGanymedes, the short manhood and the melancholy old age of Tithonus,\\nprobably gave the poet occasion to compare the different passions which\\nthey excited, and to represent that of Zeus as the more noble, that of\\nAurora the less praiseworthy.\\n10. Leaving Ibycus in the obscurity which envelopes all the Greek\\nlyric poets anterior to Pindar, we come to a brighter point in Simonides.\\nThis poet has been already described as one of the greatest masters of\\nthe elegy and the epigram but. a full account of him has been reserved\\nfor this place.\\nSimonides was born at Julis in the island of Ceos, which was in-\\nFragm. l.coll. Schneidewin. The end of the fragment is very difficult; the\\ntranslation is made from the following alteration of the text uripfirtfri xgurmu;\\nKB^ofav truXa. Tffuv hpiTipas p%ivas.\\nf Schol. Plat. Parm. p. 137. A. (Fragm. 2. coll. Schneidewin).\\nX After the Little Iliad, in which Ganymedes is the son of Laomedon Schol. Vat.\\nad Eurip. Troad. 822. Elsewhere Tithonus is his son.\\nThis account of the poem of Stesichorus is taken from Schol. Apollon. Rhod.\\nIII. 158. compared with Nounus Dionys. xv.278. ed. Graefe.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0213.jp2"}, "212": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE\\nhabited by Ionians according to his own testimony*, about Olymp.\\n56. 1. b. c. 556. He lived, according to a precise account, 89 years,\\nand died in 78. 1. R. c. 468. He belonged to a family which sedu-\\nlously cultivated the musical arts his grandfather on the paternal side\\nhad been a poetf; Bacchylides, the lyric poet, was his nephew; and\\nSimonides the younger, known by the name of the genealogist, on\\naccount of a work on genealogies (7r\u00c2\u00a3pi yevcaXoytwv), was his grand-\\nson. He himself exercised the functions of a chorus-teacher in the\\ntown of Carthsea in Ceos and the house of the chorus (xop^yeioy)\\nnear the temple of Apollo was his customary abode This occupa-\\ntion was to him, as to Stesichorus, the origin of his poetical efforts. The\\nsmall island of Ceos at this time contained many things which were\\nlikely to give a good direction to a youthful mind. The lively genius\\nof the Ionic race was here restrained by severe principles of modera-\\ntion (aufypoovvrj) the laws of Ceos are celebrated for their excel-\\nlence and although Prodicus of Ceos is named among the sophists\\nattacked by Socrates, yet he was considered as a man of probity, and the\\nfriend of a beneficent philosophy. Simonides, also, appears throughout\\nhis whole life, to have been attached to philosophy; and his poetical\\ngenius is characterized rather by versatility and purity of taste than by\\nfervid enthusiasm. Many ingenious apophthegms and wise sayings are\\nattributed to him, nearly resembling those of the seven sages for ex-\\nample, the evasive answer to the question, what is God is attributed\\nboth to Simonides and Thales: in the one anecdote the questioner\\nis Hiero, in the other Croesus. Simonides himself is sometimes reck-\\noned among the philosophers, and the sophists considered him as a\\npredecessor in their art. The 6 moderation of Simonides became\\nproverbial a modest consciousness of human weakness, and a re-\\ncognition of a superior power, are everywhere traceable in his poetry.\\nIt is likewise recorded that Simonides used, and perfected, the contri-\\nvances which are known by the name of the Mnemonic art.\\nIt must be admitted, that, in depth and novelty of ideas, and in the\\nfervour of poetical feeling, Simonides was far inferior to his contem-\\nporary Pindar. But the practical tendency of his poetry, the worldly\\nwisdom, guided by a noble disposition, which appeared in it, and the\\ndelicacy with which he treated all the relations of states and rulers,\\nmade him the friend of the most powerful and distinguished men of his\\nIn the epigram in Planudes, Jacobs Anthol. Palat. Append. Epigr. 79. (203\\nSchneidewin).\\nf Maim. Par. ep. 49. according to Boeckh s explanation, Corp. Inscrip. vol. ii.\\np. 319.\\nChamaeleon ap. Ath. x. p.45G. E.\\nMidler s ./Eginetica, p. 132. note u.\\nII Siftuvilou ffuQooauvYi Aristides -rtfi roZ ?ra^u(p6. III. p. 0^5 A. Canter. II.\\np. 51 U. Dindorf. Sunonidis reliquiae ed. schneidewin, p. xxxiii.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0214.jp2"}, "213": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 209\\nage. Scarcely any poet of antiquity enjoyed so much consideration in\\nhis lifetime, or exercised so much influence upon political events, as\\nSimonides. He was one of the poets entertained by Hipparchus the\\nTisistratid (Olymp. 63. 2. 66. 3. b. c. 527\u00e2\u0080\u009414.), and was highly\\nesteemed by him. He was much honoured by the families of the\\nAleuads and Scopads, who at that time ruled in Thessaly, as powerful\\nand wealthy nobles, in their cities of Larissa and Crannon, and partly\\nas kings of the entire country. These families attempted, by their\\nhospitality and liberality to the poets and wise men whom they enter-\\ntained, either to soften the rough nature of the Thessalians, or, at least,\\nto cover it with a varnish of civilization. That, however, they were not\\nalways equally liberal to Simonides, appears from the anecdote that\\nScopas once refused to give him more than half the promised reward,\\nand referred him for the other half to the Dioscuri, whom he had also\\npraised in his ode and that, in consequence, the Dioscuri saved\\nSimonides when the house fell upon the impious Scopas*. Simonides\\nappears to have passed much of the latter part of his life in Sicily,\\nchiefly with the tyrant of Syracuse. That he was in high honour at\\nthis court is proved by the well attested story, that when, after Gelo s\\ndeath, a discord arose between the allied and closely connected families\\nof the tyrants of Syracuse and Agrigentum, Hiero of Syracuse and\\nTheroof Agrigentum, with their armies, were standing opposite to each\\nother on the river Gelas, and would have decided their dispute with\\narms, if Simonides (who, like Pindar, was the friend of both tyrants)\\nhad not restored peace between them (Olymp. 76. 1. b. c. 476). But\\nthe high reputation of Simonides among the Greeks is chiefly apparent\\nin the time of the Persian war. He was in friendly intercourse both\\nwith Themistocles and the Spartan general Pausanias the Corin-\\nthians sought to obtain his testimony to their exploits in the Persian\\nwar and he, more than any other poet, partly at the wish of others,\\nand partly of his own accord, undertook the celebration of the great\\ndeeds of that period. The poems which he wrote for this purpose were\\nfor the most part epigrams but some were lyric compositions, as the\\npanegyric of those who had fallen at Thermopylae, and the odes on the\\nsea-fights of Artemisium and Salamis. Others were elegiac^ as the\\nelegy to those who fought at Marathon, already mentioned.\\n11. The versatility of mind and variety of knowledge, which Simo-\\nnides appears from these accounts to have possessed, are connected with\\nhis facility of poetical composition. Simonides was probably the most\\nprolific lyric poet whom Greece had seen, although all his productions\\ndid not descend to posterity. He gained (according to the inscription\\nThat the ancients themselves had difficulties in ascertaining the true version of\\nthis story, appears from Quintilian, Inst. xi. 2. 1 1 it is however certain that tho\\nfamily of the Scopads at that time suffered some great misfortune which Simonides\\nlamented in a threne Phavoriu, an. Stub. Serin, (JV. 62.\\nP", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0215.jp2"}, "214": {"fulltext": "OK) HISTORY OF THE\\nof votive tablet, written by himself*) \u00c2\u00a36 oxen and tripoas in poetical\\ncontests and yet prizes of this kind could only be gained at public\\nfestivals, such as the festival of Bacchus at Athens. Simonides, ac-\\ncording- to his own testimony, conquered at this latter festival in\\nOlymp. 75. 4. b. c. 476, with a cyclian chorus of 50 men. The muse of\\nSimonides was, however, far oftener in the pay of private men he was\\nthe first who sold his poems for money, according to the frequent re-\\nproach of the ancients. Thus Socrates in Plato f says that Simonides\\nwas often forced to praise a tyrant or other powerful man, without\\nbeing convinced of the justice of his praises.\\nAmong the poems which Simonides composed for public festivals,\\nwere hymns and prayers (/car\u00c2\u00a3t\u00c2\u00bbx\u00c2\u00ab0 to various gods, paeans to Apollo,\\nhyporchemes, dithyrambs, and parthenia. In the hyporchemes Simo-\\nnides seemed to have excelled himself; so great a master was he of the\\nart of painting, by apt rhythms and words, the acts which he wished to\\ndescribe he says of himself that he knows how to combine the plastic\\nmovements of the feet with the voice J. His dithyrambs were not, ac-\\ncording to their original purpose, dedicated to Dionysus, but admitted\\nsubjects of the heroic mythology thus a dithyramb of Simonides bore\\nthe title of Memnon This transfer to heroes, of poems properly be-\\nlonging to Dionysus will be considered more fully in connexion with\\nthe subject of tragedy. Moreover the odes just mentioned, which cele-\\nbrated those who fell at Thermopylae and in the sea-fights against the\\nPersians, were doubtless intended to be performed at public festivals in\\nhonour of victories.\\nAmong the poems which Simonides composed for private persons,\\nthe Epinikia and Threnes are worthy of especial notice. At this period\\nthe Epinikia songs which were performed at a feast in honour of a\\nvictor in public and sacred games, either on the scene of the conflict,\\nor at his return home first received the polish of art from the hands\\nof the choral poets. At an earlier age, a few verses, like those of Ar-\\nchilochus, had answered the same purpose. The Epinikia of Simonides\\nand Pindar are nearly contemporaneous with the erection of statues in\\nhonour of victorious combatants, which first became common about\\nOlymp. 60, and, especially in the time of the Persian war, employed\\nthe most eminent artists of the schools of Mgma and Sicyon. A ge-\\nneral idea of the structure of the epinikia of Simonides may be formed\\nfrom those of Pindar (of which a copious analysis will be found in the\\nnext chapter). In these odes, too, the celebration of mythical heroes\\n(as of the Dioscuri in the epinikion of Scopas) was closely connected\\nwith the praise of the victor. General reflections and apophthegms\\nwere also applied to his peculiar circumstances. Thus in the same ode,\\nthe general maxim was stated, that the gods alone could be always\\nAnthol. Palat. vi. 213. f Protag. p. 346. B.\\nX Plutarch, Sympos.ix. 15. 2. Straboxv. p. 728. B.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0216.jp2"}, "215": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 211\\ngood that no man could be invariably good or bad, but could only act\\nvirtuously by the grace of the gods, and upon this principle the saying\\nof Pittacus, it is difficult to be good, was censured as requiring too\\nmuch, and probably was applied for the purpose of extenuating some\\nfaults in the life of the victorious prince*.\\nWe should be guilty of injustice to Simonides were we to conclude\\nthat he did violence to his own convictions, and offered mercenary and\\nbespoken homage; we rather discover a trace of the mild and humane,\\nthough somewhat lax and commodious, opinions on morals, prevalent\\namong the Ionians. Among the Dorians, and in part also among the\\niEolians, law and custom were more rigorous in their demands upon\\nthe constancy and the virtue of mankind.\\nThe epinikia of Simonides appear to have been distinguished from\\nthose of Pindar mainly in this; that the former dwelt more upon the\\nparticular victory which gave occasion to his song, and described all\\nits details with greater minuteness; while Pindar, as we shall see,\\npasses lightly over the incident, and immediately soars into higher\\nregions. In an epinikion which Simonides composed for Leophron\\n1he son of the tyrant Anaxilas and his vicegerent in Rhegium f\u00c2\u00bb\\nand in which he had to celebrate a victory obtained with a chariot\\ndrawn by mules (airyvr)), the poet congratulated the victorious ani-\\nmals, dexterously passing in silence over the meaner, and directing\\nattention to the nobler, side of their parentage: V Hail, ye daughters\\nof storm-footed steeds Simonides, too, in these songs of victory more\\nfrequently indulged in pleasantry than befitted a poem destined to be\\nrecited at a sacred feast. as, for example, in the epinikion composed in\\nhonour of an Athenian who had conquered Crios of Mg ma. in wrestling\\nat Olympia; where he plays upon the name of the defeated combatant\\nNot ill has the ram (6 Kpiog) got himself shorn by venturing into the\\nmagnificent grove, the sanctuary of Zeus\\nBut the merits of Simonides were still more remarkable (as we have\\nalready seen in treating of the elegy) in dirges (Sprjvoi). His style, as\\nSee this long fragment from the odes of Simonides in Plato Protag. p. 339. sq.\\nf As the historical relations are difficult of comprehension, I remark briefly, that\\nAnaxilas was tyrant of Rhegium, and, from about 01. 71. 3. (b.c. 494), of Messene;\\nand that he dwelt in the latter city, leaving Leophron to administer the government\\nof Rhegium. On the death of Anaxilas in Olymp. 76. 1. (n. c. 476), Leophron, as\\nhis eldest son, succeeded him in the city of Messene and the freedman Micythus\\nwas to administer Rhegium for the younger sons, but he was soon compelled to\\nabandon his office. For these facts, see Herod, vii. 170. Diod. xi. 48. 66. Heraclid.\\nPont. pol. 25. Dionys. Hal. Exc. p. 539. Vales. Dionys. Hal. xix. 4. Mai. Athen.\\ni. p. 3. Pausan. v. 26. 3. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 34. Justin, iv. 2, xxi. 3. Macrob.\\nSat. I. 11. The Olympic victory of Leophron (by some writers ascribed to Anaxi-\\nlas) must have taken place before Olymp. 76. 1. n. c.476.\\nI That the words Esrs^o Kfio; ohx. uuxuus c. are to be understood as is indi-\\ncated in the text, is proved by the manner in which Aristoph. Nub. 1355. gives the\\nsubstance of the song, which was sung at Athens at meals, from a patriotic interest,\\nlike a scolion. The contest must be placed about Olymp. 70. a. c. 500\\nP2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0217.jp2"}, "216": {"fulltext": "212 HISTORY OF THE\\nan ancient critic observes, was not as lofty as that of Pindar but what\\nhe lost in sublimity he gained in pathos While Pindar s soaring\\nflio-hts extolled the happiness of the dead who had finished their earthly\\ncourse with honour, and enjoyed the glories allotted to them in another\\nexistence, Simonides gave himself up to the genuine feelings of\\nhuman nature he expressed grief for the life that was extinguished\\nthe fond regret of the survivors and sought consolation rather after\\nthe manner of the Ionian elegiac poets, in the perishableness and weari-\\nness of human life. The dirges of Simonides on the hapless Scopad,\\nand the Aleuad Antiochus, son of Echecratides t, were remarkable ex-\\namples of this style and doubtless the celebrated lament of Danae\\nwas part of a threne. Enclosed with her infant Perseus in a chest, and\\nexposed to the raging of the storm, she extols the happiness of the un-\\nconscious sleeping babe, in expressions full of the charm of maternal\\ntenderness and devotion\\n12. Simonides did not, like Pindar, in the overflowing riches of\\nhis genius, touch briefly on thoughts and feelings he wrought out\\nevery thing in detail with care and finish his verses are like a\\ndiamond which throws a sparkling light from each of its many polished\\nfaces. If we analyze a passage, like the fragment from the eulogy on\\nthe heroes of Thermopylae, we are struck with the skill and grace with\\nwhich the hand of the master plays with a single thought the glory of\\na great action before which all sorrow disappears and the various\\nlights under which he presents it.\\nThose who fell at Thermopylae have an illustrious fate, a noble des-\\ntiny their tomb is an altar, their dirge a song of triumph. And\\nneither eating rust, nor all-subduing time, shall obliterate this epitaph\\nof the brave. Their subterranean chamber has received the glory of\\nHellas as its inhabitant. Of this, Leonidas, the king of Sparta, bears\\nwitness, by the fair and undying renown of virtue which he left behind\\nhim Some idea may be formed of this same kind of description\\nnaturally leading to a light and agreeable tissue of thoughts of this\\neasy graceful style of Simonides, so extremely dissimilar to that of\\nPindar, from a feeble prosaic translation of another fragment taken\\nfrom an ode to a conqueror in the Pentathlon, which treats of Orpheus\\nCountless birds flew around his head fishes sprang out of the\\ndark waters at his beautiful song. Not a breath of wind arose to rustle\\nthe leaves of the trees, or to interrupt the honied voice which was\\nTo oiMrlX,tff6eu fth i*.iyaXo XB%wZs u; Illv ia.pos, u\\\\ .u, Xu.fartxus. Dion. Hal. Cens. Vet.\\nScript, ii. 6. p. 420. Reiske.\\nThe son of the Echecratides, who was mentioned in ch. xiii. 11. in connexion\\nwith Anacreon, and the elder brother of Orestes.\\nDionys. Hal. de Verb. Comp. 26. Fr. 7. Gaisford. 50. Schneidewin.\\no Simonides said that poetry was vocal painting. Plutarch, de Glor. Ath. 3.\\nII Diod.xi II Fr. 16. Gaisf. 9. Schneid.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0218.jp2"}, "217": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 213\\nwafted to the ears of mortals. As when, in the wintry moon, Zeus ap-\\npoints fourteen days as the sacred brooding time of the gay-plumed\\nhalcyons, which the earth-dwellers call the sleep of the winds*. Willi\\nthis smooth and highly polished style of composition every thing in the\\npoetry of Simonides is in the most perfect harmony; the choice of\\nwords, which seeks, indeed, the noble and the graceful, yet departs\\nless widely from the language of ordinary life than that of Pindar\\nand the treatment of the rhythms which is distinguished from that\\nof the Theban poet by a stronger preference for light and flowing\\nmeasures (more especially the logaoedic) and by less rigorous rules of\\nmetre.\\n13. Bacchylides, the nephew of Simonides, adhered closely to the\\nsystem and the example of his uncle. He flourished towards the close\\nof the life of Simonides, with whom he lived at the court of Iliero in\\nSyracuse; little more of his history is known. That his poetry was\\nbut an imitation of one branch of that of Simonides, cultivated with\\ngreat delicacy and finish, is proved by the opinions of ancient critics\\namong whom Dionysius adduces perfect correctness and uniform ele-\\ngance as the characteristics of Bacchylides. His genius and art were\\nchiefly devoted to the pleasures of private life, love and wine and,\\nwhen compared with those of Simonides, appear marked by greater\\nsensual grace and less moral elevation. Among the kinds of choral\\npoetry which he employed, besides those of which he had examples in\\nSimonides and Pindar, we find erotic songs: such, for example, as that\\nin which a beautiful maiden is represented, in the game of the Cottabus,\\nas raising her white arm and pouring out the wine for the youths a\\ndescription which could apply only to a Hetuera partaking of the ban-\\nquets of men.\\nIn other odes, which were probably sung to cheer the feast, and\\nwhich were transformed into choral odes from scolia, the praise of wine\\nis celebrated as follows J A sweet compulsion flows from the wine\\ncups and subdues the spirit, while the wishes of love, which are\\nmingled with the gifts of Dionysus, agitate the heart. The thoughts\\nof men take a lofty flight; they overthrow the embattled walls of\\ncities, and believe themselves monarchs of the world. The houses\\nFr. 18. Schneidewin.\\nf Athen.xi. p. 782. xvi.p. 667. Fr. 23. ed. Neue.\\nI Athen. ii. p. 39. Fr. 26. Neue. The ode consists of short strophes in the Doric\\nmeasure, which are to be reduced to the following metre.\\no o\\n_\\noo _\\nO\\n_\\no _\\n7\\no o\\no o _\\n_\\nO\\n\u00c2\u00abl\\no o\\n_\\nO O\\no _\\no\\no o_ o /oo\\nThis arrangement necessitates no other alterations than those which have been\\nfor other reasons except that ecuroh, straightway s, should be written for avrcs\\nin v. 6.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0219.jp2"}, "218": {"fulltext": "0[\\\\ HISTORY OF THE\\nglitter with gold and ivory corn-bearing ships bring hither from\\nEgypt, across the glancing deep, the abundance of wealth. To such\\nheights soars the spirit of the drinker. Here too we remark that ela-\\nborate and brilliant execution which is peculiar to the school of Simo-\\nnides and the same is shown in all the longer fragments of Bacchy-\\nhdes, among which we shall only quote the praise of peace:\\nTo mortals belong lofty peace, riches, and the blossoms of honey-\\nvoiced song. On altars of fair workmanship burn thighs of oxen and\\nthick-fleeced sheep in golden flames to the gods. The cares of the\\nyouths are, gymnastic exercises, flute-playing, and joyous revelry (avXoi\\nkoi kSjjloi). But the black spiders ply their looms in the iron-bound\\nedges of the shields, and the rust corrodes the barbed spear-head, and\\nthe two-edged sword. No more is heard the clang of brazen trumpets\\nand beneficent sleep, the nurse and soother of our souls, is no longer\\nscared from our eyelids. The streets are thronged with joyous guests,\\nand songs of praise to beautiful youths resound Y\\nWe recognise here a mind which dwells lovingly on the description\\nof these gay and pleasing scenes, and paints itself in every feature, mit\\nwithout penetrating deeper than the ordinary observation of men reaches.\\nBacchylides, like Simonides, transfers the difFuseness of the elegy to\\nthe choral lyric poem although he himself composed no elegies, and\\nfollowed the traces of his uncle only as an epigrammatist. The reflec-\\ntions scattered through his lyrics, on the toils of human life, the insta-\\nbility of fortune, on resignation to inevitable evils, and the rejection of\\nvain cares, have much of the tone of the Ionic elegy. The structure of\\nBacchylides verse is generally very simple nine tenths of his odes, to\\njudge from the fragments, consisted of dactylic series and trochaic dipo-\\ndias, as we find in those odes of Pindar which were written in the Doric\\nmode. Bacchylides, however, gave a lighter character to this measure\\ninasmuch as in the places where the syllable might be either long or\\nshort, he often preferred the latter.\\nWe find, in his poems, trochaic verses of great elegance as, for ex-\\nample, a fragment, preserved by Athenaeus, of a religious poem in\\nwhich the Dioscuri are invited to a feast f. But its character is feeble\\nand languid and how different from the hymn of Pindar, the third\\namong the Olympian odes, in celebration of a similar feast of the\\nDioscuri, held by Theron in Agrigentum\\n14. The universal esteem in which Simonides and Bacchylides were\\nheld in Greece, and their acknowledged excellence in their art, did not\\nprevent some of their contemporaries from striking into various other\\npaths, and adopting other styles of treating lyric poetry. Lasos of\\nHermione was a rival of Simonides during his residence in Athens, and\\nStobaeus, Serm. LI II. p. 209. Grot. Fr. 12. Neue.\\nf Athen. xi. p. 500 B. Fr. 27. Neue.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0220.jp2"}, "219": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 215\\nlikewise enjoyed high favour at the court of Hipparchus*. It is how-\\never difficult to ascertain, from the very scanty accounts we possess of\\nthis poet, wherein consisted the point of contrast between him and his\\ncompetitor. He was more peculiarly a dithyrambic poet, and was the\\nfirst who introduced contests in dithyrambs at Athens t, probably in\\nOlymp. 68. 1. b. c. 508 J. This style predominated so much in\\nhis works, that he gave to the general rhythms of his odes a dithy-\\nrambic turn, and a free movement, in which he was aided by the variety\\nand flexibility of tone of the flute, his favourite instrument He was\\nalso a theorist in his art, and investigated the laws of music (t. e.\\nthe relation of musical intervals to rapidity of movement), of which\\nlater musicians retained much. He was the instructor of Pindar in\\nlyric poetry. It is also very possible that these studies led him to\\nattach excessive value to art; for he was guilty of over- refinement in\\nthe rhythm and the sound of words, as, for example, in his odes written\\nwithout the letter a (a nypn \u00c2\u00abcW), the hissing sound of which is en-\\ntirely avoided as dissonant.\\nTimocreon the Rhodian was a genius of an entirely peculiar cha-\\nracter. Powerful both as an athlete and a poet, he transferred the\\npugnacity of the Palaestra to poetry. To the hate which he bore in political\\nlife to Themistocles, and, on the field of poetry, to Simonides, he owes\\nhis chief celebrity among the ancients. In an extant fragment he bit-\\nterly reproaches the Athenian statesman for the arbitrary manner in which\\nhe settled the affairs of the island, recalling exiles, and banishing others,\\nof which Timocreon himself was one of the victims. He attacks his\\nenemy with the heavy pompous measure of the Dorian mode, as with the\\nshock of a catapulta, though on other occasions he composed in elegiac\\ndistichs and measures of the iEolic kind and it cannot be denied that his\\nvituperation receives singular force from the stateliness of the expression,\\nand the grandeur of the form. Timocreon seems to have ridiculed and\\nparodied Simonides on account of some tricks of his art, as where\\nSimonides expresses the same thought in the same words only trans-\\nposed, first in an hexameter, then in a trochaic tetrameter ^f\\nThe opposition in which we find Pindar with Simonides and Bac-\\nchylides is of a much nobler character. For though the desire to\\nAristoph. Vesp. 1410. comp. Herod, viii. 6.\\nt Schol. Aristoph. ubi sup.\\nI The statement of the Parian marble, ep. 46. appears to refer to the cyclic\\nchoruses.\\nPlutarch de Mus. 39. The fragment of a hymn by Lasus to Demeter, in\\nAthen. xiv. p. G24 E., agrees very well with this account.\\nPlutarch, Themist. 21.\\nAnthol. Pal. xiii. 30. Concerning this enmity, see also Diog. Laert. ii. 46, and\\nSuidas in Tip,ox\u00c2\u00a3iav. The citation from Simonides and Timoeveon in Walz. Khet.\\nGraec. vol. ii. p. 10, is probably connected with their quarrel.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0221.jp2"}, "220": {"fulltext": "216 HISTORY OF THE\\nstand highest in the favour of the Syracusan tyrant, Hiero, and Thero\\nof Agrigentum stimulated the jealousy between these two poets, yet the\\nreal cause lies deeper it is to be found in the spirit and temper of the\\nmen and the contest which necessarily arose out of this diversity, does\\nno dishonour to either party.\\nThe ancient commentators on Pindar refer a considerable number of\\npassages to this hostility and in general these are in praise of genuine\\nwisdom as a gift of nature, a deep rooted power of the mind, and in\\ndepreciation of acquired knowledge in the comparison or the poet\\nrepresents genial invention as the highest of qualities, and demands\\nnovelties even in mythic narratives. On the contrary, Simonides and\\nBacchylides thought themselves bound to adhere faithfully to tradition,\\nand reproved any attempt to give a new form to the stories of antiquity t.\\nCHAPTER XV.\\n1. Pindar s descent; his early training in poetry and music. 2. Exercise of his\\nart his independent position with respect to the Greek princes and republics.\\n3. Kinds of poetry cultivated by him. 4. His Epinikia their origin and objects.\\n5. Their two main elements, general remarks, and mythical narrations. 6.\\nConnexion of these two elements peculiarities of the structure of Pindar s odes.\\n6 7. Variety of tone in his odes, according to the different musical st}des.\\n1. Pindar was born in the spring of 522 b. c. (Olymp. 64. 3);\\nand, according to a probable statement, he died at the age of eighty J.\\nHe was therefore nearly in the prime of his life at the time when\\nXerxes invaded Greece, and the battles of Thermopylse and Salami s\\nwere fought. He thus belongs to that period of the Greek nation,\\nwhen its great qualities were first distinctly unfolded; and when it ex-\\nhibited an energy of action, and a spirit of enterprise, never afterwards\\nsurpassed, together with a love of poetry, art, and philosophy, which\\nproduced much, and promised to produce more. The modes of\\nthought, and style of art, which arose in Athens after the Persian war,\\nmust have been unknown to him. He was indeed the contemporary\\nof iEschylus, and he admired the rapid rise of Athens in the Persian\\n01. II. 86. (154). IX. 48 (74). Pyth. IT. 52. (97.) and passim Nem. III. 80. (143).\\nIV. 37. (60). Isthm. 11.6.(10).\\nf See Plutarch, Num. 4. Fr. 37. Neue, and Clem. Strom, v. p. 687. Pott. Fr. 13.\\nNeue.\\nX For Pindar s life, see Boeckh s Pindar, torn. iii. p. 12. To the authorities there\\nmentioned, may be added the Introduction of Eustathius to his Commentary on\\nPindar in Kustathii Opuscula, p. 32. ed. Tafel. 1832. (Eustath. ProoDm. Comment.\\nPindar, ed. Schneidewin. 1837.)", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0222.jp2"}, "221": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 217\\nwar calling it The Pillar of Greece, brilliant Athens, the worthy\\ntheme of poets. But the causes which determined his poetical cha-\\nracter are to besought in an earlier period, and in the Doric and iEolic\\nparts of Greece and hence we shall divide Pindar from his contempo-\\nrary iEschylus, by placing the former at the close of the early period,\\nthe latter at the head of the new period of literature.\\nPindar s native place was Cynocephalae, a village in the territory of\\nThebes, the most considerable city of Bceotia. Although in his time\\nthe voices of Pierian bards, and of epic poets of the Hesiodean school\\nhad long been mute in Bceotia, yet there was still much love for music\\nand poetry, which had taken the prevailing form of lyric and choral\\ncompositions. That these arts were widely cultivated in Bceotia is\\nproved by the fact that two women, Myitis and Corinna, had attained\\ngreat celebrity in them during the youth of Pindar. Both were com-\\npetitors with Pindar in poetry. Myrtis strove with him for a prize at\\npublic games and although Corinna said, It is not meet that the\\nclear toned Myrtis, a woman born, should enter the lists with Pindar\\nyet she is said (perhaps from jealousy of his growing fame) to have\\noften contended against him in the agones, and to have gained the\\nvictory over him five times f. Pausanias, in his travels, saw at Tanagra,\\nthe native city of Corinna, a picture in which she was represented as\\nbinding her head with a fillet of victory which she had gained in a con-\\ntest with Pindar. He supposes that she was less indebted for this\\nvictory to the excellence of her poetry than to her Boeotian dialect,\\nwhich was more familiar to the ears of the judges at the games, and to\\nher extraordinary beauty. Corinna also assisted the young poet with\\nher advice; it is related of her that she recommended him to ornament\\nhis poems with mythical narrations, but that when he had composed a\\nhymn, in the first six verses of which (still extant) almost the whole of the\\nTheban mythology was introduced, she smiled and said, We should\\nsow with the hand, not with the whole sack. Too little of the poetry\\nof Corinna has been preserved to allow of our forming a safe judgment\\nof her style of composition. The extant fragments refer mostly to my-\\nthological subjects, particularly to heroines of the Boeotian legends\\nthis, and her rivalry with Pindar, show that she must be classed not\\nin the Lesbian school of lyric poets, but among the masters of choral\\npoetry.\\nThe family of Pindar seems to have been skilled in music we learn\\nfrom the ancient biographies of him that his father, or his uncle, was a\\nflute-player. Flute-playing (as we have more than once remarked\\nThe following is the passage in Comma s dialect\\nfjt,(f/. pof/.Yt %l xb XtyovQKv MovgriV leuvycc\\non (idvec pdv(r i /3\u00c2\u00ab Yliviei^oio Xor^ toiv.\\nApollon. de Pronom. p. 924. B.\\nf ^lian,V. H.xiii.24.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0223.jp2"}, "222": {"fulltext": "HISTORY OF THE\\nwas brought from Asia Minor into Greece its Phrygian origin may\\nperhaps be indicated by the fact that Pindar had in his house at Thebes\\na small temple of the Mother of the gods and Pan, the Phrygian\\ndeities, to whom the first hymns to the flute were supposed to have beeu\\nsung 1 The music of the flute had moreover been introduced into\\nBoeotia at a very early period; the Copaic lake produced excellent\\nreeds for flutes, and the worship of Dionysus, which was supposed to\\nhave originated at Thebes, required the varied and loud music of the\\nflute. Accordingly the Boeotians were early celebrated for their skill\\nin flute-playing whilst at Athens the music of the flute did not become\\ncommon till after the Persian war, when the desire for novelty in art\\nhad greatly increased f.\\n2. But Pindar very early in his life soared far beyond the sphere\\nof a flute-player at festivals, or even a lyric poet of merely local cele-\\nbrity. He placed himself under the tuition of Lasus of Hermione, a\\ndistinguished poet, already mentioned, but probably better versed in the\\ntheory than the practice of poetry and music. Since Pindar made\\nthese arts the whole business of his life J, and was nothing but a poet\\nand a musician, he soon extended the boundaries of his art to the\\nwhole Greek nation, and composed poems of the choral lyric kind for\\npersons in all parts of Greece. At the age of twenty he composed a\\nsong of victory in honour of a Thessalian youth belonging to the gens\\nof the Aleuads\u00c2\u00a7. We find him employed soon afterwards for the Sici-\\nlian rulers, Hiero of Syracuse, and Thero of Agrigentum for Arcesi-\\nlaus, king of Cyrene, and Amyntas, king of Macedonia, as well as for\\nthe free cities of Greece. He made no distinction according to the race\\nof the persons whom he celebrated he was honoured and loved by the\\nIonian states, for himself as well as for his art the Athenians made\\nhim their public guest (Trpofcvos) and the inhabitants of Ceos em-\\nployed him to compose a processional song (7rpocr6c:iov), although they\\nhad their own poets, Simonides and Bacchylides. Pindar, however,\\nwas not a common mercenary poet, always ready to sing the praises of\\nliim whose bread he ate. He received indeed money and presents for\\nhis poems, according to the general usage previously introduced by\\nSimonides yet his poems are the genuine expression of his thoughts\\nand feelings. In his praises of virtue and good fortune, the colours\\nwhich he employs are not too vivid; nor does he avoid the darker\\nshades of his subject he often suggests topics of consolation for past\\nand present evil, and sometimes warns and exhorts to avoid future ca-\\nlamity. Thus he ventures to speak freely to the powerful Hiero, whose\\nmany great and noble qualities were alloyed by insatiable cupidity and\\nMarm. Par. ep. 10. f Aristot. Polit. viii. 7.\\nLike Sappho, he is called povtovoios.\\nPyth. X. composed in Olymp. 69. 3. b. c. 502.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0224.jp2"}, "223": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE* 219\\nambition, which his courtiers well knew how to turn to a bad account.\\nPindar exhorts him to tranquillity and contentedness of mind, to calm\\ncheerfulness, and to clemency, saying to him Be as thou knowest\\nhow to be the ape in the boy s story is indeed fair, very fair but\\nRhadamanthus was happy because he plucked the genuine fruits of\\nthe mind, and did not take delight in the delusions which follow the\\narts of the whisperer. The venom of calumny is an evil hard to be\\navoided, whether by him who hears or by him who is the object of it\\nfor the ways of calumniators are like those of foxes. Pindar speaks in\\nthe same free and manly tone to Arcesilaus IV., king of Cyrene, who\\nafterwards brought on the ruin of his dynasty by his tyrannical severity,\\nand who at that time kept Damophilus, one of the noblest of the Cyre-\\nneans, in unjust banishment. Now understand the enigmatic wisdom\\nof GEdipus. If any one lops with a sharp axe the branches of a large\\noak, and spoils her stately form, she loses indeed her verdure, but she\\ngives proof of her strength, when she is consumed in the winter fire,\\nor when, torn from her place in the forest, she performs the melancholy\\noffice of a pillar in the palace of a foreign prince f- Thy office is to be\\nthe physician of the country Paean honours thee therefore thou must\\ntreat with a gentle hand its festering wounds. It is easy for a fool to\\nshake the stability of a city; but it is hard to place it again on its\\nfoundations, unless a god direct the rulers. Gratitude for these good\\ndeeds is already in store for thee. Deign therefore to bestow all thy\\ncare upon the wealthy Cyrene\\nThus .lofty and dignified was the position which Pindar assumed\\nwith regard to these princes and he remained true to the principle\\nwhich he so frequently proclaims, that frankness and sincerity are\\nalways laudable. But his intercourse with the princes of his time appears\\nto have been limited to poetry. We do not find him, like Simonides,\\nthe daily associate, counsellor, and friend of kings and statesmen; he\\nplays no part in the public events of his time, either as a politician or\\na courtier. Neither was his name, like that of Simonides, distinguished\\nin the Persian war partly because his fellow-citizens, the Thebans,\\nwere, together with half of the ^Grecian nation, on the Persian side,\\nwhilst the spirit of independence and victory were with the other half.\\nNevertheless the lofty character of Pindar s muse rises superior to\\nthese unfavourable circumstances. He did not indeed make the vain\\nattempt of gaining over the Thebans to the cause of Greece but he\\nsought to appease the internal dissensions which threatened to destroy\\nPyth. II. 72. (131.) This ode was composed by Pindar at Thebes, but doubt-\\nless not till after he had contracted a personal acquaintance with Hiero.\\nIn this allegory, the oak is the state of Cyrene the branches are the banished\\nnobles the winter fire is insurrection the foreign palace is a foreign conquering\\npower, especially Persia.\\nPyth. IV.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0225.jp2"}, "224": {"fulltext": "220 HISTORY OF THE\\nThebes during the war, by admonishing his fellow citizens to union and\\nconcord*: and after the war was ended, he openly proclaims, in odes\\nintended for the iEginetans and Athenians, his admiration of the\\nheroism of the victors. In an ode, composed a few months after the\\nsurrender of Thebes to the allied army of the Greeks t (the seventh\\nIsthmian), his feeling s appear to be deeply moved by the misfortunes\\nof his native city but he returns to the cultivation of poetry as the\\nGreeks were now delivered from their great peril, and a god had re-\\nmoved the stone of Tantalus from their heads. He expresses a hope\\nthat freedom will repair all misfortunes and he turns with a friendly\\nconfidence to the city of iEgina, which, according to ancient legends,\\nwas closely allied with Thebes, and whose good offices with the Pelo-\\nponnesians might perhaps raise once more the humbled head of Bceotia.\\n3. Having mentioned nearly all that is known of the events of\\nPindar s life, and his relations to his contemporaries, we proceed to\\nconsider him more closely as a poet, and to examine the character\\nand form of his poetical productions.\\nThe only class of poems which enable us to judge of Pindar s general\\nstyle are the epinikia or triumphal odes. Pindar, indeed, excelled in\\nall the known varieties of choral poetry viz. hymns to the gods, paeans\\nand dithyrambs appropriate to the worship of particular divinities, odes\\nfor processions (7rpoo-daa), songs of maidens (TrapfeVeia), mimic dancing\\nsongs (i/7ropxV ara drinking songs (oxoXia), dirges (dpijvoi), and en-\\ncomiastic odes to princes (ey/v-w/Lna), which last approached most nearly\\nto the epinikia. The poems of Pindar in these various styles were\\nnearly as renowned among the ancients as the triumphal odes which\\nis proved by the numerous quotations of them. Horace too, in enu-\\nmerating the different styles of Pindar s poetry, puts the dithyrambs\\nfirst, then the hymns, and afterwards the epinikia^and the threnes.\\nNevertheless, there must have been some decided superiority in the\\nepinikia, which caused them to be more frequently transcribed in the\\nlater period of antiquity, and thus rescued them from perishing with\\nthe rest of the Greek lyric poetry. At any rate, these odes, from the\\nvast variety of their subjects and style, and their refined and elaborate\\nstructure, some approaching to hymns and pseans, others to scolia\\nand hyporchemes, serve to indemnify us for the loss of the other sorts\\nof lyric poetry.\\nWe will now explain, as precisely as possible, the occasion of an epi-\\nnikian ode, and the mode of its execution. A victory has been gained\\nin a contest at a festival, particularly at one of the four great games\\nmost prized by the Greek people either by the speed of horses, the\\nPolyb. iv. 31. 5. Fr. incert. 125. ed. Boeckh.\\nf In the winter of Olymp. 75. 2. b. c. 479.\\nOlympia, Pythia, Nemea, Isthmia. Some, of the epinikia, however, belong to\\nother games. For example, the second Pythian is not a Pythian ode, but probably", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0226.jp2"}, "225": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 221\\nstrength and dexterity of the human body, or by skill in music Such\\na victory as this, which shed a lustre not only on the victor himself,\\nbut on his family, and even on his native city, demanded a solemn ce-\\nlebration. This celebration might be performed by the victor s friends\\nupon the spot where the victory was gained as, for example, at Olym-\\npia, when in the evening after the termination of the contests, by the\\nlight of the moon, the whole sanctuary resounded with joyful songs\\nafter the manner of encomia t. Or it might be deferred till after the\\nvictor s solemn return to his native city, where it was sometimes repeated,\\nin following years, in commemoration of his success J. A celebration\\nof this kind always had a religious character it often began with a\\nprocession to an altar or temple, in the place of the games or in the\\nnative city a sacrifice, followed by a banquet, was then offered at the\\ntemple, or in the house of the victor; and the whole solemnity con-\\ncluded with the merry and boisterous revel called by the Greeks ku ^ioq.\\nAt this sacred, and at the same time joyous, solemnity, (a mingled cha-\\nracter frequent among the Greeks,) appeared the chorus, trained by the\\npoet, or some other skilled person for the purpose of reciting the\\ntriumphal hymn, which was considered the fairest ornament of the fes-\\ntival. It was during either the procession or the banquet that the\\nhymn was recited as it was not properly a religious hymn, which could\\nbe combined with the sacrifice. The form of the poem must, to a cer-\\ntain extent, have been determined by the occasion on which it was to be\\nrecited. From expressions which occur in several epinikian odes, it is\\nprobable that all odes consisting of strophes without epodes were sung\\nduring a procession to a temple or to the house of the victor although\\nthere are others which contain expressions denoting movement, and\\nwhich yet have epodes It is possible that the epodes in the latter\\nodes may have been sung at certain intervals when the procession was\\nbelongs to games of Iolaus at Thebes. The ninth Nemean celebrates a victory in\\nthe Pythia at Sicyon, (not at Delphi the tenth Nemean celebrates a victory in the\\nHecatombrea at Argos the eleventh Nemean is not an epinikion, but was sung at\\nthe installation of a prytanis at Tenedos. Probably the Nemean odes were placed\\nat the end of the collection, after the Isthmian so that a miscellaneous supplement\\ncould be appended to them.\\nFor example, Pyth. XII., which celebrates the victory of Midas, a flute-player\\nof Agrigentum.\\nf Pindar s words in Olymp. XI. 76. (93), where this usage is transferred to the\\nmythical establishment of the Olympia by Hercules. The 4th and 8th Olympian,\\nthe 6th, and probably also the 7th Pythian, were sung at the place of the games.\\nI The 9th Olympian, the 3d Nemean, and the 2nd Isthmian, were produced at a\\nmemorial celebration of this kind.\\nSuch as ^Eneas the Stymphalian in Olymp. VI. 88. (150), whom Pindar calls\\na just messenger, a scytala of the fair-haired Muses, a sweet goblet of loud-sounding\\nsongs, because he was to receive the ode from Pindar in person, to carry it to Stym-\\nphalus, and there to instruct a chorus in the dancing, music, and text.\\nOi. XIV. Pyth. VI. XII. Nem. II. IV. IX. Isthm. VII.\\n01. VIII. XIII. The expression rovh ku^ov %xi doubtless means, Receive this\\nband of persons who have combined for a sacrificial meal and feast. Hence too it\\nappears that the band went into the temple.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0227.jp2"}, "226": {"fulltext": "222 HISTORY OP THE\\nnot advancing-; for an epode, according to the statements of the an-\\ncients, always required that the chorus should be at rest. But by far\\nthe greater number of the odes of Pindar were sung at the Comus, at\\nthe jovial termination of the feast and hence Pindar himself more fre-\\nquently names his odes from the Comus than from the victory\\n4. The occasion of an epinikian ode, a victory in the sacred\\ngames, and its end, the ennobling of a solemnity connected with the\\nworship of the gods, required that it should be composed in a lofty and\\ndignified style. But, on the other hand, the boisterous mirth of the\\nfeast did not admit the severity of the antique poetical style, like that\\nof the hymns and nomes it demanded a free and lively expression of\\nfeeling, in harmony with the occasion of the festival, and suggesting the\\nnoblest ideas connected with the victor. Pindar, however, gives no\\ndetailed description of the victory, as this would have been only a re-\\npetition of the spectacle which had already been beheld with enthusi-\\nasm by the assembled Greeks at Olympia or Pytho nay, he often\\nbestows only a few words on the victory, recording its place and the sort\\nof contest in which it was won f. Nevertheless he does not (as many\\nwriters have supposed) treat the victory as a merely secondary object\\nwhich he despatches quickly, in order to pass on to subjects of greater\\ninterest. The victory, in truth, is always the point upon which the\\nwhole of the ode turns; only he regards it, not simply as an incident,\\nbut as connected with the whole life of the victor. Pindar establishes\\nthis connexion by forming a high conception of the fortunes and cha-\\nracter of the victor, and by representing the victory as the result of\\nthem. And as the Greeks were less accustomed to consider a man in\\nhis individual capacity, than as a member of his state, and his family\\nso Pindar considers the renown of the victor in connexion with the past\\nand present condition of the race and state to which he belongs. Now\\nthere are two different points from which the poet might view the life\\nof the victor viz. destiny or merit in other words, he might celebrate\\nhis good fortune or his skill. In the victory with horses, external ad-\\nvantages were the chief consideration inasmuch as it required excellent\\nhorses and an excellent driver, both of which were attainable only by\\nthe rich. The skill of the victor was more conspicuous in gymnastic\\nfeats, although even in these, good luck and the favour of the gods\\nmight be considered as the main causes of success especially as it was\\na favourite opinion of Pindar s, that all excellence is a gift of nature\\n\\\\7rtxupw; uftvos, lyx.ufji.iov pi\\\\o;. The grammarians, however, distinguish the\\nencomia, as being laudatory poems strictly so called, from the epinikia.\\nf On the other hand, we often find a precise enumeration of all the victories, not\\nonly of the actual victor, hut of his entire family this must evidently have been re-\\nquired of the poet.\\nX okfios and kgir^i.\\nto Ti pvZ n^artffvov \u00c2\u00abV\u00c2\u00abv, 01. IX. 100 (151), which ode is a development of this\\ngeneral idea. Compare above, ch. xv. near the end.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0228.jp2"}, "227": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 223\\nThe good fortune or skill of the victor could not however be treated\\nabstractedly but must be individualized by a description of his peculiar\\nlot. This individual colouring might be given by representing the good\\nfortune of the victor as a compensation for past ill fortune or, gene-\\nrally, by describing the alternations of fortune in his lot and in that of his\\nfamily Another theme for an ode might be, that success in gymnas-\\ntic contests was obtained by a family in alternate generations that is,\\nby the grandfathers and grandsons, but not by the intermediate gene-\\nration f- If, however, the good fortune of the victor had been inva-\\nriable, congratulation at such rare happiness was accompanied with\\nmoral reflections, especially on the right manner of estimating or en-\\nduring good fortune, or on the best mode of turning it to account. Ac-\\ncording to the notions of the Greeks, an extraordinary share of the gifts\\nof fortune suggested a dread of the Nemesis which delighted in humbling\\nthe pride of man and hence the warning to be. prudent, and not to\\nstrive after further victories J. The admonitions which Pindar addresses\\nto Hiero are to cultivate a calm serenity of mind, after the cares and\\ntoils by which he had founded and extended his empire, and to purify\\nand ennoble by poetry a spirit which had been ruffled by unworthy pas-\\nsions. Even when the skill of the victor is put in the foreground, Pindar\\nin general does not content himself with celebrating this bodily prowess\\nalone, buGie usually adds some moral virtue which the victor has shown,\\nor which he recommends and extols. This virtue is sometimes modera-\\ntion, sometimes wisdom, sometimes filial love, sometimes piety to the gods.\\nThe latter is frequently represented as the main cause of the victory\\nthe victor having thereby obtained the protection of the deities who\\npreside over gymnastic contests as Hermes, or the Dioscuri. It is\\nevident that, with Pindar, this mode of accounting for success in the\\ngames was not the mere fiction of a poet he sincerely thought that he\\nhad found the true cause, when he had traced the victory to the favour\\nof a god who took an especial interest in the family of the victor, and at\\nthe same time presided over the games Generally, indeed, in extoll-\\ning both the skill and fortune of the victor, Pindar appears to adhere to\\nthe truth as faithfully as he declares himself to do; nor is he ever be-\\ntrayed into a high flown style of panegyric. A republican dread of in-\\ncurring the censure of his fellow citizens, as well as an awe of the divine\\nNemesis, induced him to moderate his praises, and to keep in view the\\ninstability of human fortune and the narrow limits of human strength.\\nThus far the poet seems to wear the character of a sage who ex-\\npounds to the victor his destiny, by showing him the dependence of his\\n01. II. Also Isthm. III. f Nem. VI.\\nJ (Mi* wt pra.Trrxivt vogffiov.\\nAs, e.g. 01. VI. 77. (130). sqq. In the above remarks I have chiefly followed\\nDissen s Dissertation De Ratione poetica Carmimun Pindaricornm, in his edition of\\nPindar, sect. i. p. xi.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0229.jp2"}, "228": {"fulltext": "224 HISTORY OF THE\\nexploit upon a higher order of things. Nevertheless, it is not to be\\nsupposed that the poet placed himself on an eminence remote from\\nordinary life, and that he spoke like a priest to the people, unmoved by\\npersonal feelings. The Epinikia of Pindar, although they were de-\\nlivered by a chorus, were, nevertheless, the expression of his individual\\nfeelings and opinions and are full of allusions to his personal relations\\nto the victor. Sometimes, indeed, when his relations of this kind were\\npeculiarly interesting to him, he made them the main subject of the ode\\nseveral of his odes, and some among the most difficult, are to be explained\\nin this manner. In one of his odes t, Pindar justifies the sincerity of\\nhis poetry against the charges which had been brought against it and\\nrepresents his muse as a just and impartial dispenser of fame, as well\\namong the victors at the games, as among the heroes of antiquity. In\\nanother J, he reminds the victor that he had predicted the victory to him\\nin the public games, and had encouraged him to become a competitor\\nfor it and he extols him for having employed his wealth for so noble\\nan object. In another, he excuses himself for having delayed the com-\\nposition of an ode which he had promised to a wrestler, among the\\nyouths, until the victor had attained his manhood; and, as if to incite\\nhimself to the fulfilment of hisj promise, he points out the hallowed\\nantiquity of these triumphal hymns, connecting their origin with the\\nfirst establishment of the Olympic games\\n5. Whatever might be the theme of one of Pindar s epinikian odes,\\nit would naturally not be developed with the systematic completeness of\\na philosophical treatise. Pindar, however, has undoubtedly much of\\nthat sententious wisdom which began to show itself among the Greeks\\nat the time of the Seven Wise Men, and which formed an important\\nelement of elegiac and choral lyric poetry before the time of Pindar.\\nThe apophthegms of Pindar sometimes assume the form of general\\nmaxims, sometimes of direct admonitions to the victor. At other times,\\nwhen he wishes to impress some principle of morals or prudence upon\\nthe victor, he gives it in the form of an opinion entertained by himself:\\nI like not to keep much riches hoarded in an inner room but I like\\nto live well by my possessions, and to procure myself a good name by\\nmaking large gifts to my friends\\nThe other element of Pindar s poetry, his mythical narratives, occu-\\npies, however, far more space in most of his odes. That these are not\\nmere digressions for the sake of ornament has been completely proved\\nby modern commentators. At the same time, he would sometimes\\nSee above, ch. xiv. 2. f Nem. VII.\\nJ Nem. I.\\n6 I refer to this the sentiment in v. 27 (40) The mind showed itself in the\\ncounsels of those persons to whom nature has given the power of foreseeing the\\nfuture; and also the account of the prophecy of Tiresias, when the serpents were\\nkilled by the young Hercules.\\nII 01. XI. f Nem. I. 31 (,45).", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0230.jp2"}, "229": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 225\\nseem to wish it to be believed that he had been carried away by his\\npoetical fervour, when he returns to his theme from a long mythical nar-\\nration, or when he annexes a mythical story to a proverbial Baying as,\\nfor example, when he subjoins to the figurative expression, Neither\\nby sea nor by land canst thou find the way to the Hyperboreans, the his-\\ntory of Perseus visit to that fabulous people*. But even in such cases\\nas these, it will be found, on close examination, that the fable belongs\\nto the subject. Indeed, itvinay be observed generally of those Greek\\nwriters who aimed at the production of works of art, whether in prose\\nor in poetry, that they often conceal their real purpose and affect to\\nleave in vague uncertainty that which had been composed studiously\\nand on a preconceived plan. Thus Plato often seems to allow the\\ndialogue to deviate into a wrong course, when this very course was\\nrequired by the plan of the investigation. In other passages, Pindar\\nhimself remarks that intelligence and reflection are required to discover\\nthe hidden meaning of his mythical episodes. Thus, after a description\\nof the Islands of the Blessed, and the heroes who dwell there, he says,\\nI have many swift arrows in my quiver, which speak to the wise, but\\nneed an interpreter for the multitudef. Again, after the story of Ixion,\\nwhich he relates in an ode to Hiero, he continues I must, however,\\nhave a care lest I fall into the biting violence of the evil speakers for,\\nthough distant in time, I have seen that the slanderous Archilochus, who\\nfed upon loud-tongued wrath, passed the greater part of his life in\\ndifficulties and distress^. It is not easy to understand in this passage\\nwhat moves the poet to express so much anxiety; until we advert to\\nthe lessons which the history of Ixion contains for the rapacious Hiero.\\nThe reference of these mythical narratives to the main theme of the\\node may be either historical or ideal. In the first case, the mythical\\npersonages alluded to are the heroes at the head of the family or state\\nto which the victor belongs, or the founders of the games in which he\\nhas conquered. Among the many odes of Pindar to victors from\\ni*Egina, there is none in which he does not extol the heroic race of the\\niEacids. It is, he says, to me an invariable law, when I turn\\ntowards this island, to scatter praise upon you, O TEacids, masters of\\ngolden chariots In the second case, events of the heroic age are\\ndescribed, which resemble the events of the victor s life, or which con-\\ntain lessons and admonitions for him to reflect upon. Thus two\\nmythical personages may be introduced, of whom one may typify\\nthe victor in his praiseworthy, the other in his blameable acts so that\\nthe one example may serve to deter, the other to encourage||. In\\ngeneral, Pindar contrives to unite both these modes of allusion, by repre-\\nsenting the national or family heroes as allied in character and spirit to\\nPyth. X.29.(4G.) f 01.11.83.(150.)\\nPyth. II. 5 A. (99.) Isthm. V. [VI.J 19. (07.)\\nAs Pelons and Tantalus, 01. I.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0231.jp2"}, "230": {"fulltext": "226 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe victor. Their extraordinary strength and felicity are continued in\\ntheir descendants; the same mixture of good and evil destiny*, and\\neven the same faultst, recur in their posterity. It is to be observed\\nthat, in Pindar s time, the faith of the Greeks in the connexion of the\\nheroes of antiquity with passing- events was unshaken. L^fhe origin of\\nhistorical events was sought in a remote age conquests and settlements\\nin barbarian countries were justified by corresponding enterprises of\\nheroes the Persian war was looked upon as an act of the same great\\ndrama, of which the expedition of the Argonauts and the Trojan war\\nformed the earlier parts. At the same time, the mythical past was\\nconsidered as invested with a splendour and sublimity of which even a\\nfaint reflection was sufficient to embellish the present. This is the\\ncause of the historical and political allusions of the Greek tragedy, par-\\nticularly in iEschylus. Even the history of Herodotus rests on the\\nsame foundation but it is seen most distinctly in the copious mytho-\\nlogy which Pindar has pressed into the service of his lyric poetry. The\\nmanner in which mythical subjects were treated by the lyric poets was\\nof course different from that in which they had been treated by the epic\\npoets. In epic poetry, the mythical narrative is interesting in itself,\\nand all parts of it are developed with equal fulness. In lyric poetry, it\\nserves to exemplify some particular idea, which is usually stated in the\\nmiddle or at the end of the ode and those points only of the story are\\nbrought into relief, which serve to illustrate this idea. Accordingly,\\nthe longest mythical narrative in Pindar (viz., the description of the\\nvoyage of the Argonauts, in the Pythian ode to Arcesilaus, king of\\nCyrene, which is continued through twenty-five strophes) falls far\\nshort of the sustained diffuseness of the epos. Consistently with the\\npurpose of the ode, it is intended to set forth the descent of the kings of\\nCyrene from the Argonauts, and the poet only dwells on the relation of\\nJason with Pelias of the noble exile with the jealous tyrant because\\nit contains a serious admonition to Arcesilaus in his above-mentioned\\nrelation with Damophilus.\\n6. The mixture of apophthegmatic maxims and typical narratives\\nwould alone render it difficult to follow the thread of Pindar s meaning;\\nbut, in addition to this cause of obscurity, the entire plan of his poetry\\nis so intricate, that a modern reader often fails to understand the con-\\nnexion of the parts, even where he thinks he has found a clue. Pindar\\nbegins an ode full of the lofty conception which he has formed of the\\nglorious destiny of the victor and he seems, as it were, carried away\\nby the flood of images which this conception pours forth. He does\\nnot attempt to express directly the general idea, but follows the train of\\nthought which it suggests into its details, though without losing sight\\nof their reference to the main object. Accordingly, when he has pur-\\nAs the fate of the ancient Cadmeans in Theron, 01. II.\\nf As the errors (\u00c2\u00ab/t*rX\u00c2\u00ab*/\u00c2\u00ab/) of the Rhodian heroes in Diagoras, 01, VII.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0232.jp2"}, "231": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 227\\nsued a train of thought, either in an apophthegm atic or mythical form,\\nup to a certain point, he breaks off, before he has gone far enough to\\nmake the application to the victor sufficiently clear he then takes up\\nanother thread, which is perhaps soon dropped for a fresh one and at\\nthe end of the ode he gathers up all these different threads, and weaves\\nthem together into one web, in which the general idea predominates.\\nBy reserving the explanation of his allusions until the end, Pindar con-\\ntrives that his odes should consist of parts which are not complete or\\nintelligible in themselves and thus the curiosity of the reader is kept\\non the stretch throughout the entire ode. Thus, for example, the ode\\nupon the Pythian victory, which was gained by Hiero, as a citizen of\\niEtna, a city founded by himself*, proceeds upon a general idea of the\\nrepose and serenity of mind which Hiero at last enjoys, after a labo-\\nrious public life, and to which Pindar strives to contribute by the\\ninfluence of music and poetry. Full of this idea, Pindar begins by\\ndescribing the effects of music upon the gods in Olympus, how it\\ndelights, inspires, and soothes them, although it increases the anguish\\nof Typhos, the enemy of the gods, who lies bound under iEtna. Thence,\\nby a sudden transition, he passes to the new town of iEtna, under the\\nmountain of the name extols the happy auspices under which it was\\nfounded and lauds Hiero for his great deeds in war, and for the wise\\nconstitution he has given to the new state to which Pindar wishes\\nexemption from foreign enemies and internal discord. Thus far it does\\nnot appear how the praises of music are connected with the exploits of\\nHiero as a warrior and a statesman. But the connexion becomes\\nevident when Pindar addresses to Hiero a series of moral sentences, the\\nobject of which is to advise him to subdue all unworthy passions, to\\nrefresh his mind with the contemplation of art, and thus to obtain from\\nthe poets a good name, which will descend to posterity.\\n7. The characteristics of Pindar s poetry, which have been just\\nexplained, may be discerned in all his epinikian odes. Their agree-\\nment, however, in this respect is quite consistent with the extraordinary\\nvariety of style and expression which has been already stated to belong\\nto this class of poems. Every epinikian ode of Pindar has its peculiar\\ntone, depending upon the course of the ideas and the consequent choice\\nof the expressions. The principal differences are connected with the\\nchoice of the rhythms, which a\u00c2\u00a3ain is regulated by the musical style.\\nAccording to the last distinction, the epinikia of Pindar are of three\\nsorts, Doric, iEolic, and Lydian which can be easily distinguished,\\nalthough each admits of innumerable varieties. In respect of metre,\\nevery ode of Pindar has an individual character no two odes having\\nthe same metrical structure. In the Doric ode the same metrical forms\\noccur as those which prevailed in the choral lyric poetry of Stesichorus,\\nPyth. I.\\nQ2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0233.jp2"}, "232": {"fulltext": "223 HISTORY OP THE\\nviz., systems of dactyls and trochaic dipodies*, which most nearly\\napproach the stateliness of the hexameter. Accordingly, a serene dig-\\nnity pervades these odes the mythical narrations are developed with\\ngreater fulness, and the ideas are limited to the subject, and are free\\nfrom personal feeling; in short, their general character is that of calm-\\nness and elevation. The language is epic, with a slight Doric tinge,\\nwhich adds to its brilliancy and dignity. The rhythms of the iEolic\\nodes resemble those of the Lesbian poetry, in which light dactylic, tro-\\nchaic, or logaoedic metres prevailed; these rhythms, however, when\\napplied to choral lyric poetry, were rendered far more various, and thus\\noften acquired a character of greater volubility and liveliness. The\\npoet s mind also moves with greater rapidity and sometimes he stops\\nhimself in the midst of narrations which seem to him impious or arro-\\ngant t. A larger scope is likewise given to his personal feelings; and in\\nthe addresses to the victor there is a gayer tone, which at times even\\ntakes a jocular turn J. The poet introduces his relations to the victor,\\nand to his poetical rivals he extols his own style, and decries that of\\nothers The iEolic odes, from the rapidity and variety of their move-\\nment, have a less uniform character than the Doric odes for example,\\nthe first Olympic, with its joyous and glowing images, is very different\\nfrom the second, in which a lofty melancholy is expressed, and from the\\nninth, which has an expression of proud and complacent self-reliance.\\nThe language of the JEolic epinikia is also bolder, more difficult in its\\nsyntax, and marked by rarer dialectical forms. Lastly, there are the\\nLydian odes, the number of which is inconsiderable their metre is\\nmostly trochaic, and of a particularly soft character, agreeing with the\\ntone of the poetry. Pindar appears to have preferred the Lydian\\nrhythms for odes which were destined to be sung during a procession to\\na temple or at the altar, and in which the favour of the deity was im-\\nplored in a humble spirit.\\nThe ancient writers on music explain how those trochaic dipodies were reduced\\nto an uniform rhythm with the dactylic series. These writers state that the trochaic\\ndipody was considered as a rhythmical foot, having the entire first trochee as its\\narsis, the second as its thesis so that, if the syllables were measured shortly, it\\nmight be taken as equivalent to a dactyl.\\nt 01. I. 52. (82.) IX. 35.\\nX 01. IV. 26. (40.) Pyth. II. 72. (131.)\\n01. II. 80. (155.) IX. 100. (151.) Pyth. II. 79. (145.)", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0234.jp2"}, "233": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 229\\nCHAPTER XVI.\\n1. Moral improvement of Greek poetry after Homer especially evident in the\\nnotions as to the state of man after death. 2. Influence of the mysteries and\\nof the Orphic doctrines on these notions. 3. First traces of Orphic ideas in\\nHesiod and other epic poets. 4. Sacerdotal enthusiasts in the age of the Seven\\nSages; Epimenides, Abaris, Aristeas, and Pherecydes. \u00c2\u00a75. An Orphic litera-\\nture arises after the destruction of the Pythagorean league. 6. Subjects of\\nthe Orphic poetry at first cosmogonic, 7, afterwards prophetic, in reference to\\nDionysus.\\n1. We have now traced the progress of Greek poetry from Homer to\\nPindar, and observed it through its different stages, from the simple\\nepic song to the artificial and elaborate form of the choral ode. Fortu-\\nnately the works of Homer and Pindar, the two extreme points of this\\nlong series, have been preserved nearly entire. Of the intermediate\\nstages we can only form an imperfect judgment from isolated frag-\\nments and the statements of later writers.\\nThe interval between Homer and Pindar is an important period in\\nthe history of Greek civilization. Its advance was so great in this\\ntime that the latter poet may seem to belong to a different state of the\\nhuman race from the former. In Homer we perceive that infancy of\\nthe mind which lives entirely in seeing and imagining, whose chief\\nenjoyment consists in vivid conceptions of external acts and objects,\\nwithout caring much for causes and effects, and whose moral judgments\\nare determined rather by impulses of feeling than by distinctly-con-\\nceived rules of conduct. In Pindar the Greek mind appears far more\\nserious and mature. Fondly as he may contemplate the images of\\nbeauty and splendour which he raises up, and glorious as are the forms\\nof ancient heroes and modern athletes which he exhibits, yet the chief\\neffort of his genius is to discover a standard of moral government and\\nwhen he has distinctly conceived it, he applies it to the fair and living\\nforms which the fancy of former times had created. There is too much\\ntruth in Pindar s poetry, it is too much the expression of his genuine\\nfeelings, for him to attempt to conceal its difference from the ancient\\nstyle, as the later poets did. He says* that the fame of Ulysses has\\nbecome greater through the sweet songs of Homer than from his real\\nadventures, because there is something ennobling in the illusions and\\nsoaring flights of Homer s fancy and he frequently rejects the narra-\\ntives of former poets, particularly when they do not accord with his own\\npurer conceptions of the power and moral excellence of the godsf.\\nBut there is nothing in which Pindar differs so widely from Homer\\nas in his notions respecting the state of rwn after death. According\\nNem. vii. 20 (29).\\nt See, for example, 01. i. 52 (82) ix. 35 (54),", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0235.jp2"}, "234": {"fulltext": "230 HISTORY OF THE\\nto the description in the Odyssey, all the dead, even the most renowned\\nheroes, lead a shadowy existence in the infernal regions (Aides), where,\\nlike phantoms, they continue the same pursuits as on earth, though\\nwithout will or understanding. On the other hand, Pindar, in his\\nsublime ode of consolation to Theron*, says that all misdeeds of this\\nworld are severely judged in the infernal regions, but that a happy\\nlife in eternal sunshine, without care for subsistence, is the portion\\nof the good; while those who, through a threefold existence in the\\nupper and lower worlds, have kept their souls pure from all sin,\\nascend the path of Zeus to the citadel of Cronust, where the Islands\\nof the Blessed are refreshed by the breezes of Ocean, and golden flowers\\nglitter. In this passage the Islands of the Blessed are described as a\\nreward for the highest virtue, whilst in Homer only a few favourites of\\nthe gods (Menelaus, for example, because his wife was a daughter of\\nZeus) reach the Elysian Field on the border of the ocean. In his\\nthrenes, or laments for the dead, Pindar more distinctly developed his\\nideas about immortality, and spoke of the tranquil life of the blessed,\\nin perpetual sunshine, among fragrant groves, at festal games and\\nsacrifices and of the torments of the wretched in eternal night. In\\nthese, too, he explained himself more fully as to the existence alter-\\nnating between the upper and lower world, by which lofty spirits rise\\nto a still higher state. He says J Those from whom Persephone\\nreceives an atonement for their former guilt, their souls she sends, in\\nthe ninth year, to the sun of heaven. From them spring great kings\\nand men mighty in power and renowned for wisdom, whom posterity\\ncalls sacred heroes among men\u00c2\u00a7.\\n2. It is manifest that between the periods of Homer and Pindar\\na great change of opinions took place, which could not have been ef-\\nfected at once, but must have been produced by the efforts of many\\nsages and poets. All the Greek religious poetry treating of death and\\nthe world beyond the grave refers to the deities whose influence was\\nsupposed to be exercised in the dark region at the centre of the earth,\\nand who were thought to have little connexion with the political and\\nsocial relations of human life. These deities formed a class apart from\\nthe gods of Olympus, and were comprehended under the name of the\\nChthonian godsj. The mysteries of the Greeks were connected with\\nthe worship of these gods alone. That the love of immortality first\\n01. ii. 57 (105).\\nThat is, the way which Zeus himself takes when he visits his dethroned father\\nCronus (now reconciled with him, and become the ruler of the departed spirits in\\nbliss), in order to advise with him on the destiny of mankind.\\nThren. fr. 4, ed. Boeckh.\\nIn order to understand this passage it is to be observed that, according to the\\nancient law, a person who had committed homicide must expiate his offence by an\\nexile or even servitude of eight years before his guilt was removed.\\nConcerning this distinction, the most important in the Greek religious system,\\nsee ch. ii. 5.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0236.jp2"}, "235": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 231\\nfound a support in a belief in these deities appears from the fable of\\nPersephone, the daughter of Demeter. Every year, at the time of\\nharvest, Persephone was supposed to be carried from the world above\\nto the dark dominions of the invisible King of Shadows Atdi/c), but to\\nreturn every spring, in youthful beauty, to the arms of her mother. It\\nwas thus that the ancient Greeks described the disappearance and\\nreturn of vegetable life in the alternations of the seasons. The changes\\nof nature, however, must have been considered as typifying the changes\\nin the lot of man otherwise Persephone would have been merely a\\nsymbol of the seed committed to the ground, and would not have be-\\ncome the queen of the dead. But when the goddess of inanimate\\nnature had become the queen of the dead, it was a natural analogy,\\nwhich must have early suggested itself, that the return of Persephone\\nto the world of light also denoted a renovation of life and a new birth\\nto men. Hence the Mysteries of Demeter, and especially those cele-\\nbrated at Eleusis (which at an early period acquired great renown\\namong all the Greeks), inspired the most elevating and animating\\nhopes with regard to the condition of the soul after death. Happy\\n(says Pindar of these mysteries)* is he who has beheld them, and de-\\nscends beneath the hollow earth; he knows the end, he knows the\\ndivine origin of life; and this praise is repeated by all the most dis-\\ntinguished writers of antiquity who mention the Eleusinian mysteries.\\nBut neither the Eleusinian nor any other of the established mysteries\\nof Greece obtained any influence upon the literature of the nation, since\\nthe hymns sung and the prayers recited at them were only intended\\nfor particular parts of the imposing ceremony, and were not imparted\\nto the public. On the other hand, there was a society of persons who\\nperformed the rites of a mystical worship, but were not exclusively\\nattached to a particular temple and festival, and who did not confine\\ntheir notions to the initiated, but published them to others, and com-\\nmitted them to literary works. These were the followers of Orpheus\\n(oi Op j)iKoi) that is to say, associations of persons, who, under the\\nguidance of the ancient mystical poet Orpheus, dedicated themselves\\nto the worship of Bacchus, in which they hoped to find satisfaction for\\nan ardent longing after the soothing and elevating influences of reli-\\ngion. The Dionysus to whose worship these Orphic and Bacchic rites\\nwere annexedfj was the Chthonian deity, Dionysus Zagreus, closely\\nconnected with Demeter and Cora, who was the personified expression\\nnot only of the most rapturous pleasure, but also of a deep sorrow for\\nthe miseries of human life. The Orphic legends and poems related in\\ngreat part to this Dionysus, who was combined, as an infernal deity,\\nwith Hades (a doctrine given by the philosopher Heraclitus as the\\nf T\u00c2\u00ab OgQixci KxXi ofAivu, xet) BaK^txa. Herod, xi. 8]", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0237.jp2"}, "236": {"fulltext": "238 HISTORY OF THE\\nopinion of n particular Feet* and upon whom the Orphic theologers\\nfounded their hopes of the purification and ultimate immortality of the\\nsoul. But their mode of celebrating this worship was very different\\nfrom the popular rites of Bacchus. The Orphic worshippers of Bac-\\nchus did not indulge in unrestrained pleasure and frantic enthusiasm,\\nbut rather aimed at an ascetic purity of life and mannerst. The fol-\\nlowers of Orpheus, when they had tasted the mystic sacrificial feast of\\nraw flesh torn from the ox of Dionysus (w/zo^ay/a), partook of no other\\nanimal food. They wore white linen garments, like Oriental and Egyp-\\ntian priests, from whom, as Herodotus remarks, much may have been\\nborrowed in the ritual of the Orphic worship.\\n3. It is difficult to determine the time when the Orphic association\\nwas formed in Greece, and when hymns and other religious songs were\\nfirst composed in the Orphic spirit. But, if we content ourselves with\\nseeking to ascertain the beginning of higher and more hopeful views\\nof death than those presented by Homer, we find them in the poetry\\nof Hesicd. In Hesiod s Works and Days, at least, all the heroes are\\ndescribed as collected by Zeus in the Islands of the Blessed near the\\nocean according indeed to one verse (which, however, is not recog-\\nnised by all critics), they are subject to the dominion of CronusJ. In\\nthis we may see the marks of a great change in opinion. It became re-\\npugnant to men s feelings to conceive divine beings, like the gods of\\nOlympus and the Titans, in a state of eternal dissension; the former\\nselfishly enjoying undisturbed felicity, and the latter abandoned to all\\nthe horrors of Tartarus. A humaner spirit required a reign of peace\\nafter the rupture of the divine dynasties. Hence the belief, entertained\\nby Pindar, that Zeus had released the Titans from their chains\u00c2\u00a7 and\\nthat Cronus, the god of the golden age, reconciled with his son Zeus,\\nstill continued to reign, in the islands of the ocean, over the blessed\\nof a former generation. In Orphic poems, Zeus calls on Cronus, re-\\nleased from his chains, to assist him in laying the foundation of the\\nworld. There is also, in other epic poets after Homer, a similar ten-\\ndency to lofty and tranquillizing notions. Eugammon, the author of\\nthe Telegonia||, is supposed to have borrowed the part of his poem\\nwhich treated of Thesprotia, from Musaeus, the poet of the mysteries.\\nThesprotia was a country in which the worship of the gods of death\\nwas peculiarly cultivated. In the Alcmcuonis, which celebrated Alc-\\nmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus, Zagreus was invoked as the highest of\\nall the gods^j. The deity meant in this passage was the god of the in-\\nAp. Clem. Alex, Protr. p. 30, Potter.\\nf On this aud other points mentioned in the text see Lobeck Aglaophamu p. 244.\\nAccording to V. 1G9 tyiXov \u00c2\u00abcr u6a.va.rav ro7 riv K^ova; \\\\y.p a,tri\\\\ivii, (concerning\\nthis reading see Goettlir.g s edition which verse is wanting in some manuscripts.\\nZ=t/j l/.vtn Tirava;.\\nSee above, ch. vi. G.\\nTlorvia T?i, Zuy^iv n hm 7ra.W7ri( Ttx.Ti ra.vrm. Etym. Gud. in V. Zxy^ive.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0238.jp2"}, "237": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 233\\nfernal regions, but in a much more elevated sense than that in which\\nHades is usually employed. Another poem of this period, the Minyas,\\ngave an ample description of the infernal regions the spirit of which\\nmay be inferred from the fact that this part (which was called by the\\nname of The Descent to Hades is attributed, among other authors,\\nto Cecrops, an Orphic poet, or even to Orpheus himself*.\\n4. At the time when the first philosophers appeared in Greece,\\npoems must have existed which diffused, in mythical forms, conceptions\\nof the origin of the world and the destiny of the soul, differing from\\nthose in Homer. The endeavour to attain to a knowledge of divine\\nand human things was in Greece slowly and with difficulty evolved\\nfrom the religious notions of a sacerdotal fanaticism and it was for a\\nlong period confined to the refining and rationalizing of the traditional\\nmythology, before it ventured to explore the paths of independent\\ninquiry. In the age of the seven sages several persons appeared,\\nwho, (being mainly under the influence of the ideas and rites of the\\nworship of Apollo,) partly by a pure and holy mode of life, and partly\\nby a fanatical temper of mind, surrounded themselves with a sort of\\nsupernatural halo, which makes it difficult for us to discern their true\\ncharacter. Among these persons was Epimenides of Crete, an early\\ncontemporary of Solon, who was sent for to Athens, in his character of\\nexpiatory priest, to free it from the curse which had rested upon it\\nsince the Cylonian massacre (about Olymo. 4:2. B.C. 612). Epime-\\nnides was a man of a sacred and marvellous nature, who was brought\\nup by the nymphs, and whose soul quitted his body, as long and as\\noften as it pleased according to the opinion of Plato and other ancients,\\nhis mind had a prophetic and inspired sense of divine thingsf. An-\\nother and more extraordinary individual of this class was Abaris, who,\\nabout a generation later, appeared in Greece as an expiatory priest,\\nwith rites of purification and holy songs. In order to give more im-\\nportance to his mission, he called himself a Hyperborean that is, one\\nof the nation which Apollo most loved, and in which he manifested\\nhimself in person and, as a proof of his origin, he carried with him an\\narrow which Apollo had given him in the country of the Hyperboreans}.\\nTogether with Abaris may be mentioned Aristeas of Proconnesus, on\\nthe Propontis who took the opposite direction, and, inspired by Apollo,\\nh I; A ldiv xurciZairt;.\\nf Whether the oracles, expiatory verses, and poems (as the origin of the Curctcs\\nand Coryhantes) attributed to him are his genuine productions cannot now he deter-\\nmined. Damascius, De Princip. p. 383, ascribes to him (after Kodemus) a cosmo-\\ngony, in which the mundane egg plays an important part, as in the Orphic cos-\\nmogonies.\\nt This is the ancient form of the story in Herod, iv. 36, the orator Lycurgus, c.\\nAccording to the later version, which is derived from Heraclides Ponticus, Abaris\\nwas himself carried by the marvellous arrow through the air round the world. Soma\\nexpiatory verses and oracles were likewbe escribed to Abaris also an epic poem,\\ncalled the Arrival of Apollo among the Hyperboreans.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0239.jp2"}, "238": {"fulltext": "234 HISTORY OF THE\\ntravelled to the far north, in search of the Hyperboreans. He de-\\nscribed this marvellous journey in a poem, called Arimaspea, which\\nwas read by Herodotus, and Greeks of still later date. It consisted of\\nethnographical accounts and stories about the northern nations, mixed\\nwith notions belonging to the worship of Apollo. In this poem, how-\\never, Aristeas so far checked his imagination, that he only represented\\nhimself to have penetrated northwards from the Scythians as far as the\\nIssedones and he gave as mere reports the marvellous tales of the one-\\neyed Arimaspians, of the griffins which guarded the gold, and of the\\nhappy Hyperboreans beyond the northern mountains. Aristeas be-\\ncame quite a marvellous personage he is said to have accompanied\\nApollo, at the founding of Metapontum, in the form of a raven, and to\\nhave appeared centuries afterwards, (viz. when he really lived, about\\nthe time of Pythagoras,) in the same city of Magna Graecia.\\nPherecydes, of the island of Syros, one of the heads of the Ionic\\nschool, belongs to this class of the sacerdotal sages, inasmuch as he\\ngave a mythical form to his notions about the nature of things and their\\ninternal principles. There are extant some fragments of a theogony\\ncomposed by him, which bear a strange character, and have a much\\ncloser resemblance to the Orphic poems than to those of Hesiod*.\\nThey show that by this time the character of the theogonic poetry had\\nbeen changed, and that Orphic ideas were in vogue.\\n5. No name of any literary production of an Orphic poet before\\nPherecydes is known probably because the hymns and religious songs\\ncomposed by the Orphic poets of that time were destined only for\\ntheir mystical assemblies, and were indissolubly connected with the\\nrites performed at them. An extensive Orphic literature first appeared\\nabout the time of the Persian war, when the remains of the Pytha-\\ngorean order in Magna Graecia united themselves to the Orphic asso-\\nciations. The philosophy of Pythagoras had in itself no analogy with\\nthe spirit of the Orphic mysteries nor did the life, education, and\\nmanners of the followers of Orpheus at all resemble those of the\\nPythagorean league in lower Italy. Among the Orphic theologers,\\nthe worship of Dionysus was the centre of all religious ideas, and the\\nstarting point of all speculations upon the world and human nature.\\nThe worship of Dionysus, however, appears not to have been held in\\nhonour in the cities of the Pythagorean league these philosophers\\npreferred the worship of Apollo and the Muses, which best suited the\\nspirit of their social and political institutions. This junction was\\nevidently not formed till after the dissolution of the Pythagorean\\nleague in Magna Greecia, and the sanguinary persecution of its\\nSturz de Pherecyde p. 40. sqq. The mixture of divine beings (hex^airia), the\\ngod Ophioneus, the unity of Zeus and Eros, and several other things in the Theo-\\ngony uf Pherecydes also occur in Orphic poems. The Cosmogony of Acusilaus\\n(Damascius, p. 313, after Eudemus), in which ^Ether, Eros, and Metis, are made\\nthe children of Erebos and Night, also has an Orphic colour. See below, 6.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0240.jp2"}, "239": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 235\\nmembers, by the popular party (about Olymp. 69. 1. B.C. 504). It\\nwas natural that many Pythagoreans, having contracted a fondness for\\nexclusive associations, should seek a refuge in these Orphic conven-\\nticles, sanctified, as they were, by religion. Several persons, who are\\ncalled Pythagoreans, and who were known as the authors of Orphic\\npoems, belong to this period as Cercops, Brontinus, and Arignote.\\nTo Cercops was attributed the great poem called the Sacred Legends\\n(lepol Ao yoi), a complete system of Orphic theology, in twenty-four\\nrhapsodies probably the work of several persons, as a certain Diog-\\nnetus was also called the author of it. Brontinus, likewise a Pytha-\\ngorean, was said to be the author of an Orphic poem upon nature\\n(tyvaiKa), and of a poem called The Mantle and the Net (Tri-n-Xog\\nkcli SUtvov), Orphic expressions symbolical of the creation. Arignote,\\nwho is called a pupil, and even a daughter, of Pythagoras, wrote a\\npoem Called Bacchica. Other Orphic poets were Persinus of Miletus,\\nTimocles of Syracuse, Zopyrus of Heraclea, or Tarentum.\\nThe Orphic poet of whom we know the most is Onomacritus, who,\\nhowever, was not connected with the Pythagoreans, having lived with\\nPisistratus and the Pisistratids, and been held in high estimation by\\nthem, before the dissolution of the Pythagorean league. He collected\\nthe oracles of Musaeus for the Pisistratids in which work, the poet\\nLasus is said (according to Herodotus) to have detected him in a\\nforgery. He also composed songs for Bacchic initiations in which\\nhe connected the Titans with the mythology of Dionysus, by de-\\nscribing them as the intended murderers of the young god* which\\nshows how far the Orphic mythology departed from the theogony of\\nHesiod. In the time of Plato, a considerable number of poems, under\\nthe names of Orpheus and Musaeus, had been composed by these per-\\nsons, and were recited by rhapsodists at the public games, like the\\nepics of Homer and Hesiod f. The Orpheotelests, likewise, an obscure\\nset of mystagogues derived from the Orphic associations, used to come\\nbefore the doors of the rich, and promise to release them from their\\nown sins, and those of their forefathers, by sacrifices and expiatory\\nsongs and they produced at this ceremony a heap of books of Orpheus\\nand Musaeus, upon which they founded their promises\\n6. In treating of the subjects of this early Orphic poetry, we may\\nremark, first, that there is much difficulty in distinguishing it from\\nOrphic productions of the decline of paganism and, secondly, that a\\ndetailed explanation of it would involve us in the mazes of ancient\\nmythology and religion. We will, therefore, only mention the prin-\\ncipal contents of these compositions which will suffice to give an idea\\nof their spirit and character. We shall take them chiefly from the\\nOrphic cosmogony, which later writers designate as the common one\\nThis is the meaning of the important passage of Pausan. viii. 37. 3.\\nf Plato, Ion. p. 536 B. J Plato, Rep. ii. p. 364.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0241.jp2"}, "240": {"fulltext": "236 HISTORY OP THE\\n(Tv)t)f)t)c), for there were others still more wild and extravagant,\\nand which probably formed a part of the long- poetical collection of\\nSacred Legends, which has been already mentioned.\\nWe see, at the very outset of the Orphic theogony, an attempt to\\nrefine upon the theogony of Hesiod, and to arrive at higher abstrac-\\ntions than his chaos. The Orphic theogony placed Chronos, Time, at\\nthe head of all things, and conferred upon it life and creative power.\\nChronos was then described as spontaneously producing chaos and\\naether, and forming from chaos, within the aether, a mundane egg^ of\\nbrilliant white. The mundane egg is a notion which the Orphic poets\\nhad in common with many Oriental systems; traces of it also occur in\\nancient Greek legends, as in that of the Dioscuri; but the Orphic poets\\nfirst developed it among the Greeks. The whole essence of the world\\nwas supposed to be contained in this egg, and to grow from it, like the\\nlife of a bird. The mundane egg, which included the matter of chaos,\\nwas impregnated by the winds, that is, by the aether in motion; and\\nthence arose the golden-winged Eros*. The notion of Eros, as a\\ncosmogonic being, is carried much further by the Orphic poets than by\\nHesiod. They also called him Metis, the mind of the world. The\\nname of Phanes first became common in Orphic poetry of a later date.\\nThe Orphic pcets conceived this Eros-Phanes as a pantheistic being\\nthe parts of the world forming, as it were, the limbs of his body, and\\nbeing thus united into an organic whole. The heaven was his head,\\nthe earth his foot, the sun and moon his eyes, the rising and setting\\nof the heavenly bodies his horns. An Orphic poet addresses Phanes\\nin the following poetical language Thy tears are the hapless race\\nof men by thy laugh thou hast raised up the sacred race of the\\ngods. Eros then gives birth to a long series of gods, similar to that\\nin Hesiod. By his daughter, Night, he produces Heaven and Earth;\\nthese then bring forth the Titans, among whom Cronus and Rhea\\nbecome the parents of Zeus. The Orphic poets, as well as Hesiod,\\nmade Zeus the supreme god at this period of the world. He was,\\ntherefore, supposed to supplant Eros-Phanes, and to unite this being\\nwith himself. Hence arose the fable of Zeus having swallowed\\nPhanes which is evidently taken from the story in Hesiod, that Zeus\\nswallowed Metis, the goddess of wisdom. Hesiod, however, merely\\nmeant to imply that Zeus knows all things that concern our weal or\\nwoe while the Orphic poets go further, and endow their Zeus with\\nthe anima mundi. Accordingly, they represent Zeus as now being the\\nfirst and last; the beginning, middle, and end; man and woman;\\nand, in fine, everything. Nevertheless, the universe was conceived to\\nThis feature is also in the burlesque Orphic cosmogony in Aristoph. Av. 694;\\naccording to which the Orphic verse in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. iii. 26. should be thus\\nunderstood\\nAvtkp i^uTo. xgo ves (not Kf\u00c2\u00abvaj) y.a.) Tfjivpctru ndyra (in the nominative case)\\niTIK JUlTiV.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0242.jp2"}, "241": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 237\\nstand iii different relations to Zeus and to Eros. The Orphic poets also\\ndescribed Zens as uniting the jarring elements into one harmonious\\nstructure and thus restoring, by his wisdom, the unity which existed\\nin Phanes, but which had afterwards been destroyed, and replaced by\\nconfusion and strife. Here we meet with the idea of a creation, which\\nwas quite unknown to the most ancient Greek poets. While the\\nGreeks of the time of Homer and Hesiod considered the world as an\\norganic being, which was constantly growing into a state of greater\\nperfection the Orphic poets conceived the world as having been formed\\nby the Deity out of pre-existing matter, and upon a predetermined plan.\\nHence, in describing creation, they usually employed the image of a\\ncrater, in which the different elements were supposed to be mixed\\nin certain proportions and also of a peplos, or garment, in which\\nthe different threads are united into one web. Hence Crater, and\\nPeplos, occur as the titles of Orphic poems.\\n7. Another great difference between the notions of the Orphic\\npoets and those of the early Greeks concerning the order of the world\\nwas, that the former did not limit their views to the present state of\\nmankind still less did they acquiesce in Hesiod s melancholy doctrine\\nof successive ages, each one worse than the preceding but they looked\\nfor a cessation of strife, a holy peace, a state of the highest happiness\\nand beatitude of souls at the end of all things. Their firm hopes of\\nthis result were founded upon Dionysus, from the worship of whom\\nall their peculiar religious ideas were derived. According to them,\\nDionysus-Zagreus was a son of Zeus, whom he had begotten, in the\\nform of a dragon, upon his daughter Cora-Persephone, before she was\\ncarried off to the kingdom of shadows. The young god was supposed\\nto pass through great perils. This was always an essential part of the\\nmythology of Dionysus, especially as it was related in the neighbour-\\nhood of Delphi but it was converted by the Orphic poets, and espe-\\ncially by Onomacritus, into the marvellous legend which is preserved\\nby later writers. According to this legend, Zeus destined Dionysus\\nfor king, set him upon the throne of heaven, and gave him Apollo and\\nthe Curetes to protect him. But the Titans, instigated by the jealous\\nHere, attacked him by surprise, having disguised themselves under a\\ncoating of plaster (a rite of the Bacchic festivals), while Dionysus,\\nwhose attention was engaged with various playthings, particularly a\\nsplendid mirror, did not perceive their approach. After a long and\\nfearful conflict the Titans overcame Dionysus, and tore him into seven\\npieces*, one piece for each of themselves. Pallas, however, succeeded\\nin saving his palpitating heartf, which was swallowed by Zeus in a\\ndrink. As the ancients considered the heart as the seat of life, Diony-\\nsus was again contained in Zeus, and again begotten by him. Zeus\\nThe Orphic poets added Phorcys and Dione to the Titans and Titanides of Hesiod.\\nf Kg\u00c2\u00ab$,V TruMopimv, an etymological fable.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0243.jp2"}, "242": {"fulltext": "238 HISTORY OP THE\\nat the same time avenges the slaughter of his son by striking and con-\\nsuming the Titans with his thunderbolts. From their ashes, according\\nto this Orphic legend, proceeded the race of men. This Dionysus, torn\\nin pieces and born again, is destined to succeed Zeus in the government\\nof the world, and to restore the golden age. In the same system Dio-\\nnysus was also the god from whom the liberation of souls was expected;\\nfor, according to an Orphic notion, more than once alluded to by Plato,\\nhuman souls are punished by being confined in the body, as in a prison.\\nThe sufferings of the soul in its prison, the steps and transitions by\\nwhich it passes to a higher state of existence, and its gradual purifica-\\ntion and enlightenment, were all fully described in these poems and\\nDionysus and Cora were represented as the deities who performed the\\ntask of guiding and purifying the souls of men.\\nThus, in the poetry of the first five centuries of Greek literature,\\nespecially at the close of this period, we find, instead of the calm enjoy-\\nment of outward nature which characterised the early epic poetry, a\\nprofound sense of the misery of human life and an ardent longing for\\na condition of greater happiness. This feeling, indeed, was not so\\nextended as to become common to the whole Greek nation but it took\\ndeep root in individual minds, and was connected with more serious\\nand spiritual views of human nature.\\nWe will now turn our attention to the progress made by the Greeks,\\nin the last century of this period, in prose composition.\\nCHAPTER XVII.\\n1. Opposition of philosophy and poetry among the Greeks causes of the intro-\\nduction of prose writings. 2. The Ionians give the main impulse tendency of\\nphilosophical speculation among the Ionians. 3. Retrospect of the theological\\nspeculations of Pherecydes. 4. Thales; he combines practical talents with\\nbold ideas concerning the nature of things. 5. Anaximander, a writer and\\ninquirer on the nature of things. 6. Anaximenes pursues the physical in-\\nquiries of his predecessors. 7. Heraclitus profound character of his natural\\nphilosophy. 6 8. Changes introduced by Anaxagoras new direction of the\\nphysical speculations of the Ionians. 5 9. Dionysius continues the early doctrine.\\nArchelaus, an Anaxagoreau, carries the Ionic philosophy to Athens. 10. Doc-\\ntrines of the Eleatics, founded by Xenophanes; their, enthusiastic character is\\nexpressed in a poetic form. \u00c2\u00a711. Parmenides gives a logical form to the doc-\\ntrines of Xenophanes plan of his poem. 12. Further development of the\\nEleatic doctrine by Melissus and Zeno. 13. Empedocles, akin to Anaxagoras\\nand the Eleatics, but conceives lofty ideas of his own. 14. Italic school; re-\\nceives its impulse from an Ionian, which is modified by the Doric character of\\nthe inhabitants. Coincidence of its practical tendency with its philosophical\\nprinciple.\\n1. As the design of this work is to give a history, not of the philo-\\nsophy, but of the literature of Greece, we shall limit ourselves to such a", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0244.jp2"}, "243": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 239\\nview of the early Greek philosophers as will illustrate the literary pro-\\ngress of the Greek nation. Philosophy occupies a peculiar province of\\nthe human mind and it has its origin in habits of thought which are\\nconfined to a few. It is necessary not only to possess these habits of\\nthought, but also to be singularly free from the shackles of any parti-\\ncular system, in order fully to comprehend the speculations of the an-\\ncient Greek philosophers, as preserved in the fragments and accounts\\nof their writings. Even if a history of physical and metaphysical spe-\\nculation among the early Greek philosophers were likely to interest the\\nreader, yet it would be foreign to the object of the present work, which\\nis intended to illustrate the intellectual progress and character of the\\nentire Greek nation. Philosophy, for some time after its origin in\\nGreece, was as far removed from the ordinary thoughts, occupations,\\nand amusements of the people, as poetry was intimately connected with\\nthem. Poetry ennobles and elevates all that is most characteristic of a\\nnation; its religion, mythology, political and social institutions, and\\nmanners. U Philosophy, on the other hand, begins by detaching the\\nmind from the opinions and habits in which it has been bred up from\\nthe national conceptions of the gods and the universe and from the\\ntraditionary maxims of ethics and politics. The philosopher attempts\\nas far as possible to think for himself; and hence he is led to disparage\\nall that is handed down from antiquity. Hence, too, the Greek philo-\\nsophers from the beginning renounced the ornaments of verse that is,\\nof the vehicle which had previously been used for the expression of\\nevery elevated feeling. Philosophical writings were nearly the earliest\\ncompositions in the unadorned language of common life. It is not\\nprobable that they would have been composed in this form, if they had\\nbeen intended for recital to a multitude assembled at games and festi-\\nvals. It would have required great courage to break in upon the rhyth-\\nmical flow of the euphonious hexameter and lyric measures, with a\\ndiscourse uttered in the language of ordinary conversation. The most\\nancient writings of Greek philosophers were however only brief records\\nof their principal doctrines, designed to be imparted to a few persons.\\nThere was no reason why the form of common speech should not be\\nused for these, as it had been long before used for laws, treaties, and\\nthe like. In fact, prose composition and writing are so intimately con-\\nnected, that we may venture to assert that, if writing had become com-\\nmon among the Greeks at an earlier period, poetry would not have so\\nlong retained its ascendancy. We shall indeed find that philosophy, as\\nit advanced, sought the aid of poetry, in order to strike the mind more\\nforcibly. And if we had aimed at minute precision in the division of\\nour subject, we should have passed from theological to philosophical\\npoetry. But it is more convenient to observe, as far as possible, the\\nchronological order of the different branches of literature, and the de-\\npendence of one upon another and we shall therefore classify this phi-", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0245.jp2"}, "244": {"fulltext": "240 HISTORY OP THE\\nlosophical poetry with prose compositions, as being a limited and pecu-\\nliar deviation from the usual practice with regard to philosophical\\nwritings.\\n2. However the Greek philosophers may have sought after origin-\\nality and independence of thought, they could not avoid being influ-\\nenced in their speculations by the peculiar circumstances of their own\\nposition. Hence the earliest philosophers may be classed according to\\nthe races and countries to which they belonged the idea of a school\\n(that is, of a transmission of doctrines through an unbroken series of\\nteachers and disciples) not being applicable to this period.\\nThe earliest attempts at philosophical speculation were made by the\\nIonians that race of the Greeks, which not only had, in common life,\\nshown the greatest desire for new and various kinds of knowledge, but\\nhad also displayed the most decided taste for scientific researches into\\nthe phenomena of external nature. From this direction of their in-\\nquiries, the Ionic philosophers were called by the ancients, physical\\nphilosophers, or physiologers. With a boldness characteristic of\\ninexperience and ignorance, they began by directing their inquiries to\\nthe most abstruse subjects; and, unaided by any experiments which\\nwere not within the reach of a common man, and unacquainted with\\nthe first elements of mathematics, they endeavoured to determine the\\norigin and principle of the existence of all things. If we are tempted\\nto smile at the temerity with which these Ionians at once ventured upon\\nthe solution of the highest problems, we are, on the other hand, asto-\\nnished at the sagacity with which many of them conjectured the con-\\nnexion of appearances, which they could not fully comprehend without\\na much greater progress in the study of nature. The scope of these\\nIonian speculations proves that they were not founded on a priori rea-\\nsonings, independent of experience. The Greeks were always distin-\\nguished by their curiosity, and their powers of delicate observation.\\nYet this gifted nation, even when it had accumulated a large stock of\\nknowledge concerning natural objects, seems never to have attempted\\nmore than the observation of phenomena which presented themselves\\nunsought; and never to have made experiments devised by the investi-\\ngator.\\n3. Before we pass from these general remarks to an account of the\\nindividual philosophers of the Ionic school, (taking the term in its most\\nextended sense,) we must mention a man who is important as forming\\nan intermediate link between the sacerdotal enthusiasts, Epimenides,\\nAbaris, and others, noticed in the last chapter, and the Ionic physio-\\nlogers. IPherecydes, a native of the island of Syros, one of the Cyc-\\nlades, is the earliest Greek of whose prose writings we possess any\\nremains*, and was certainly one of the first who, after the manner of the\\nSee chap. 18. 3.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0246.jp2"}, "245": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 241\\nlonians (before they had obtained any papyrus from Egypt), wrote\\ndown their unpolished wisdom upon sheep-skins.* But his prose is\\nonly so far prose that it has cast off the fetters of verse, and not because\\nit expresses the ideas of the writer in a simple and perspicuous manner.\\nHis book began thus Zeus and Time (Chronos), and Chthonia ex-\\nisted from eternity. Chthonia was called Earth (y 7), since Zeus\\nendowed her with honour. Pherecydes next relates how Zeus trans-\\nformed himself into Eros, the god of love, wishing- to form the world\\nfrom the original materials made by Chronos and Chthonia. Zeus\\nmakes (Pherecydes goes on to say) a large and beautiful garment\\nupon it he paints Earth and Ogenos (ocean), and the houses of Ogenos\\nand he spreads the garment over a winged oak. t It is manifest,\\nwithout attempting a complete explanation of these images, that the\\nideas and language of Pherecydes closely resembled those of the Orphic\\ntheologers, and that he ought rather to be classed with them than with\\nthe Ionic philosophers.\\n4. Pherecydes lived in the age of the Seven Sages one of\\nwhom, Thales of Miletus, was the first in the series of the Ionic\\nphysical philosophers. The Seven Sages, as we have already had\\noccasion to observe, were not solitary thinkers, whose renown for\\nwisdom was acquired by speculations unintelligible to the mass of the\\npeople. Their fame, which extended over all Greece, was founded\\nsolely on their acts as statesmen, counsellors of the people in public\\naffairs, and practical men. This is also true of Thales, whose sagacity\\nin affairs of state and public economy appears from many anecdotes.\\nIn particular, Herodotus relates, that, at the time when the lonians\\nwere threatened by the great Persian power of Cyrus, after the fall of\\nCrcesus, Thales, who was then very old, advised them to establish an\\nIonian capital in the middle of their coast, somewhere near Teos,\\nwhere all the affairs of their race might be debated, and to which all\\nthe other Ionic cities might stand in the same relation as the Attic\\ndemi to Athens. At an earlier age, Thales is said to have foretold to\\nthe lonians the total eclipse of the sun, which (either in 610 or 603\\nb.c.) separated the Medes from the Lydians in the battle which was\\nfought by Cyaxares against Halyattes.J For this purpose, he doubt-\\nless employed astronomical formula?, which he had obtained, through\\nAsia Minor, from the Chaldeans, the fathers of Grecian, and indeed\\nHerod. V. 58. The expression i -^xv^ov h p^a probably gave rise to the fable\\nthat Pherecydes was flayed as a punishment for his atheism a charge which was\\nmade against most of the early philosophers. t*\u00c2\u00bb\\nSee Sturz Commentatio de Pherecyde utroque, in his Pherecydis Fragmenta,\\ned. alt. 1824. The genuineness of the fragments is especially proved by the rare\\nancient Ionic forms, cited from them by the learned grammarians, Apollonius and\\nHerodian.\\nI If Thales was (as is stated by Eusebius) born in Olymp. 33. 2. b, c. G39, he\\nwas then either twenty-nine or thirty-six years old.\\nR", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0247.jp2"}, "246": {"fulltext": "242 HISTORY OP THE\\nof all ancient astronomy for his own knowledge of mathematics\\ncould not have reached as far as the Pythagorean theorem. He is said\\nto have been the first teacher of such problems as that of the equality\\nof the angles at the base of an isosceles triangle. In the main, the\\ntendency of Thales was practical; and, where his own knowledge\\nwas insufficient, he applied the discoveries of nations more advanced\\nthan his own in natural science. Thus he was the first who advised\\nhis countrymen, when at sea, not to steer by the Great Bear, which\\nforms a considerable circle round the Pole but to follow the example\\nof the Phoenicians (from whom, according to Herodotus, the family\\nof Thales was descended), and to take the Lesser Bear for their Polar\\nstar*\\nThales was not a poet, nor indeed the author of any written work,\\nand, consequently, the accounts of his doctrine rest only upon the\\ntestimony of his contemporaries and immediate successors so that it\\nwould be vain to attempt to construct from them a system of natural\\nphilosophy according to his notions. It may, however, be collected\\nfrom these traditions, that he considered all nature as endowed with\\nlife Everything (he said) is full of gods f and he cited, as proofs\\nof this opinion, the magnet and amber, on account of their magnetic\\nand electric properties. It also appears that he considered water as a\\ngeneral principle or cause probably because it sometimes assumes a\\nvapoury, sometimes a liquid form and therefore affords a remarkable\\nexample of a change of outward appearance. This is sufficient to show\\nthat Thales broke through the common prejudices produced by the\\nimpressions of the senses and sought to discover the principle of\\nexternal forms in moving powers which lie beneath the surface of\\nappearances.\\n5. Anaximander, also a Milesian, is next after Thales. It seems\\npretty certain that his little work upon nature (Trepl ^vrewe), as\\nthe books of the Ionic physiologers were mostly called, was written\\nin Olymp. 58. 2. b. c. 547., when he was sixty-four years old. This\\nmay be said to be the earliest philosophical work in the Greek language\\nfor we can scarcely give that name to the mysterious revelations of\\nThis constellation was hence called $omxn. See Schol. Arat. Phoen. 39. Pro-\\nbably some traditions of this kind served as the basis of the vuvnxvi aa-T^oXoyla., which\\nwas attributed to Thales by the ancients, but, according to a more precise account,\\nwas the work of a later writer, Phocius of Samos.\\nf In the passage of Aristotle, de Anima, i. 5 the words tuvtcx, nX-n^v huv uvxt,\\nalone express the traditional account of the doctrine of Thales j the words tv dku rfo\\n\u00e2\u0096\u00a0$ux,h pifJuxScit are the gloss of Aristotle.\\na^yi, alrioi. The expression a^h was first used by Anaximander.\\nFrom the statement of Apollodorus, that Anaximander was sixty-four years old\\nin Olymp. 58. 2. (Diog. Laert. ii. 2), and of Pliny (N. H. ii. 8.), that the obliquity\\nof the ecliptic was discovered in Olymp. 58, it may be inferred that Anaximander\\nmentioned this year in his work. Who else could, at that time, have registered such\\ndiscoveries", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0248.jp2"}, "247": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 243\\nPherecydes. It was probably written in a style of extreme COflci\\nness, and in language more befitting poetry than prose, as indeed\\nappears from the few extant fragments. The astronomical and\\ngeographical explanations attributed to Anaximander were probably\\ncontained in this work. Anaximander possessed a gnomon, or sun-\\ndial, which he had doubtless obtained from Babylon and, being at\\nSparta (which was still the focus of Greek civilization), he made ob-\\nservations, by which he determined exactly the solstices and equinoxes\\nand calculated the obliquity of the ecliptic. t According to Erato-\\nsthenes, he was the first who attempted to draw a map in which his\\nobject probably was rather to make a mathematical division of the\\nwhole earth, than to lay down the forms of the different countries com-\\nposing it. According to Aristotle, Anaximander thought that there\\nwere innumerable worlds, which he called gods supposing these\\nworlds to be beings endowed with an independent power of motion.\\nHe also thought that existing worlds were always perishing, and that\\nnew worlds were always springing into being so that motion was per-\\npetual. According to his views, these worlds arose out of the eternal,\\nor rather indeterminable, substance, which he called to awetpov he\\narrived at the idea of an original substance, out of which all things\\narose, and to which all things return, by excluding all attributes and\\nlimitations. All existing things (he says in an extant fragment)\\nmust, in justice, perish in that in which they had their origin. For\\none thing is always punished by another for its injustice (i. e., its in-\\njustice in setting itself in the place of another), according to the order\\nof time.\\n6. Anaximenes, another Milesian, according to the general tradi-\\ntion of antiquity, followed Anaximander, and must, therefore, have\\nflourished not long before the Persian war. With him the Ionic\\nphilosophy began to approach closer to the language of argumentative\\ndiscussion; his work was composed in the plain simple dialect of the\\nIonians. Anaximenes, in seeking to discover some sensible substance,\\nfrom which outward objects could have been formed, thought that air\\nbest fulfilled the conditions of his problem and he showed much in-\\ngenuity in collecting instances of the rarefaction and condensation of\\nbodies from air. This elementary principle of the Ionians was always\\nconsidered as having an independent power of motion and as endowed\\nHerod. II. 109. Concerning Anaximander s gnomon, see.Diog.Laert.il. 1,\\nand others.\\nt The obliquity of the ecliptic (that is, the distance of the sun s course from the\\nequator) must have been evident to any one who observed it with attention but\\nAnaximander found the means of measuring it, in a certain manner, with the\\ngnomon.\\nI Simplicius ad Aristot. Phys. fol. 6.\\nThe more precise statements respecting his date are so contused, that it is dif-\\nficult to unravel them. See Clinton in the Philological Museum, vol. i. p. 91.\\nr2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0249.jp2"}, "248": {"fulltext": "244 HISTORY OF THE\\nwith certain attributes of the divine essence. As the soul in us (says\\nAnaximenes in an extant fragment),* which is air, holds us together,\\nso breath and air surround the whole world.\\n7. A person of far greater importance in the history of Greek phi-\\nlosophy, and especially of Greek prose, is Heraclitus of Ephesus.\\nThe time when he flourished is ascertained to be about the 69th Olym-\\npiad, or b.c. 505. He is said to have dedicated his work, which was\\nentitled Upon Nature (though titles of this kind were usually not\\nadded to books till later times), to the native goddess of Ephesus, the\\ngreat Artemis -as if such a destination were alone worthy of it, and\\nhe did not consider it worth his while to give it to the public. The\\nconcurrent tradition of antiquity describes Heraclitus as a proud and\\nreserved man, who disliked all interchange of ideas with others. He\\nthought that the profound cogitations on the nature of things which\\nhe had made in solitude, were far more valuable than all the informa-\\ntion which he could gain from others. Much learning (he said) does\\nnot produce wisdom otherwise it would have made Hesiod wise, and\\nPythagoras, and again Xenophanes and Hecatseus. t He dealt rather\\nin intimations of important truths than in popular expositions of them,\\nsuch as the other Ionians preferred. His language was prose only\\ninasmuch as it was free from metrical shackles but its expressions\\nwere bolder and its tone more animated than those of many poems.\\nThe cardinal doctrine of his natural philosophy seems to have been,\\nthat every thing is in perpetual motion, that nothing has any stable or\\npermanent existence, but that everything is assuming a new form or\\nperishing. We step (he says, in his symbolical language) into the\\nsame rivers and we do not step into them (because in a moment the\\nwater is changed). We are and are not (because no point in our\\nexistence remains fixed). J Thus every sensible object appeared to\\nhim, not as something individual, but only as another form of some-\\nthing else. Fire (he says) lives the death of the earth air lives\\nthe death of fire water lives the death of air and the earth that of\\nwater by which he meant that individual things were only different\\nforms of a universal substance, which mutually destroy each other. In\\nStobsms, Eclog.. p. 296.\\nf In Diog. Laert. X. 1: \u00e2\u0096\u00a0TToXupuC s/) voev ob a.trxu (better than Qvsi)- HrioSev ya.%\\nav ih(%u.%i xcti Tlv6a.yooY,v, ccu6l; ri Sivofuviu, rt xcti ExaraTev. All important passage\\non the first appearance of learning among tbe Greeks.\\nUorcefioT; ro7; abrot; Iftfiuivaf iv ri xu) obx ipfiuivo/uizv, Ufiiv ri xca obx iifitv, Heraclitr\\nAlleg. Horn. c. xxiv. p. 84. The image of a stream, into which a person cannot\\nstep twice, as it is always diffeient, was used by Heraclitus in several parts of his\\nwork, in order to show that all existing things are in a constant state of flux.\\nO Z-/i ruo roy yr,; eavurov, xut c ng Zy tov Tugo; \u00c2\u00a3ccva,Tov, Z%uq Zq tov a. ip\u00c2\u00bb$ Qavxrov, yv\\nt2v vIuto;. Maxim. Tyr. Diss. xxv. p. 2G0. The expression that one thing lives\\nthe death of another is frequent in the fragments of Heraclitus, aud generally he\\nappears often to use certain fixed phrases.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0250.jp2"}, "249": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GnEF.CE. 21.)\\nlike manner lie said of men and gods, Our life is their death their\\nlife is our death; that is, he thought that men were gods who bad\\ndied, and that gods were men raised to life.\\nSeeking in natural phenomena for the principle of this perpetual\\nmotion, Heraclitus supposed it to he flre, though he probably meant,\\nnot the fire perceptible by the senses, but a higher and more universal\\nagent. For, as we have already seen, he conceived the sensible fire as\\nliving and dying, like the other elements but of the igneous principle\\nof life he speaks thus: The unchanging order of all things was made\\nneither by a god nor a man, but it has always been, is, and will be, the\\nliving fire, which is kindled and extinguished in regular succession. f\\nNevertheless, Heraclitus conceived this continual motion not to be the\\nmere work of chance, but to be directed by some power, which he called\\nd}xapfxi)n^ or fate, and which guided the way upwards and down-\\nwards (his expression for production and destruction). The sun\\n(he said) will not overstep its path if it did, the Erinnyes, the allies\\nof justice, would find it out. J He recognised in motion an eternal\\nlaw, which was maintained by the supreme powers of the universe. In\\nthis respect the followers of Heraclitus appear to have departed from\\nthe wise example of their teacher; for the exaggerated Heraclitcans\\n(whom Plato in joke calls ot peovrer, the runners aimed at proving\\na perpetual change and motion in all things.\\nHeraclitus, like nearly all the other philosophers, despised the popular\\nreligion. Their object was, by arguments derived from their immediate\\nexperience, to emancipate themselves from all traditional opinions, which\\nincluded not only superstition and prejudices, but also some of the most\\nvaluable truths. Heraclitus boldly rejected the whole ceremonial of\\nthe Greek religion. They worship images (he said of his country-\\nmen) just as if any one were to converse with houses. Neverthe-\\nless, the opinions of Heraclitus on the important question of the rela-\\ntion between mind and body agreed with the popular religion and with\\nthe prevailing notions of the Greeks. The primitive beings of the\\nworld were, in the popular creed, both spiritual powers and material\\nsubstances and Heraclitus conceived the original matter of the world\\nto be the source of life. On the other hand, one of the most impoitant\\nchanges in the history of the human mind was produced by Anaxagoras\\nafter the time of Heraclitus, inasmuch as he rejected all the popular\\nZvftiv rov \\\\xuvtat 6a.vu.rov, n6vr t xafitv Vt toy ixiivuv /3/#v. Philo. Alleg. leg. p. 60.\\nHeracl. Alleg. Horn. c. xxiv.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2f* Kofffiev rov alrov kwuvruv ovri n; 6iuv ovr a.\\\\6^uTuv tToir.o-tv, aXA. r,t ail xa) Xtrnv\\nxa) io-rai TV( usi^uov uxropivov ftirox xa) a.*oo-(Zivvvju.ivov pir^a. Clemens Alex. Strom,\\nv. p. 599.\\nHX/o; oy\u00c2\u00a3 vTtgfivfftrut fi irqa. U 21 f/-h, Eglvvis ftiv Ai ktis Wixovfei \\\\\\\\ivp\\\\oovim. Plu-\\ntarch, De Exil. c. xi. p. 604.\\nKa) ayaXuao-i rovr ioiiri iti^ovrai, oxoHov it n; Yopns Xio-^nvtvoiro. CJeniens Alex.\\nCohort, p. 33,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0251.jp2"}, "250": {"fulltext": "246 HISTORY OP THE\\nnotion^pn religion and struck into a new path of speculation on sacred\\nthings. Similar opinions had indeed been previously entertained in\\nthe East, and, in particular, the Mosaic conceptions of the Deity and\\nthe world belong to the same class of religious views. But among the\\nGreeks these views (which the Christian religion has made so familiar\\nin modern times) were first introduced by Anaxagoras, and were pre-\\nsented by him in a philosophical form and having been, from the\\nbeginning, much more opposed than the doctrines of former philo-\\nsophers to the popular mythological religion, they tended powerfully,\\nby their rapid diffusion, to undermine the principles upon which the\\nentire worship of the ancient gods rested, and therefore prepared the\\nway for the subsequent triumph of Christianity.\\n8. Anaxagoras, though he is called a disciple of Anaximenes, fol-\\nlowed him at some interval of time he flourished at a period when not\\nonly the opinions of the Ionic physical philosophers, but those of the\\nPythagoreans and even of the Eleatics, had been diffused in Greece,\\nand had produced some influence upon speculation. But since it is\\nimpossible to arrange together the contemporaneous advances of the\\ndifferent schools or series of philosophers, and since Anaxagoras re-\\nsembled his Ionic predecessors both in the object of his researches and\\nhis mode of expounding them, we will finish the series of the Ionic\\nphilosophers before we proceed to the Eleatics and Pythagoreans.\\nThe main events of the life of Anaxagoras are known with tolerable\\ncertainty from concurrent chronological accounts. He was born at\\nClazomenae, in Ionia, in Olymp. 70, 1, B.C. 500, and came to Athens\\nin Olymp. 81, 1, B.C. 456.* There he lived for twenty-five years\\n(which is also called thirty in round numbers), till about the beginning\\nof the Peloponnesian war. At this time there was a faction in the\\nAthenian state whose object it was to shake the power of the great\\nstatesman Pericles, and to lower his credit with the people but before\\nthey ventured to make a direct attack upon him, they began by attacking\\nhis friends and familiars. Among these was Anaxagoras, at that time\\nfar advanced in age and the freedom of his inquiries into Nature had\\nafforded sufficient ground for accusing him of unbelief in the gods\\nadored by the people. The discrepancy of the testimony makes it dif-\\nficult to ascertain the result of this accusation but thus much is cer-\\ntain, that in consequence of it Anaxagoras left Athens in Olymp. 87, 2,\\nB.C. 431. He died three years afterwards at Lampsacus, in Olymp.\\n88, 1, B.C. 428, at the age of seventy-two.\\nThe treatise on Nature by Anaxagoras (which was written late in his\\nlife, and therefore at Athens) f was in the Ionic dialect, and in prose,\\nIn the archonship of Callias, who has been confounded with Callias or Callia-\\ndes, archon in Olymp. 75, I. This time, in the midst of the terrors of the Persian\\nwar, was little favourable to the philosophical studies of Anaxagoras.\\nt After Empedocles was known as a philosopher, Aristot. Metaph. i. 3, where\\nl^yoi expresses the entire philosophical performances.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0252.jp2"}, "251": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 247\\nafter the example of Anaximenes. The copious fragments extant*\\nexhibit short sentences connected by particles (ay, and, but, for) with-\\nout long periods. But though his style was loose, his reasoning was\\ncompact and well arranged. His demonstrations were synthetic, not\\nanalytic; that is to say, he subjoined the proof to the proposiiion to be\\nproved, instead of arriving at his result by a process of inquiry. f\\nThe philosophy of Anaxagoras began with his doctrine of atoms,\\nwhich, contrary to the opinion of all his predecessors, Vie considered as\\nlimited in number. He was the first to exclude the idea of creation\\nfrom his explanation of nature. The Greeks (he said) were mis-\\ntaken in their doctrine of creation and destruction; for nothing is\\neither created or destroyed, but it is only produced from existing things\\nby mixture, or it is dissolved by separation. They should therefore\\nrather call creation a conjunction, and destruction a dissolution. It\\nis easy to imagine that Anaxagoras, with this opinion, must have arrived\\nat the doctrine of atoms which were unchangeable and imperishable,\\nand which were mixed and united in bodies in different ways. But\\nsince, from the want of chemical knowledge, he was unable to deter-\\nmine the component parts of bodies, he supposed that each separate\\nbody (as bone, flesh, wood, stone) consisted of corresponding particles,\\nwhich are the celebrated 6/j.owfxipEiai of Anaxagoras. Nevertheless, to\\nexplain the production of one thing from another he was obliged to\\nassume that all things contained a portion of all other things, and that\\nthe particular form of each body depended upon the preponderating\\ningredient. Now, as Anaxagoras maintained the doctrine that bodies\\nare mere matter, without any spontaneous power of change, he also\\nrequired a principle of life and motion beyond the material world. This\\nhe called spirit (vovg), which, he says, is the purest and most subtle\\nof all things, having the most knowledge and the greatest strength.\\nSpirit does not obey the universal law of the 6/j.otoixipeiai, viz. that of\\nmixing with every thing it exists in animate beings, but not so closely\\ncombined with the material atoms as these are with each other. This\\nspirit gave to all those material atoms, which in the beginning of the\\nworld lay in disorder, the impulse by which they took the forms of indi-\\nvidual things and beings. Anaxagoras considered this impulse as having\\nbeen given by the vovq in a circular direction; according to his opinion,\\nnot only the sun, moon, and stars, but even the air and the aether, are\\nThe longest is in Simplicius ad Aristot. Phys. p. 336. Anaxagorao Fragmenta\\nIllustrata, ab E. Schaubach, Lipsiae, 1827 fragm. 8.\\nf Hence, for example, the passage concerning production quoted lower down was\\nnot at the beginning, but followed the propositions about ifioio/xi^tixt, votJj, and motion.\\nSimplicius ad Phys. p. 346, fragm. 22, Schaubach. Concerning the position\\nsee Panzerbieter de Fragm. Anaxag. Online, p. 9, 21.\\nEtti yu% XiTrorctrov n ~a.\\\\-uv %\u00c2\u00a3r /u.oir xat xa.0ugu~a.-Tov, xa) y\\\\ firi)i yi *t\u00c2\u00a3t txt-\\ntos Tatrav r%u xu\\\\ 1 tx,6u piyiirrov. Simplicius, ubi sup. Fragm. 8, Schaub.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0253.jp2"}, "252": {"fulltext": "248 HISTORY OF THE\\nconstantly moving- in a circle.* He thought that the power of this\\ncircular motion kept all these heavenly bodies (which he supposed to\\nbe masses of stone) in their courses. No doctrine of Anaxagoras gave\\nso much offence, or was considered so clear a proof of his atheism, as\\nhis opiuion that the sun, the bountiful god Helios, who shines upon\\nboth mortals and immortals, was a mass of red-hot hron.f How startling\\nmust these opinions have appeared at a time when the people were ac-\\ncustomed to consider nature as pervaded by a thousand divine powers\\nAnd yet these new doctrines rapidly gained the ascendancy, in spite of\\nall the opposition of religion, poetry, and even the laws which Mere\\nintended to protect the ancient customs and opinions. A hundred\\nyears later Anaxagoras, with his doctrine of vovq, appeared to Aristotle\\na sober inquirer, as compared with the wild speculators who preceded\\nhim \\\\X although Aristotle was aware that his applications of his doc-\\ntrines were unsatisfactory and defective. For as Anaxagoras endea-\\nvoured to explain natural phenomena, and in this endeavour he, like\\nother natural philosophers, extended the influence of natural causes to\\nits utmost limits, he of course attempted to explain as much as possible\\nby his doctrine of circular motion, and to have recourse as rarely as\\npossible to the agency of vovq. Indeed, it appears that he only intro-\\nduced the latter, like a deus ex machina, when all other means of ex-\\nplanation failed.\\n9. Although Diogenes of Apollonia. (in Crete) is not equal in\\nimportance, as a philosopher, to his contemporary Anaxagoras, he is\\nyet too considerable a writer upon physical subjects to be here passed\\nover in silence. Without being either the disciple or the teacher, he\\nwas a contemporary, of Anaxagoras and in the direction of his studies\\nhe closely followed Anaximenes, expanding the main doctrines of this\\nphilosopher rather than establishing new principles of his own. He\\nbegan his treatise (which was written in the Ionic dialect) with the\\nlaudable principle, It appears to me that every one who begins a dis-\\ncourse ought to state the subject with distinctness, and to make the\\nstyle simple and dignified. He then laid down the principle main-\\nThe mathematical studies of Anaxagoras appear likewise to have referred\\nchiefly to the circle. He attempted a solution of the problem of the quadrature of\\nthe circle, and, according to Vitruvius, he instituted some inquiries concerning the\\noptical arrangement of the stage and theatre, which also depended on properties of\\nthe circle.\\nt pvhoos hiu.w\u00c2\u00a3o;. This opinion concerning the substance of the heavenly bodies\\nwas in great measure founded upon the great meteoric stone which fell at ^)gos\\nPotami, on the Hellespont, in Olymp. 78, 1 Anaxagoras and Diogenes of Apol-\\nlonia both spoke of this phenomenon. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. vol. ii. p. 320.\\nAristot. Met. A. iii. p. 984, ed. Berol. olov vr, puv $a.vn vug tlr.y Xtyovrxs rov;\\no Aoyev tu.vto$ a^op t*ov %oxiu ftoi Xi VKl r v ^-PZ ,V ccvafificrfsnTurov \u00e2\u0080\u00a2ra.^ix ia oc, i\\nt/v d\\\\ Iqifemmint oc,tX?,v neu A/tv/iv. Diog. Laert. vi. 81, ix. 57. Diogen. Apolloniat.\\nFragm., ed. F. Panzerbieter (Lipsia;, 1830), Fragm. i.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0254.jp2"}, "253": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 2 1\\ntained by all the physic.il philosophers who preceded Anaxagoias, viz.\\nthat all things art different forms of the same elementary substance;\\nwhich principle he proved by saying that otherwise one thing could\\nnot proceed out of another and be nourished by it. Diogenes, like\\nAnaximenes, supposed this elementary substance to be air, and, as he\\nconceived it endowed with animation, he found proofs of his doctrine\\nnot only in natural phenomena, but also in the human soul, which,\\naccording to the popular notions of the ancient Greeks, was breath\\nU X an d therefore air. In his explanations of natural appearances\\nDiogenes went into great detail, especially with regard to the structure\\nof the human body and he exhibited not only acquirements which\\nare very respectable for his time, but also a spirit of inquiry and dis-\\ncussion, and a habit of analytical investigation, which are not to be\\nfound even in Anaxagoias. The language of Diogenes also shows\\nan attempt at a closer connexion of ideas by means of periodic sen-\\ntences, although the difficulty of taking a general philosophical view\\nis very apparent in his style.*\\nDiogenes, like Anaxagoias, lived at. Athens, and is said to have\\nbeen exposed to similar dangers. A third Ionic physical philosopher\\nof this time, Archelaus of Miletus, who followed the manner of Anaxa-\\ngoras, is chiefly important from having established himself permanently\\nat Athens. It is evident that these men were not drawn to Athens by\\nany prospect of benefit to their philosophical pursuits; for the Athe-\\nnians at this time showed a disinclination to such studies, which they\\nridiculed under the name of inetcorosophy, and even made the subject\\nof persecution. It was undoubtedly the power which Athens had ac-\\nquired as the head of the confederates against Persia, and the oppres-\\nsion of the states of Asia Minor, which drove these philosophers from\\nClazomenaj and Mi .etus to the independent, wealthy, and flourishing\\nAthens. And thus these political events contributed to transfer to\\nAthens the last elforts of Ionic philosophy, which the Athenians at first\\nrejected as foreign to their modes of thinking, but which they after-\\nwards understood and appreciated, and used as a foundation for more\\nextensive and accurate investigations of their own.\\n10. But before Athens had reached this pre eminence in philo-\\nsophy, the spirit of speculation was awakened in other parts of Greece,\\nand had struck into new paths of inquiry. The Elcatics afford a re-\\nmarkable instance of independent philosophical research at this period\\nfor, although Ionians by descent, they departed very widely from their\\ncountrymen on the coast of Asia Minor. Elea, (afterwards Velia, ac-\\ncording to the Roman pronunciation,) was a colony founded in Italy\\nby the Phocecans, when, from a noble love of freedom, they had dcli-\\nEspecially in the fragment in Sitnplicius ad Aribtot. Phys. p 32. 6 Frsgtn. ii.\\ned. Fanztrbieter.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0255.jp2"}, "254": {"fulltext": "250 HISTORY OP THE\\nvered up their country in Asia Minor to the Persians, and had been\\nforced by the enmity of the Etruscans and Carthaginians to abandon\\ntheir first settlement in Corsica which happened about the 61st Olym-\\npiad, b. c. 536. It is probable that Xenophanes, a native of Colophon,\\nwas concerned in the colonizing of Elea he wrote an epic poem of two\\nthousand verses upon this settlement, as he had sung the foundation of\\nColophon he has been before mentioned as an elegiac poet.* It\\nappears that poetry was the main employment of his earlier years, and\\nthat he did not attach himself to philosophy until he had settled at\\nElea: for there is no trace of the influence of his Ionic countrymen in\\nhis philosophy and again his philosophy was established only in Elea,\\nand never gained a footing among the Ionians in Asia Minor. All the\\nchronological statements are consistent with the supposition that he\\nflourished in Elea as a philosopher between the 65th and 70th Olym-\\npiads, t But, even as a philosopher, Xenophanes retained the poetic\\nform of composition his work upon nature was written in epic language\\nand metre, and he himself recited it at public festivals after the manner\\nof a rhapsodist.J This deviation from the practice of the Ionic phy-\\nsical philosophers, (of whom, at least, Anaximander and Anaximenes\\nmust have been known to him,) can hardly be explained by the fact that\\nhe had, upon other subjects, accustomed himself to a poetical form.\\nSome other and weightier cause must have induced him to deliver his\\nthoughts upon the nature of things in a more dignified and pretending\\nmanner than his predecessors. This cause, doubtless, was the elevation\\nand enthusiasm of mind, which were connected with the fundamental\\nprinciples of the Eleatic philosophy.\\nXenophanes, from the first, adopted a different principle from that of\\nthe Ionic, physical philosophers for he proceeded upon an ideal system,\\nwhile their system was exclusively founded upon experience. Xeno-\\nphanes began with the idea of the godhead, and showed the necessity\\nof conceiving it as an eternal and unchanging existence. The lofty\\nidea of an everlasting and immutable God, who is all spirit and mind,||\\nwas described in his poem as the only true knowledge. Wherever (he\\nsays) I might direct my thoughts, they always returned to the one and\\nunchanging being; every thing, however I examined it, resolved itself\\nChap. x. 16. The verse of Xenophanes, U^xixo? rxrP of h M^o; a pixsro,\\nAtheu. ii. p. 54. E v prohably refers to the arrival of the army of Cyrus in Ionia.\\nf Especially that he mentioned Pythagoras, and that Heraclitus and Epicharmus\\nmentioned him. Xenophanes lived at Zancle (Diog. Laert. ix. 18) evidently not\\ntill after it had become Ionian, that is, after Olymp. 70.4. b.c. 497. He is also\\nsaid to have been alive in the reign of Hiero, Olymp. 75. 3. b. c. 478. (See Clin-\\nton F. H. ad a. 477.)\\nauros IggaipcJiu to\\\\ Icturov.\\nSee principally the treatise of Aristotle (or Theophrastus) de Xenophane, Ze-\\nnone, et Gorgia.\\nThis idea is expressed in the verse ovXot o^a, oSkos $1 vou, ovXes li r kkovu. See\\nXenophonis Colophonii carminum reliquiae, ed. S. Karsten. Brux. 1830.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0256.jp2"}, "255": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 251\\ninto the self-same nature. How he reconciled these doctrines with\\nthe evidence of the senses, we are not sufficiently informed but be\\ndoes not appear to have worked out the pantheistic doctrine of one God\\ncomprehending all things with the logical consistency and definiicmss\\nof ideas which we shall find in his successor. Probably, however, he\\nconsidered all experience and tradition as mere opinion and apparent\\ntruth. Xenophanes did not hesitate to represent openly the anthropo-\\nmorphic conceptions of the Greeks concerning their gods as mere pre-\\njudices. If (said he) oxen and lions had hands wherewith to paint\\nand execute works as men do, they would paint gods with forms and\\nbodies like their own; horses like horses, oxen like oxen\u00e2\u0080\u009e f Homer\\nand Hesiod, the poets who developed and established these anthropo-\\nmorphic conceptions, were considered by Xenophanes as corrupters of\\ngenuine religion. These poets, are not contented with ascribing\\nhuman qualities and virtues to the gods, but have attributed to them\\neverything which is a shame and reproach among men, as thieving,\\nadultery, and deceit. J This is the first decided manifestation of that\\ndiscord which henceforth reigned between poets and philosophers, and,\\nas is well known, was still carried on with much vehemence in the time\\nof Plato.\\n11. Xenophanes was followed by Parmenides of Elea, who, as we\\nknow from Plato, was born about Olymp. 66. 2, and passed some time\\nat Athens, when he was about 65 years old.\u00c2\u00a7 It is therefore possible\\nthat in his youth he may have conversed with Xenophanes, although\\nAristotle mentions with doubt the tradition that he was the disciple of\\nthe latter philosopher. It is, however, certain that the philosophy of\\nParmenides has much of the spirit of that of Xenophanes, and differs\\nfrom it chiefly in having reached a maturer state. The all-comprehen-\\nsiveness of the Deity, which appeared to Xenophanes a refuge from\\nthe difficulties of metaphysical speculation, was demonstrated by Par-\\nmenides by arguments derived from the idea of existence. This mode\\nof deductive reasoning from certain simple fundamental principles\\n(analogous to mathematical reasoning) was first employed to a great\\nextent by Parmenides. His whole philosophy rests upon the idea of\\nexistence, which, strictly understood, excludes the ideas of creation and\\nThis is the meaning of the passage in Sext. Bmpir. Hypot i. 224.\\nOTTY) yot.% if*OV VOOV tl^UffXI/jLt\\nus \u00c2\u00a3v Toclro n rav aviXviro, -rav 5i ov [01 ?J ctlu\\nTeivrn avikKOftivov fttxv US tpitrtv rrecf opo iav.\\nThe first metaphor is taken from a journey, the second from the balance.\\nf Clem. Alex. Strom, v. p. 601. fragm. 6. Karsten.\\nSext. Empir. ad Mathem. ix. p. 193. fr. 7. Karsten.\\nt Parmenides came, at the age of 65, with Zeno, who was at the age of 40, to\\ngreat Panathenaea. (See Plato Parmen. p. 127.) Socrates (bom, Ohraro. 77.\\n3 or 4) was then rffoa io h but yet old enough to take a part in philotoplucal in-\\ncussions, and therefore probably about the age of 20. Accordingly tins ph.U.so-\\nphical meeting (unless it be a pure invention oi Plato) cannot be placed before\\nOlymp. 82. 3 from which date the rest follows.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0257.jp2"}, "256": {"fulltext": "252 history of the\\nannihilation. For, as he says himself, in some sonorous verses,* How\\ncould that which exists, first will to exist? how could it become what it\\nis not If it becomes what it is not, it no longer exists and the same,\\nif it begins to exist. Thus all idea of creation is extinguished and\\nannihilation is incredible. Although in this and other passages the\\nexpression of such abstract ideas in epic metre and language may excite\\nsurprise, yet there is great harmony between the matter of Parmenides\\nand the form in which he has clothed it. His pantheistic doctrine of\\nexistence, which he pursued into all its logical consequences, and to\\nwhich he sacrificed all the evidence of the senses, appeared to him a\\ngreat and holy revelation. His whole poem on nature was composed\\nin this spirit and he expressed (though in figurative language) his\\ngenuine sentiments, when he related that the coursers which carry\\nmen as far as thought can reach, accompanied by the virgins of the\\nSun, brought him to the gates of day and night; that here Justice, who\\nkeeps the key of the gate, took him by the hand, addressed him in a\\nfriendly manner, and announced to him that he was destined to know\\neverything, the fearless spirit of convincing truth, and the opinions of\\nmortals in which no sure trust is to be placed, c. t And accordingly\\nhis poem, in pursuance of the subject mentioned in these verses, began\\nwith the doctrine of pure existence, and then proceeded to an explana-\\ntion of the phenomena of external nature. It was given in the form of\\na revelation by the goddess Justice, who was described as passing from\\nthe first to the second branch of the subject in the following manner\\nHere I conclude my sure discourse and thoughts upon truth hence-\\nforward hear human opinions, and listen to the deceitful ornaments of\\nmy speech. Here however Parmenides evidently disparages his own\\nlabours for, although in this second part he departed from his funda-\\nmental principle, still it is clear, from the fragments which exist, that he\\nnever lost sight of his object of bringing the opinions founded on ex-\\nternal perceptions, into closer accordance with the knowledge of pure\\nintellect.\\n12. As compared with this great luminary of philosophical pan-\\ntheism, his successors (whose youth, at least, falls in the time of which\\nwe are treating) appear as lesser lights. It will be sufficient for our\\npurpose to explain the philosophical character of Melissus and Zeno.\\nThe first was a native of Samos, and was distinguished as being the\\ngeneral who resolutely defended his city against the Athenians, in the\\nwar of Olymp. 85. 1. B.C. 440, and even defeated the Athenian fleet,\\nin the absence of Pericles. He followed close upon Parmenides, whose\\ndoctrines he appears to have transferred into Ionic prose and thus\\ngave greater perspicuity and order to the arguments which the former\\nAp. Simplic. ad Aristot. Phys. f. 31. b. v. 80 sqq. in Brandis Commentationes\\nEleatica?.\\nf Sext. Empir. adv. Mathem. vii. 111. Comm. Eleat. v. 1 sqq.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0258.jp2"}, "257": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 258\\nhad veiled in poetic forms.* The other, Zeno of Elea, a friend and\\ndisciple of Panne nides, also developed the doctrines of Parmeuides in a\\nprose work, in which his chief object was to justify the disjunction of\\nphilosophical speculation from the ordinary modes of thought (c6\u00c2\u00a3u).\\nThis he did, by showing the absurdities involved in the doctrines of\\nvariety, of motion, and of creation, opposed to that of an all-compre-\\nhending- substance. Yet the sophisms seriously advanced by him show\\nhow easily the mind is caught in its own snares, when it mistakes its\\nown abstractions for realities ;t and it only depended upon these\\nEleatics to argue with the same subtlety against the doctrine of ex-\\nistence and unity, in order to make it appear equally absurd with those\\nwhich they strove to confute.\\n13. Before we turn from the Eleatics to those other philosophers of\\nItaly, to whom the name of Italic has been appropriated, we must\\nnotice a Sicilian, who is so peculiar both in his personal qualities and\\nhis philosophical doctrines, that he cannot be classed with any sect,\\nalthough his opinions were influenced by those of the lonians, the\\nEleatics, and the Pythagoreans. Empedocles of Agrigentum does\\nnot belong* to so early a period as might be inferred from the accounts\\nof his character and actions, which represent him as akin to Epimenides\\nor Abaris. It is known that this Empedocles, the son of Meton,J\\nflourished about the eighty-fourth Olympiad, b. c. 444, when he was\\nconcerned in the colony of Thurii, which was established by nearly all\\nthe Hellenic races, with unanimous enthusiasm and great hopes of\\nsuccess, upon the site of the ruined Sybaris. Aristotle considers him\\nas a contemporary of Anaxagoras, but as having preceded him in the\\npublication of his writings. Empedocles was held in high honour by\\nhis countrymen of Agrigentum, and also apparently by the other Doric\\nstates of Sicily. He reformed the constitution of his native city, by\\nabolishing the oligarchical council of the Thousand which measure\\ngave such general satisfaction, that the people are said to have offered\\nhim the regal authority. The fame of Empedocles was, however,\\nIn order to give an example of Ins manner, we translate a fragment of\\nMelissus in Simplic. ad Phys. f. 22 b. a If nothing exists, what can be predicated of\\nit as of something existing But if something exists, it is either produced or\\neternal. If it is produced, it is produced either from something which exists, or\\nfrom something which does not exist. But it is impossible that anything should\\nbe produced from that which does not exist for, since nothing which exists is pro-\\nduced from that which does not exist, much less can abstract existence (to \u00c2\u00abtA\u00c2\u00abj\\ntoy) be so produced. In like manner, that which exists cannot be produced from\\nthat which does not exist; for in that case it would exist without having been pro-\\nduced. That which exists cannot therefore change. It is, therefore, eternal.\\nf Thus Zeno, in order to disprove the existence of space (which he sought to\\ndisprove, for the purpose of disproving the existence of motion), argued as follows\\nIf space exists, it must be in something there must, therefore, be a space con-\\ntaining space. He did not consider that the idea of space is only conceived, in\\norder to answer the question, In what not the question, What\\nX There was an earlier Empedocles, the father of Meton, who gained the prize\\nwith the raco-horse in Olymp. 71.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0259.jp2"}, "258": {"fulltext": "254 HISTORY OF THE\\nprincipally acquired by improvements which he made in the physical\\ncondition of large tracts of country. He destroyed the pestiferous ex-\\nhalations of the marshes about Selinus, by carrying two small streams\\nthrough the swampy grounds, and thus draining off the water. This\\nact is recorded on some beautiful coins of Selinus, which are still ex-\\ntant.* In other places he blocked up some narrow valleys with large\\nconstructions, and thus screened a town from the noxious winds which\\nblew into it by which he earned to himself the title of wind averter\\n(fjwAvoTU Eymc).! It is probable that Empedocles did not conceal his\\nconsciousness of possessing extraordinary intellectual powers, and of\\nrising above the limited capacities of the mass of mankind so that we\\nneed not wonder at his having been considered by his countrymen in\\nSicily as a person endowed with supernatural and prophetic gifts.\\nAmong the sharpsighted and sceptical Ionians, who were always seeking\\nto penetrate into the natural causes of appearances, such an opinion\\ncould scarcely have gained ground at this time. But the Dorians in\\nSicily were as yet accustomed to connect all new events with their\\nancient belief in the gods, and to conceive them in the spirit of their\\nreligious traditions.\\nThe poem of Empedocles upon nature also bears the mark of enthu-\\nsiasm, both in its epic language and the nature of its contents. At the\\nbeginning of it he said, that fate and the divine will had decreed that,\\nif one of the gods should be betrayed into defiling his hands with blood,\\nhe should be condemned to wander about for thirty thousand years, far\\nremoved from the immortals. He then described himself to have been\\nexiled from heaven, for having engaged in deadly conflict, and com-\\nmitted murder. As, therefore, since the heroic times of Greece, a\\nfugitive murderer required an expiation and purification so a god\\nejected from heaven, and condemned to appear in the likeness of a\\nman, required some purification that might enable him to resume his\\noriginal high estate. This purification was supposed to be in part\\naccomplished by the lofty contemplations of the poem, which was\\nhence either wholly or in part called a song of expiation (t:adapfiol).\\nAccording to the idea of the transmigration of souls, Empedocles sup-\\nposed that, since his exile from heaven, he had been a shrub, a fish,\\na bird, a boy, and a girl. For the present, the powers which conduct\\nsouls had borne him to the dark cavern of the earth and from\\nhence the return to divine honours was open to him, as to seers and\\nConcerning these coins, see Annali dell Instituto di corrisp. archeologica, 1835.\\np. 265.\\nf Empedocles Agrigentinus, de vita et philosophia ejus exposuit, carrainum reli-\\nquias collegit Sturz. Lipsiae. 1805, T. 1. p. 49.\\nFragment ap. Plutarch, de exilio. c. 17. (p. 607.) ap. Sturz. v. 3. sqq.\\n6 V. 362. and v. 9. in Sturz (from Diog. Laert. viii. 77. and Porphyr. de autro\\nnymph, c. 8.) ought evidently to he connected in the manner indicated in the\\ntext.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0260.jp2"}, "259": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT (J HI\\npoets, and other benefactors of mankind. The great doctrine, that I\\nis the power which formed the world, was probably announced to\\nhim by the Muse whom he invoked, ee the \u00e2\u0096\u00a0ecrel by the contemplation\\nof which he was to emancipate himself from all the baneful ell.,\\ndiscord\\nThe physical philosophy of Empedocles has much in common with\\nthat of the Eleatics and hence Zeno is said to have commented on his\\npoem, that is, probably, he reduced it to the strict principles of the\\nEleatic school. It has also much in common with the philosophy of\\nAnaxagoras; which would itself scarcely have arisen, if the Eleatic\\ndoctrine of eternal existence had not been already opposed to that of\\nHeraclitus concerning the flux of things. Empedocles also denied the\\npossibility of creation and destruction, and saw in the pro\\ncalled nothing more than combination and separation of parts; like the\\nEleatics, he held the doctrine of an eternal and imperishable existence.\\nBut he considered this existence as having different natures inasmuch\\nas he supposed that there are four elements of things. To these he\\ngave mythological names, calling tire the all-penetrating Zeus air,\\nthe life-giving Here; earth (as being the gloomy abode of exiled\\nspirits), Aidoneus and water, by a name of his own, Nestis. These\\nfour elements he supposed to be governed by two principles, one posi-\\ntive and one negative, that is to say, connecting, creating love, and\\ndissolving, destroying discord. By the working of discord the world\\nwas disturbed from its original condition, when all things were at rest\\nin the form of a globe, the divine sphaerus and a series of changes\\nbegan, from which the existing world gradually arose. Empedocles\\ndescribed and explained, with much ingenuity, the beautiful structure\\nof the universe, and treated of the nature of the earth s surface and its\\nproductions. In these inquiries he appears to have anticipated some\\nof the discoveries of modern science. Thus, for example, his doctrine\\nthat mountains and rocks had been raised by a subterranean href is\\nan anticipation of the theory of elevation established by recent geolo-\\ngists and his descriptions of the rude and grotesque forms of the\\nearliest animals seem almost to show that he was acquainted with the\\nfossil remains of extinct races. J\\n14. We now turn to that class of ancient philosophers which in\\nThis is proved by the passage in Simplic. ad Phys. f. 3 1. v. 52. sq. Sturz.\\nKm \u00c2\u00a3t\\\\orns iv ro7ffiv, urn (Jt^x- oi ti tXo.tos ri.\\nr\u00c2\u00bbjv rv vow Yipxiu, ftYih o/u,fACi riv r\\\\o~o ri0yiT S C.\\nIn like manner the Muse says to the poet:\\nerv ovv i-ru uo iXiu r0nSi\\nmUiaC oh tXu ov yi fyoTitn p^Tis ofugiv.\\nv. 331. from Sext. Empir. adv. math. vii. 122. sq. The invocation oi the Mi.\\nin Sext. Empir. adv. Math. vii. 124. v. 341. sq.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J- Plutarch de primo frig. c. 19. (p. 953.)\\nSee ;Elian Hist. An. xvi. 29. ap. Sturz. v 14 gq.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0261.jp2"}, "260": {"fulltext": "256 HISTORY OF THE\\nGreece itself was called the Italic;* the most obscure region of the\\nGreek philosophy, as we have no accounts of individual writings, and\\nscarcely even of individual writers, belonging to it. Nevertheless, the\\npersonal history of Pythagoras, the most conspicuous name among the\\nItalic philosophers, is not so obscure as to compel us to resort to the\\nhypothesis of an antehistorical Pythagoras, from whom a sort of Pytha-\\ngorean religion, together with the primitive constitution of the Italian\\ncities, was derived, and who had been celebrated in very early legends\\nas the instructor of Numa and the author of an ancient civilization and\\nphilosophy in Italy .f The Greeks who first make mention of Pytha-\\ngoras (viz. Heraclitus and Xenoplianes) do not speak of him as a\\nfabulous person. Heraclitus, in particular, mentions him as a rival\\nwhose method of seeking wisdom differed from his own. There are,\\nmoreover, good grounds for believing the general tradition of antiquity,\\nthat Pythagoras, the son of Mnesarchus, was not a native of the country\\nin which he acquired such extraordinary honour, but of the Ionic island\\nof Samos, and that he migrated to Italy when Samos fell under the\\ntyrannical dominion of Polycrates; which migration is placed, with\\nmuch probability, in Olymp. 62. 4. b. c. 529. J Considering the dif-\\nferent characters and dispositions of the Hellenic races, it was natural\\nthat philosophy, which seeks to give independence to the mind, and to\\nfree it from prejudices aiu^ traditions, should always receive its first im-\\npulse from Ionians. Vrhe notion of gaining wisdom by one s own\\nefforts was exclusively Ionic the Dorians laid greater stress on the tra-\\nditions of their fathers, and their hereditary religion and morality, than\\non their own speculations. It is probable that Pythagoras, before he\\nleft the Ionic Samos, and came to Italy, was not very different from such\\nmen as Thales and Anaximander. He had doubtless an inquiring\\nmind, and habits of careful observation and he probably combined\\nwith mathematical studies (which made their first steps among the\\nIonians) a knowledge of natural history and of other subjects, which\\nhe increased by travelling. Thus Heraclitus not only includes him\\namong persons of much knowledge, |j but says of him as follows Py-\\nthagoras, the son of Mnesarchus, has made more inquiries than any\\nother man he has acquired wisdom, knowledge, and mischievous re-\\nThis appellative is an instance of the limited sense of the name Italia, accord-\\ning; to which it only comprehends the later Bruttii and Calabria. Otherwise the\\nEleatics could not be distinguished from the Italic school.\\nt Niebuhr s hypothesis. See his Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 165. 244. ed. 2. [p. 158.\\n235. Eng. transl. last ed.]\\nThat the ancient chronologists in Cicero de Re Publ. II. 15, fixed 01. 62, 4, as\\nthe year of the arrival of Pythagoras in Italy, is proved by the context. 01. 62. 1,\\nis given as the first year of the reign of Polycrates. Comp. Ch. XIII. 1 1.\\nThat Pythagoras acquired his wisdom in Egypt cannot be safely inferred from\\nIsocrat. Busir. 30 the Busiris being a mere rhetorical and sophistical exercise, in\\nwhich little regard would be paid to historical truth.\\nSee above, 7.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0262.jp2"}, "261": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 2. 7\\nfmcment*. But Bince this Ionic philosopher found himself, on his\\narrival at Croton, among a mixed population of Dorians and Achrean\\nand since his adherents in the neighbouring Doric states ere con-\\nstantly increasing; it is difficult to say whether tin- opinions and dispo-\\nsitions which he had brought with him from Samoa, or the opinions\\nand dispositions of the citizens of Croton and the neighbouring cities,\\nwho received his doctrines, exercised the greater influence upon him.\\nThus much, however, is evident, that speculations upon nature, prompted\\nby the mere love of truth, could not be in question so that the prin-\\ncipal efforts of Pythagoras and his adherents were directed 10 practical\\nlife, especially to the regulation of political institutions according to ge-\\nneral views of the order of human society. There is no doubt that\\nCroton, Caulonia, Metapontum, and other cities in Lower Italy, were\\nlong governed, under the superintendence of Pythagorean socic\\nupon aristocratic principles; and that they enjoyed prosperity at home,\\nand were formidable, from their strength, to foreign states. And even\\nwhen, after the destruction of Sybaris by the Crotouiats (Olymp. G7. 3.\\nB.C. 510.), dissensions between the nobles and the people concerning\\nthe division of the territory had led to a furious persecution of the Py-\\nthagoreans yet the times returned when Pythagoreans were again at the.\\nhead of Italian cities for instance, Archytas, the contemporary of Socrates\\nand Plato, administered the affairs of Tarcntum with great renown f.\\nIt appears that the individual influence of Pythagoras was exercised\\nby means of lectures, or of sayings uttered in a compressed and sym-\\nbolical form, which he communicated only to his friends, or by means\\nof the establishment and direction of the Pythagorean associations\\nand their peculiar mode of life. For there is no authentic account\\nof a single writing of Pythagoras, and no fragment which appears to be\\ngenuine. The works which have been attributed to Pythagoras, such\\nas the Sacred Discourse (UpoQ Xoyoc), are chiefly forgeries of those\\nOrphic theologers who imitated the Pythagorean manner, and whose\\nrelation to the genuine Pythagoreans has been explained in a former\\nchapter J. The fundamental doctrines of the Pythagorean philosophy;\\nviz. that the essence of all things rests upon a numerical relation that\\nthe world subsists by the harmony, or conformity, of its different ele-\\nments that numbers are the principle of all that exists; all these\\nTlvQuyopn; Mvyjffcc^eu t r ro( wv r cr l nv u.\\\\ ^uxuv f uXurrei Tavruv iToiYxretra\\nicivnZ (ro$i*v, vrokupu0l/iv, kcckotix,^. Diog. Lacrt. VIII. 6. IffTo^ m, according to thu\\nIonic meaning of the word, is an inquiry founded upon interrogation.\\nf It appears that there was a second expulsion of the Pythagoreans from Italy\\nafter the time of Archytas. Lysis, the P\\\\ thagorean, seems to have gone, in conse-\\nquence of it, to Thebes, where he became the teacher of Kpaminondas. The jokes\\nabout the Pythagoreans and the Uvictyo^ovn;, with their strange and singular mode.\\nof life, are not earlier than the middle and new comedy, that is, than the 100th\\nOlympiad this sort of philosophers did not previously exist in Greece. Mcineke\\nQuaest. Seen. I. p. 2 1. See Theocrit, IuVXIY. 5,\\nX Ch, 1G. 5.\\ns", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0263.jp2"}, "262": {"fulltext": "25S HISTORY OF THE\\nmust have originated with the master of the school. But the scientific\\ndevelopment of these doctrines, in works composed in the Doric dia-\\nlect (as we find them in the extant fragments of Philolaus, who lived\\nabout the 90th Olympiad, b.c. 420), belongs to a later period. The\\ndoctrines so developed are, that the essence of things consists, not, ac-\\ncording to the ancient Ionians, in an animate substance, nor, according\\nto the more recent Ionians, in a union of mind and matter, but in a\\nform dependent upon fixed proportions and that the regularity of these\\nproportions is itself a principle of production. The doctrines in ques-\\ntion derived much support from mathematical studies, which were in-\\ntroduced by Pythagoras into Italy, and, as is well known, were much\\nadvanced by him, until they were there first made an important part of\\neducation. The study of music also promoted the Pythagorean opi-\\nnions, in two ways theoretically, because the effects of the relations of\\nnumbers were clearly seen in the power of the notes and practically,\\nbecause singing to the cithara, as used by the Pythagoreans, seemed\\nbest fitted to produce that mental repose and harmony of soul which\\nthe Pythagoreans considered the highest object of education.\\nCHAPTER XVIII,\\n1. High antiquity jA history in Asia; causes of its comparative lateness among\\nthe Greeks. 2V Origin of history among the Greeks/ The Ionians, particularly\\nthe Milesians, took the lead. 6 3. Mythological historians Cadmus, Acusilaus.\\n4. Extensive geographical knowledge of Hecatasus his freer treatment of native\\ntraditions. 5. Pherecydes; his genealogical arrangement of traditions and\\nhistory. 6. Charon; his chronicles of general and special history. 7. Hel-\\nlanicus a learned inquirer into mythical and true history. Beginning of chro-\\nnological researches. 8. Xanthus, an acute observe*. Dionysins of Miletus,\\nthe historian of the Persian wars. 9. General remarks on the composition and\\nstyle oftKe logographers.\\niVTt is a remarkable fact, that a nation so intellectual and culti-\\nvated as the Greeks, should have been so long without feeling the want\\nof a correct record of its transactions in war and peace.\\nFrom the earliest times the East had its annals and chronicles.\\nThat Egypt possessed a history ascending to a very remote antiquity,\\nnot formed of mythological materials, but based upon accurate chrono-.\\nlogical records, is proved by the extant remains of the work of Mane-\\ntho*. The sculptures on buildings, with their explanatory inscriptions,\\nafforded a history of the priests and kings, authenticated by names and\\nnumbers and we have still hopes that this will hereafter be completely\\ndeciphered. The kingdom of Babylon also possessed a very ancient\\nManetho, high-priest at Heliopolis in Egypt, wrote under Ptolemy Philadel-\\nphus (284 b, c) three books of ^gyptiaca,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0264.jp2"}, "263": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIEXT GREECE.\\nhistory of its princes; which Berosus imparted to the Greeks*, as\\nManetho did the Egyptian history. Ahasuerus is described, in the\\nbook of Esther, as causing 1 the benefactors of his throne to be i\\nin his chronicle which was read to him in nights when lie could not\\nsleep. Similar registers were perhaps kept many centuries earlier\\nat the courts of Ecbatana and Babylon. The ancient sculptures \u00c2\u00bbl\\ncentral Asia have likewise the same historical chartfitei as the\\nEgypt: they record military expeditions, treaties, pacifications of king-\\ndoms, and the tributes of subject provinces. From the discoveries\\nwhich have been recently made, it may be expected that many more\\nsculptures of this description will be found in different parts of the\\nancient kingdom of Assyria. The early concentration of vast nn\\nof men in enormous cities; the despotic form of the government; and\\nthe great influence exercised by the events of the court upon the weal\\nand woe of the entire population, directed the attention of millions to\\none point, and imparted a deep and extensive interest to the journal of\\nthe monarch s life. Even, however, without these incentives, which\\nare peculiar to a despotic form of government, the people of Israel,\\nfrom the early union of its tribes around one sanctuary, and under one\\nlaw, (for the custody of which a numerous priesthood was appointed,)\\nrecorded and preserved very ancient and venerable historical traditions.\\nThe difference between these Oriental nations and the Greeks, with\\nrespect to their care in recording their history, is very great. The\\nGreeks evinced a careless and almost infantine indifference about the\\nregistering of passing events, almost to the time when they became one.\\nof the great nations of the world, and waged mighty wars with the\\nancient kingdoms of the East. The celebration of a by- gone age,\\nwhich imagination had decked with all its charms, engrossed the atten-\\ntion of the Greeks, and prevented it from dwelling on more recent\\nevents. The division of the nation into numerous small states, and the\\nrepublican form of the governments, prevented a concentration of interest\\non particular events and persons the attention to domestic affairs was con-\\nfined within a narrow circle, the objects of which changed with every ge-\\nneration. No action, no event, before the great conflict between Greece\\nand Persia, could be compared in interest with those great exploits of\\nthe mythical age, in which heroes from all parts of Greece were sup-\\nposed to have borne a part; certainly none made so pleasing an im-\\npression upon all hearers. The Greeks required that a work read in\\npublic, and designed for general instruction and entertainment, should\\nimpart unmixed pleasure to the mind but, owing to the dissensions\\nbetween the Greek republics, their historical traditions could not but\\noffend some, if they flattered others. In short, it was not till a late pe-\\nBerosus of Chaldaea wrote under Antiochus Theos (2G2 n.c.) a work called\\nBabylonica or Chaldaica.\\nf BarAiKci) hffycer, from which Ctesias derived information, Diod. II.\\n9", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0265.jp2"}, "264": {"fulltext": "260 HISTORY OF THE\\nriod that the Greeks outgrew their poetical mythology, and considered\\ncontemporary events as worthy of being- thought of and written about.\\nFrom this cause, the history of many transactions prior to the Persian\\nwar has perished; but, without its influence, Greek literature could\\nnever have become what it was. Greek poetry, by its purely fictitious\\ncharacter, and its freedom from the shackles of particular truth, ac-\\nquired that general probability, on account of which Aristotle considers\\npoetry as more philosophical than history*. Greek art, likewise, from\\nthe lateness of the period at which it descended from the ideal repre-\\nsentation of gods and heroes to the portraits of real men, acquired a\\nnobleness and beauty of form which it could never have otherwise\\nattained. And, in fine, the intellectual culture of the Greeks in general\\nwould not have taken its liberal and elevated turn, if it had not rested\\non a poetical basis.\\n2. Writing was probably known in Greece some centuries before\\nthe time of Cadmus of Miletus t, the earliest Greek historian; but it\\nhad not been employed for the purpose of preserving any detailed his-\\ntorical record. The lists of the Olympic victors, and of the kings of\\nSparta and the prytanes of Corinth, which the Alexandrian critics con-\\nsidered sufficiently authentic to serve as the foundation of the early\\nGreek chronology ancient treaties and other contracts, which it was\\nimportant to perpetuate in precise terms; determinations of boundaries,\\nand other records of a like description, formed the first rudiments of a\\ndocumentary history. Yet this was still very remote from a detailed\\nchronicle of contemporary events. And even when, towards the end of\\nthe age of the Seven Sages, some writers of historical narratives in\\nprose began to appear among the Ionians and the other Greeks, they\\ndid not select domestic and recent events. Instead of this, they began\\nwith accounts of distant times and countries, and gradually narrowed\\ntheir view to a history of the Greeks of recent times. So entirely did\\nthe ancient Greeks believe that the daily discussion of common life\\nand oral tradition were sufficient records of the .events of their own\\ntime and country.\\nThe Ionians, who throughout this period were the daring innovators\\nand indefatigable discoverers in the field of intellect, took the lead in\\nhistory. They were also the first, who, satiated with the childish amuse-\\nment of mythology, began to turn their keen and restless eyes on all\\nsides, and to seek new matter for thought and composition. The\\nIonians had a peculiar delight in varied and continuous narration.\\nNor is it to be overlooked, that the first Ionian who is mentioned as a\\nhistorian, was a Milesian. Miletus, the birth-place of the earliest phi-\\nlosophers; flourishing by its industry and commerce the centre of the\\npolitical movements produced by the spirit of Ionian independence and\\nthe spot in which the native dialect was first formed into written Greek\\nAristot, Poet. 9. f See above, ch. 4. 5,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0266.jp2"}, "265": {"fulltext": "LITEIUTURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. I\\nprose; was evidently fitted to be the cradle of historical composition in\\nGreece. If the Milesians had not, together with their neighbour* of\\nAsia Minor, led a life of too luxurious enjoyment; if they had known\\nhow to retain the severe manners and manly character of the ancient\\nGreeks, in the midst of the refinements and excitements of later in\\nit is probable that Miletus, and not Athens, would have been the\\nteacher of the world.\\n3. Cadmus of Miletus is mentioned as the earliest historian, and,\\ntogether with Pherecydes of Syros, as the earliest writer of prose. His\\ndate cannot be placed much before the 60th Olympiad, b. c. 540*; he\\nwrote a history of the foundation of Miletus (Kr/o-tc MiAz/rou), which\\nembraced the whole of Ionia. The subject of this history lay in the\\ndim period, from which only a few oral traditions of an historical kind,\\nbut intimately connected with mythical notions, had been preserved.\\nThe genuine work of Cadmus seems to have been early lost; the book\\nwhich bore his name in the time of Dionysius (that is, the Augustan\\nage) was considered a forgery f.\\nThe next historian, in order of time, to Cadmus, was Acusilaus\\nof Argos. Although by descent a Dorian, he wrote his history in\\nthe Ionic dialect, because the lonians were the founders of the his-\\ntorical style a practice universally followed in Greek literature. Acu-\\nsilaus confined his attention to the mythical period. His object was\\nto collect into a short and connected narrative all the events from the\\nformation of chaos to the end of the Trojan war. It was said of him\\nthat he translated Hesiod into prose J an expression which serves to\\ncharacterise his work. He appears, however, to have related many\\nlegends differently from Hesiod, and in the tone of the Orphic theo-\\nlogers of his own time He seems to have written nothing which can\\nproperly be called history.\\n4. Hecatjeus of Miletus, the Ionian, was of a very different\\ncharacter of mind. With regard to his date, we know that he was a\\nman of great consideration at the time when the lonians wished to\\nattempt a revolt against the Persians under Darius (Olymp. 69. 2. B.C.\\n503). At that time he came forward in the council of Aristngoras,\\nand dissuaded the undertaking, enumerating the nations which were\\nsubject to the Persian king, and all his warlike forces. But if they\\ndetermined to revolt, he advised them to endeavour, above all things,\\nto maintain the sea by a large fleet, and for this purpose to take the\\nSee Clinton, F. H. Vol. II. p. 368, sqq.\\nI^f Concerning Xanthus and all the following historians, see the paper On certain\\nearly Greek historians mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in the Museum\\nCriiicum, Vol. I. p. 80. 216; Vol. II. p. 90.\\nJ Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 629 A.\\nCh. xvi. 4, note. For the fragments of Acusilaus see Sturz s edition of Phe-\\nrecydes.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0267.jp2"}, "266": {"fulltext": "9Q 2 HISTORY OF THE\\ntreasures from the temple of Branchidse*. This advice proves Hecataeus\\nto have been a prudent and sagacious man, who understood the true\\nsituation of things. Hecataeus did not share the prevalent interest about\\nthe primitive history of his nation, and still less had he the infantine\\nand undoubting faith which was exhibited by the Argive Acusilaus. He\\nsays, in an extant fragment f Thus says Hecataeus the Milesian\\nthese things I write, as they seem to me to be true for the stories of\\nthe Greeks are manifold and ludicrous, as it appears to me. He also\\nshows traces of that perverse system of interpretation which seeks to\\ntransmute the marvels of fable into natural events; as, for example,\\nhe explained Cerberus as a serpent which inhabited the promontory of\\nTaenarum. But his attention was peculiarly directed to passing events\\nand the nature of the countries and kingdoms with which Greece began\\nto entertain intimate relations. He had travelled much, like Herodotus,\\nand had in particular collected much information about Egypt. Hero-\\ndotus often corrects his statements but by so doing he recognises\\nHecataeus as the most important of his predecessors. Hecataeus per-\\npetuated the results of his geographical and ethnographical researches\\nin a work entitled Travels round the Earth (TLepiodog yf/g), by which\\na description of the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea and of southern\\nAsia as far as India was understood. The author began with Greece,\\nproceeding in a book, entitled Europe to the west, and in another,\\nentitled Asia, to the east Hecataeus also improved and com-\\npleted the map of the earth sketched by Anaximander it must have\\nbeen this map which Aristagoras of Miletus brought to Sparta before\\nthe Ionian revolt, and upon which he showed the king of Sparta the\\ncountries, rivers, and principal cities of the East. Besides this work,\\nanother is ascribed to Hecataeus, which is sometimes called His-\\ntories, sometimes Genealogies; and of which four books are cited.\\nInto this work, Hecataeus admitted many of the genealogical legends\\nof the Greeks; and, notwithstanding his contempt for old fables, he\\nlaid great stress upon genealogies ascending to the mythological pe-\\nriod thus he made a pedigree for himself, in which his sixteenth an-\\ncestor was a god Genealogies would afford opportunities for intro-\\nducing accounts of different periods; and Hecataeus certainly narrated\\nHerod, v. 36, who calls him EzaraTo; o XcyoToio;. The times of the birth and\\ndeath of Hecataeus are fixed with less certainty at Olymp. 57. and Olymp. 75. 4.\\nf See Demetr. de Elocut. 12. Historicorum Graec. Antiq. Fragmenta, coll. F.\\nCreuzer, p. 15.\\nI Three hundred and thirty-one fragments of this work are collected in Hecat^i\\nMilesii fragmenta ed. R. H. Klausen. Berolini, 1830. It appears in some cases to\\nhave received additions since its first publication, as was commonly the case with\\nmanuals of this kind. Thus Hecataeus Fr. 27. mentions Capua, which name, ac-\\ncording to Livy, was given to Vultumum in A.U.C. 315 (b.c. 447).\\no This is certain from Agathemerus I. 1.\\nII Herod. II. 143.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0268.jp2"}, "267": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GRED\\nmany historical events in this work although he did not wri(e a\\nnected history of the period comprised in it. He cat Bit* wrote in the\\npure Ionic dialect; his style had great simplicity, and was sometim.\\nanimated, from the vividness of his descriptions f.\\n5. Pherecydes also wrole on genealogies and mythical history,\\nbut did not extend his labours to geography and ethnography. He\\nwas born at Leros, a small island near Miletus, and afterwards went to\\nAthens; whence he is sometimes called a Lerian, sometimes an Athe-\\nnian. He flourished about the time of the Persian war. His writings\\ncomprehended a great portion of the mythical traditions; and, in parti-\\ncular, he gave a copious account, in a separate work, of the ancient\\ntimes of Athens. He was much consulted by the later mythographers,\\nand his numerous fragments must still serve as the basis of many\\nmythological inquiries J. By following a genealogical line he was led\\nfrom Philaeus, the son of Ajax, down to Miltiades, the founder of the\\nsovereignty in the Chersonesus he thus found an opportunity of de-\\nscribing the campaign of Darius against the Scythians; concerning\\nwhich we have a valuable fragment of his history.\\n6. Charon, a native of Lampsacus, a Milesian colony, also belongs\\nto this generation although he mentioned some events which fell in the\\nbeginning of the reign of Artaxerxes, Olymp. 78. 4. b.c. 465 Cha-\\nron continued the researches of Hecata?us into eastern ethnography.\\nHe wrote (as was the custom of these ancient historians) separate\\nworks upon Persia, Libya, Ethiopia, c. He also subjoined the his-\\ntory of his own time, and he preceded Herodotus in narrating the\\nevents of the Persian war, although Herodotus nowhere mentions\\nhim. From the fragments of his writings which remain, it is manifest\\nthat his relation to Herodotus was that of a dry chronicler to a histo-\\nrian, under whose hands everything acquires life and character\\nCharon wrote besides a chronicle of his own country, as several of the\\nearly historians did, who were thence called horotjraphers. Probably\\nAs that in Herod. VI. 137.\\nf As in the fragment from Longinus de Sublim. 27. Creuzer. Hist. Ant. fr.\\np. 54.\\nI Sturz Pherecydis fragments, ed. altera. Lips. 1824. Whether the ten books\\ncited by the ancients were published by Pherecydes himself in this order, or whether\\nthey were not separate short treatises of Pherecydes which had been collected by\\nlater editors and arranged as parts of one work, seems doubtful and difficult of in-\\nvestigation.\\nDionysius Halic. de Thucyd. jud. 5. p. 818. Reiske places (baron with\\nsilaus, Hecat ui, and others, among the early Ilellanicus, Xauthus, and othferi,\\namong the more recent predecessors of Thucydides.\\nII Plutarch. Themist. 27.\\nCharon s fragments are collected in Creuzer, ibid, pi B9, sq.\\nv Clooi, corresponding to the Latin aiffto/ r\u00c2\u00ab,btJtfhf not to be confounded with\\ntermini, /imites. See Schweighamser ad Athen. XL p. 473 1). ML fctt 1).", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0269.jp2"}, "268": {"fulltext": "261 HISTORY OF THE\\nmost of the ancient historians, whose names are enumerated by Diony-\\nsius of Halicarnassus, belonged to this class\\n7. Hellanicus of Mytilene was almost a contemporary of He-\\nrodotus we know that at the beginning- of the Peloponnesian war he\\nwas 65 years oldf, and still continued to write. The character of\\nHellanicus as a mythographer and historian is essentially different\\nfrom that of the early chroniclers, such as Acusilaus and Pherecydes\\nhe has far more the character of a learned compiler, whose object is,\\nnot merely to note down events, but to arrange his materials and to\\ncorrect the errors of others. Besides a number of writings upon parti-\\ncular legends and local fables, x he composed a work entitled the\\nPriestesses of Here of Argos; in which the women who had filled\\nthis priesthood were enumerated up to a very remote period (on no\\nbetter authority than of certain obscure traditions), and various striking\\nevents of the heroic time were arranged in chronological order, accord-\\ning to this series. Hellanicus could hardly have been the first who\\nventured to make a list of this kind, and to dress it up with chrono-\\nlogical dates. Before his time the priests and temple-attendants at\\nArgos had perhaps employed their idle hours in compiling a series of\\nthe priestesses of Here, and in explaining it by monuments supposed\\nto be of great antiquity The Ccmwonicce of Hellanicus would be of\\nmore importance for our immediate purpose, as it contained a list of\\nthe victors in the musical and poetical contests of the Carnea at Sparta\\n(from Olymp. 26. b. c. 676) and was therefore one of the first at-\\ntempts at literary history. The writings of Hellanicus contained a\\nvast mass of matter; since, besides the works already mentioned, he\\nwrote accounts of Phoenicia, Persia, and Egypt, and also a description\\nof a journey to the renowned oracle of Zeus-Ammon in the desert of\\nLibya (the genuineness of which last work was however doubted).\\nHe also descended to the history of his own time, and described some\\nof the events between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, but briefly,\\nand without chronological accuracy, according to the reproach of Thu-\\ncydides.\\n8. Among the contemporaries of Hellanicus was (according to the\\nstatement of Dionysius) Xanthus, the son of Candaules of Sardis, a\\nLydian, but one who had received a Greek education. His work\\nEugeon of Samos (above Ch. XI. 16), Deiochus of Proconnesus, Eudemusof\\nParos, Democles of Phigalia, Amelesagoras of Chalcedon (or Athens).\\nf The learned Pamphila in Gellius N. A. XV. 23.\\nInstances of similar catalogues of priests (in the concoction of which some\\npious fraud must have been employed) are the genealogy of the Butads. which was\\npainted up in the temple of Athene Polias (Pausan. I. 26. 6. Plutarch X. Orat. 7.),\\nand which doubtless ascended to the ancient hero Butes; and the line of the priests\\nof Poseidon at Halicarnassus, which begins with a son of Poseidon himself, in\\nBoeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2655\\nSee Ch XII. 2.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0270.jp2"}, "269": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT fiREECE. 205\\nupon Lydia, written in the Ionic dialect, hears, in the few fragment!\\nwhich remain, the stamp of high excellence. Some valuable remarki\\nupon the nature of the earth s surface in Asia Minor, which pointed\\npartly to volcanic agency, and partly to the extension of the sen and\\nprecise accounts of the distinctions between the Lydian races, are cited\\nfrom it by Strabo and Dionysius The passages quoted by t]\\nwriters bear unquestionable marks of genuineness; in later times,\\nhowever, some spurious works were attributed to Xanthus. In parti-\\ncular, a work upon magic, which passed current under his name, and\\nwhich treated of the religion and worship of Zoroaster, was indubi-\\ntably a recent forgery.\\nA still greater uncertainty prevails with respect to the writings of\\nDionysius of Miletus, inasmuch as the ancient writer of this name\\nwas confounded by the Greek critics themselves with a much later\\nwriter on mythology. It is certain that the Dionysius, whom Di odor us\\nfollows in his account of the Greek heroic age, belongs to the times of\\nlearning and historical systems; he turns the whole heroic mythology\\ninto an historical romance, in which great princes, captains, sages, and\\nbenefactors of mankind take the places of the ancient heroes t. Of the\\nworks which appear to belong to the ancient Dionysius, viz. the Per-\\nsian histories and the events after Darius (probably a continuation of\\nthe former), nothing precise is known.\\n9. To the Greek historians before Herodotus modern scholars have\\ngiven the common name of logo gr ciphers, which is applied by Thucydidcs\\nto his predecessors. This term, however, had not so limited a meaning\\namong the ancients as logos signified any discourse in prose. Accord-\\ningly, the Athenians gave the same name to writers of speeches, i.e. per-\\nsons who composed speeches for others, to be used in courts of justice.\\nIt is however convenient to comprehend these ancient Greek chro-\\nniclers under a common name, since they had in many respects a\\ncommon character. All were alike animated by a desire of recording,\\nfor the instruction and entertainment of their contemporaries, the ac-\\ncounts which they had heard or collected. But they did this, without\\nattempting, by ingenuity of arrangement or beauty of style, to produce\\nsuch an impression as had been made by works of poetry. The first\\nGreek to whom it occurred that fiction was not necessary for this pur-\\npose, and that a narrative of true facts might be made intensely inte-\\nresting, was Herodotus, the Homer of history.\\nThe fragments in Crcuzer ubi sup. p. 135, Bqq.\\nf Whether this Dionysius is the Dionysius of Samos cited by Ailn-nirus. who\\nwrote concerning the cyclus, or Dionysius Scytobrachion c i Mytiline, DAI Dot been\\ncompletely determined.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0271.jp2"}, "270": {"fulltext": "266 HISTORY OF THE\\nCHAPTER XIX.\\n4\\n1. Events of the life of Herodotus. 2. His travels. 3. Gradual formation of\\nhis work. 4. lis plan. 5. Its leading ideas. 6. Defects and excellencies\\nof his historical researches. 7. Style of his narrative character of his lan-\\nguage.\\n1. Herodotus, the son of Lyxes, was, according to a statement of\\ngood authority*, born in Olymp. 74. 1. B.C. 484, in the period be-\\ntween the first and second Persian wars. His family was one of the\\nmost distinguished in the Doric colony of Halicarnassus, and thus be-\\ncame involved in the civil commotions of the city. Halicarnassus was\\nat that time governed by the family of Artemisia, the princess who\\nfought so bravely for the Persians in the battle of Salamis, that Xerxes\\ndeclared that she was the -only man among many women. Lygdamis,\\nthe son of Pisindelis, and grandson of Artemisia, was hostile to the\\nfamily of Herodotus. He killed Panyasis, who was probably the ma-\\nternal uncle of Herodotus, and who will be mentioned hereafter as one\\nof the restorers of epic poetry^ and he obliged Herodotus himself to\\ntake refuge abroad. His flight must have taken place about the 82nd\\nOlympiad, B.C. 452. y^\\nHerodotus repaired to Samos, the Ionic island, where probably some\\nof his kinsmen resided f. Samos must be looked upon as the second\\nhome of Herodotus in many passages of his work he shows a minute\\nacquaintance with this island and its inhabitants, and he seems to take\\na pleasure in incidentally mentioning the part played by it in events of\\nimportance. It must have been in Samos that Herodotus imbibed the\\nIonic spirit which pervades his history. Herodotus likewise under-\\ntook from Samos the liberation of his native city from the yoke of Lyg-\\ndamis and he succeeded in the attempt but the contest between the\\nnobles and the commons having placed obstacles in the way of his\\nwell-intentioned plans, he once more forsook his native city.\\nHerodotus passed the latter years of his life at Thurii, the great\\nGrecian settlement in Italy, to which so many distinguished men had\\nintrusted their fortunes. It does not however follow from this account\\nthat Herodotus was among the first settlers of Thurii; the numbers of\\nthe original colonists doubtless received subsequent additions. It is\\ncertain that Herodotus did not go to Thurii till after the beginning of\\nthe Peloponnesian war; since at the beginning of it he must have been\\nat Athens. He describes a sacred offering, which was on the Acropolis\\nof Athens, by its position with regard to the Propylsea now the Pro-\\npylaea were not finished till the year in which the Peloponnesian war\\nbegan. Herodotus likewise evidently appears to adopt those views of\\nOf Pamphila in Gellius N. A. XV. 23.\\nf Panyasis too is called a Samian. I Herod. V. 77.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0272.jp2"}, "271": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 2G7\\nthe relations between the Greek states, which were diffused in Athens\\nby the statesmen of the party of Pericles; and he states his opinion\\nthat Athens did not deserve, after her great exploits in the Persian\\nwar, to be so envied and blamed by the rest of the Greeks which\\nthe case just at the beginning- of the Peloponnesian war*.\\nHerodotus settled quietly in Thurii, and devoted the leisure of hi\\nlatter years entirely to his work. Hence he is frequently called by the\\nancients a Thurian, in reference to the composition of his history.\\n2. In this short review of the life of Herodotus we have taken no\\nnotice of his travels, which are intimately connected with his literary\\nlabours. Herodotus did not visit different countries from the accidents\\nof commercial business or political missions; his travels were under-\\ntaken from the pure spirit of Inquiry, and for that age they were\\nvery extensive and important. Herodotus visited Egypt as high up ;is\\nElephantine, Libya, at least as far as the vicinity of Cyrene, Phoeni-\\ncia, Babylon, and probably also Persia; the Greek states on the Cim-\\nmerian Bosporus, the contiguous country of the Scythians, as well as\\nColchis; besides which, he had resided in several states of Greece and\\nLower Italy, and had visited many of the temples, even the remote one\\nofDodona. The circumstance of his being, in his capacity of Ilali-\\ncarnassian, a subject of the king of Persia, must have assisted him\\nmaterially in these travels an Athenian, or a Greek of any of the\\nstates which were in open revolt against Persia, would have been\\ntreated as an enemy, and sold as a slave. Hence it may be inferred\\nthat the travels of Herodotus, at least those to Egypt and Asia, were\\nperformed from Halicarnassus in his youth.\\nHerodotus, of course, made these inquiries with the view of impart-\\ning their results to his countrymen. But it is uncertain whether he\\nhad at that time formed the plan of connecting his information con-\\ncerning Asia and Greece with the history of the Persian war, and\\nof uniting the whole into one great work. When we consider that\\nan intricate and extensive plan of this sort had hitherto been un-\\nknown in the historical writings of the Greeks, it can scarcely be\\ndoubted that the idea occurred to him at an advanced stage of his\\ninquiries, and that in his earlier years he had not raised his mind\\nabove the conception of such works as those of Hecatseus, Charon, and\\nothers of his predecessors and contemporaries. Even at a later period\\nof his life, when he was composing his great work, he contemplated\\nwriting a separate book upon Assyria (Aavvfjim \\\\6yo*) and it Mem-,\\nthat this book was in existence at the time of Aristotle*. In fact,\\nHerodotus might also have made separate books out o( the accounl\\nCompare Herod. VII. 139. with Time. II. 8.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- Aristotle, Hist. An. VIII. 18. mentions the account of the liege of Nineveh In\\nHerodotus (for, although the manuscripts generally read He nod, Herodotut is evi-\\ndently the more suitable name) that is, undoubtedly, the siege which Herodol\\n106. promises to describe in his separate work on Assyria (comp. I. 1", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0273.jp2"}, "272": {"fulltext": "268 HISTORY OF THE\\nEgypt, Persia, and Scythia given in his history and he would, no\\ndoubt, have done so, if he had been content to tread in the footsteps of\\nthe logographers who preceded him.\\n3. It is stated that Herodotus recited his history at different festi-\\nvals. This statement is, in itself, perfectly credible, as the Greeks of\\nthis time, when they had finished a composition with care, and had\\ngiven it an attractive form, reckoned more upon oral delivery than upon\\nsolitary reading. Thucydides, blaming the historians who preceded\\nhim, describes them as courting the transient applause of an audi-\\nence*. The ancient chronologists have also preserved the exact date\\nof a recitation, which took place at the great Panathenaea at Athens,\\nin Olymp. S3. 3. b. c. 446 (when Herodotus was 38 years old). The\\ncollections of Athenian decrees contained a decree proposed by Anytus\\n(\u00e2\u0080\u00a2J/ijfKTfia Arvrov), from which it appeared that Herodotus received a\\nreward often talents from the public treasury) There is less autho-\\nrity for the story of a recitation at Olympia and least authority of all\\nfor the well-known anecdote, that Thucydides was present at it as a\\nboy, and that he shed tears, drawn forth by his own intense desire for\\nknowledge, and his deep interest in the narrative. To say nothing of\\nthe many intrinsic improbabilities of this story, so many anecdotes were\\ninvented by the ancients in order to bring eminent men of the same\\npursuits into connexion with each other, that \u00c2\u00abit is impossible to give\\nany faith to it, without the testimony of more trustworthy witnesses.\\nThe public readings of Herodotus (such as that at the Panathenaic\\nfestival) must have been confined to detached portions of his subject,\\nwhich he afterwards introduced into his work; for example, the history\\nand description of Egypt, or the accounts concerning Persia. His\\ngreat historical work could not have been composed till the time of the\\nPeloponnesian war. Indeed, his history, and particularly the four\\nlast books, are so full of references and allusions to events which oc-\\ncurred in the first period of the war J, that he appears to have been\\ndiligently occupied with the composition or final revision of it at this\\ntime. It is however very questionable whether Herodotus lived into\\nthe second period of the Peloponnesian war\u00c2\u00a7. At all events, he must\\nhave been occupied with his work till his death, for it seems to be in\\nThucyd. 1.21.\\nf Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 26.\\nI As the expulsion of the iEginetans, the surprise of Platsea, the Archidamian\\nwar, and other events. The passages of Herodotus which could not have been\\nwritten before this time are, III. 160. VI. 91. 93. VII. 137. 233. IX. 73.\\n6 The passage in IX. 73. which states that the Lacedaemonians, in their devas-\\ntations of Attica, always spared Decelea and kept at a distance from it (AsxzXtn;\\nuvrixttrtai), cannot be reconciled with the siege of Decelea by Agis in Olymp. 91. 3.\\nB.C. 413. The passages VI. 98. and VII. 170. also contain marks of having been\\nwritten before this time. On the other hand, the passage I. 130. appears to refer\\nto the insurrection of the Medes in Olymp. 93. 1. b. c. 408. (Xen. Hell. I. 2. 19.)\\non this supposition, however, it is strange that Herodotus should have called Darius\\nNothus by the simple name Darius without any distinctive adjunct.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0274.jp2"}, "273": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GUI 0 i!\\nan unfinished state. TRereisno obvious reason why Herodotus should\\nhave carried down the war between the Greeks and Persians to the taking\\nof Sestos, without mentioning any subsequent event of it* Besid\\none place he promises to give the particulars of an Occurrence in a\\nfuture part of his work t a promise which is nowhere fulfilled.\\n4. The plan of the work of Herodotus is formed Upon a notion,\\nwhich, though it cannot in strictness be called true, was very cur-\\nrent in his time, and had even been developed, after their fashion, by\\nthe learned of Persia and Phoenicia, who were not unacquainted with\\nGreek mythology. The notion is that of an ancient enmity between\\nthe Greeks and the nations of Asia. The learned of the East consi-\\ndered (he rapes of Jo, Medea, and Helen, and the wars which grew\\nout of those events, as single acts of this great conflict and their main\\nobject was to determine which of the two parties had first used violence\\nagainst the other. Herodotus, however, soon drops these stories of\\nold times, and turns to a prince whom he knows to have been the ag-\\ngressor in his war against the Greeks. This is Croesus, king of Lydia.\\nHe then proceeds to give a detailed account of the enterprises of Croe-\\nsus and the other events of his life; into which are interwoven as epi-\\nsodes, not only the early history of the Lydian kings and of their\\nconflicts with the Greeks, but also some important passages in the\\nhistory of the Greek states, particularly Athens and Sparta. In this\\nmanner Herodotus, in describing the first subjugation of the Greeks\\nby an Asiatic power, at the same time points out the origin and pro-\\ngress of those states by which the Greeks were one day to be liberated.\\nMeanwhile, the attack of Sardis by Cyrus brings the Persian power on\\nthe stage in the place of the Lydian; and the narrative proceeds to\\nexplain the rise of the Persian from the Median kingdom, and to de-\\nscribe its increase by the subjugation of the nations of Asia Minor and\\nthe Babylonians. Whenever the Persians come in contact with other\\nnations, an account, more or less detailed, is given of their history and\\npeculiar usages. Herodotus evidently, as indeed he himself confesses J,\\nstrives to enlarge his plan by episodes; it is manifestly his object to\\ncombine with the history of the conflict between the East and West a\\nvivid picture of the contending nations. Thus to the conquest of Egypt\\nby Cambyses (Book II.) he annexes a description of the country, Un-\\npeople, and their history; the copiousness of which was caused by his\\nfondness for Egypt, on account of its early civilization, and the Bta-\\nIt may, however, be urged against this view, that the secession of the Spartans\\nand their allies, the formation of the alliance under the supremacy of Athens, and\\nthe change in the character of the war from defensive to offensive, made the Uking\\nof Sestos a distinctly marked epoch. See Thncyd. I. 89,\\nf Herod. VII. 213.\\nI Herod. IV. 30. Thus he speaks of the Libyans in the 4th book, on;\\nhe thinks that the expedition of the Satrap Aryandes against Btrcs WSJ m feci di-\\nrected agaiust all the nations of Libya. See IV. 107.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0275.jp2"}, "274": {"fulltext": "270 HISTORY OF THE\\nbility of its peculiar institutions and usages. The history of Cambyses,\\nof the false Smerdis, and of Darius, is continued in the same detailed\\nmanner (Book III.) and an account is given of the power of Samos,\\nunder Polycrates, and of his tragical end by which the Persian power\\nbegan to extend to the islands between Asia and Europe. The institu-\\ntions established by Darius at the beginning of his reign afford an op-\\nportunity of surveying the whole kingdom of Persia, with all its pro-\\nvinces, and their large revenues. With the expedition of Darius\\nagainst the Scythians (which Herodotus evidently considers as a reta-\\nliation for the former incursions of the Scythians into Asia) the Per-\\nsian power begins to spread over Europe (Book IV.). Herodotus\\nthen gives a full account of the north of Europe, of which his know-\\nledge was manifestly much more extensive than that of Hecataeus and\\nhe next relates the great expedition of the Persian army, which,\\nalthough it did not endanger the freedom of the Scythians, first opened\\na passage into Europe to the Persians. The kingdom of Persia now\\nstretches on one side to Scythia, on the other over Egypt to Cyrenaica.\\nA Persian army is called in by Queen Pheretime against the Bar-\\ncaeans which gives Herodotus an opportunity of relating the history\\nof Cyrene, and describing the Libyan nations, as an interesting compa-\\nnion to his description of the nations of northern Europe. While\\n(Book V.) a part of the Persian army, which had remained behind\\nafter the Scythian expedition, reduces a portion of the Thracians and\\nthe little kingdom of Macedonia under the power of the great king,\\nthe great Ionian revolt arises from causes connected with the Scythian\\nexpedition, which brings still closer the decisive struggle between\\nGreece and Persia. Aristagoras, the tyrant of Miletus, seeks aid in\\nSparta and Athens for the Ionians; whereupon the historian takes oc-\\ncasion to continue the history of these and other Greek states, from the\\npoint where he had left it (Book I.) and in particular to describe the\\nrapid rise of the Athenians, after they had thrown off the yoke of the\\nPisistratids. The enterprising spirit of the young republic of Athens\\nis also shown in the interest taken by it in the Ionian revolt, which was\\nbegun in a rash and inconsiderate manner, and, having been carried on\\nwithout sufficient vigour, terminated in a complete defeat (Book VI.).\\nHerodotus next pursues the constantly increasing causes of enmity\\nbetween Greece and Persia; among which is the flight of the Spartan\\nking Demaratus to Darius. To this event he annexes a detailed ex-\\nplanation of the relations and enmities of the Greek states, in the period\\njust preceding the first Persian war. The expedition against Eretria\\nand Athens was the first blow struck by Persia at the mother country\\nof Greece, and the battle of Marathon was the first glorious signal that\\nthis Asiatic power, hitherto unchecked in its encroachments, was there\\nat length to find a limit. From this point the narrative runs in a re-\\ngular channel, and pursues to the end the natural course of events the", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0276.jp2"}, "275": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT OREM\\npreparations for war, the movements of the army, and the- cam]\\nagainst Greece itself (Rook VII.). Even here, however, the nan\\nmoves at a slow pace; and thus keeps the expectation upon tl,\\nThe rnarch and mustering of the Persian army give full time\\nopportunity for forming a distinct and complete notion of its enorn\\nforce; and the negotiations of the (neck stales afford an equallj clear\\nconception of their jealousies and dissensions; facta which make the\\nultimate issue of the contest appear the more astonishing. Alter the\\npreliminary and undecisive battles of Thermopylae and Axtemisium\\n(Book VIII.), comes the decisive battle of Salaniis, which is described\\nwith the greatest vividness and animation. This is followed (in Book\\nIX.) by the battle of Plataea, drawn witli the same distinctness, parti-\\ncularly as regards all its antecedents and circnmstanccs; together with\\nthe contemporaneous battle of Mycale and the other measures of the\\nGreeks for turning their victory to account. Although the work ft\\nunfinished, it concludes with a sentiment which cannot have hem\\nplaced casually at the end; viz. that (as the great Cyrus was stipp.\\nto have said) It is not always the richest and most fertile country\\nwhich produces the most valiant men.\\n5. In this manner Herodotus gives a certain unity to his history;\\nand, notwithstanding the extent of his subject, which comprehends\\nnearly all the nations of the world at that time known, the narrative is\\nconstantly advancing. The history of Herodotus has an epic character,\\nnot only from the equable and uninterrupted flow of the narrative, but\\nalso from certain pervading ideas, which give an uniform tone t..\\nwhole. The principal of these is the idea of a fixed destiny, of a wise\\narrangement of the world, which has prescribed to every being his\\npath and which allots ruin and destruction, not only to crime and vio-\\nlence, but to excessive power and riches, and the overweening pride\\nwhich is their companion. In this consists the envy of Ih\\ntCov 0twv), so often mentioned by Herodotus; by the other (ii,\\nusually called the divine Nemesis. He constantly adverts, in his nar-\\nrative, to the influence of this divine power, the Dccmonion, as hi\\ncalls it. Thus he shows how the deity visits the sins of the sneet\\nupon their descendants; how the human mind is blinded by arrog\\nand recklessness how man rushes, as it were, wilfully upon his own\\ndestruction and how oracles, which ought to he warning voic\\nviolence and insolence, mislead from their ambiguity, when interpn\\nby blind passion. Besides the historical narrative itself, the\\nspeeches serve rather to enforce certain general ideas, particularly con-\\ncerning the envy of the gods and the danger of pride, than to chat\\nterise the dispositions, views, and modes of thought of the person\\npresented as speaking. In fact, these speeches are rather the\\nthan the dramatic part of the history of Herodotus; and if we com]\\nit with the different parts of a Greek tragedy, they correspond, nut to the", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0277.jp2"}, "276": {"fulltext": "27:2 history of the\\ndialoguie, but to the choral songs. Herodotus lastly shows his awe of\\nthe divine Nemesis by his moderation and the firmness with which he\\nkeeps down the ebullitions of national pride. For, if the eastern\\nprinces by their own rashness bring destruction upon themselves, and\\nthe Greeks remain the victors, yet he describes the East, with its early\\ncivilization, as highly worthy of respect and admiration he even points\\nout traits of greatness of character in the hostile kings of Persia\\nshows his countrymen how they often owed their successes to divine\\nprovidence and external advantages, rather than to their own valour\\nand ability; and, on the whole, is anything hut a panegyrist of the\\nexploits of the Greeks. So little indeed has he this character, that\\nwhen the rhetorical historians of later times had introduced a more pre-\\ntending account of these events, the simple, faithful, and impartial\\nHerodotus was reproached with being actuated by a spirit of calumny,\\nand with seeking to detract from the heroic acts of his countrymen*.\\n6. Since Herodotus saw the working of a divine agency in all hu-\\nman events, and considered the exhibition of it as the main object of\\nhis history, his aim is entirely different from that of a historian who\\nregards the events of life merely with reference to man. Herodotus\\nis, in truth, a theologian and a poet as well as an historian. The in-\\ndividual parts of his work are treated entirely in this spirit. His aim\\nis not merely to give the results of common experience in human life.\\nHis mind is turned to the extraordinary and the marvellous. In this\\nrespect his work bears an uniform colour. The great events which he\\nrelates the gigantic enterprises of princes, the unexpected turns of\\nfortune, and other marvellous occurrences harmonise with the accounts\\nof the astonishing buildings and other works of the East, of the multi-\\nfarious and often singular manners of the different nations, the sur-\\nprising phenomena of nature, and the rare productions and animals of\\nthe remote regions of the world. Herodotus presented a picture of\\nstrange and astonishing things to his mobile and curious countrymen.\\nIt were vain to deny that Herodotus, when he does not describe things\\nwhich he had himself observed, was often deceived by the misrepresent-\\nations of priests, interpreters, and guides; and, above all, by that\\npropensity to boasting and that love of the marvellous which are so\\ncommon in the East f. Yet, without his singlehearted simplicity, his\\ndisposition to listen to every remarkable account, and his admiration\\n(undisturbed by the national prejudices of a Greek) for the wonders of\\nthe Eastern world, Herodotus Would never have imparted to us many\\nvaluable accounts, in which recent inquirers have discovered substantial\\ntruth, though mixed with fable. How often have modern travellers,\\nPlutarch s Treatise vnfi rni H^lrov x,axonhu t concerning the malignity of\\nHerodotus.\\nf Aristotle, in his Treatise on the Generation of Animals, III, 5, calls him\\nHoohro; 6 (Avhxiyosy H Herodotus the story-teller.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0278.jp2"}, "277": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT ORI\\nnaturalists, and geographers, had occasion to admire the truth and\\nrcctness of the observations and information which are contained in\\nthe seemingly marvellous narratives of Herodotus! It is fortunate\\nthat he was guided by the maxim which he mentions in his account of\\nthe circumnavigation of Africa in the reign of Necho. Ilnvinu ex-\\npressed his disbelief of the statement that the sailors had the sun \u00c2\u00bbn\\ntheir right hand, he adds I must say what has been told to me but\\nI need not therefore believe all, and this remark applies to my whole\\nwork.\\nHerodotus must have completely familiarised himself with the man-\\nners and modes of thought of the Oriental nations. The character of\\nhis mind and his style of composition also resemble the Oriental type\\nmore than those of any other Greek and accordingly his thoughts and\\nexpressions often remind us of the writings of the Old Testament. It\\ncannot indeed be denied that he has sometimes attributed to the eastern\\nprinces ideas which were essentially Greek as, for example, when\\nhe makes the seven grandees of the Persians deliberate upon the re-\\nspective advantages of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy But,\\non the whole, Herodotus seizes the character of an Oriental monarch,\\nlike -Xerxes, with striking truth and transports us into the very midst\\nof the satellites of a Persian despot. It would be more just to reproach\\nHerodotus with a want of that political discernment, in judging the\\naffairs of the Greek states, which had already been awakened among\\nthe Athenian statesmen of his time. Moreover, in the events arising\\nfrom the situation and interests of states, he lays too much stress on\\nthe feelings and passions of particular individuals and ascribes to\\nGreek statesmen (as, for instance, the two Cleisthenes ot Sicyon and\\nAthens, in reference to their measures for the division of the people\\ninto new tribes) motives entirely different from those by which they\\nappear, on a consideration of the case, to have been really actuated.\\nHe likewise relates mere anecdotes and tales, by which the vulgar ex-\\nplained (and still continue to explain) political affairs where politi-\\ncians, such as Thucydides and Aristotle, exhibit the true character of\\nthe transaction.\\n7. But no dissertation upon the historical researches or the style\\nof Herodotus can convey an idea of the impression made by reading\\nhis work. To those who have read it, all description is superfluous.\\nIt is like hearing a person speak who has seen and lived through an\\ninfinite variety of the most remarkable things; and whose greatest de-\\nlight consists in recalling the images of the past, and perpetuating the\\nremembrance of them. He had eager and unwearied listeners, who\\nHerod. III. 80. He afterwards (VI. 43) defends himself against lbs chu\\nhaving represented a Persian as praising democracy, of which the Persian* know\\nnothing. This passage proves that a part at least of Hook III, had been published\\nbefore the entire work was completed.\\nT", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0279.jp2"}, "278": {"fulltext": "274 HISTORY OP THE\\nwere not impatient to arrive at the end; and he could therefore com-\\nplete every separate portion of the history, as if it were an inde-\\npendent narrative. He knew that he had in store other more attractive\\nand striking events; yet he did not hurry his course, as he dwelt with\\nequal pleasure on everything that he had seen or heard. In this man-\\nner, the stream of his Ionic language flows on with a charming facility.\\nThe character of his style (as is natural in mere narration) is to con-\\nnect the different sentences loosely together, with many phrases for the\\npurpose of introducing, recapitulating, or repeating a subject. These\\nphrases are characteristic of oral discourse, which requires such contriv-\\nances, in order to prevent the speaker, or the hearer, from losing the\\nthread of the story. In this, as in other respects, the language of\\nHerodotus closely approximates to oral narration of all varieties of\\nprose, it is the furthest removed from a written style. Long sentences,\\nformed of several clauses, are for the most part confined to speeches,\\nwhere reasons and objections are compared, conditions are stated, and\\ntheir consequences developed. But it must be confessed that where\\nthe logical connexion of different propositions is to be expressed, Hero-\\ndotus mostly shows a want of skill, and produces no distinct conception\\nof the mutual relations of the several members of the argument. But,\\nwith all these defects, his style must be considered as the perfection of\\nthe unperiodic style (the \\\\it,iQ elpo/jiivrj), the only style employed by\\nhis predecessors, the logographers*. To these is to be added the tone\\nof the Ionic dialect, which Herodotus, although by birth a Dorian,\\nadopted from the historians who preceded himf, with its uncontracted\\nterminations, its accumulated vowels, and its soft forms. These various\\nelements conspire to render the work of Herodotus a production as\\nharmonious and as perfect in its kind as any human work can be.\\nDemetrius de Elocutione, \u00c2\u00a712.\\nf Nevertheless, according to Hermogenes, p. 513, the Ionic dialect of Hecataeus\\nis alone quite pure; and the dialect of Herodotus is mixed with other expressions.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0280.jp2"}, "279": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT i\u00c2\u00ab r.\\nSECOND PERIOD OF GREEK LITERATI RE.\\nCHAPTER\\n1. Early formation of a national literature in Greece, o 1. Athens subsequently\\ntakes the lead in literature ami art. Her fitness for this pur] I incur-\\nrence of the political circumstances of Athens to the us\\nPisistratids. 4. Great increase in the power of Athens iftei tin- lYr-i.m\\n\u00c2\u00a75. Administration and policy of Pericles, particularly with respect to lit ami\\nliterature. 6. Seeds of \u00e2\u0080\u00a2degeneracy in the Athenian Commonwealth at its must\\nflourishing period. 7. Causes and modes of the degeneracy. 8. Literature\\nand art were not affected by the causes of moral degeneracy,\\n1. Greek literature, so far as we have hitherto followed its pro-\\ngress, was a common property of the different races of the nation each\\nrace cultivating- that species of composition which was best suited to ill\\ndispositions and capacities, and impressing on it a corresponding cha-\\nracter. In this manner the town of Miletus in Ionia, the /Eolians in\\nthe island of Lesbos, the colonies in Magna Gnecia and Sicily, as well\\nas the Greeks of the mother country, created new forms of poetry and\\neloquence. The various sorts of excellence thus produced, did not,\\nafter the age of the Homeric poetry, remain the exclusive property of\\nthe race among which they originated; as popular poems composed in\\na peculiar dialect are known only to the tribe by whom the dialect is\\nspoken. Among the Greeks a national literature was early formed\\nevery literary work in the Greek language, in whatever dialect it might\\nbe composed, was enjoyed by the whole Greek nation. The songs of\\nthe Lesbian Sappho aroused the feelings of Solon in his old age, not-\\nwithstanding their foreign JEolian dialect*; and the researches of the\\nphilosophers of Eleain CEnotria influenced the thoughts of Anavigoras\\nwhen living at Miletus and Athens! whence it may be inferred, (hat\\nthe fame of remarkable writers soon spread through Greece at that\\ntime. Even in an earlier age, the poets and sages used to visit certain\\ncities, which were considered almost as theatres, where they could bring\\ntheir powers and acquirements into public notice. Among tluw,\\nSparta stood the highest, down to the time of the Persian war for the\\nLacedaemonians, though they produced little themselves, were con-\\nsidered as sagacious and sound judges of art and philosophy}. Accord-\\ningly, the principal poets, musicians, and philosophers of those timet\\nare related to have passed a part of their lives at Sparta\\n2. But the literature of Greece necessarily assumed a different\\nCh. 13. 10. t Ch. 17. \u00c2\u00a78.\\nI Aristot. Polit. VIII. 5. ol Actxuvi; ol pavtoivovrii ofiui Ivvxvrui \u00c2\u00abg/\u00c2\u00bbM\\nloSco;, us Qxtr), ru. y^^ark xu) roe. pr\\\\ %o*trru ruv piXuv.\\nFor example, Archilochus, Terjuuider, Thuletus, XfcftOg ifj Pherecydes, Anaxi-\\nmaader.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2t2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0281.jp2"}, "280": {"fulltext": "276 HISTORY OF THE\\nform, when Athens, raised as well by her political power and other\\nexternal circumstances as by the mental qualities of her citizens,\\nacquired the rank of a capital of Greece, with respect to literature and\\nart. Not only was her copious native literature received with admi-\\nration by all the Greeks, but her judgment and taste were predominant\\nin all thing s relating to language and the arts, and decided what\\nshould be generally recognised as the classical literature of Greece, long\\nbefore the Alexandrine critics had prepared their canons. There is no\\nmore important epoch in the history of the Greek intellect than the\\ntime when Athens obtained this pre-eminence over her sister states.\\nThe character of the Athenians peculiarly fitted them to take this\\nlead. The Athenians were Ionians and, when their brethren sepa-\\nrated from them in order to found the twelve cities on the coast of\\nAsia Minor, the foundations of the peculiar character of Ionic civiliza-\\ntion had already been laid. The dialect of the Ionians was distin-\\nguished from that of the Dorians and iEolians by clear and broad\\nmarks: the worship of the gods, which had a peculiarly joyful and\\nserene cast among the Ionians, had been moulded into fixed national\\nfestivals* and some steps towards the development of republican feel-\\ning had already been taken, before this separation occurred. The\\nboundless resources and mobility of the Ionian spirit are shown by\\nthe astonishing productions of the Ionians in Asia and the islands in\\nthe two centuries previous to the Persian war; viz., the iambic and\\nelegiac poetry, and the germs of philosophic inquiry and historical\\ncomposition not to mention the epic poetry, which belongs to an\\nearlier and different period. The literary works produced during that\\ntime by the Ionians who remained behind in Attica, seem poor and\\nmeagre, as compared with the luxuriant outburst of literature in\\nAsia Minor: nor did it appear, till a later period, that the progress of\\nthe Athenian intellect was the more sound and lasting. The advance\\nof the literature of. the Ionians in Asia Minor (which reminds us of\\nthe premature growth of a plant taken from a cold climate and\\nbarren soil, and carried to a warmer and more fertile region), as com-\\npared with that of the Athenians, corresponds with the natural circum-\\nstances of the two countries. Ionia had, according to Herodotus, the\\nsoftest and mildest climate in Greece and, although he does\\nnot assign it the first rank in fertility, yet the valleys of this region\\n(especially that of the Maeander) were of remarkable productiveness.\\nAttica, on the other hand, was rocky, and its soil was shallow^\\nthough not barren, it required more skill and care in cultivation than\\nmost other parts of Greece hence, according to the sagacious remark\\nHence the Thargelia and Pyanepsia of Apollo, the Anthesteria and Lenaea of\\nDionysus, the Apaturia and Eleusinia, and many other festivals and religious rites,\\nwere common to the Ionians and Athenians,\\nf to Xivroytuv.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0282.jp2"}, "281": {"fulltext": "LITEUATUnE OF ANCIENT GREECE.\\nof Thucydides, the warlike races turned by preference to the fertile\\nplains of Argos, Thebes, and Thessaly, and afforded so opportunity\\nfor a more secure and peaceable development of social life and industry\\nin Attica. Yet Attica was not deficient in natural beauties. It bad\\n(as Sophocles says in the splendid chorus in the CEdipua at Colonus)\\ngreen valleys, in which the clear-voiced nightingale poured forth her\\nsweet laments, under the shade of the dark ivy, and the sacred foliage\\nof Bacchus, covering abundant fruit, impenetrable to the sun, and un-\\nshaken by the blasts of all storms*. Above all, the clear air, refreshed\\nand purified by constant breezes, is celebrated as one of the chief advan-\\ntages of the climate of Attica, and is described by Euripides as lending\\na charm to the productions of the Athenian intellect. Descendants\\nof Erechtheus (the poet says to the Athenians)-?/, happy from ancient\\ntimes, favourite children of the blessed gods, you pluck from your sacred\\nunconquered country renowned wisdom, as a fruit of the soil, and con-\\nstantly walk, with graceful step, through the glittering air of your\\nheaven, where the nine sacred Muses of Pieria are said to have once\\nbrought up the fair-haired Harmony as their common child. It is also\\nsaid that the goddess Cypris draws water from the beautifully flowing\\nGephisus, and breathes over the land mild and refreshing airs and\\nthat, twining her hair with fragrant roses, she sends the gods of love\\nas companions of wisdom, and supporters of virtue.\\n3. The political circumstances of Attica contributed, in a remark-\\nable manner, to produce the same effects as its physical condition.\\nWhen the Ionians settled on the coast of Asia Minor, they soon dis-\\ncovered their superiority in energy and military skill to the native\\nLydian, Carian, and other tribes. Having obtained possession of the\\nentire coast, they entered into a friendly relation with these tribes,\\nwhich, owing to the early connexion of Lydia with Babylonia and\\nNineveh, brought them many luxuries and pleasures from the interior\\nof Asia. The result was, that when the Lydian monarchy was strength-\\nened under the Mermnadoe, and began to aim at foreign conquest, the\\nIonians were so enfeebled and corrupted, and were so deficient in po-\\nlitical unity, that they fell an easy prey to the neighbouring kingdom\\nand passed, together with the other subjects of Crctsus, under the\\npower of the Persians. The Ionic inhabitants of Attica, on the other\\nhand, encompassed, and often pressed by the manly tribes of Greece,\\nthe ^Eolians, Boeotians, and Dorians, were forced to keep the sword\\nconstantly in their hands, and were placed in circumstances which re-\\nquired much courage and energy, in addition to the openness and\\nexcitability of the Ionic character. Athens, indeed, did not immedi-\\nately attain to the proud security which the Spartans derived from\\ntheir possession of half Peloponnesus, and their undisputed mastery\\nSoph, (Ed. Col, v, 670. t Kuril). Med. v. 824.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0283.jp2"}, "282": {"fulltext": "279 HISTORY OF THE\\nof the practice of war. Hence the Athenians were forced to be\\nconstantly on the look-out, and to seek for opportunities of extending\\ntheir empire. At the same time, while the Athenians sought to im-\\nprove their political constitution, they strove to increase the liberty of\\nthe people and a man* like Solon could not have arisen in an Ionian\\nstate of Asia Minor, to become the peaceful regulator of the state with\\nthe approbation of the community. Solon was able to reconcile the\\nhereditary rights of the aristocracy with the claims of the commonalty\\ngrown up to manhood and to combine moral strictness and order\\nwith freedom of action. Few statesmen shine in so bright a light as\\nSolon his humanity and warm sympathies with all classes of his\\ncountrymen appear from the fragments of his elegies and iambics\\nwhich have been already cited*.\\nAfter Solon comes the dominion of the Pisistratids, which lasted,\\nwith some interruptions, for fifty years (from 560 to 510 B.C.). This\\ngovernment was administered with ability and public spirit, so far as\\nwas consistent with the interests of the ruling house. Pisistratus was\\na politic and circumspect prince: he extended his possessions beyond\\nAttica, and established his power in the district of the gold mines on\\nthe Strymonf to which the Athenians subsequently attached so much\\nimportance. In the interior of the country, he did much to promote\\nagriculture and industry, and he is said to have particularly encouraged\\nthe planting of olives, which suited the soil and climate in so remark-\\nable a manner. The Pisistratids also, like other tyrants, showed a\\nfondness for vast works of art the temple of the Olympian Zeus,\\nbuilt by them, always remained, though only half finished, the largest\\nbuilding in Athens. In like manner, tyrants were fond of surrounding\\nthemselves with all the splendour which poetry and other musical arts\\ncould give to their house and the Pisistratids certainly had the merit\\nof diffusing the taste for poetry among the Athenians, and of natu-\\nralising among them the best literary productions which Greece then\\npossessed. The Pisistratids were unquestionably the first to introduce\\nthe recital of the entire Iliad and Odyssey at the PanathenEeaj; and\\nthe gentle and refined Hipparchus, the son of Pisistratus, was the\\nmeans of bringing to Athens the most distinguished lyric poets of the\\ntime, as Anacreon\u00c2\u00a7, Simonides||, and Lasus^j Some of the collectors\\nand authors of the mystical poetry also found a welcome reception at the\\ncourt of the Pisistratids, as Onomacritus; whom they took with them,\\nat their expulsion from Athens, to the court of the King of Persia**.\\nBut, notwithstanding their patronage of literature and art, Herodotus\\nis undoubtedly right in stating that it was not till after the fall of their\\ndynasty, that Athens shot up with the. vigour which can only be de-\\nCh. 10. 11, 12. ch. 11. 12. f Herod. I. 64. J Ch. 5. 14.\\nCh 13. 11. I] Ch. 14. 10. f Ch. 14. 14.\\nCh. 16. 5.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0284.jp2"}, "283": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT OREECE. 279\\nrived from the consciousness of every citizen that he has a share in the\\ncommon weal*. This statement of Herodotus refers, indeed, princi-\\npally to the warlike enterprises of Athens, but it is equally true of her\\nintellectual productions. It is, indeed, a remarkable fact that Ath\\nproduced her most excellent works in literature and art in the midst of\\nthe greatest political convulsions, and of her utmost efforts for self-\\npreservation or conquest. The long dominion of the Pisistratids, not-\\nwithstanding- the concourse of foreign poets, produced nothing more\\nimportant than the first rudiments of the tragic drama; for the origin\\nof comedy at the country festivals of Bacchus falls in the time l\\nPisistratus. On the other hand, the thirty years between the expul-\\nsion of Hippias and the battle of Salamis (b. c. 510 to 480) was a\\nperiod marked by great events both in politics and literature. During\\nthis period, Athens contended with energy and success against her\\nneighbours in Bceotia and Eubcea, and soon dared to interfere in the\\naffairs of the Ionians in Asia, and to support them in their revolt against\\nPersia; after which, she received and warded off the first powerful\\nattack of the Persians upon Greece. During the same period at\\nAthens, the pathetic tragedies of Phrynichus, and the lofty tragedies of\\niEschylus, appeared on the stage political eloquence was awakened\\nin Themistocles historical researches were commenced by Pherecydes\\nand everything seemed to give a promise of the greatness to which\\nAthens afterwards attained. Even sculpture at Athens did not flourish\\nunder the encouragement which it doubtless received from the enter-\\nprising spirit of the Pisistratids, but first arose under the influence of\\npolitical freedom. While, from b.c. 540, considerable masters and\\nwhole families and schools of brass-founders, workers in gold and ivory,\\nc, existed in Argos, Lacedsemon, Sicyon, and elsewhere, the Athens\\nof the Pisistratids could not boast of a single sculptor nor is it till the\\ntime of the battle of Marathon, that Antenor, Critias, aud Hegias are\\nmentioned as eminent masters in brass-founding. But the work for\\nwhich both Antenor and Hegias were chiefly celebrated was the brazen\\nstatues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, the tyrannicides and liberators\\nof Athens from the yoke of the Pisistratids, according to the tradition\\nof the Athenian peoplet.\\n4. The great peril of the Persian war thus came upon a race of\\nhigh spirited and enterprising men, and exercised upon it the hardening\\nand elevating influence, by which great dangers, successfully overcome,\\nbecome the highest benefit to a state. Such a period withdraws the\\nmind from petty, selfish cares, and fixes it on great and public objects.\\nAt the moment when half Greece had quailed before the Persian army,\\nthe Athenians, with a fearless spirit of independence, abandon their\\nHerod. V. 78. t Ch. 13. \u00c2\u00a717.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0285.jp2"}, "284": {"fulltext": "280 HISTORY OF THE\\ncountry to the ravages of the enemy embarking in their ships, they\\ndecide the sea-fights in favour of the Greeks, and again they are in the\\nland-war the steadiest supporters of the Spartans. The wise modera-\\ntion with which, for the sake of the general good, they submitted to the\\nsupreme command of Sparta, combined with a bold and enterprising\\nspirit, which Sparta did not possess, is soon rewarded to an extent\\nwhich must have exceeded the most sanguine hopes of the Athenian\\nstatesmen. The attachment of the Ionians to their metropolis, Athens,\\nwhich had been awakened before the battle of Marathon, soon\\nled to a closer connexion between nearly all the Greeks of the Asiatic\\ncoast and this state. Shortly afterwards, Sparta withdrew, with the\\nother Greeks of the mother country, from any further concern in the\\ncontest and an Athenian alliance was formed for the termination of\\nthe national war, which was changed, by gradual yet rapid transitions,\\ninto a dominion of Athens over her allies; so that she became the\\nsovereign of a large and flourishing empire, comprehending the\\nislands and coasts of the iEgean, and a part of the Euxine seas. In\\nthis manner, Athens gained a wide basis for the lofty edifice of political\\nglory which was raised by her statesmen.\\n5. The completion of this splendid structure was due to Pericles,\\nduring his administration, which lasted from about B.C. 464, to his\\ndeath (b.c. 429). Pericles changed the allies of Athens into her\\nsubjects, by declaring the common treasure to be the treasure of the\\nAthenian state and he resolutely maintained the supremacy of Athens,\\nTby punishing with severity every attempt at defection. Through his\\ninfluence, Athens became a dominant community, whose chief business\\nit was to administer the affairs of an extensive empire, flourishing iu\\nagriculture, mechanical industry, and commerce. Pericles, however,\\ndid not make the acquisition of this power the highest object of his\\nexertions, nor .did he wish the Athenians to consider it as their greatest\\ngood. His aim was to realise in Athens the idea which he had con-\\nceived of human greatness. He wished that great and noble thoughts\\nshould pervade the whole mass of the ruling people and this was in\\nfact the case, so long as his influence lasted, to a greater degree than\\nhas occurred in any other period of history. Pericles stood among the\\ncitizens of Athens, without any public office which gave him extensive\\nlegal power* and yet he exercised an influence over the multitude\\nwhich has been rarely possessed by an hereditary ruler. The\\nPericles was indeed treasurer of the administration 5 Wi rr,s ^toixfoiai) at the\\nbreaking out of the Peloponnesian war but, although this office required an ac-\\ncurate knowledge of the finances of Athens, it did not confer any hgal power. It\\nis assumed ihat the times are excepted, in which Pericles was strategus, particularly\\nat the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, when the strategus had a very extensive\\nexecutive power, because Athens, being in a state of siege, was treated like a for-\\ntified camp.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0286.jp2"}, "285": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GUI\\nAthenians saw in him, when he spoke to the people from the tana, an\\nOlympian Zeus, who hid the thunder and lightning in nil DOW*.\\nIt was not the volubility of his eloquence, but the irresistible\\nhis arguments, and the majesty of his whole appesmnce, which gained\\nhim this appellation: hence a comic poet said of him, that he\\nwas the only one of the orators who left his sting in the minds oi\\nhearers*.\\nThe objects to which Pericles directed the people, and for which he\\naccumulated so much power and wealth at Athens, may be best -ecu in\\nthe still extant works of architecture and sculpture which originated\\nunder his administration. The defence of the state being- already pro-\\nvided for, through the instrumentality of Themistocles Cimon, and\\nPericles himself, by the fortifications of the city and harbour and the\\nlong walls, Pericles induced the Athenian people to expend upon the\\ndecoration of Athens, by works of architecture and sculpture, a larger\\npart of its ample revenues than was ever applied to this purpose in any\\nother state, either republican or monarchicalf. This outlay of public\\nmoney, which at any other period would have been excessive, was then\\nwell-timed since the art of sculpture had just reached a pitch of high\\nexcellence, after long and toilsome efforts, and persons endowed with\\nits magical powers, such as Phidias, were in close intimacy with\\nPericles. Of the surpassing skill with which Pericles collected into one\\nfocus the rays of artistical genius at Athens, no stronger proof can be\\nafforded, than the fact that no subsequent period, through the patronage\\neither of Macedonian or Roman princes, produced works of equal excel-\\nlence. Indeed, it may be said that the creations of the age of Pericles\\nare the only works of art which completely satisfy the most refined and\\ncultivated taste. But it cannot have been the intention of Pericles, or\\nof the Athenians who shared his views, to limit their countrymen to\\nthose enjoyments of art which are derived from the eye. It is known\\nthat Pericles was on terms of intimacy with Sophocles and it may I t\\npresumed that Pericles thoroughly appreciated such works as the An-\\ntigone of Sophocles since (as we shall show hereafter) there was a\\nclose, analogy between the political principles of Pericles and the\\npoetical character of Sophocles. Pericles, however, lived on a still more\\nintimate footing with Anaxagoras, the first philosopher who proclaimed\\nMaya; ptfTo^eov To tcivrgov iyxar tXnTi to7; ot,Kt ouf/.ivoi;. Eupolis in the Demi.\\nThe annual revenue of Athens at the time of Pericles is estimated at lono\\ntalents (rather more than 200,000/.) of which sum (i00 talents Bowed from the tri-\\nbutes of the allies. If we reckon that the Propylapa (with the buildingi belonging\\nto it) cost -2012 talents, the expense of all the buildingi of this time. the Odeon,\\nthe Parthenon, the Propylaea, the temple at Kleusis. and other contemporary\\ntemples in the country, as at Rhamnus and Sunium, together with the sculpture and\\ncolouring, statues of gold and ivory, as the I allas in the Parthenon, carpet i, \\\\c,\\ncannot have been less than 8000 talents. And yet all these works fell in the last\\ntwenty years of the Peloponnesian war,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0287.jp2"}, "286": {"fulltext": "2S2 HISTORY 01 THE\\nin Greece the doctrine of a regulating intelligence*. The house of\\nPericles, particularly from the time when the beautiful and accom-\\nplished Milesian Aspasia presided over it with a greater freedom of in-\\ntercourse than Athenian usage allowed to wives, was a point of union\\nfor all the men who had conceived the intellectual superiority of Athens.\\nThe sentiment attributed by Thucydides to Pericles in the celebrated\\nfuneral oration, that Athens is the school of Greece, is doubtless, if\\nnot in words, at least in substance, the genuine expression of Periclesf.\\n6. It could not be expected that this brilliant exhibition of human\\nexcellence should be without its dark side, or that the flourishing state\\nof Athenian civilization should be exempt from the elements of decay.\\nThe political position of Athens soon led to a conflict between the patri-\\notism and moderation of her citizens and their interests and passions.\\nFrom the earliest times, Athens had stood in an unfriendly relation to\\nthe rest of Greece. Even the Ionians, who dwelt in Asia Minor, sur-\\nrounded by Dorians and iEolians, did not, until their revolt from Persia,\\nreceive from the Athenians the sympathy common among the Greeks\\nbetween members of the same race. Nor did the other states of the\\nmother country ever so far recognise the intellectual supremacy of\\nAthens, as to submit to her in political alliances and therefore Athens\\nnever exercised such an ascendency over the independent states of\\nGreece as was at various times conceded to Sparta. At the very\\nfoundation of her political greatness, Athens could not avoid struggling\\nto free herself from the superintendence of the other Greeks and since\\nAttica was not an island, which would have best suited the views of\\nthe Athenian statesmen, Athens was, by means of immense fortifica-\\ntions, as far as possible isolated from the laud and withdrawn from the\\ninfluence of the dominant military powers. The eyes of her statesmen\\nwere exclusively turned towards the sea. They thought that the national\\ncharacter of the Ionians of Attica, the situation of this peninsula, and\\nits internal resources, especially its silver mines, fitted Athens for mari-\\ntime sovereignty. Moreover, the Persian war had given her a powerful\\nimpulse in this direction and by her large navy she stood at the head\\nof the confederate islanders and Asiatics, who wished to continue the\\nwar against Persia for their own liberation and security. These confe-\\nderates had before been the subjects of the King of Persia; and had\\nlong been more accustomed to slavish obedience than to voluntary\\nexertion. It was their refusals and delays, which first induced Athens\\nto draw the reins tighter, and to assume a supremacy over them. The\\nThe author of the first Alcibiades (among the Platonic dialogues), p. 1 18, unites\\nthe philosophical musicians, Pythocleides and Damon, with Anaxagoras, as friends\\nof Pericles. Pericles is also said to have been connected with Zeno the Eleatic and\\nProtagoras the sophist.\\nf Thucyd, II. 41, fynXuv ti kiyw thv za.tTtt* 9ro\\\\r\u00c2\u00bb rvis EXXxho; tfcc ihvw iivau", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0288.jp2"}, "287": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE.\\nAthenians were not cruel and sanguinary by nature but a reel\\nseventy, when there was a question of maintaining principles which\\nthey thought necessary to their existence, was implanted (Uej.lv in their\\ncharacter; and circumstances too often impelled them to empli\\nagainst their allies. The Athenian policy of compelling bo man]\\nto contribute their wealth in order to make Athens the locus of art and\\ncultivation, was indeed accompanied with pride and selfish patriotism.\\nVet the Athenians did not reduce millions to a itatfl ol abject servitude,\\nlor the purpose of ministering to the wants of a Inv thousand\\nThe object of their statesmen, such as Pericles, doubtless was, to make\\nAthens the pride of the whole confederacy; that their allies should\\nenjoy in common with them the productions of Athenian art, and\\nespecially should participate in the great festivals, the Panathcnaa and\\nDionysia, on the embellishment of which all the treasures of wealth and\\nart were lavished*.\\n7. Energy in action and cleverness in the use of languagef were the\\nqualities which most distinguished the Athenians in comparison with the\\nother Greeks, and which are most clearly seen in their political conduct\\nand their literature. Both qualities are very liable to abuse. The energy\\nin action degenerated into a restless love of adventure, which was the\\nchief cause of the fall of the Athenian power in the Peloponnesian war,\\nafter the conduct of it had ceased to be directed by the clear and com-\\nposed views of Pericles. The consciousness of dexterity in the use of\\nwords, which the Athenians cultivated more than the other Greeks, in-\\nduced them to subject everything to discussion. Hence too arose a\\ncopiousness of speech, very striking as compared with the brevity of\\nthe early Greeks, which compressed the results of much reflection in a\\nfew words. It is remarkable that, soon after the Persian war, the great\\nCimon was distinguished from his countrymen by avoiding all Attic\\neloquence and loquacity]:. Steslmbrotus, of Thasos, a contemporary,\\nobserved of him, that the frank and noble were prominent in his cha-\\nracter, and that he had the qualities of a Peloponnesian more than of\\nan Athenian\u00c2\u00a7. Yet this fluency of the Athenians was long restrained\\nby the deeply-rooted maxims of traditional morality nor was it till the\\nbeginning of the Peloponnesian war, when a foreign race of teachers,\\nThere are many grounds for thinking that these festivals wore instituted ex-\\npressly for the allies, who attended them m large numbers. Prayers wore. also pub-\\nlicly offered at the Panathensca for the Plateaus (Herod, vi. III.)j and at all great\\npublic festivals for the Chians (Theopomp. ap. Schol. Aristoph. At. B80\\nnearly the only faithful ally of the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war, after tlio\\ndefection of the Mytilenivans. Moreover, the colonies of Alliens i.e. probably, in\\ngeneral, the cities of the confederacy) offered sacrifices at the Panathen\\nco fyatrrfyiov xcc) to Itivov. I hiiarr,; and\\nIn Plutarch, Cimon, c. 4, indeed, Stesimbrotus is not unjustly censured for his\\ncredulity and his fondness for narrating the c/ironirjuc t e t mdnl tmM Of those times but\\nstatements, such as that in the text, founded upon personal observation of the\\ngeneral state of society, are always very valuable.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0289.jp2"}, "288": {"fulltext": "284 HISTORY OF THE\\nchiefly from the colonies in the east and west, established themselves at\\nAthens, that the Athenians learnt the dangerous art of subjecting the\\ntraditional maxims of morality to a scrutinising examination. For al-\\nthough this examination ultimately led to the establishing of morality\\non a scientific basis, yet it at first gave a powerful impulse to immoral\\nmotives and tendencies, and, at any rate, destroyed the habits founded\\non unreasoning faith. These arts of the sophists for such was the\\nname of the new teachers were the more pernicious to the Athenians,\\nbecause the manliness of the Athenian character, which shone forth so\\nnobly during the Persian war and the succeeding period, had already\\nfallen off before the Feloponnesian war, under the administration of\\nPericles. This degeneracy was owing to the same accidental causes,\\nwhich produced the noble qualities of the Athenians. Plato says that\\nPericles made the Athenians lazy, cowardly, loquacious, and covetous*.\\nThis severe judgment, suggested to Plato by his constant repugnance\\nto the practical statesmen of his time, cannot be considered as just yet\\nit must be admitted that the principles of the policy of Pericles were\\nclosely connected with the demoralization so bluntly described by\\nPlato. By founding the power of the Athenians on dominion of the\\nsea, he led them to abandon land-war and the military exercises requi-\\nsite for it, which had hardened the old warriors of Marathon. In the\\nships, the rowers played the chief part, who, except in times of great\\ndanger, consisted not of citizens, but of mercenaries so that the Co-\\nrinthians in Thucydides about the beginning of the Peloponnesian war\\njustly describe the power of the Athenians as being rather purchased\\nwith money than nativef. In the next place, Pericles made the Athe-\\nnians a dominant people, whose time was chiefly devoted to the business\\nof governing their widely extended empire. Hence it was necessary for\\nhim to provide that the common citizens of Athens should be able to\\ngain a livelihood by their attention to public business; and accord-\\ningly it was contrived that a considerable part of the large revenues of\\nAthens should be distributed among the citizens, in the form of wages\\nfor attendance in the courts of justice, the public assembly, and the\\ncouncil, and also on less valid grounds, for example, as money for the\\ntheatre. Those payments to the citizens for their share in the public\\nbusiness were quite new in Greece and many well disposed persons\\nconsidered the sitting and listening in thePnyx and the courts of justice\\nas an idle life in comparison with the labour of the ploughman and\\nvinegrower in the country. Nevertheless, a considerable time elapsed\\nbefore the bad qualities developed by these circumstances so far pre-\\nvailed as to overcome the noble habits and tendencies of the Athenian\\ncharacter. For a long time the industrious cultivators, the brave war-\\nPlat. Gorg.p. 515. E.\\nf Thucyd. II. 121. Comp. Plutarch, Perkl. 9.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0292.jp2"}, "289": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE.\\nriors, and the men of old-fashioned morality were opposed, among the\\ncitizens of Athens, to the loquacious, luxurious, and dissolute genera-\\ntion who passed their whole time in the market-place and courts of\\njustice. The contest between these two parties is the main subject of\\nthe early Attic comedy and accordingly we shall recur to it in con-\\nnexion with Aristophanes.\\n8. Literature and art, however, were not, during the Peloponnesian\\nwar, affected by the corruption of morals. The works of this period,\u00e2\u0080\u0094\\nwhich the names of ^Eschylus, Sophocles, and Phidias are sufficient to\\ncall to our minds exhibit not only a perfection of form, but also an\\nelevation of soul and a grandeur of conception, which fill us almost\\nwith as much admiration for those whose minds were sufficiently ma-\\nture and strong to enjoy such works of art, as for those who produced\\nthem. Pericles, whose whole administration was evidently intended to\\ndiffuse a taste for genuine beauty among the people, could justly use\\nthe words attributed to him by Thucydides We are fond of beauty\\nwithout departing from simplicity, and we seek wisdom without becom-\\ning effeminate*. A step farther, and the love of genuine beauty gave\\nplace to a desire for evil pleasures, and the love of wisdom degenerated\\ninto a habit of idle logomachy.\\nWe now turn to the drama, the species of poetry which peculiarly\\nbelongs to the Athenians; and we shall here see how the utmost beauty\\nand elegance were gradually developed out of rude, stiff, antique forms.\\nCHAPTER XXI.\\n1. Causes of dramatic poetry in Greece. 2. The invention of dramatic poetry\\npeculiar to Greece. 3. Origin of the Greek drama from the worship of Bac-\\nchus. 4 Earliest, or Doric form of tragedy, a choral or dithyrambic song in the\\nworship of Bacchus. 5. Connexion of the early tragedy with a chorus of satyrs.\\n6. Improvement of tragedy at Athens by Thespis 6 7. by Phr) nichus\\n8. and by Choerilus. Cultivation of the satyric drama by the latter. 9. The\\nsatyric drama completely separated from tragedy by Pratinas.\\n1. The spirit of an age is, in general, more completely and faithfully\\nrepresented by its poetry than by any branch of prose composition\\nand, accordingly, we may best trace the character of the three different\\nstages of civilization among the Greeks in the three grand divisions of\\ntheir poetry. The epic poetry belongs to a period when, during the\\nThucyd. II. 40. piXonuXoZfjt.iv yct\u00c2\u00a3 fzir, tvrsXuu;, xoc) piXoffo poZ(Aiv cinu /uctXaxiccf.\\nThe word turlXttx is not to be understood as if the Athenians did not expend large\\nsums of public money upon works of art what Pericles means is, that the Athenians\\nadmired the simple and severe beauty of art alone, without seeking after glitter ana\\nmagnificence.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0293.jp2"}, "290": {"fulltext": "2S6 HISTORY OF THE\\ncontinuance of monarchical institutions, the minds of the people were\\nimpregnated and swayed by legends handed down from antiquity.\\nElegiac, iambic, and lyric poetry arose in the more stirring and agitated\\ntimes which accompanied the development of republican governments\\ntimes in which each individual gave vent to his personal aims and wishes,\\nand all the depths of the human breast were unlocked by the inspirations\\nof poetry. And now when, at the summit of Greek civilization, in the\\nvery prime of Athenian power and freedom, we see dramatic poetry\\nspring up, as the organ of the prevailing thoughts and feelings of the\\ntime, and throwing all other varieties of poetry into the shade, we are\\nnaturally led to ask, how it comes that this style of poetry agreed so\\nwell with the spirit of the age, and so far outstripped its competitors\\nin the contest for public favour\\nDramatic poetry, as the Greek name plainly declares, represents\\nactions which are not (as in the epos) merely narrated, but seem to\\ntake place before the eyes of the spectator. Yet this external appear-\\nance cannot constitute the essential difference between dramatic and\\nepic poetry for, since the events thus represented do not really happen\\nat the moment, of their representation since the speech and actions of\\nthe persons in the drama are only a fiction of the poet, and, when suc-\\ncessful, an illusion to the spectator; it would follow that the whole\\ndifference turned upon a mere deception. The essence of this style of\\npoetry has a much deeper source viz., the state of the poet s mind,\\nwhen engaged in the contemplation of his subject. The epic poet\\nseems to regard the events which he relates, from afar, as objects of\\ncalm contemplation and admiration, and is always conscious of the\\ngreat interval between him and them while the dramatist plunges,\\nwith his entire soul, into the scenes of human life, and seems himself to\\nexperience the events which he exhibits to our view. He experiences\\nthem in a two-fold manner first, because in the drama, actions (as they\\narise out of the depths of the human heart) are represented as com-\\npletely and as naturally as if they originated in our own breasts se-\\ncondly, because the effect of the actions and fortunes of the personages\\nupon the sympathies of other persons in the drama itself is exhibited\\nwith such force, that the listener feels himself constrained to like sym-\\npathy, and powerfully attracted within the circle of the drama. This\\nsecond means, the strong sympathy in the action of the drama, was, at\\nthe time when this style of poetry was developing itself, by far the most\\nimportant and hence arose the necessity of the chorus, as a partici-\\npator in the fortunes of the principal characters in the drama of this\\nperiod. Another similar fact is that the Greek drama did not originate\\nfrom the narrative, but from a branch of lyric poetry. The latter point,\\nhowever, we shall examine hereafter. At present, we merely consider\\nthe fact that the drama comprehends and develops the events of humaij\\nlife with a force and depth which no other style of poetry can reach", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0294.jp2"}, "291": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 287\\nand that these admit only of a dramatic treatment, while outward nature\\nis best described in epic and lyric poetry.\\n2. If we carry ourselves in imagination back to a time when dra-\\nmatic composition was unknown, we must acknowledge that its crea-\\ntion required great boldness of mind. Hitherto the hard had only\\nsung- of gods and heroes, as elevated beings, from ancient traditions it\\nwas, therefore, a great change for the poet himself to come forward all\\nat once in the character of the god or hero in a nation which, even\\nin its amusements, had always adhered closely to established usage. It\\nis true that there is much in human nature which impels it to dramatic\\nrepresentations namely, the universal love of imitating other persons,\\nand the childlike liveliness with which a narrator, strongly impressed\\nwith his subject, delivers a speech which he has heard, or, perhaps, only\\nimagined. Yet there is a wide step from these disjointed elements to the\\ngenuine drama; and it seems that no nation except the Greeks ever\\nmade this step. The Old Testament contains narratives interwoven\\nwith speeches and dialogues, as the Book of Job and lyric poems\\nplaced in a dramatic connexion, as Solomon s Song but we nowhere\\nfind in this literature any mention of dramas properly so called. The\\ndramatic poetry of the Indians belongs to a time when there had\\nbeen much intercourse between Greece and India; and the mysteries\\nof the Middle Ages were grounded upon a tradition, though a very\\nobscure one, from antiquity. Even in ancient Greece and Italy, dra-\\nmatic poetry, and especially tragedy, attained to perfection only in\\nAthens; and, even here, it was only exhibited at a few festivals of a\\nsingle god, Dionysus; while epic rhapsodies and lyric odes were recited\\non various occasions. All this is incomprehensible, if we suppose dra-\\nmatic poetry to have originated in causes independent of the peculiar\\ncircumstances of the time and place. If a love of imitation, and a\\ndelight in disguising the real person under a mask, were the basis\\nupon which this style of poetry was raised, the drama would have\\nbeen as natural and as universal among men as these qualities are\\ncommon to their nature.\\n3. A more satisfactory explanation of the origin of the Greek\\ndrama may be found in its connexion with the worship of the gods,\\nand particularly that of Bacchus. The Greek worship contains a great\\nnumber of dramatic elements. The gods were supposed to dwell\\ntheir temples, and participate in their festivals; and it was not con-\\nsidered presumptuous or unbecoming to represent them as acting like\\nhuman beings. Thus, Apollo s combat with the dragon, and his con-\\nsequent flight and expiation, were represented by a noble youth of\\nDelphi; in Samos the marriage of Zeus and Here was exhibited at the\\ngreat festival of the goddess. The Eleusinian mysteries were (as an\\nancient writer expresses it*) a mystical drama, in which the his-\\nClem, Alex, Frotrept. n. 12. Potter.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0295.jp2"}, "292": {"fulltext": "288 HISTORY OF THE\\ntory of Demeter and Cora was acted, like a play, by priests and\\npriestesses; though, probably, only with mimic action, illustrated by a\\nfew significant sentences of a symbolic nature, and by the singing of\\nhymns. There were also similar mimic representations in the worship\\nof Bacchus thus, at the Anthesteria at Athens, the wife of the second\\nArchon, who bore the title of Queen, was betrothed to Dionysus in a\\nsecret solemnity, and in public processions even the god himself was\\nrepresented by a man*. At the Boeotian festival of the Agrionia,\\nDionysus was supposed to have disappeared, and to be sought for\\namong the mountains; there was also a maiden (representing one of\\nthe nymphs in the train of Dionysus), who was pursued by a priest,\\ncarrying a hatchet, and personating a being hostile to the God. This\\nfestival rite, which is frequently mentioned by Plutarch, is the origin\\nof the fable, which occurs in Homer, of the pursuit of Dionysus and his\\nnurses by the furious Lycurgus.\\nBut the worship of Bacchus had one quality which was, more than\\nany other, calculated to give birth to the drama, and particularly to\\ntragedy namely, the enthusiasm, which formed an essential part of it.\\nThis enthusiasm (as we have already remarkedf) proceeded from an\\nimpassioned sympathy with the events of nature, in connexion with\\nthe course of the seasons especially with the struggle which Nature\\nseemed to make in winter, in order that she might break forth in\\nspring with renovated beauty hence the festivals of Dionysus at\\nAthens and elsewhere were all solemnised in the months which were\\nnearest to the shortest dayj. The feeling which originally prevailed\\nat these festivals was, that the enthusiastic participators in them be-\\nlieved that they perceived the god to be really affected by the changes\\nof nature killed or dying, flying and rescued, reanimated or returning,\\nvictorious and dominant and all who shared in the festival felt these\\njoyful or mournful events, as if they were under the immediate influence\\nof them. Now the great changes which took place in the religion, as\\nwell as in the general cultivation of the Greeks, banished from men s\\nminds the conviction that the happy or unhappy events, which they be-\\nwailed or rejoiced in, really occurred in nature before their eyes. Bac-\\nchus, accordingly, was conceived as an individual, anthropomorphic,\\nself-existing being but the enthusiastic sympathy with Dionysus and his\\nA beautiful slave of Nicias represented Dionysus on an occasion of this kind\\nPlutarch, Nic. 3. Compare the description of the great Bacchic procession under\\nPtolemy Philadelphus in Athen. v. p. 196, sq.\\nf Ch. 2. 4.\\nIn Athens the months succeeded one another in the following order Posei-\\ndeon, Gamelion (formerly Lenaeon), Anthesterion, Elaphebolion these, according\\nto Boeckh s convincing demonstration, contained the Bacchic festivals of the lesser\\nor country Dionysia, Lenaea, Anthesteria, the greater or city Dionysia. In Delphi,\\nthe three winter months were sacred to Dionysus (Plutarch de E t ap. Delphos, c. 9.),\\nand the great festival of Trieterica was celebrated on Parnassus at the time of the\\nshortest day.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0296.jp2"}, "293": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 289\\nfortunes, as with real events, always remained. The swarm of subordi-\\nnate beings Satyrs, Panes, and Nymphs\u00e2\u0080\u0094 by whom Bacchus was sur-\\nrounded, and through whom life seemed to pass from the god of out-\\nward nature into vegetation and the animal world, and branch oil* into a\\nvariety of beautiful or grotesque forms, were ever present to the fancy\\nof the Greeks it was not necessary to depart very widely from the\\nordinary course of ideas, to imagine that dances of fair nymphs and bold\\nsatyrs, among the solitary woods and rocks, were visible to human eyes,\\nor even in fancy to take a part in them. The intense desire felt by every\\nworshipper of Bacchus to fight, to conquer, to suffer, in common with\\nhim, made them regard these subordinate beings as a convenient step by\\nwhich they could approach more nearly to the presence of their divinity.\\nThe custom, so prevalent at the festivals of Bacchus, of taking the dis-\\nguise of satyrs, doubtless originated in this feeling, and not in the mere\\ndesire of concealing excesses under the disguise of a mask otherwise,\\nso serious and pathetic a spectacle as tragedy could never have origi-\\nnated in the choruses of these satyrs. The desire of escaping from\\nself, into something new and strange, of living in an imaginary world,\\nbreaks forth in a thousand instances in these festivals of Bacchus. It\\n\u00c2\u00bbis seen in the colouring the body with plaster, soot, vermilion, and\\ndifferent sorts of green and red juices of plants, wearing goats and\\ndeer skins round the loins, covering the face with large leaves of dif-\\nferent plants and, lastly, in the wearing masks of wood, bark, and\\nother materials, and of a complete costume belonging to the character.\\n4. These facts seem to us to explain how the drama might na-\\nturally originate from the enthusiasm of the worship of Bacchus, as a\\npart of his festival ceremonies. We now come to consider the direct\\nevidence respecting its origin. The learned writers of antiquity agree\\nin stating that tragedy, as well as comedy, was originally a choral\\nsong.* It is a most important fact in the history of dramatic poetry,\\nthat the lyric portion, the song of the chorus, was the original part of it.\\nThe action, the adventure of the god, was pre-supposed, or only sym-\\nbolically indicated by the sacrifice the chorus expressed their feelings\\nupon it. This choral song belonged to the class of dithyrambs Aris-\\ntotle says that tragedy originated with the singers of the dithyramb. f\\nThe dithyramb was, as we have already seen, an enthusiastic ode to\\nBacchus, which had in early time been sung at convivial meetings by\\nthe drunken revellers, but, after the time of Arion (about b. c. 620), was\\nregularly executed by a chorus. The dithyramb was capable of ex-\\npressing every variety of feeling excited by the worship and mythology\\nOne passage will serve for many: Euanthius de tragffidia et comoedia, c. J.\\nComoedia fere vetus, ut ipsa quoque olim tragaedia, simplex l uit carmen, quod cho-\\nrus circa aras fum antes nunc spaliatus, nunc consistent nunc vevolvtns gyros, cum\\ntibicine concinebat.\\nf Aristot. Poet. 4. uto ruv i^ei^oyruv rov^ityxfifiav.\\nI Ch. XIV. 7.\\nU", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0297.jp2"}, "294": {"fulltext": "290 HISTORY OF THE\\nof Bacchus. There were dithyrambs of a gay and joyous tone, cele-\\nbrating- the commencement of spring but tragedy, with its solemn and\\ngloomy character, could not have proceeded from these. The dithy-\\nramb, from which tragedy probably took its origin, turned upon the\\nsorrows of Dionysus. This appears from the remarkable account of\\nHerodotus, that in Sicyon, in the time of the tyrant Cleisthenes (about\\n600 b,c), tragic choruses had been represented, which celebrated the\\nsorrows, not of Dionysus, but of the hero Adrastus and that Clei-\\nsthenes restored these choruses to the worship of Dionysus* This\\nshows, not only that there were at that time tragic choruses, but also\\nthat the subject of them had been changed from Dionysus to other\\nheroes, especially those who were distinguished by their misfortunes and\\nsufferings. The reason why sometimes the dithyramb,! and afterwards\\ntragedy, was transferred from Dionysus to heroes, and not to other\\ngods of the Greek Olympus, was that the latter were elevated above\\nthe chances of fortune, and the alternations of joy and grief, to which\\nboth Dionysus and the heroes were subject. The date given by Hero-\\ndotus agrees well with the statement of the ancient grammarians,\\nthat the celebrated dithyrambic poet, Arion (about 580 b. a), invented\\nthe tragic style (rpayiKOQ rpo7rog); evidently the same variety of dithyramb\\nas that usual in Sicyon in the time of Cleisthenes. This narrative also\\ngives some probability to the tradition of a tragic author of Sicyon,\\nnamed Epigenes, who lived before the time of the Athenian dramatists\\nfrom the perplexed and, in part, corrupt notices of him it is conjectured\\nthat he was the first who transferred tragedy from Dionysus to other\\npersons.\\n5. In attempting to form a more precise conception of the ancient\\ntragedy, when it still belonged exclusively to the worship of Bacchus,\\nwe are led by the statement of Aristotle, that tragedy originated with\\nthe chief singers of the dithyramb, to suppose that the leaders of the\\nchorus came forward separately. It may be conjectured that these, either\\nas representatives of Dionysus himself, or as messengers from his train,\\nnarrated the perils which threatened the god, and his final escape from\\nor triumph over them and that the chorus then expressed its feelings,\\nas at passing events. The chorus thus naturally assumed the character\\nof satellites of Dionysus whence they easily fell into the parts of\\nsatyrs, who were not only his companions in sportive adventures, but\\nalso in combats and misfortunes and were as well adapted to express\\nterror or fear, as gaiety or pleasure. It is stated by Aristotle and many\\ngrammarians, that the most ancient tragedy bore the character of a\\nHerod. V. 67. to. Tu,6ta ahrov vgu.yix.o~i Tt ^OQoiai lyiociigov, rov (At Aiovuffev oh ti/jiiuv\\nTt;, rov Tt A^ itrrov. KXet r0zvr,s Ti X, 5 f* iv r V Aievuiru aorsLxE. Whether u.ir ib ux.i is\\ntranslated, u He gave them back, or (i He gave them as something due, the result\\nis the same.\\nt There was a dithyramb, entitled Memnon, composed by Simonides, Strabo,\\nxvi. p. 728, comp, Plutarch de Mus. c. 10.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0298.jp2"}, "295": {"fulltext": "MTERATURR OP ANCIENT GREECE. 201\\nsport of satyrs; and the introduction of satyrs into this species of poetry\\nis ascribed to Arion, who is said to have invented the tragic dithyramb.\\nThe name of tragedy, ov goafs song, was even by the ancients derived\\nfrom the resemblance of the singers, in their character of satyrs, to\\ng oats. Yet the slight resemblance in form between satyrs and goats\\ncould hardly have given a name to this kind of poetry it is far more\\nprobable that this species of dithyramb was originally performed at the\\nburnt sacrifice of a goat the connexion of which with the subject of\\nthe earliest tragedy can only be explained by means of mythological\\nresearches foreign to the present subject.*\\nThus far had tragedy advanced among the Dorians, who therefore\\nconsidered themselves the inventors of it. All its further development\\nbelongs to the Athenians while among the Dorians it seems to have\\nbeen long preserved in its original lyric form. Doubtless tragic dithy-\\nrambs of the same kind as those in Sicyon and Corinth continued for\\na long time to be sung in Athens; probably at the temple of Bacchus,\\ncalled Lenaeum, and the Lensean festival, with which all the genuine\\ntraditions respecting the origin of tragedy were connected. Moreover,\\nthe Lenaean festival was solemnized exactly, at the time when, in other\\nparts of Greece, the sorrows of Dionysus were bewailed. Hence in\\nlater times, when the dramatic spectacles were celebrated at the three\\nDionysiac festivals of the year, tragedy preceded comedy at the Lenaea,\\nand followed immediately after the festival procession; while both at\\nthe greater and lesser Dionysia, comedy, which came after a great\\ncarousal, was first, and was followed by tragedy.*)- At these festivals,\\nbefore the innovations of Thespis, when the chorus had assembled round\\nthe altar of Dionysus, an individual from the midst of the chorus is said\\nto have answered the other members of the chorus from the sacrificial\\ntable (eXtoc) near the altar; that is to say, he probably imparted to\\nthem in song the subjects which excited and guided the feelings ex-\\npressed by the chorus in its chants.\\nWe here reject the common account (adopted, among other writers, by Horace)\\nof the invention of comedy at the vintage, the faces smeared with lees of wine, the\\nwaggon with which Thespis went round Attica, and so forth since all these arise\\nfrom a confusion between the origin of comedy and tragedy. Comedy really ori-\\nginated at the rural Dionysia, or the vintage festival (see ch. XXVII.). Aristophanes\\ncalls the comic poets of his own time lee-singers (r^uyuhl), but he never gives this\\nname to the tragic poets and actors. The waggon suits not the dithyramb, which\\nwas sung by a standing chorus, but a procession, winch occurred in the earliest form\\nof comedy; moreover, in many festivals, there was a custom of throwing out\\nand scurrilous abuse from a waggon {trxu^ara 1\u00c2\u00a3 uf*u%av). It is only by completely\\navoiding this error (which rests on a very natural confusion) that it is possible to\\nreconcile the earliest history of the drama with the best testimonies, especially that\\nof Aristotle.\\nf According to the very important statements concerning the parts of these fes-\\ntivals, which are in the documents cited in the speech of Demosthenes against\\nMidias. Of the Lenaea it is said, a in) Anvalu xof/.nn xa) ol r^aytubo) xa.) ol xu/u.w oi\\nof the greater Dionysia, ro7$ iv a f-~n Auvurioi; h xo^n xa) ol vrvXbn xa) b xuf*.oi xa) ol\\nxupoJbol xa.) ol r^ayoShoi of the lesser Dionysia in the Piraeus, h xop-xh ru Auvto-y iv\\nUu^aiu xa) ol xv/xuoo) xu) ol r^uyubol.\\nu 2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0299.jp2"}, "296": {"fulltext": "292 HISTORY OF THE\\n6. The ancients, however, are agreed that Thespis first caused\\ntragedy to become a drama, though a very simple one. In the time of\\nPisistratus (b. c. 536), Thespis made the great step of connecting with\\nthe choral representation (which had hitherto at most admitted an in-\\nterchange of voices) a regular dialogue, which was only distinguished\\nfrom the language of common life by its metrical form and by a more\\nelevated tone. For this purpose, he joined one person to the chorus,\\nwho was the first actor* Now according to the ideas which we have\\nformed from the finished drama, one actor appears to be no better than\\nnone at all. When however it is borne in mind, that, according to the\\nconstant practice of the ancient drama, one actor played several parts in\\nthe same piece (for which the linen masks, introduced by Thespis, must\\nhave been of great use) and moreover, that the chorus was combined\\nwith the actor, and could maintain a dialogue with him, it is easy to see\\nhow a dramatic action might be introduced, continued and concluded\\nby the speeches inserted between the choral songs. Let us, for example,\\nfrom among the pieces whose titles have been preserved,t take the Pen-\\ntheus. In this, the single actor might appear successively as Dionysus,\\nPentheus, a Messenger, and Agave, the mother of Pentheus and, in\\nthese several characters, might announce designs and intentions, or re-\\nlate events which could not conveniently be represented, as the murder\\nof Pentheus by his unfortunate mother, or express triumphant joy at the\\ndeed by which means he would represent, not without interesting\\nscenes, the substance of the fable, as it is given in the Bacchse of Euri-\\npides. Messengers and heralds probably played an important part in\\nthis early drama (which, indeed, they retained to a considerable extent\\nin the perfect form of Greek tragedy and the speeches were probably\\nshort, as compared with the choral songs, which they served to explain.\\nIn the drama of Thespis, the persons of the chorus frequently repre-\\nsented satyrs, as well as other parts for, before the satyric drama had\\nacquired a distinctive character, it must have been confounded with\\ntragedy.\\nThe dances of the chorus were still a principal part of the perform-\\nance; the ancient tragedians in general were teachers of dancing, (or,\\nas we should say, ballet-masters,) as well as poets and musicians.\\nIn the time of Aristophanes, (when plays of Thespis could scarcely\\nbe represented upon the stage,) the dances of Thespis were still per-\\nformed by admirers of the ancient style.! Moreover, Aristotle remarks\\nthat the earliest tragedians used the long trochaic verse (the trochaic\\ntetrameter) in the dialogue more than the iambic trimeter now the\\nformer was peculiarly adapted to lively, dance-like gesticulations.\u00c2\u00a7\\nCalled i/Troxoirh;, from vvoxgivitrfai, because he answered the songs of the chorus.\\nf The funeral games of Pelias or Phorbas, the Priests, the Youths, Pentheus.\\nI Aristoph. Vesp. M79.\\nThis is also confirmed by the passage of Aris oph. Pac. 322.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0300.jp2"}, "297": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE.\\nThese metres were not invented by the tragic poets, but were bom\\nby them from Archilochus, Solon, and other poets of this class, and\\ninvested with the appropriate character ami expression. Probably the\\ntragic poets adopted the lively and impassioned trochaic verse, while\\nthe comic poets adopted the energetic and rapid iambic verse, formed\\nfor jest and wrangling; the latter seems to have only obtained gra-\\ndually, chiefly through iEschylus, the form in which it seemed a fitting\\nmetre for the solemn and dignified language of heroes.f\\n7. In Phrynichus likewise, the son of Polyphradmon, of Athens,\\nwho was in great repute on the Athenian stage from Olymp. 67. 1.\\n(b. c. 512), the lyric predominated over the dramatic element, lie,\\nlike Thespis, had only one actor, at least until .ZEschylus had established\\nhis innovations but he used this actor for different, and especially for\\nfemale parts. Phrynichus was the first who brought female parts upon\\nthe stage (which, according to the manners of the ancients, could only\\nbe acted by men) a fact which throws a light upon his poetical cha-\\nracter. The chief excellence of Phrynichus lay in dancing and lyric\\ncompositions if his works were extant, he would probably seem to us\\nrather a lyric poet of the iEolian school than a dramatist. His tender,\\nsweet, and often plaintive songs were still much admired in the time\\nof the Peloponnesian war, especially by old-fashioned people. The\\nchorus, as may be naturally supposed, played the chief part in his\\ndrama and the single actor was present in order to furnish subjects on\\nwhich the chorus should express its feelings and thoughts, instead of the\\nchorus being intended to illustrate the action represented upon the\\nstage. It appears even that the great dramatic chorus (which originally\\ncorresponded to the dithyrambic) was distributed by Phrynichus into\\nsubdivisions, with different parts, in order to produce alternation and\\ncontrast in the long lyric compositions. Thus in the famous play of\\nPhrynichus, entitled the Phcenisscc (which he brought upon the stage in\\nOlymp. 75, 4, b. c. 476, and in which he celebrated the exploits of\\nAthens in the Persian war), J the chorus consisted in part, as the name\\nof the drama shows, of Phoenician women from Sidon and other cities of\\nthe neighbourhood, who had been sent to the Persian court but an-\\nCh. XI. 8.\\nThe fragments preserved under the name of Thespis are indeed iambic trime-\\nters hut they are evidently taken from the pieces composed by Heraclides Ponticus\\nin his name. See Diog. Laert. V. 92.\\nI It is related that Phrynichus composed a piece in Olymp. 75. 4 (n. o. 477) for\\na tragic chorus, which Themistocles had furnished as choregus. Bentley baa con-\\njectured with much probability that this piece was the PhoBnisse, in which Phry-\\nnichus dwelt on the merits of Themistocles. Among the titles of the plays of\\nPhrynichus in Suidas, 2*W\u00c2\u00ab*m, the consultors or deliberators, probably desig-\\nnates the Phoenissse, which would otherwise be wanting.\\nThe chorus of Phoenician women sang at its entrance S.ibJiviov u rru \\\\ivoZo t\\nxa) fyofftgav A^ado*, as maybe seen from the Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 220 and Hesych.\\nin y hUKi( w 2/5ow w.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0301.jp2"}, "298": {"fulltext": ":?94 HISTORY OF THE\\nother part of it was formed of noble Persians, who in the king s absence\\nconsulted about the affairs of the kingdom. For we know that at the\\nbeginning of this drama (which had a great resemblance to the Persians\\nof jEschylus) a royal eunuch and carpet-spreader* came forward, who\\nprepared the seats for this high council, and announced its meeting.\\nThe weighty cares of these aged men, and the passionate laments of\\nthe Phoenician damsels who had been deprived of their fathers or\\nbrothers by the sea-fight, doubtless made a contrast, in which one of\\nthe main charms of the drama consisted. It is remarkable that Phry-\\nnichus, in several instances, deviated from mythical subjects to subjects\\ntaken from contemporary history. In a former drama, entitled the\\nCapture of Miletus* he represented the calamities which had befallen\\nMiletus, the colony and ally of Athens, at the Persian conquest, after\\nthe Ionic revolt (b. c. 498). Herodotus relates that the whole theatre\\nwas moved by it to tears notwithstanding which the people afterwards\\nsentenced him to a considerable fine for representing to them their\\nown misfortunes a remarkable judgment of the Athenians concerning\\na work of poetry, by which they manifestly expected to be raised into a\\nhigher world, not to be reminded of the miseries of the present life.\\n8. Contemporary with Phrynichus on the tragic stage was Chce-\\nrilus, a prolific and, for a long time, active poet; since he came for-\\nward so early as the 64th Olympiad (b.c. 524), and maintained his\\nground not only against iEschylus, but even for some years against\\nSophocles. The most remarkable fact known with regard to this poet\\nis, that he excelled in the satyric drama, t which had therefore in his\\ntime been separated from tragedy. For as tragedy constantly inclined\\nto heroic fables, in preference to subjects connected with Dionysus, and\\nas the rude style of the old Bacchic sport yielded to a more dignified\\nand serious mode of composition, the chorus of satyrs was no longer\\nan appropriate accompaniment. But it was the custom in Greece to\\nretain and cultivate all the earlier forms of poetry which had anything\\npeculiar and characteristic, together with the newer varieties formed\\nfrom them. Accordingly a separate Salyric Drama was developed, in\\naddition to tragedy; and, for the most part,| three tragedies and one\\nsatyric drama at the conclusion, were represented together, forming a\\nconnected whole. This satyric drama was not a comedy, but (as an\\nancient author aptly describes it) a playful tragedy. Its subjects\\nwere taken from the same class of adventures of Bacchus and the\\nheroes, as tragedy but they were so treated in connexion with rude\\nobjects of outward nature, that the presence and participation of rustic,\\nf According to the verse Hv ixk ph p a riXtb$ h Xoieiko; h traru^ois.\\nJ For the most part, I say for we shall see, when we come to the Alcestis of\\nEuripides, that tetralogies occur, composed of tragedies alone.\\no Ucc ifyvtrct r^yyVioi, Demetrius de Elocut. 169. Comp. Hor, Art. P. 231.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0302.jp2"}, "299": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE.\\npetulant satyrs seemed quite appropriate. Accordingly, all scenes from\\nfree, untamed nature, adventures of a striking character, where Bti\\nmonsters or savage tyrants of mythology are overcome by valour or\\nstratagem, belong- to this class; and in such scenes as these the satyrs\\ncould express various feelings of terror and delight, disgust and desire,\\nwith all the openness and unreserve which belong to their character.\\nAll mythical subjects and characters were not therefore suited to the\\nsatyric drama. The character best suited to this drama seems to have\\nbeen the powerful hero Hercules, an cater and drinker and boon com-\\npanion, who, when he is in good humour, allows himself to be amused\\nby the petulant sports of satyrs and other similar elves.\\n9. The complete separation of the satyric drama from the other\\ndramatic varieties is attributed by ancient grammarians to Puatinas or\\nPhlius, and therefore a Dorian from Peloponnesus, although he came\\nforward in Athens as a rival of Chcerilus and JEschylus about Olymp.\\n70 (b.c. 500), and probably still earlier. He also wrote lyric poems of\\nthe hyporchematic kind,* which are closely connected with the satyric\\ndrama f and he moreover composed tragedies but he chiefly excelled\\nin the satyric drama, in the perfecting of which he probably followed\\nnative masters: for Phlius was a neighbour of Corinth and Sicyon,\\nwhich produced the tragedy of Arion and Epigenes, represented by\\nsatyrs. He bequeathed his art to his son Aristeas, who, like his father,\\nlived at Athens as a privileged alien, and obtained great fame on the\\nAthenian stage in competition with Sophocles. The satyric pieces of\\nthese two Phliasians were considered, together with those of ^Eschylus,\\nas the best of their kind.\\nWe are now come to the point where iEschylus appears on the tragic\\nstage. Tragedy, as he received it, was still an infant, though a vigorous\\none when it passed from his hands it had reached a firm and goodly\\nyouth. By adding the second actor, he first gave the dramatic element\\nits due development and at the same time he imparted to the whole\\npiece the dignity and elevation of which it was susceptible.\\nWe should now proceed immediately to this first great mafeter of the\\ntragic art, if it were not first necessary, for the purpose of forming a\\ncorrect conception of his tragedy, to obtain a distinct idea of the ex-\\nternal appearance of this species of dramatic representation, and of the\\nestablished forms with which every tragic poet must comply. Much\\nmay indeed be gathered from the history of the origin of the tragic\\ndrama; but this is not sufficient to give a full and li\\\\ely notion of the\\nmanner in which a play of ^schylus was represented on the stage, and\\nof the relation which its several parts bore to each other.\\nSeech. XII. 10.\\nf Perhaps the hyporchemc in Athen. XIV. p. 017. occurred in a satyri.; drama.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0303.jp2"}, "300": {"fulltext": "296 HISTORY OF THE\\nCHAPTER XXII.\\n1. Ideal character of the Greek tragedy splendid costume of the actors. 2.\\nCothurnus masks. 3. Structure of the theatre. 4. Arrangement of the\\norchestra in connexion with the form and position of the chorus. 5. Form of\\nthe stage, and its meaning in tragedy. 6. Meaning of the entrances of the\\nstage. 7. The actors limitation of their number. 8. Meaning of the\\nprotagonist, deuteragonist, tritagonist. 9. The changes of the scene incon-\\nsiderable ancient tragedy not being a picture of outward acts. 10. Eccy-\\nclema. 11. Composition of the drama from various parts; songs of the\\nentire chorus. 12. Division of a tragedy by the choral songs. 13. Songs\\nof single persons of the chorus and of the actors. 14. Parts of the drama\\nintermediate between song and speech. 15. Speech of the actors arrange-\\nment of the dialogue and its metrical form.\\n1. We shall now endeavour to arrive at a distinct conception of the\\npeculiar character of ancient tragedy, as it appeared in those stable\\nforms which the origin and taste of the Greeks impressed upon it.\\nThe tragedy of antiquity was perfectly different from that which, in\\nprogress of time, arose among other nations; a picture of human life\\nagitated by the passions, and corresponding, as accurately as possible,\\nto its original in all its features. Ancient tragedy departs entirely\\nfrom ordinary life its character is in the highest degree ideal.\\nWe must observe, first, that as tragedy, and indeed dramatic exhibi-\\ntions generally, were seen only at the festivals of Bacchus the cha-\\nracter of these festivals exercised a great influence on the drama. It\\nretained a sort of Bacchic colouring; it appeared in the character of a\\nBacchic solemnity and diversion and the extraordinary excitement of\\nall minds at these festivals, by raising them above the tone of everyday\\nexistence, gave both to the tragic and the comic muse unwonted energy\\nand fire.\\nThe costume of the persons who represented tragedy was far removed\\nfrom that free and natural character which we find raised to the per-\\nfection of beauty by the Greeks in the arts of design. It was a Bacchic\\nfestal costume. Almost all the actors in a tragedy wore long striped\\ngarments, reaching to the ground,! over which were thrown upper\\nIn Athens new tragedies were acted at the Lenaea and the great Dionysia the\\nlatter being a most brilliant festival, at which the allies of Athens and many\\nforeigners were also present. Old tragedies also were acted at the Lenaea and none\\nbut old ones were acted at the lesser Dionysia. These facts appear, in great mea-\\nsure, from the didascalice that is, registers of the victories of the lyric and dramatic\\npoets as teachers of the chorus (^\u00c2\u00ab^/5\u00c2\u00ab,7x*Xo/), from which, through the learned\\nwriters of antiquity, much has passed into the commentaries on the remains of Greek\\npoetry, especially the arguments prefixed to them.\\nf %iravi$ Trobnous, aroXed.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0304.jp2"}, "301": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT OREF.( K. l )l\\ngarments* of purple or some other brilliant colour, with all sorts o!\\ntrimmings and gold ornaments; the ordinary dress at Bacchic festal\\nprocessions and choral dances. f Nor was the Hercules of the stage\\nrepresented as the sturdy athletic hero whose huge limbs were only\\nconcealed by a lion s hide; he appeared in the rich and gaudy dress\\nwe have described, to which his distinctive attributes, the club and the\\nbow, were merely added. The choruses, also, which were furnished by\\nwealthy citizens under the appellation of choregi, in the names of the\\ntribes of Athens, vied with each other in the splendour of their dress\\nand ornaments, as well as in the excellence of their singing and dancing.\\n2. The chorus, which came from among the people at large, and\\nwhich always bore a subordinate part in the action of the tragedy, was\\nin no respect distinguished from the stature and appearance of ordinary\\nmen. J On the other hand, the actor who represented the god or hero,\\nin whose fate the chorus was interested, needed to be raised, even to the\\noutward sense, above the usual dimensions of mortals. A tragic actor\\nwas a very strange, and, according to the taste of the ancients themselves\\nat a later period, a very monstrous being.\u00c2\u00a7 His person was lengthened\\nout considerably beyond the ordinary proportions of the human figure\\nin the first place by the very high soles of the tragic shoe, the cothurnus,\\nand secondly by the length of the tragic mask, called onkos and the\\nchest and body, arms and legs, were stuffed and padded to a corre-\\nsponding size. It was impossible that the body should not lose much\\nof its natural flexibility, and that many of those slighter movements\\nwhich, though barely perceptible, are very significant to the attentive\\nobserver, should not be suppressed. It followed that tragic gesticulation\\n(which was regarded by the ancients themselves as one of the most im-\\nportant parts of the art) necessarily consisted of stiff, angular move-\\nments, in which little was left to the emotion or the inspiration of the\\nmoment. The Greeks, prone to vehement and lively gesticulation, had\\nconstructed a system of expressive gesture, founded on their tem-\\nperament and manners. On the tragic stage this seemed raised to its\\nhighest pitch, corresponding always with the powerful emotions of the\\nactors.\\nMasks, also, which originated in the taste for mumming and dis-\\nguises of all sorts, prevalent at the Bacchic festivals, had become an\\nifid-ria and %\\\\a. t uvh;.\\nf This is evident from the detailed accounts of Pollux IV. c. 18, as well as from\\nworks of ancient art, representing scenes of tragedies, especially the mosaics in the\\nVatican, edited by Millin. See Description d une Mosaique antique du MuseePio*\\nClementin a Rome, representant des scenes le tragedies, par A. L. Millin, Paris,\\n1819.\\nI The opposition of the chorus and the scenic actors is generally that of the\\nHomeric \\\\u.o) and eLwftru*\\nft? iih%6lg xu) po/Si^ov Oia.fx.ct, is the remark of Lucian do Baltat. 27, upon a\\ntragic actor.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0305.jp2"}, "302": {"fulltext": "298 HISTORY OP THE\\nindispensable accompaniment to tragedy. They not only concealed the\\nindividual features of well-known actors, and enabled the spectators\\nentirely to forget the performer in his part, but gave to his whole aspect\\nthat ideal character which the tragedy of antiquity demanded. The tragic\\nmask was not, indeed, intentionally ugly and caricatured, like the comic\\nbut the half-open mouth, the large eye-sockets, the sharply-defined fea-\\ntures, in which every characteristic was presented in its utmost strength,\\nthe bright and hard colouring, were calculated to make the impression\\nof a being agitated by the emotions and the passions of human nature\\nin a degree far above the standard of common life. The loss of the usual\\ngesticulation was not felt in ancient tragedy; since it would not have\\nbeen forcible enough to suit the conception of an ancient hero, nor\\nwould it have been visible to the majority of the spectators in the vast\\ntheatres of antiquity. The unnatural effect which a set and uniform\\ncast of features would produce in tragedy of varied passion and action,\\nlike ours, was much less striking in ancient tragedy wherein the prin-\\ncipal persons, once forcibly possessed by certain objects and emotions,\\nappeared through the whole remaining piece in a state of mind which\\nwas become the habitual and fundamental character of their existence.\\nIt is possible to imagine the Orestes of iEschylus, the Ajax of Sopho-\\ncles, the Medea of Euripides, throughout the whole tragedy with the\\nsame countenance, though this would be difficult in the case of Hamlet\\nor Tasso. The masks could, however, be changed between the acts,\\nso as to represent the necessary changes in the state or emotions of the\\npersons. Thus in the tragedy of Sophocles, after King CEdipus knows\\nthe extent of his calamity and has executed the bloody punishment on\\nhimself, he appeared in a different mask from that which he wore in the\\nconfidence of virtue and of happiness.\\nWe shall not enter into the question whether the masks of the ancients\\nwere also framed with a view to increase the power of the voice. It is,\\nat least, certain that the voices of the tragic actors had a strength and\\na metallic resonance, which must have been the result of practice, no\\nless than of natural organization. Various technical expressions of the\\nancients denote this sort of tone, drawn from the depth of the chest,*\\nwhich filled the vast area of the theatre with a monotonous sort of\\nchant. This, even in the ordinary dialogue, had more resemblance to\\nsinging than to the speech of common life; and in its unwearied uni-\\nformity and distinctly measured rhythmical cadence, must have seemed\\nlike the voice of some more powerful and exalted being than earth could\\nthen produce, resounding through the ample space.\\n3. But before we examine further into the impressions which the\\near received from the tragedy of antiquity, we must endeavour to\\ncomplete the outline of those made upon the eye; and to give such an\\nSof/fiiiv, Xocpjyyl Ciw, especially ^xu^i^uv, rtigtefiuv r\u00c2\u00ab letpfZiTu in Lucian.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0306.jp2"}, "303": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT Q 2D!)\\naccount of the place of representation and the rrengemeni\\nproperly belongs to a history of literature. The ancient taeat\\nstone buildings of enormous size, calculated to accommodate the whole\\nfree and adult population of a Greek city at the spectacles and festal\\ngames for example, the 10,000 Athenian citizens, with the educated\\nwomen and many foreigners. These theatres were not designed\\nclusively for dramatic poetry; choral dances, festal processions, and\\nrevels, all sorts of representations of public life and popular aa\\nwere held in them. Hence we find theatres in every part of (ii\\nthough dramatic poetry was the peculiar growth of Athens. Much,\\nhowever, in theatrical architecture, such as it became in Athens, where\\nthe forms were determined by fixed rules, can only be explained by the\\nadaptation of those forms to dramatic exhibitions.\\nThe Athenians began to build their stone theatre in the temple of\\nDionysus on the south side of the citadel,* in Olymp. 70. 1. B.C. 500\\nthe wooden scaffolding, from which the people had heretofore witnessed\\nthe games, having fallen down in that year. It must very soon have\\nbeen so far completed as to render it possible for the master-pieces of\\nthe three great tragedians to be represented in it; though perhaps the\\narchitectural decorations of all the parts were finished later. As early\\nas the Peloponnesian war, singularly beautiful theatres were built in\\nPeloponnesus and Sicily.\\n4. The whole structure of the theatre, as well as the drama itself,\\nmay be traced to the chorus, whose station was the original centre of\\nthe whole performance. Around this all the rest was grouped. The\\norchestra (which occupied a circular level space in the centre, and, at the\\nsame time, at the bottom of the whole building) grew out of the chorus,\\nor dancing place, of the Homeric times ;f a level smooth space, huge\\nand wide enough for the unrestrained movements of a numerous band\\nof dancers. The altar of Dionysus, around which the dithviambic\\nchorus danced in a circle, had given rise to a sort of raised platform\\nin the centre of the orchestra, the Thymc/c, which served as resting-\\nplace for the chorus when it took up a stationary position. It was u vd\\nin various ways, according to purposes required by the particuhu tra-\\ngedy whether as a funereal monument, a terrace with altars, i\\nTo \\\\l AlOVUffOV 6 iKTfOV OX TO AlOVlHTOU ilKTpoV.\\nf Above, ch. III. 6.\\nIt is sufficient here briefly to remark, that the form of the ancient Attic thi\\nshould not be confounded with that usual in the Macedonian period, in Alexandria,\\nAntiochia, and similar cities. In the latter, the original orchestra was divided into\\nhalves, and the half which was nearest the stage, was, by means of a platform of\\nboards, converted into a spacious inferior stage, upon which the mimes or plat\\ndarii, as well as musicians and dancers, played while the stage, strictly so called.\\ncontinued to be appropriated to the tragic and comic acturs. This division ol\\norchestra was then called thymele, or even orchestra, in the limited mum of thy\\nword.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0307.jp2"}, "304": {"fulltext": "300 HISTORY OP THE\\nThe chorus iSself, in its transition from lyric to dramatic poetry, had\\nundergone a total change of form. As a dithyrambic chorus, it moved\\nin a ring around the altar which served as a centre, and had a com-\\npletely independent character and action. As a dramatic chorus, it\\nwas connected with the action of the stage, was interested in what was\\npassing there, and must therefore, of necessity, front the stage. Hence,\\naccording to the old grammarians, the chorus of the drama was qua-\\ndrangular, i. e., arranged so that the dancers, when standing in their\\nregular places in rows and groups (ort ^ot and \u00c2\u00a3vya), formed right\\nangles. In this form it passed through the wide side-entrances of the\\norchestra (the 7rapo\u00c2\u00a3oi) into the centre of it, where it arranged itself\\nbetween the thymele and the stage in straight lines. The number of\\ndancers in the tragic chorus was probably reduced from fifty, the\\nnumber of the choreutae in the dithyrambic chorus, in the following\\nmanner. First, a quadrangular chorus, of forty-eight persons, was\\nformed and this was divided into four parts or sets which met toge-\\nther. This hypothesis will explain many difficulties; for example, how\\nit is that, at the end of the Eumenides of iEschylus, two separate\\nchoruses, the Furies and the festal train, come on the stage together.*\\nThe chorus of ^Eschylus accordingly consisted of twelve persons at a\\nlater period Sophocles increased them to fifteen, which was the regular\\nnumber in the tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides. t\\nThe places occupied by the choral dancers were all determined by\\nestablished usages, the main object of which was to afford the public\\nthe most favourable view of the chorus, and to bring into the foreground\\nthe handsomest and best dressed of the choreutae. The usual move-\\nments of the tragic chorus were solemn and stately, as beseemed the\\ndignified venerable persons, such as matrons and old men, who fre-\\nquently appeared in them. The tragic, style of dancing, called Emme-\\nleia, is described as the most grave and solemn of the public dances.\\n5. Although the chorus not only sang alone, when the actors had\\nquitted the stage, but sometimes sang alternately with the persons of\\nthe drama, and sometimes entered into dialogue with them, yet it did\\nnot, in general, stand on the same level with them, but on a raised\\nstage or platform, considerably higher than the orchestra. But as the\\norchestra and the stage were not only contiguous, .but joined, our in-\\nformation on this point is by no means so clear as might be wished.\\nTo the eye of the spectator the relation in which the persons of the\\ndrama stood to the chorus was determined by their appearance; the\\nThe same fact also throws a light on the number of the chorus of comedy,\\ntwenty-four. This was half the tragic chorus, since comedies were not acted by-\\nfours, but singly.\\nf The accounts of the ancient grammarians respecting the arrangements of the\\nchorus refer to the chorus of fifteen persons as their accounts respecting the\\narrangements of the stage refer to the three actors. The reason was, that the form\\nof the ^Eschylean tragedy had become obsolete.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0308.jp2"}, "305": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. HlH\\nformer, heroes of the mythical world, whose whole aspect bespoke some-\\nthing mightier and more sublime than ordinary humanity; the latter,\\ngenerally composed of men of the people, whose part it was to show the\\nimpression made by the incidents of the drama on lower and feebler\\nminds; and thus, as it were, interpret them to the audience, with\\nwhom they owned a more kindred nature. The ancient stage was\\nremarkably long, but of little depth. It was but a small segment cut\\nfrom the circle of the orchestra; but it extended on either side so far\\nthat its length was nearly double the diameter of the orchestra.* This\\nform of the stage is founded on the artistical taste of the ancients gene-\\nrally and again, influenced their dramatic representation in a remark-\\nable manner. As ancient sculpture delighted above all things in the\\nlong lines of figures, which we see in the pediments and friezes, and\\nas even the painting of antiquity placed single figures in perfect outline\\nnear each other, but clear and distinct, and rarely so closely grouped as\\nthat one intercepted the view of another; so also the persons on the\\nstage, the heroes and their attendants (who were often numerous), stood\\nin long rows on this long and narrow stage. The persons who came\\nfrom a distance were never seen advancing from the back of the stage,\\nbut from the side, whence they often had to walk a considerable dis-\\ntance before they reached the centre where the principal actors stood.\\nThe oblong space which the stage formed was inclosed on three sides\\nby high walls, the hinder one of which alone was properly called the\\nScene, the narrow walls on the right and left were styled Parasccfiitt,\\nthe stage itself was called in accurate language, not scene, but Pro-\\nscenium, because it was in front of the scene. Scene properly means\\na tent or hut, and such was doubtless erected of wood by the earliest\\nbeginners of dramatic performances, to mark the dwelling of the prin-\\ncipal person represented by the actor. Out of this he came forth into\\nthe open space, and into this he retired again.\\nAnd although this poor and small hut at length gave place to the\\nstately scene, enriched with architectural decorations, yet its purpose\\nand destination remained essentially the same. It was the dwelling of\\nthe principal person or persons; the proscenium was the space in front\\nof it, and the continuation of this space was the orchestra. Thus the\\nscene might represent a camp with the tent of the hero, as in the Ajax\\nof Sophocles a wild region of wood and rock, with a cave for a\\ndwelling place, as in the Philoctetes; but its usual purport and deco-\\nThose readers who wish for more precise information about architectural mea-\\nsures and proportions may consult the beautiful plan given by Donaldson, in the\\nsupplemental volume to Stuart s Antiquities of Athens, London, 1830, p. 33. It\\nshould, however, be observed, that the projecting sides of the proscenium, which\\nDonaldson has assumed with Ilirt, are not supported by any ancient testimony, imr\\ncan they be justified by any requirement of the dramatic representations of the\\nGreeks. The space required for these projections ought rather to be allotted to the\\nside entrances of the orchestra, the xa^ohot.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0309.jp2"}, "306": {"fulltext": "302 HISTORY OP THE\\nration were the front of a chieftain s palace with its colonnades, roofs\\nand towers, together with all the accessory buildings which could be\\nerected on the stage, with more or less of finish and of adaptation to\\nthe special exigencies of the tragedy. Sometimes also it exhibited a\\ntemple, with the buildings and arrangements appertaining to a Grecian\\nsanctuary. But in every case it is the front alone of the palace or the\\ntemple that is seen, not the interior.\\nIn the life of antiquity, everything great and important, all the main\\nactions of family or political interest, passed in the open air and in the\\nview of men. Even social meetings took place rather in public halls,\\nin market-places and streets, than in rooms and chambers and the\\nhabits and actions, which were confined to the interior of a house, were\\nnever regarded as forming subjects for public observation. Accord-\\ningly, it was necessary that the action of the drama should come\\nforth from the interior of the house and tragic poets were compelled\\nto comply strictly with this condition in the invention and plan of their\\ndramatic compositions. The heroic personages, when about to give\\nutterance to their thoughts and feelings, came forth into the court in\\nfront of their houses. From the other side came the chorus out of the\\ncity or district in which the principal persons dwelt they assembled,\\nas friends or neighbours might, to offer their counsel or their sym-\\npathy to the principal actors on the stage, on some open space; often\\na market-place designed for popular meetings such as, in the monar-\\nchical times of Greece, was commonly attached to the prince s palace.\\nFar from shocking received notions, the performance of choral dances\\nin this place was quite in accordance with Greek usages. Anciently,\\nthese market-places w r ere specially designed for numerous popular\\nchoruses; they even themselves bore the name of chorus.* When the\\nstage and the whole theatre had been adapted for this kind of repre-\\nsentation, it was necessary that comedy also should conform to it even\\nin those productions which exclusively represented the incidents and\\npassions of private and domestic life. In the imitations of the later\\nAttic comedy which we owe to Plautus and Terence, the stage repre-\\nsents considerable portions of streets; the houses of the persons of the\\ndrama are distinguishable, interspersed with public buildings and\\ntemples; every thing is arranged by the poet with the utmost attention\\nto effect and generally to nature and probability, so that the actors, in\\nall their goings and comings, their entrances and exits, their meetings\\nin the streets and at their doors, may disclose just so much of their\\nsentiments and their projects as it is necessary or desirable for the\\nspectator to know.\\n6. The massive and permanent walls of the stage had certain\\nopenings which, although differently decorated for different pieces, were\\nCh. III. 6.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0310.jp2"}, "307": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 30.3\\nnever changed. Each of these entrances to the stage had its establish d\\nand permanent signification, and this enabled the spectator to apprehend\\nmany things at the first glance, which he must have otherwise gradually\\nmade out in the course of the piece; since contrivances similar to our\\nplay-bills were unknown to the ancients. On the other hand, the\\naudience came furnished with certain preliminary information concerning\\nwhat they were about to witness, by means of which the plot was far\\nmore clear to them than it can now be by mere reading. Of this kind\\nwas the distinct meaning attached to the right and the left side. The\\ntheatre at Athens was built on the south side of the Acropolis, in such\\na manner that a person standing on the stage saw the greater part of\\nthe city and the harbour on his left, and the country of Attica on his\\nright. Hence, a man who entered on the right by the parascenia, was\\ninvariably understood to come from the country, or from afar; on the\\nleft, from the city, or the neighbourhood. The two side-walls always\\nbore the same relation to each other in the arrangements, as to exterior\\nor interior. Of course, the lower side entrance which led into the\\norchestra, stood in the same relation but of these, the right one was\\nlittle used, because the chorus generally consisted of inhabitants of the\\nplace, or of the immediate neighbourhood. The main wall, however, or\\nthe scene, properly so called, had three doors the middle, which was\\ncalled the royal door, represented the principal entrance to the palace,\\nthe abode of the prince himself; that on the right was held to be a\\npassage leading without, especially to the apartments of the guests,\\nwhich in Greek houses were often in a detached building appropriated\\nto that purpose; that on the left, more towards the interior, leading to\\na part of the house not obvious to the first approach such as a shrine,\\na prison, the apartments of the women, c.\\n7. But the Greeks carried still further this association of certain\\nlocalities with certain incidents or appearances. The moment an actor\\nentered, they could decide upon his part and his relation to the whole\\ndrama. And here we come to the point in which the Greek drama\\nseems the most fettered by inflexible rules, and forced into forms which\\nappear, to our feelings, stiff and unnatural. Grecian art, however, as\\nwe have often had occasion to remark, in all its manifestations, loves\\ndistinct and unvarying forms, which take possession of the mind with\\nall the force of habit, and immediately put it into a certain frame and\\ntemper. If, on the one hand, these forms appear to cramp (be\\ncreative genius, to check the free course of the fancy; on the other,\\nworks of art, which have a given measure, a prescribed form, to fill out,\\nacquire, when this form is animated by a corresponding spirit, a peculiar\\nstability which seems to raise them above the caprieious and ephemeral\\nproductions of the human mind, and to assimilate them to the eternal", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0311.jp2"}, "308": {"fulltext": "304 HISTORY OF THE\\nworks of nature, where the most rigorous conformity to laws is com-\\nbined with boundless variety and beauty.\\nIn the dramatic poetry of Greece, indeed, the outward form to which\\ngenius is forced to adapt itself, appears the more rigid, and, we may\\nsay arbitrary, since, to the conditions imposed on the choice of thoughts,\\nexpression and metre, are added rules, prescribed by the local and\\npersonal character of the representation. With regard to the persons\\nof the drama, the ancients show that historical taste which consists in\\na singular union of attachment to given forms, with aspiration after\\nfurther progress. The antique type is never unnecessarily rejected;\\nbut is rendered susceptible of a greater display of creative power by\\nexpansions which may be said to lie in its very nature.\\nWe have seen how a single actor was detached from the chorus, and\\nhow Thespis and Phrynichus contented themselves with this arrange-\\nment, by causing him to represent in succession all the persons of the\\ndrama, and either before, or with the chorus, to conduct the whole action\\nof the piece. iEschylus added the second actor, in order to obtain the\\ncontrast of two acting persons on the stage, since the general character\\nof the chorus was that of a mere hearer or recipient and although ca-\\npable of expressing its own wishes, hopes, and fears, it was not adapted\\nto independent action. According to this form, only two speaking\\npersons (mutes might be introduced in any number) could appear on\\nthe stage at the same time they, however, might both enter again in\\nother characters, time only being allowed for change of dress. The\\nappearance of the same actor in different parts of the same play did not\\nstrike the ancients as more extraordinary than his appearance in dif-\\nferent parts in different plays since the persons of the actors were\\neffectually disguised by masks, and their skill enabled them to represent\\nvarious characters with perfect success. The dramatic art of those\\ntimes required extraordinary natural gifts; strength of body and of\\nvoice, as well as a most careful education and training for the pro-\\nfession.\\nFrom the time of the great poets, and even later, in the age of\\nPhilip and Alexander, when the interest and character of dramatic\\nperformance rested entirely on the actors, the number of actors capable\\nof satisfying the taste and judgment of the public was always very\\nsmall. Hence, it was an object to turn the talents of the few eminent\\nactors to the greatest possible account and to prevent that injury to\\nthe general effect which the interposition of inferior actors, even in\\nsubordinate parts, must ever produce and, in fact, so often nowadays\\ndoes produce. Even Sophoch-s did not venture beyond the introduction\\nof a third actor this appeared to accomplish all that was necessary to\\nthe variety and mobility of action in tragedy, without sacrificing the", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0312.jp2"}, "309": {"fulltext": "LITERATURK OP ANCIENT GREECE. 805\\nsimplicity and clearness which, in the good ages of antiquity,\\nalways held to be the most essential qualities. ^Eschylus adopted this\\nthird actor in the three connected plays, the Agamemnon, Choephors,\\nand Eumenides; which he seems to have brought out at Athens at the\\nend of his career. His other tragedies, which were performed earlier,\\nare all so constructed tliat they could be represented by two actors.*\\nAll the plays of Sophocles and Euripides are adapted for three aeiors\\nonly, excepting one, the (Edipus in Colonus, which could not be acted\\nwithout the introduction of a fourth. The rich and intricate composition\\nof this noble drama would have been impossible without this innovation. t\\nBut even Sophocles himself does not appear to have dared to introduce\\nit on the stage. It is known that the (Edipus in Colonus was not acted\\ntill after his death, when it was brought out by Sophocles the younger.\\n8. But the ancients laid more stress upon the precise number and\\nthe mutual relations of these three actors than might be inferred from\\nwhat has been said. They distinguished them by the technical names\\nof Protagonistes, Deuteragonistes, and Tritagonistes. These names are\\nused with different meanings. Sometimes the actors themselves are\\ndesignated by their parts as, for example, when Cleandrus is called the\\nprotagonist of iEschylus, and Myniscus his deuteragouist or when\\nDemosthenes, in his contest with iEschines, says, that to represent\\nsuch a stern and cruel tyrant as Creon in the Antigone, is the peculiar\\nglory and privilege of the tritagonist; /Eschines himself having\\nserved under more distinguished actors as tritagonist. Sometimes the\\npersons entering the stage are distinguished by these three names as\\nwhen Pollux the grammarian says, that the protagonist should always\\nenter from the middle door that the dwelling of the deuteragouist\\nshould be on the right hand, and that of the third person of the drama\\non the left. According to a passage in a modern Platonic philosopher,]:\\nimportant to the history of the ancient drama, the poet does not create\\nthe protagonist, deuteragonist, or tritagonist he only gives to each of\\nthese actors his appropriate part.\\nThis, and other expressions of the ancients have involved the subject\\nin many perplexing difficulties, which it would detain us too long to\\nexamine in detail. Our purpose will be best accomplished by giving\\nsuch a summary explanation as will enable these distinctions to be\\nunderstood.\\nThe prologue of the Prometheus appeals, indeed, to require three actors Q l\\nthe parts of Prometheus, Hephsstus, and Cratosj but these might have bei\\narranged, so as not to require a third actor.\\nf Unless we assume that the part of Theseus in this play was partly acted\\nby the person who represented Antigone, and partly by the person who represented\\nIsmene. It is, however, far more difficult for two actors to represent sjm part in\\nthe same tone and spirit, than for one actor to represent tevtrtU parts with the appro-\\npriatc modifications!\\nJPlotin.Knnead.ii L. ii.p. 268. Basil p. 484. Creuser. Cotnpero tha no\\nCreuzer, vol. hi. p. 1 6J, sd. Oxon.\\nX", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0313.jp2"}, "310": {"fulltext": "306 HISTORY OF THE\\nThe tragedy of antiquity originated in the delineation of a suffering\\nor passion (~o\u00c2\u00a3oc), and remained true to its first destination. Sometimes\\nit is outward suffering, danger, and injury sometimes, rather inward;\\na fierce struggle of the soul, a grievous burthen on the spirit; but it is\\nalways one passion, in the largest sense of the word, which claims the\\nsympathy of the audience. The person, then, whose fate excites this\\nsympathy, whose outward or inward wars and conflicts are exhibited,\\nis the protagonist. In the four dramas which require only two actors,\\nthe protagonist is easily distinguished in the Prometheus, the chained\\nTitan himself; in the Persians, Atossa, torn with anxiety for the fate of\\nthe army and the kingdom in the Seven against Thebes, Eteocles\\ndriven by his father s curse to fratricide in the Suppliants, Danaus,\\nthe fugitive, seeking a new home. The deuteragonist, in this form\\nof the drama, is not, in general, the author of the sufferings of the\\nprotagonist. This is some external power, which, in these tragedies,\\nis not brought to view. His only function is to call forth the expres-\\nsions of the various emotions of the protagonist, sometimes by\\nfriendly sympathy, sometimes by painful tidings: as for example, in\\nthe Prometheus, Oceanus, Io, and Hermes, are all parts of the\\ndeuteragonist. The protagonist may also appear in other parts but\\nthe tragedian generally sought to concentrate all the force and ac-\\ntivity of the piece on one part. When a tritagonist is introduced, he\\ngenerally acts as instigator or cause of the sufferings of the protagonist\\nalthough himself the least pathetic or sympathetic person of the drama,\\nhe is yet the occasion of situations by which pity and interest for the\\nprincipal person are powerfully excited. To the deuteragonist fall\\nthe parts in which, though distinguished by a lofty ardour of feeling,\\nthere is not the vehemence and depth appropriate to the protago-\\nnist feebler characters, with calmer blood and less daring aspiration\\nof mind, whom Sophocles is fond of attaching to his heroes as a sort of\\nfoil, to bring out their full force. But even these sometimes display a\\npeculiar beauty and elevation of character. Thus the gradation of these\\nthree kinds of parts depends on the degree in which the one part is\\ncalculated to excite pity and anxiety, and to command, generally, the\\nsympathy of the audience. If we look over the titles of the plays of\\nthe three great tragedians, we shall find that, when they are not\\nderived from the chorus, or the general subject of the piece, they always\\nconsist of the names of the persons to whom the chief interest attaches.\\nAntigone, Electra, CEdipus, the king and the exile, Ajax, Philoctetes,\\nDejanira, Medea, Hecuba, Ion, Hippolytus, c, are unquestionably all\\nprotagonistic parts\\nA move detailed illustration of this point, which would lead to investigations\\ninto the structure of the several tragedies, is not consistent with the plan of the\\npieseiit work. We will, however, state the distribution of the parte in several\\ntragedies, which seems to us the most probable. In the extant trilogy of 3vschylus,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0314.jp2"}, "311": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT G\\nIt was the great endeavour of Greek art to exhibit the character ami\\nrank of the individuals whom it grouped together, ami to preseni to the\\neye a symmetrical image, corresponding with the idea of the action which\\nwas to be represented. The protagonist, as the person whose fate\\nthe centre around which all revolved, must therefore occupy the cei\\nof the stage; the deuteragonist and tritagonist approached him from\\neither side. Hence it was an invariable rule for the protagonist Q\\nto leave the stage by either of the side-doors. If, however, he came\\nfrom abroad, like Agamemnon and Orestes in yEschylus, Ik- b\\nthrough the middle door into the interior of the palate, which was his\\nhabitation. With regard to the deuteragonist and tritagonist, man)\\ndifficulties must have arisen from the local meaning attached to the two\\nside doors; but, if space sufficed for such detailed explanations, we\\nmight show, from numerous examples, how the tragic poets found\\nmeans to fulfil all these conditions.\\n9. Changes of scene were very seldom necessary in ancient tragedy.\\nThe Greek tragedies are so constructed that the speeches and actions,\\nof which they are mainly composed, might with perfect propriety\\non one spot, and indeed ought generally to pass in the court in front\\nof the royal house. The actions to which no speech is attached, and\\nwhich do not serve to develope thoughts and feelings, (such as\\nEteocles combat with his brother; the murder of Agamemnon;\\nAntigone s performance of the obsequies of Polyniccs, c), are\\nimagined to pass behind or without the scene, and are only related\\non the stage. Hence the importance of the parts of messengers and\\nheralds in ancient tragedy. The poet was not influenced only hy the\\nreason given by Horace,* viz., that bloody spectacles and incredible\\nevents excite less horror and doubt when related, and ought tlwn\\nnot to be produced on the stage there was also the far deeper general\\nreason, that it is never the outward act with which the interest of ancient\\nthe problem must he to preserve the same part for the same actor through all the\\nthree plays.\\niProtag. Agamemnon, guard, herald.\\nDeulerag. Cassandra, vEgisthus.\\nTrilag. Clytajmnestia.\\n{Prolog. Orestes.\\nDeuterog. Eleetra, /Egisthus, Exangelos.\\nTritag. Clytannncstra, female attendant.\\n(Prolog. Orestes.\\nDeuterog. Apollo.\\nTritag. Pythias, Clytannnestra, Athene.\\nFor Sophocles, the Antigone and the CEdipus Tyramms may wm as example*\\nProlog. Antig one. Tires ias, Kuiydiee. K\\\\ani;elos.\\nDeuierag. Ismene, guard, Hemon, i\\nTritag. Creon.\\n{Prolog. CEdipus.\\nDeuterog. Priest, Jucasla. servant. Exangelos.\\nTritag, Creon Tiresiat, messenger.\\nArt. Poet. 180. sq.\\nx2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0315.jp2"}, "312": {"fulltext": "308 HISTORY OP THE\\ntragedy is most intimately bound up. The action which forms the basis\\nof every tragedy of those times is internal and spiritual; the reflections,\\nresolutions, feelings, the mental or moral phenomena, which can be\\nexpressed in speech, are developed on the stage. For outward action,\\nwhich is generally mute, or, at all events, cannot be adequately repre-\\nsented by words, the epic form narration is the only appropriate\\nvehicle. Battles, single combats, murders, sacrifices, funerals, and the\\nlike, whatever in mythology is accomplished by strength of hand, passes\\nbehind the scenes; even when it might, without any considerable diffi-\\nculty, be performed in front of them. Exceptions, such as the chaining\\nof Prometheus, and the suicide of Ajax, are rather apparent than real,\\nand indeed serve to confirm the general rule since it is only on\\naccount of the peculiar psychological state of Prometheus when bound,\\nand of Ajax at the time of his suicide, that the outward acts are brought\\non the stage. Moreover, the costume of tragic actors was calculated\\nfor impressive declamation, and not for action. The lengthened and\\nstuffed out figures of the tragic actors would have had an awkward, not\\nto say a ludicrous effect, in combat or other violent action.* From the\\nsublime to the ridiculous would here have been but one step, which\\nantique tragedy carefully avoided risking.\\nThus it was rather from reasons inherent in its nature, than from\\nobedience to prescribed rules, that Greek tragedy observed, with few\\nexceptions, unity of plan and hence it required no arrangement for a\\ncomplete change of scenic decorations, which was first introduced in\\nthe Roman theatre. f In Athens all the necessary changes were\\neffected by means of the Periactce, erected in the corners of the stage.\\nThese were machines of the form of a triangular prism, which turned\\nround rapidly and presented three different surfaces. On the side\\nwhich was supposed to represent foreign parts, it afforded at each\\nturn a different perspective view, while, on the home side, some single\\nnear object alone was changed. For example, the transition from\\nthe temple of Delphi to the temple of Pallas on the Acropolis of Athens,\\nin the Eumenides of TEschylus, was effected in this manner. No\\ngreater change of scene than this takes place in any extant Greek\\ntragedy. Where different but neighbouring places are represented, the\\ngreat length of the stage sufficed to contain them all, especially as the\\nGreeks required no exact and elaborate imitation of reality: a slight\\nindication was sufficient to set in activity their quick and mobile ima-\\nginations. In the Ajax of Sophocles, the half of the stage on the left\\nhand represents the Grecian camp the tent of Ajax, which must be\\nin the centre, terminates the right wing of this camp on the right, is\\nAccording to Lucian, Somoium sive Gallus, c. 26, it wag ludicrous to see a\\nperson fall with the cothurnus,\\nf The scena duclilis and xer silts,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0316.jp2"}, "313": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 809\\nseen a lonely forest with a distant view of the sea; here Ajax en!\\nwhen he is about to destroy himself; so that he is visible to the au-\\ndience, but cannot for a long time be seen by the Chorus, which is in\\nthe side space of the orchestra.\\n10. On the other hand, ancient tragedy was required to fulfil\\nanother condition, which could only co-exist with such a conception of\\nthe locality as has been just described. It is this the proscenium\\nor stage represents a space in the open air what passes here is in\\npublic even in confidential discourse the presence of witnesses is always\\nto be feared. But it was occasionally necessary 1o place before the\\nspectator a scene which was confined to the interior of the house for\\nexample, when the plan and the idea of the piece required what is\\ncalled a tragic situation, that is, a living picture, in which a whole\\nseries of affecting images are crowded together. Scenes of this tre-\\nmendous power are: that in which Clytaimnestra with the bloody sword\\nstands over the bodies of Agamemnon and Cassandra, holding the gar-\\nment in which she has entangled her unfortunate husband and, in\\nthe succeeding tragedy of the same trilogy, that in which Orestes is seen\\non precisely the same spot, where the same bathing robe now covers the\\nbodies of iEgisthus and Clytiemnestra. Or, in the tragedy of Sophocles,\\nAjax, standing among the animals which he has slaughtered in his\\nfrenzy, taking them for the princes of the Greek host, and now, sunk\\nin the deepest melancholy, contemplates the efFects of his madness.\\nIt is easy to perceive that it is not the acts themselves in the moment\\nof execution; but the circumstances, arising out of those acts when\\naccomplished, which occupied the reflections and the feelings of\\nthe chorus and of the audience. To bring on the stage groups like\\nthese, (in the choice and disposition of which we recognize the\\nplastic genius of the age that produced a Phidias,) and to bring to\\nview the interior of dwellings hidden behind the scenes, machines were\\nused, called Eccyclema and Exostra (the one being rolled, the other\\npushed forward). It were presumptuous to attempt to describe the\\nconstruction of these machines from the slight indications we could\\ngather from the grammarians but their working may be clearly per-\\nceived in the tragedians themselves. The side doors of a palace or\\ntent are thrown open, and in the same moment an .inner chamber with\\nits appropriate decorations is distinctly seen on the stage, where it\\nremains as a central point of the dramatic action, till the progress of\\nthe drama requires its disappearance in the same manner. We may\\nfairly presume that these local representations were far from rude or\\ntasteless that they were worthy of the feeling for beauty, and the fa\\nof the age and nation which produced them; especially in the latter\\nyears of /Eschylus, and during the whole career of Sophocles, when\\nthe mathematicians, Anaxagoras and Democritus, had begun to study", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0317.jp2"}, "314": {"fulltext": "310 HISTORY OF THE\\nperspective with a view to the stage while the scene-painting- of\\nAgatharehus gave rise to a peculiar branch of that art,* which, by\\nmeans of light and shadow, produced more perfect imitations of real\\nbodies than had been heretofore known.\\nMachinery for raising figures from beneath the stage, or bearing\\nthem through the air, for the imitation of thunder and lightning, c.\\narrived at sufficient perfection in the time of the three great tragedians\\nto accomplish its end. The tragedies of iEschylus, especially Prome-\\ntheus, prove that he was not unjustly reproached with a great love for\\nfantastic appearances such as winged cars, and strange hippogryphs,\\non which deities, like Oceanus and his daughters, were borne on the\\nstage.\\n11. We believe that we have now brought before our readers the\\nprincipal features of Greek tragedy, such as it appeared to the spec-\\ntator when represented in the theatre. But it is equally necessary,\\nbefore we venture upon an estimate of the several tragedians, to offer\\nsome remarks on the combination of the several parts or elements of a\\nGreek tragedy since this also involves much that is not implied in\\nthe general notion of a drama, and can only be elucidated by the\\npeculiar historical origin of the tragic art in Greece.\\nAncient Grecian tragedy consists of a union of lyric poetry and\\ndramatic discourse, which may be analyzed in different ways. The\\nchorus may be distinguished from the actors, song from dialogue, the\\nlyrical element from the strictly dramatic. But the most convenient\\ndistinction, in the first place, is that suggested by Aristotle, j- between\\nthe song of many voices and the song or speech of a single person. The\\nfirst belongs to the chorus only the second to the chorus or the actors.\\nThe many-voiced songs of the chorus have a peculiar and determinate\\nsignification for the whole tragedy. They were called stasimon when\\nthey were sung by the chorus in its proper place, in the middle of the\\norchestra, and parodos when sung by the chorus while advancing\\nthrough the side entrance of the orchestra, or otherwise moving towards\\nthe place where it arranged itself in its usual order. The difference\\nbetween the parodos and the stasimon consists mainly in this, that the\\nformer more frequently begins with long series of anapaestic systems,\\nwhich were peculiarly adapted to a procession or march or a system\\nof this sort was introduced between the lyrical songs. As to the signi-\\nfication of these songs, the situation of the actors, and the action itself,\\nform the subjects of reflection, and the emotions which they excite in a\\nsympathizing and benevolent mind are expressed. The parodos chiefly\\nexplains the entrance of the chorus and its sympathy in the business of\\nthe drama, while the stasima develop this sympathy in the various forms\\nCalled trKWsyaoLpiu or ffKiay^ln. f Poet. 12.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0318.jp2"}, "315": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE Of ANfiENT 0111 111!\\nwhich the progress of tlie action causes it to assume. As tlu\\ngenerally, represented the ideal spectator, whose mode of viewing th\\nwas to guide and control the impressions of the assembled people, so it\\nwas the peculiar province of the stasimon, amidst the press and tiuimlt of\\nthe action, to maintain that composure of Blind which Ibe Greeks deemed\\nindispensable to the enjoyment of a work of art; and to di\\\\est the\\naction of the accidental and personal, in order to place in a clearer light\\nits inward signification and the thoughts which lay beneath the surface.\\nStasima, therefore, are only introduced in pauses, when the action has\\nrun a certain course the stage is often perfectly clear, or, it any persi\\nhave remained on it, others come on who were not in connexion with\\nthem before, in order that they may have time for the change of costume\\nand masks. In this manner these songs of the assembled chorus divide\\nthe tragedy into certain parts, which may be compared to the aol\\nmodern plays, and from which the Greeks called the part before the\\nparodos the prologue, the parts between the parodos and the stasima,\\ncpisodia, the part after the last stasimon, exodus. The chorus appears\\nin this kind of songs in its appropriate character, and is true to its desti-\\nnation, viz., to express the sentiments of a pious, well-ordered mind in\\nbeautiful and noble forms. Hence this part of ancient tragedy, both in\\nmatter and form, has the greatest resemblance to the choral lyrics of\\nStesichorus, Pindar, and Simonides. The metrical form consists of\\nstrophes and antistrophes, which are connected in simple series, without\\nany artificial interweaving, as in the choral lyric poetry. Instead, how-\\never, of the same scheme of strophes and antistrophes being preserved\\nthrough a whole stasimon, it is changed with each pair. Nor are then\\nepodes after every pair of strophes but only at the close of the ode\\nThis change of metre (which seems also to have been occasionally con-\\nnected with an alteration of the musical mode) was used to exprei\\nchange in the ideas and feelings and herein the dramatic lyric i\\ndiffers essentially from the Pindaric. For whereas the latter rests on\\none fundamental thought and is essentially pervaded b\\\\ one to]\\nfeeling, the dramatic lyric, containing allusions to past and to coming\\nevents, and subject to the influence of various leanings to the several\\ninterests which are opposed on the stage, undergoes changes which often\\nmaterially distinguish the beginning from the end. The rhythmical\\ntreatment of the several parts, too, is generally less that artificial combi-\\nnation of various elements which we find in the works of the al\\nmentioned masters of choral lyric poetry, than a working out ol\\nThe epodes, which are apparently in the middle of a lone cb\\nvEsch. Agam. 1-10\u00e2\u0080\u009459. Dindorf.) form the conclusion ot\\ninstance just adverted to, this consists of nine auapssstic system\\nantistrophe, and epode in dactylic measures, and is immediately followed\\nstiuwwn, which contains five strophes and antistrophes in trochaic a...\\nmetres.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0319.jp2"}, "316": {"fulltext": "312 HISTORY OF THE\\ntheme, often with few variations. It is as if we heard the passionate\\nsong- rushing in a mighty torrent right onwards, while the stream of\\nPindar s verse winds its mazy way through all the deep and delicate\\nintricacies of thought. Without venturing upon the extensive and diffi-\\ncult subject of the difference between the rhythmical structure of lyric\\nand tragic choral verse, we may remark that, as the tragedians used not\\nonly the Pindaric measures, but also those of the older Ionic and iEolic\\nlyric poets, they observe very different rules in the combination of series\\nand verses. To make this clear, it would be necessary to go into all\\nthe niceties of the theory of the Greek metres.\\n12. The pauses which the choral songs produced naturally divided\\ntragedy into the parts already mentioned, prologue, episodia, and\\nexodus. The number, length, and arrangement of these parts admit\\nof an astonishing variety. No numerical rule, like that prescribed by\\nHorace,* here confines the natural development of the dramatic plan.\\nThe number of choral songs was determined by the number of stages\\nin the action calculated to call forth reflections on the human affections,\\nor the laws of fate which governed the events. These again depend on\\nthe plot, and on the number of persons necessary to bring it about.\\nSophocles composed some intricate tragedies, with many stages of the\\naction and many characters, like the Antigone, which is divided into\\nseven acts and some simple, in which the action passes through few\\nbut carefully worked-out stages, like the Philoctetes, which contains\\nonly one stasimon, and therefore consists of three acts, inclusive of the\\nprologue. Long portions of a tragedy may run on without any such\\npause, and form an act. In the Agamemnon of JEschylus, the choral\\nsong which precedes the predictions of Cassandra is the last stasimon. f\\nThese prophecies coincide so closely with their fulfilment by the death\\nof Agamemnon, and the emotions which they excite are so little tranquil-\\nlizing, that there is no opportunity for another stasimon. In Sophocles\\nCEdipus at Colonus, the first general choral song (that is to say, the\\nparorlos, in the meaning above given to it) occurs after the scene in\\nwhich Theseus promises to CEdipus shelter and protection in Attica.J\\nHitherto the chorus, vacillating between horror of the accursed and\\npity for his woes first fearing much, then hoping greatly from him\\nis in a state of restless agitation, and can by no means attain to the\\nserenity and composure which are necessary to enable it to discern the\\nhand of an overruling power.\\n13. As to the combination of the episodia or acts, the lyric may\\nArt. Poet. 299.\\nNeve minor, neu sit quinto productior actu\\nFabula, quae posci vult et spectata reponi.\\nV. 975\u00e2\u0080\u00941032. Dindorf.\\nJ V. 668\u00e2\u0080\u0094719. Dindorf. This ode is called the vdooh; of the CEdipus Coloneus\\nin Plutarch An Seni sit ger. Kesp. 3.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0320.jp2"}, "317": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIEVT GREECE. 318\\nhere be far more intimately blended with the dramatic than in\\nchoral songs of which we have hitherto treated. Wherever the disci\\ndoes not express subjects of the intellect, but feelings, or impulses of lively\\nemotion, it becomes lyrical, and finds utterance in long. Such SOI\\nwhich do not stand between the steps or pauses of the action, but enter\\ninto the action itself (inasmuch as they determine the will of the actors),\\nmay belong- to the persons of the drama, to the chorus, or to both\\nbut in no case can they be given to a full chorus. The third kind of\\nthese songs is, in its origin, the most remarkable and important, and\\nunquestionably had place in the early, lyrical tragedy. The name\\nof this song, common to the actors and the chorus, is commot, which\\nproperly means planctus, the wailing for the dead. The wail over\\nthe dead is therefore the primary form from which this species of\\nodes took its rise. The liveliest sympathy with suffering constantly\\nremains the main ingredient of the commos although the en-\\ndeavour to incite to an action, or to bring a resolution to maturity, may\\nbe connected with it. The commos often occupies a considerable part\\nof a tragedy, especially those of iEschylus as for instance, in the Per-\\nsians* and the Choephorae.t Such a picture of grief and suffering,\\nworked out in detail, was an essential part of the early tragedies. In a\\ncommos, moreover, the long systems of artfully intei woven strophes and\\nantistrophes had an appropriate place; since in representation they\\nderived a distinctness and effect from the corresponding movements of\\nthe persons of the drama and of the chorus, which is necessarily lost to\\nus in the mere perusal. We find a variety of the commos in scenes\\nwhere the one party, appears in lyrical excitement, while the other\\nenounces its thoughts in ordinary language; whence a contrast arises\\nwhich produces deeply affecting scenes even in JSschylus, as in the\\nAgamemnon and the Seven against Thebes. But the chorus itself,\\nwhen agitated by violent and conflicting emotions, may carry on a\\nlyrical dialogue; and hence arose a peculiar kind of choral poetry, in\\nwhich the various voices are easily recognized by the broken phi\\nnow repeating, now disputing, what has preceded. Lung lyric dialogues\\nof this sort, in which all or many voices of the chorus are distinguished,\\nare to be found in yEschylus, and have been noticed by the ancient com-\\nmentators. Succeeding tragedians appear to have employed these choral\\nyEsch. Pers. 907\u00e2\u0080\u00941076. The extirc exodus is a com\\nf ^sch. Choqm. tt)6\u00e2\u0080\u0094 478.\\nMuch.. A^am. 1069 1177, where the lyrical excitement gradually i\\nCassandra to the chorus.\\nyEsch. 8ent. cont. Theb. 369 70^, through nearly the whole 6] nap.\\nSuppl. 346-437.\\nII See Schol. /Esch. Eum. 139, and Theb. 94. Instances are furnished I v Hum.\\n140\u00e2\u0080\u009477, 254\u00e2\u0080\u0094 75, 777\u00e2\u0080\u0094 92, 836-46. Theb. 77-181. Buppl. 1019-\\neditions frequently denote these single voices by bemicboria 1 111 the division of the\\nchorus into two equal parts, called m^m in PoIIuk, only occurred in certain\\ncircumstances, as in /Esch. Theb. 1066. Sonb. Aj.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0321.jp2"}, "318": {"fulltext": "314 HISTORY OF THE\\nsongs exclusively in connexion with commi, and bring forward only a\\nfew single voices out of the whole chorus When the chorus enters\\nthe orchestra, not with a song of many voices, sung in regular rows,\\nbut in broken ranks, with a song executed in different parts, the choral\\node consists of two portions first, one resembling a commos, which\\naccompanies this irregular entrance and, secondly, one like a stasimon,\\nwhich the chorus does not execute till it has fallen into its regular\\norder. Examples are to be found in the Eumenides of iEschylus and\\nthe GEdipus Coloneus of Sophocles.t The tragedians have also inter-\\nspersed separate smaller choral songs, which the ancients expressly dis-\\ntinguish from the stasima,| and which are properly designated by the\\nword Hyporchemes songs which depict an enthusiastic state of feel-\\ning, and were united with expressive animated dances, of a kind very\\ndifferent from the ordinary grave Emmeleia. They are frequently\\nused by Sophocles in suitable places, to mark a strong but transitory\\nsentiment.H On the other hand, lyrical parts were sometimes allotted\\nto the persons of the drama these were in general called airo GKrjvije,-\\nand were either distributed into dialogues or delivered by single per-\\nformers. Long airs of this sort, called Monodies, in which one peison,\\ngenerally the protagonist of the drama, abandons himself, without\\nrestraint, to his emotions, form a principal feature in the tragedies\\nof Euripides.^[ As the regular return of fixed musical modes and\\nrhythms was not reconcileable with the free utterance and almost uncon-\\ntrollable current of such passionate outpourings, the antistrophe gra-\\ndually disappeared, and the almost infinitely irregular rhythmical struc-\\ntures (called a.7ro\\\\e\\\\viJ.iva), in the style of the later dithyrambics, came\\ninto use. The artificial system of regular forms, to which Greek art\\n(and more particularly that of the earlier periods) completely subjected\\nthe expression of feeling and passion, was here completely swept away\\nby the torrent of human affections and desires, and a kind of natural\\nfreedom was established.\\nAs to what regards the detail of rhythmical forms, it is sufficient for\\nAs ia Soph. (Ed. Col. 117, sqq. Eurip. Ion. 184, sqq.\\nf In the Eumenides of iEschylus, the expression %ooov \u00c2\u00ab^wje\u00c2\u00abv,v. 307, denotes this\\nregular disposition of the chorus.\\nSchol. Soph. Trach. 205. Similar odes in Aj. 693. Phil. 391. 827.\\nWhich occurs in Tzetzes, vrtpi raeoyueSk ^^o-tus, in Cramer Anecd. Vol. iii.\\np. 346.\\nJ] The hyporchemes, however, can scarcely he distinguished from the songs resem-\\nbling the commos, since in the latter the entire chorus could hardly have joined in\\nthe song and dance. In the commatic odes in the Seven against Thebes of\\nvEschylus, especially in the first, v. 78 181, a dancer named Teltstes (probably as\\nleader of the chorus) represented, by means of mimic dances, the scenes of war\\ndescribed in the poetry, Athen. 1. p. 22. A.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2ff Aristophanes says of him, that he uvW^tpiv (rhv rgayuVtav) prnuVw;, K-/i$t ro puvrcc\\nfuytfa; Cephisophon being his chief actor. Kan. 944. cf. 874.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0322.jp2"}, "319": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT Gil] 811\\nour purpose to remark, that all the earlier lyrical measures night be\\nused for the songs of a single person of the chorus or the stage, as well\\nas for the stasima; but that, generally, grave and solemn forms\\napplicable only to the songs of the whole chorus; and that lighter\\nand more sprightly measures, more suited to the expression of\\nemotion and affection, prevailed in the monodies. Hence the\\nrhythms of the Doric mode, known from Pindar, are found only in the\\nstasima; not in commi and songs imo mqptifrj which afford no pla e\\nwhere this mode could sustain its peculiar character.* On the other\\nhand, dochmiaf are admirably fitted, by their rapid movement and\\nthe apparent antipathy of their elements, to depict the most violent\\nexcitement of the human mind while the great variety of form which\\nmay be developed from them, lends itself equally to the expression of\\nstormy passion and of deep melancholy. Tragedy has no form more\\npeculiarly her own, nor more characteristic of her entire being and\\nessence. A fixed difference in the metrical forms of the commos and\\nthe ci7ro aKi]prjg is not perceptible we only know from Aristotle, that\\ncertain modes were peculiar to certain persons of the drama, in conse-\\nquence of the peculiar energy or pathos of the character, which ap-\\npeared suited to the acting or suffering heroes or heroines of the drama,\\nbut not to the merely sympathizing chorus. J\\n14. All the odes we have hitherto described are properly of a\\nmusical nature, called mele by the ancients they were sung to an accom-\\npaniment of instruments, among which sometimes the cithara and lyre,\\nsometimes the flute predominated. Other pieces belong to that middle\\nkind, between song and^speech, of which we have spoken in treating of\\nthe rhapsodic recitation of the epos, the elegy, and the iambus. The\\nanapaestic systems, which were chanted sometimes by the chorus, some-\\ntimes by the actors, but properly as an accompaniment to a marching\\nmovement, either of entrance or exit, escort or salutation, recall the\\nSpartan marching songs. We can hardly imagine them as set to\\nregular melodies, nor yet as delivered in common speech. In the early\\ntragedy they are allotted, in long systems, as a portion of the parados,\\nto the chorus when entering in rank and file. Hexameters were some-\\ntimes recited by the actors in announcing important tidings, or uttering\\nserious reflections; where the peculiar dignity and gravity of this\\nPlutarch le musica 17, indeed, says that even r^ymo) olxrou i. e. commoi.\\noriginally set in the Doric mode but this must refer to the tragedians I\\nyEschylus.\\nf The main form is o_^_/o_\u00c2\u00a3 an antispastic composition, in which the a.\\nthe iambic and that of the trochaic part coincided.\\nAristot. Probl. xix. 43.\\nCh. 4. 3. ch. 10. 2.\\nCh. 14. 2.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0323.jp2"}, "320": {"fulltext": "316 HISTORY OF THE\\nmajestic measure produced great effect* The usual trochaic verses\\nwhich were allied to dialogue admitted of a higher-toned recitation,\\nand especially of a more lively gesticulation, like that Used in dancing\\nas we have already had occasion to remark.\\n15. We now come to the Epeisodia, where the predominant cha-\\nracter is not, as in the parts we have hitherto considered, the feeling,\\nbut the intellect, which, by directing the will, seeks to render external\\nthings subject to itself, and the opinions of others conformable to its\\nown. This was originally the least important element. The variety\\nof forms of discourse which tragedy exhibits grew by degrees out\\nof mere narration. Here also the chorus forms no contrast to the\\npersons of the drama. It is itself, as it were, an actor. The dialogues\\nwhich it holds with the. persons on the stage are, however, necessarily\\ncarried on, except in a few cases,t not by all its members, but by its\\nleader. Rare examples, and those only in iEschylus, are to be found,\\nin which the members of the chorus converse among themselves as in\\nthe Agamemnon, where the twelve choreutse deliver their thoughts as\\ntwelve actors might do ;J others, in which they express their opinions\\nindividually, in the form of dialogue with a person on the stage.\\nThe arrangement of the dialogue is remarkable for that studious\\nattention to regularity and symmetry which distinguishes Greek art.\\nThe opinions and desires which come into conflict are, as it were,\\npoised in a balance throughout the whole dialogue till at length some\\nweightier reason or decision is thrown into one of the scales. Hence\\nthe frequent scenes so artfully contrived in which verse answers to\\nverse, like stroke to stroke and again, others in which two, and\\nsometimes more, verses are opposed to each other in the same manner.\\nEven whole scenes, consisting of dialogue and lyrical parts, are some-\\ntimes thus symmetrically contrasted, like strophes and antistrophes.*jf\\nThe metre generally used in this portion of ancient tragedy was, as\\nwe have already remarked, in early times the Trochaic tetrameter,\\nwhich, in the extant tragedies, is found only in dialogues full of lively\\nemotion, and in many does not occur at all. The Persians of iEs-\\nchylus, probably the earliest tragedy we possess, contains the greatest\\nnumber of trochaic passages. On the other hand, the Iambic trimeter,\\nwhich Archilochus had fashioned into a weapon of scorn and ridicule,\\nSee Soph. Phil. 839. Eurip.Phaethon, fragm. e cod. Paris, v. 65. (fragm. 2. ed.\\nDindorf.)\\nf As ^Esch. Pers. 1 54. %giuv etvrhv tuvtocs pvQouri T^ocrav^av.\\nI ^sch. Agam. 1346 71. The three preceding trochaic verses, by which (lie\\nconsultation is introduced, are spoken by the three first persons of the chorus alone.\\n5 ^sch. Agam. 1047\u00e2\u0080\u00941113.\\nI I These single verses were called ffn^e^ia.\\nAs in the Electra of Sophocles, v. 1398 1421, and v. 1422\u00e2\u0080\u009441, correspond.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0324.jp2"}, "321": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT Cilil.l. 317\\nwas converted, by judicious alterations in the treatment, leaving\\nfundamental character unchanged, into the best metrical form for a\\nvigorous, animated, and yet serious conversation. But in the woi\\nTEschylus it maintained a greater elevation above ordinary prose than\\nin those of his predecessors; not only from the stately sound of the\\nreiterated long syllables, but also from the regular accordance of the\\npauses in the sense with the ends of verses, by which the several verse*\\nstand out distinct. The later tragedians not only made the construc-\\ntion of the verses more varied, light, and voluble, but also divided and\\nconnected them more frequently according to the endings and begin-\\nnings of sentences whereby the dialogue acquired an expression of\\nfreer and more natural movement.\\nAfter having thus investigated and analyzed in detail the forms in\\nwhich the tragic poet had to embody the creations of his genius, we\\nshould naturally proceed to investigate the essence of a Greek tragedy,\\nfollowing the track indicated by the celebrated definition of Aristotle,\\nTragedy is the imitation of some action that is serious, entire, and of\\na proper magnitude effecting through pity and terror the refinement\\nof these and similar affections of the soul.\\nBut this cannot be done till we have examined more closely the plan\\nand contents of separate tragedies of JEschylus and Sophocles. We\\nshall therefore best accomplish our aim by proceeding to consider the\\npeculiar character of JEschylus as presented to us by his life and\\nworks.\\nCHAPTER XXIII.\\n1. Life of iEschylus. 2 Number of his tragedies, and their distribution into\\ntrilogies. 3. Outline of his tragedies the Persians. 4. The Phineus ami\\nthe Glaucus Pontius. 5. The ^Etnaean women. f The Seven against\\nThebes. 7. The Eleusinians. 8. The Suppliants the Egyptians. The\\nPrometheus bound. 10. The Prometheus unbound. 11. The Agamemnon.\\n12. The Choiiphora?. 13. The Eumenides, and the Proteus. 6 14. General\\ncharacteristics of the poetry of yEschylus. 15. His latter years and death*\\n1. zEschylus, the son of Euphorion, an Athenian, from the hamlet of\\nEleusis, was, according to the most authentic record, bom in Oiymp.\\n63. 4. b.c. 525. t He was therefore thirty-five years old at the time of\\nthe battle of Marathon, and forty-five years old at the time of the\\nbattle of Salamis. Accordingly, he was among the Greeks who wen-\\ncontemporary, in the fullest sense of the word, with these gnat events,\\nAristot. Poet. 6. {tifwri; *\u00c2\u00a3u%iu; trfaulu ius xa nXtiu;, piyites lg\u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bbr\u00c2\u00abf\\n3/ Ik iOV KO.) p o(hoV TigXIVOUffOC, T/JV TUV 7010UTUV Xd^r^drODI KuSd^ffiV.\\nf The celebrated chronological inscription of the island of Pan* st.iWs the\\nof his death and his age, whence the yeur of his birth can be determined.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0325.jp2"}, "322": {"fulltext": "31 S HISTORY OP THE\\nand who had felt them with all the emotions of a patriotic spirit. His\\nepitaph speaks only of his fame in the battle of Marathon, not of his\\nglories in poetic contests.* iEschylus belonged completely to the race\\nof the warriors of Marathon, in the sense which this appellation bore in\\nthe time of Aristophanes those patriotic and heroic Athenians, of the\\nancient stamp, from whose manly and honourable character sprang all\\nthe glory and greatness which were so rapidly developed in Athens\\nafter the Persian war.\\n/Eschylus, like almost all the great masters of poetry in ancient\\nGreece, was a poet by profession he had chosen the exercise of the\\ntragic art as the business of his life. This exercise of art was\\ncombined with the training of choruses for religious solemnities. The\\ntragic, like the comic, poets were essentially chorus teachers. When\\niEschylus desired to represent a tragic poem, he was obliged to repair,\\nat the proper time, to the Archon, who presided over the festivals of\\nBacchus,t and obtain a chorus from him. If this public functionary\\nhad the requisite confidence in the poet, he granted him the chorus\\nthat is to say, he assigned him one of the choruses which were raised,\\nmaintained, and fitted out by the wealthy and ambitious citizens, as\\nchoregi, in the name of the tribes or Phylae of the people. The prin-\\ncipal business of iEschylus then was to practise this chorus in all the\\ndances and songs which were to be performed in his tragedy and it\\nis stated that iEschylus employed no assistant for this purpose, but\\narranged and conducted the whole himself.\\nThus far the tragic was upon the same footing as the lyric, especially\\nthe dithyrambic, poet, since the latter received his dithyrambic chorus\\nin the same manner, and was likewise required to instruct it. The\\ntragic poet, however, also required actors, who were paid, not by the\\nchoregus, but by the state, and who were assigned by lot to the poet, in\\ncase he was not already provided. For some poets had actors, who\\nwere attached to them, and who were peculiarly practised in their\\npieces thus Cleandrus and Myniscus acted for zEschylus. The prac-\\ntising or rehearsal of the piece was always considered the most im-\\nportant, because the public and official part of the business. Whoever\\nthus brought out upon the stage a piece which had not been performed\\nbefore, obtained the rewards offered by the state for it, or the prize, if\\nthe play was successful. The poet, who merely composed it in the\\nCj negeirus, the enthusiastic fighter of Marathon, is called the brother of\\nEschylus: it is certain that his father was named Euphorion, Herod. VI. 114.\\nwith Valckenaer s note. On the other hand, Ameinias, who began the battle of\\nSalamiSj cannot well have been a brother of y\u00c2\u00a3schylus, since he belonged to the\\ndeme of Pallene, while yEschylus belonged to the deme of Eleusis.\\nt This was for the great Dionysia, the first Archon, o ci. %uv m\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00a5 %*%nv\\\\ for\\nthe Lenea, the second, the basileus.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0326.jp2"}, "323": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT dREECE.\\nsolitude of his study, could lay no claim to the rewards dl\\npublic exhibition.\\n\u00c2\u00a72. These statements show that th.\\nthe sole occupation of a man s life, and (from the great fertility of the\\nancient poets) absorbed every faculty of his mind. There were\\nextant in antiquity seventy dramas of yEschylus wad among the*\\nsatyric dramas do not appear to be included.* All these plays fall in\\nthe period between Olymp. 70. 1. b. c. 500, and Olymp. 81. I.\\n456. In the former of these years, /LCschylus, then in his twenty-fifth\\nyear, first strove with Pratinas for the prize of tragedy; (upon which\\noccasion the ancient scaffolding- is said to have given way,) and in the\\nlatter year the poet died in Sicily. Accordingly he produced fervent]\\ntragedies in a period of forty-four years. That the excellence of I\\nworks was generally recognized is proved by the fact of Ksehvlus\\nhaving obtained the prize for tragedy thirteen times. t For, since at\\nevery contest he produced three tragedies, it follows that more than\\nhalf his works were preferred to those of his competitors, among whom\\nthere were such eminent poets as Phrynichus, Chucrilus, Pratinas, and\\nSophocles; I the latter of whom had, at his first representation, in\\nOlymp. 77. 4. B.C. 493, obtained the prize from .Eschylns.\\nIt has been already stated that JEschylus composed three tragedies\\nfor every tragic contest in which he appeared as a competitor and to\\nthese, as was also remarked, a satyric drama was annexed. In making\\nthis combination, iEschylus followed a custom which had probablj\\ngrown up before his time, and which was retained as long as tragedy\\ncontinued to flourish in Athens. But TEschylns differed from his\\nsuccessors in this, that his three tragedies formed a whole, connects 1\\nin subject and plan; while Sophocles began to oppose three separate\\ntragedies to an equal number produced by his rivals. We should bt\\nat a loss to understand by what means the three pieces composing the\\ntrilogy were formed into a connected series, without depriving I\\npiece of its individual character, if we were not so fortunate as to\\nIn the much contested passage at the end of the Vita /Bachftiy should prol\\nhe written iTor/ios fyccfcc TK ifiBoftixovTU, y.cc) ssn rovrei; ffctrugucdi u/jl$\\n1 He composed 70 dramas, and also satyric dramas five are ascribed to him OD\\ndoubtful authority. The extant titles of dramas of /Kschj ins are. including the\\nsatyric dramas, ahout 38.\\nAccording to the life. First in Olymp. 73, 4. According to the Parian man\\nThe calculation is indeed rendered Somewhat uncertain hy the fact tl,\\nrion, the son of TKschylus, gained the prize four times after his father s death, with\\ndramas which had been bequeathed to him hy his father, and which had not\\nbefore represented Suidas in E*pq Accordingly, VI of the\\nbably fall after Olymp. M. 1. The foul prizes OUght nut. however, to l.\\nfrom the 13 gained by jEschylua, aince Euphorion was publicly proclain\\nalthough it was well known that the tragedies were composed b]\\nThis is the meaning of the words, fyx/ta 3(\u00c2\u00ab/*\u00c2\u00ab *yw!frrtm t \u00c2\u00abAA\u00c2\u00ab ftn\\nrgiXoyiKv. Suidas in ZoQoxM;.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0327.jp2"}, "324": {"fulltext": "320 HISTORY OF THE\\npossess a trilogy of yEschylus, in his Agamemnon, Choephorse, and\\nEumenides. The best illustration of the nature of a trilogy will there-\\nfore be a short analysis of these dramas, and accordingly we proceed to\\ngive an account of his extant works.\\n3. Of the early part of the career of iEschylus we do not possess a\\nsingle work. All his extant dramas are of a later date than the battle\\nof Salamis. Probably his early works contained little to attract the\\ntaste of the later Greeks.\\nThe earliest of the extant works of iEschylus is probably the Per-\\nsians, which was performed in Olymp. 76. 4. B.C. 472 a piece unique\\nin its kind, which appears, at a first glance, more like a lament over\\nthe misfortunes of the Persians than a tragic drama. But we are led\\nto modify this opinion, on considering the connexion of the parts of the\\ntrilogy, which is apparent in the drama itself.\\nWe will give an outline of the plan of the Persians of iEschylus.\\nThe chorus (consisting of the most distinguished men of the Persian\\nempire, into whose hands Xerxes, at his departure, had committed the\\ngovernment of the country) proclaim in their opening song the\\nnumbers and power of the Persian army; but, at the same time,\\nexpress a fear of its destruction for what mortal man may elude the\\ninsidious deceit of the gods? The first stasirnon, which immediately\\nfollows the opening choral song, describes, in a more agitated manner,\\nthe grief of the country in case the army should not return. The\\nchorus is preparing for a deliberation, when Atossa appears, the mother\\nof Xerxes, and widow of Darius; she relates an ominous dream which\\nhas filled her with anxious forebodings. The chorus advise her to\\nimplore the gods to avert the impending evil, and especially to pro-\\npitiate the spirit of Darius by libations, and to pray for blessing and\\nprotection. To her questions concerning Athens and Greece they\\nanswer with characteristic descriptions of the distinctions of the dif-\\nferent nations when a messenger from Greece arrives, and, after the\\nfirst announcements of mishap and laments of the chorus, he pre-\\nsents a magnificent picture of the battle of Salamis, with its terrific\\nconsequences for the Persian army. Atossa resolves, though every-\\nthing is lost, to follow the advice of .the chorus, in case any benefit\\nmay be obtained from it. In the second stasimon the chorus\\ndwell upon the desolation of Asia, to which is added a fear that\\n.the subject nations will no longer endure their servitude. In the\\nsecond episodion the libations for the dead change into an evoca-\\ntion of the spirit of Darius. The chorus, during the libations of\\nAtossa, call upon Darius, in songs resembling a commos, full of\\nwarmth and feeling, as the wi.se and happy ruler, the good father of\\nhis people, who now alone can help them, to appear on the summit\\nof the tomb. Darius appears, and learns from Atossa (for fear and", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0328.jp2"}, "325": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 321\\nrespect tie the tongue of the chorus) the destruction of the king-\\ndom. He immediately recognizes in the event the too speedy\\nfulfilment of oracles, which might have been long delayed, had not\\nthe arrogance of Xerxes hastened their accomplishment. But when\\nany man, of his own accord, hurries on to his ruin, the deity seconds\\nhis efforts. He regards the crossing of the Hellespont as an enter-\\nprise contrary to the will of the gods, and as the main cause of their\\nwrath; and, on the authority of oracles known to him, which are now\\nto be completely fulfilled, especially on account of the violation of the\\nGreek temples, he announces that the remains of the invading Persian\\narmy will be destroyed at the battle of Plataea. The annihilation of\\nits power in Europe is a warning given by Zeus to the Persians, that\\nthey should be satisfied with their possessions in Asia. The third\\nstasimon, which concludes this act, describes the power which Darius\\nhad gained without himself invading Greece or crossing the Halys;\\ncontrasted with the misfortunes sent by the gods upon Persia for\\ninfringing these principles. In the third act Xerxes himself appears as\\na fugitive, in torn and ragged kingly garments, and the whole concludes\\nwith a long commos, or orchestic and musical representation of the\\ndespair of Xerxes, in which the chorus takes a part.\\n4. It appears from this outline, that the evocation and appearance\\nof Darius, and not the description of the victory, form the main subject\\nof this drama. The arrogance and folly of Xerxes have brought about\\nthe accomplishment of the ancient oracles, and caused the fate which\\nwas hanging over Asia and Greece to be fulfilled in the destruction of\\nthe Persian power. The oracles alluded to in general terms by Darius\\nare known to us from Herodotus. They were predictions attributed\\nto Bacis, Musseus, and others, and they had been made known, though\\nin a garbled form, by Onomacritus, the companion of the Pisistratids\\nat the Persian court.* They contained allusions to the bridging of\\nthe Hellespont, the destruction of the Grecian temples, and the invasion\\nof Greece by a barbarian army. They referred, indeed, in part, to\\nmythical events, but they were then (as has been often the case with\\nother predictions) applied to the events of the time.f Now we know\\nfrom a didascalia that the Persians was, at its representation, preceded\\nby a piece entitled the Pkineus. It is sufficient to observe that Phineus,\\naccording to the mythologists, received the Argonauts on their voyage\\nto Colchis, and, at the same time, foretold to them the adventures which\\nwere yet to befal them.\\nWe have shown in a former chapter^ that the notion of an ancient\\nconflict between Asia and Europe, leading, by successive stages, to\\nSee ch. XVI. 5. t Herod, VI. G. IX. 42, 43.\\nj ch. xix. 5 -l.\\nY", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0329.jp2"}, "326": {"fulltext": "322 HISTORY OF THE\\nevents constantly increasing in magnitude, was one of the prevailing-\\nideas of that time. It is probable that iEsehylus took this idea as the\\nbasis of the prophecies of Phineus, and that he represented the expe-\\ndition of the Argonauts as a type of the greater conflicts between Asia\\nand Europe which succeeded it. We will not follow out the mythical\\ncombinations which the poet might have employed, inasmuch as what\\nwe have said is sufficient to explain the connexion and subject of the\\nentire trilogy.\\nThe same purpose is likewise perceptible in the third piece, the\\nGlaucus- Pontius* The extant fragments show that this marine\\ndemigod (of whose wanderings and appearances on various coasts\\nstrange tales were told in Greece) described in this tragedy a voyage\\nwhich he had made from Anthedon through the Eubcean and iEgean\\nseas to Italy and Sicily. In this narrative a prominent place was filled\\nby Himera, the city in which the power of the Sicilian Greeks had\\ncrushed the attempts of the Carthaginian invaders, at the time of the\\nbattle of Salamis. In this manner iEschylus had an opportunity of\\nbringing this event (which was considered as the second great exploit\\nby which Greece was saved from the yoke of the barbarians) into close\\nconnexion with the battle of Plataea since the scene of the drama was\\nAnthedon in Bceotia, where Glaucus was supposed to have lived as a\\nfisherman. It may likewise be conjectured that in the tragedy of\\nPhineus, the Phoenicians, as well as the Persians, may have been\\nintroduced into the predictions respecting the conflicts between Asia\\nand Greece. f\\n5. Accordingly, in this trilogy, iEschylus shows himself a friend\\nof the Sicilian Greeks, as well as of his countrymen at Athens. His\\nconnexion with the princes and republics of Sicily must be here con-\\nsidered, since it exercised some influence upon his poetry. The later\\ngrammarians (who have filled the history of literature with numerous\\nstories founded upon mere conjecture) have assigned the most various\\nThe argument of the Persians mentions the YXauxo; Uotvuvs. Bat as the two\\nplays of ^Rschylus, the Glaucus Pontius and Glaucus Potnieus are confounded in\\nother passages, we may safely adopt the conjecture of Welcker, that the Glaucus\\nPontius is the play meant in the argument just cited.\\n-J- [The explanation given in 4 of the trilogy referred to is exceedingly doubtful.\\nThe main subject of the Persians is evidently the discomfiture of the invading Per-\\nsians by the Greeks. The evocation of Darius is merely a device to introduce the\\nbattle of Plataea, which consummated their defeat, as well as the battle of Salamis.\\nThe notion that the Phineus, Persians, and Glaucus formed a trilogy in which the\\nsubjects of the three pieces were connected, is highly improbable and the con-\\njecture that the third piece was the Glaucus Pontius, and not the Potnieus, as the\\ndidascalia tells us, is gratuitous. It cannot be doubted that many of the plays of\\n-^schylus were written in connected trilogies but it is impossible to prove that they\\nall were, and that the introduction of disconnected pieces was an innovation of\\nSophocles, as is asserted below, chap. XXIV. 4. p. 341. The very trilogy in ques-\\ntion will be, to many persons, a sufficient proof of the contrary Editor/}", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0330.jp2"}, "327": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GUEECE.\\nmotives for the residence of /Eschylus in Sicily, which was an i\\ntained fact, by enumerating- all the circumstances in his life at Athens\\nwhich could have induced him to become a voluntary exile. Some\\naccounts of a different character have, however, been preserved, on\\nwhich we may safely rely ,Eschylus was in Sicily with Iliero, just\\nafter this ruler of Syracuse had built the town of .Etna, at the foot of\\nthe mountain, and in the place of the ancient Catana. At this time\\nhe composed his tragedy of the Women of /Etna, in which he\\nannounced the prosperity of the new colony. The subject of it, as its\\nname, borrowed from the chorus, betokens, must have been taken\\nfrom the events of the day. At the same time he reproduced the\\nPersians at the court of Hiero; but whether with alterations, or as\\nit had been acted at Athens, was a matter of controversy among- the\\nancient scholars. Hence it appears that jEschylus, soon after the\\nappearance of the Persians, went to Sicily, about the year 471 b. c,\\nfour years after the time when iEtna was founded, and when it was\\nnot quite finished. Hiero died four years afterwards, in 467 b. c.\\n(Olymp. 78. 2.) but iEschylus must have left Sicily before this event,\\nas in the beginning of the year 468 b. c. (Olymp. 77. 4.) we find him\\nagain at Athens, and engaged in a poetical contest with Sophocles.\\nAccording to the ancients, his acquaintance with the Pythagorean\\nphilosophy and his use of certain rare Doric expressions then used in\\nSicily, may be traced to his residence in that island.\\n6. The tragedy of the Seven against Thebes falls in the next lime.\\nIt is known to have been acted after the Persians, and before the death\\nof Aristides (which occurred about 462 b. c.)t In this drama the\\nancients peculiarly admired the warlike spirit exhibited by the poet;\\nand, in fact, a fire burns throughout it which could only have been\\nkindled in a brave and heroic breast. Eteocles appears as a wise\\nand resolute general and hero, as well in the manner in which he\\nrecommends tranquillity to the women of the chorus, as in the answers\\nwhich he makes to the tidings of the messengers, and in his opposing\\nto each of the seven haughty leaders of the hostile army (who come like\\ngiants to storm the walls of Thebes) a brave Theban hero; until at\\nlength Polynices, his own brother, is named, when he declares his reso-\\nlution to go out himself to meet him. The determination of Polynices\\nto reserve himself for the combat with his brother creates an anxious\\ninterest in an attentive hearer; and his announcement of this resolu-\\ntion is the pivot upon which the whole piece turns. Nothing can be\\nmore striking than the gloomy resoluteness with which Bteoela recog-\\nEratosth. ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 1055 (10G0), and the fita .Kmlujli, with\\nthe additam, e cod. Guelferbyiano.\\nf See Clinton F. H. ad ann. 472. Aristophanes Ran. 10126, appears to con*\\nthe Persians as posterior to the Seven against Thebes.\\n1 -2", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0331.jp2"}, "328": {"fulltext": "324 HISTORY OF THE\\nnizes the operation of the curse pronounced by (Edipus against his two\\nsons, and yet proceeds to its fulfilment. The stasimon of the chorus\\nwhich follows plainly recognizes the wrath and curse of (Edipus as the\\ncause of all the calamities which threaten the Thebans. This dark side\\nof the destiny of Thebes had not been revealed in the previous part of\\nthe drama, although Eteocles had once before declared his fear of the\\nwoes which this curse might bring upon Thebes (v. 70). Soon after-\\nwards arrives the account of the preservation of the city, but with the\\nreciprocal slaughter of the brothers. The two sisters, Antigone and\\nIsmene, now appear upon the stage; and, with the chorus, sing a\\nlament for the dead which is very striking from the blunt ingenuity\\nand melancholy wit with which iEschylus has contrived to paint in the\\nstrongest colours the calamities and perversities of human life.* At\\nthe conclusion, the two sisters separate from the chorus inasmuch as\\nAntigone declares her intention to bury her brother Polynices, against\\nthe command of the senate of Thebes, which had just been proclaimed.\\n7. This concluding scene therefore points as distinctly as the end\\nof the Choephorce to the subject of a new piece, which was doubtless\\nthe Eleusinians. This drama appears to have turned upon the\\nburial of the Argive heroes slain before the gates of Thebes which\\nburial was carried into execution by Theseus with the Athenians, against\\nthe will of the Thebans, and in the territory of Eleusis. It is manifest\\nthat the fate of Antigone (who, following her own impulse, had buried\\nher brother, and either suffered or was to suffer death in consequence)\\nwas closely connected with this subject. But neither the plan nor the\\nprevailing ideas of this last drama of the trilogy can be gathered from\\nthe few fragments of it which remain.\\nThe connexion of the Seven against Thebes with a preceding piece is\\nless evident, in the same way that the Choephorcs points forward far\\nmore distinctly to the Eumenides than it points backward to the Aga-\\nmemnon. But since we perceive in the extant trilogy that iEschylus\\nwas accustomed to develope completely all the essential parts of a\\nmythological series, it cannot be doubted that the Seven against Thebes\\nwas preceded by some drama with which it was connected. The subject\\nof this drama should not, however, be sought, with some critics, in the\\nfables respecting the expedition of the Argive heroes for they do not\\nform the centre about which this tragic composition revolves, but are\\na vast foreign power breaking in upon the destinies of Thebes. It should\\nrather be sought in the earlier fortunes of the royal family of Thebes.\\nIf we consider the great effect produced in the Seven against Thebes\\nAs when the chorus says. Their hate is ended their lives have flowed together\\non the gory earth now in truth are they blood-relations (o/u,cttp.oi) v. 938-40, or where\\nit is said, that the evil genius of the race has placed the trophies of destruction at\\nthe gate where they fell, and never rested till it had overcome both. V. 957-60.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0332.jp2"}, "329": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT\\nby the curse of CEdipus, we must conclude that thi\\nbeen treated as the principal subject of the precedii)|\\nfcept in mind by the spectators during the Bpeeches n I t\\nspread over the whole tliat feelingr of anxious foreboding which i\\nof the most striking- effects of tragedy.* It may, th\\ninferred that it was the CEdipus, one of the lost plays of with\\nwhich this trilogy commenced.\\nThe poetry of JEsehylus furnishes distinct and certain evidence of his\\ndisposition and opinions, particularly with respect to those public oc-\\ncurrences which at that time occupied the mind of every patriotic C,\\nand in speaking* of the Seven against Thebes, out attention has\\ncalled to his political principles, which appear still more clearly in the\\nOrestean trilogy. yEschylus was one of those Athenians who strove io\\nmoderate the restless struggles of their countrymen alter democracy and\\ndominion over other Greeks; and who sought to maintain the. ancient\\nsevere principles of law and morality, tog-ether with the institutions by\\nwhich these were supported. The just, wise, and moderate Aristides\\nwas the statesman approved of by ./Eschylus, and not Themistocles, who\\npursued the distant objects of his ambition, through straight and\\ncrooked paths, with equal energy. The admiration of yEschylus for\\nAristides is clearly seen in his description of the battle of Salami s. f In\\nthe Seven ag-ainst Thebes, the description of the upright Amphiaraus,\\nwho wished, not to seem, but to be, the best; the wise general, from\\nwhose mind, as from the deep furrows of a well-ploughed field, noble\\ncounsels proceed; was universally applied by the Athenian people to\\nAristides, and was doubtless intended by yEschylus for him. Then the\\ncomplaint of Eteocles, that this just and temperate man, associated with\\nimpetuous companions, must share their ruin, expresses the disapproba-\\ntion felt by TEschylus of the dispositions of other leaders of the Greeks\\nand Athenians; among 1 the rest, of Themistocles, who at that time had\\nprobably g-one into exile on account of the part he had taken in the\\ntreasonable designs of Pausanias.\\n8. We come next to the trilogy which maybe called the Danais,\\nand of which only the middle piece is preserved in the Suppliants. An\\nhistorical and political spirit pervades this trilogy. The extant piece\\nturns upon the reception in Pelasgic Argos of Danaus and his daughters\\nwho had fled from Egypt in order to escape the violence of their\\nsuitors, the sons of /Egypt us. They sit as suppliants near s group of\\nThe account of this curse which w;is given by dEechylne Menu to h.ue I\\nin several respects peculiar. GBdipui not only announced that the broth\\nnot divide their heritage in amity (according to the Thebaid in Athen. XI. p.\\nhut he also declared that a stranger fn m Scvthia\\nmake the partition u an arbitratoi (Jbmnir, according to the language of the\\nAttic law). If CEdipus had not used these worde, the enorue, 1, and\\nthe messenger, v. b 17, could v. the MOM idea, in I aino terms.\\nf Comp. vv. 447 171, with Ilerodot. \\\\hi. J3.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0333.jp2"}, "330": {"fulltext": "326 HISTORY OF THE\\naltars {Koipo^iojuia), In front of the city of Arg-os; and the king- of the\\nArgives (who is fearful of involving- his kingdom in distress and danger)\\nis induced, after many prayers and entreaties, to convene an assembly\\nof the people, in order to deliberate concerning their reception. The\\nassembly, partly from respect for the rights of suppliants, and partly\\nfrom compassion for the persecuted daughters of Danaus, decrees to re-\\nceive them. The opportunity soon presents itself of fulfilling the promise\\nof protection and security for the sons of iEgyptus land upon the\\ncoast, and (during the absence of Danaus, who is gone to procure as-\\nsistance) the Egyptian herald attempts to carry off the deserted maidens,\\nas being the rightful property of his masters. Upon this, the king of\\nthe Pelasgians appears in order to protect them, and dismisses the\\nherald, notwithstanding his threats of war. Nevertheless, the danger is\\naverted only for the moment and the play concludes with prayers to\\nthe gods that these forced marriages may be prevented, with which are\\nintermingled doubts concerning the fate determined by the gods.\\nThe want of dramatic interest in this drama partly proceeds from its\\nbeing the middle piece of a trilogy. The third piece, the Danaides,\\ndoubtless contained the decision of the contest by the death of the\\nsuitors, with the exception of Lynceus while a preceding drama, the\\nEgyptians, must have explained the cause and origin of the contest in\\nEgypt. There are other instances, in the middle pieces of the trilogies of\\niEschylus, of the action standing nearly still, the attention being made\\nto dwell upon the sufferings caused by the elements which have been\\nset in motion. The idea of the timid, afflicted virgins flying from their\\nsuitors violence like doves before the vulture (which is worked out, in\\nlyric strains, with great warmth and intensity of feeling) is evidently\\nthe main subject of the drama it seems, indeed, that the preservation\\nof the play has been due to the beauty of these choral odes. Yet the\\nreception of the Danaides must have been a much more appropriate and\\nimportant subject for a tragedy, according to the ideas of iEschylus,\\nthan according to those of Sophocles and Euripides. What this action\\nwants in moral significance was compensated, in his opinion, by its\\nhistorical interest. iEschylus belongs to a period when the national\\nlegends of Greece were considered, not as mere amusing fictions, but as\\nevidences of the divine power which ruled over Greece. An event like\\nthe reception of the Danaides in Argos, on which depended the origin\\nof the families of the Perseids and Heracleids, appeared to him as a\\ngreat work of the counsels of Zeus and to record the operation of\\nthese on human affairs seemed to him the highest calling of the tragic\\npoet. Contrary to the custom of epic and tragic poets, he ascribes the\\ngreatest merit of the act to the Argive people, not to their king, and\\naccordingly, the chorus, in a beautiful song (v. 625 709), invokes\\nblessings upon them, the cause of which is evidently to be found in the\\nrelations which then subsisted between Athens and Argos. iEschylus,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0334.jp2"}, "331": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT Gill\\nhowever, never makes forced allusions to contemporai\\nnaturally out of his mode of considering history, whi\\nthat of Pindar. According to this view, it whs i\u00e2\u0080\u009e the LbicaJ\\nages that the Greek states received the lot of theil future destiniei and\\nwere fixed in that position which they occupied in later i mi i\\npassages in the Suppliants which so plainly refer to the establish)\\nof a well regulated popular government in Argos and to treaties with\\nforeign states by which war might be avoided,* make it evident that\\nthis piece was produced about the time when the alliance bet\\nAthens and Argos was already in operation, perhaps towards the end\\nof Ol. 79, b. c. 46l.t Also, the threats of a war with Egypt, which are\\nimplied in the plot of this tragedy, furnish the poet with a favourable\\nopportunity for introducing some striking and impressive sayings, which\\nnecessarily held out great encouragement to the Athenians for the war\\nwith Egypt, which began Olymp. 79. 3. b. c. 462; as when we find it\\nsaid that The fruit of the papyrus (which w;is the common food of\\nthe Egyptians) conquers not the wheat-stalk. J\\n9. The Prometheus was in all probability one of the last efforts of\\nthe genius of TEschylus, for the third actor is to a certain extent em-\\nployed in it (chap. XXII. 7). It is, beyond all question, one of his\\ngreatest works. Historical allusions are not to be expected in this\\nplay, as the subject does not comprise the events of any particular state\\nor family, but refers to the condition and relations of the whole human\\nrace. Prometheus, as we had occasion to remark when speaking of\\nHesiod (chap. VIII. 3, p. 91 note), represents the provident, aspiring\\nunderstanding of man, which ardently seeks to improve in all ways the\\ncondition of our being. He was represented as a Titan, because the\\nGreeks, who considered the gods of Olympus as rulers only, not as\\ncreators, of the human race, laid the foundation and beginning of man\\nin the time which preceded the kingdom of the Olympian gods. Thus,\\naccording to the conception of /Eschylus, he is the friend and mediator\\nof man the daemon most friendly to mankind, in that period of the\\nworld when the kingdom of Zeus began. He does not, how\\nspiritualize him into a mere allegory of foresight and prudence, tor in\\n^Eschylus a real, lively faith in the existence of mythical beings is har-\\nmoniously combined with a consideration of their significance. By\\nteaching men the use of fire, Prometheus has made iheni acquainted\\nwith all the arts which render human life more endurable; in gen\\nhe has made them wiser and happier in even re ecisil] b)\\ntaking from them the fear of death. Hut in this he does not respect\\nThusthe chorus says, v. 698\u00e2\u0080\u00947(1.5 1 May the people, who nil BftJa-\\ntain their rights may they give foreigners their due, DOfora they into\\nthe hands ot Ares.\\nf This alliance is more distinctly mentioned in the Kumeuido. iq.) f\\nwhich was brought out a few \\\\eais alter.\\nV. 7G1. Comp. v. Dot.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0335.jp2"}, "332": {"fulltext": "328 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe limits which, according to the view of the ancients, the gods, who\\nare alone immortal, have prescribed to the human race he seeks to ac-\\nquire for mortals perfections which the gods had reserved for themselves\\nalone; for a mind which is always striving after advancement, and\\nusing all means to obtain it, cannot easily, from its very constitution,\\nconfine itself within the narrow limits prescribed to it by custom and\\nlaw. These efforts of Prometheus, which we also learn occasionally\\nfrom the play that has come down to us, were in all probability depicted\\nwith much greater perfection, and in connexion with his stealing the\\nfire, in the first portion of the trilogy, which was called Prometheus the\\nFire-bringer (flpoinrjdevg Trvpc opoc).*\\nThe extant play, the Prometheus Bound (ITpo/z^OfOg cW/zw-tjc), begins\\nat once with the fastening of the gigantic Titan to the rocks of Scythia,\\nand the fettered prisoner is the centre of all the action of the piece. The\\ndaughters of Oceanus, who constitute the chorus of the tragedy, come\\nto comfort and calm him he is then visited by the aged Oceanus him-\\nself, and afterwards by Hermes, who endeavour, the one by mild argu-\\nments, the other by insults and threats, to move him to compliance and\\nsubmission. Meanwhile Prometheus continues to defy the superior\\npower of Zeus, and stoutly declares that, unless his base fetters are re-\\nmoved, he will not give out an oracle that he has learned from his\\nmother Themis, respecting the marriage, by means of which Zeus was\\ndestined to lose his sovereign power. He would rather that Zeus\\nshould bury his body in the rocks amid thunder and lightning. With\\nthis the drama concludes, in order to allow him to come forth again\\nand suffer new torments. This grand and sublime defiance of Prome-\\ntheus, by which the free will of man is perfectly maintained under over-\\nwhelming difficulties from without, is generally considered the great\\ndesign of the poem; and in reading the remaining play of the trilogy,\\nthere is no doubt on which side our sympathies should be enlisted for\\nPrometheus appears as the just and suffering martyr; Zeus as the\\nmighty tyrant, jealous of his power. Nevertheless, if we view the sub-\\nject from the higher ground of the old poetic associations, we cannot\\nrest content with such a solution as this. Tragedy could not, in con-\\nformity with those associations, consist entirely of the opposition and\\nconflict between the free will of an individual and omnipotent fate it\\nmust appease contending powers and assign to each of them its proper\\nplace. Contentions may rise higher and higher, the opposition may be\\nstretched to the utmost, yet the divine guidance which presides over the\\nwhole finds means to restore order and harmony, and allots to each\\nconflicting power its own peculiar right.\\nThis Prometheus Pyrphoros must, as Welcker has shown, be distinguished from\\nthe Prometheus Pyrkatus, the fire-kindler, asatyric drama which was appended to\\nthe trilogy of the Persa?, and probably had reference to the festal customs of the\\nPromethea in the Cerameicus, which comprised a torch-race.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0336.jp2"}, "333": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE.\\nThe contest, with all its attendant miseries, appears even 1 eneftcial in\\nits results. This is the course of the tragedies of ASschylus, and in\\nof Greek tragedy in general, so far as it remains true to its object.\\nThe tragedies of iEschylus uniformly require faith in a divine power,\\nwhich, with steady eye and firm hand, guides the course of events to the\\nbest issue, though the paths through which it leads may be dark and\\ndifficult, and fraught with distress and suffering. The poetrj i I\\nchylus is full of profound and enthusiastic glorifications of Zeus as this\\npower. How then could Zeus be depicted in this drama as a tyrant,\\nhow could the governor of the world be represented as arbitrary and\\nunjust? It is true that the Greek divinities are always described as\\nbeings who are not what they were, (above p. 88,) and hence il is diffi-\\ncult to separate from them the ideas of strife and contention. This also\\naccounts for the severity with which Zeus, at the time described by\\niEschylus, proceeds against every attempt to limit and circumscribe his\\nnewly established sovereignty. But /Eschylus, in his own mind, must\\nhave felt how this severity, a necessary accompaniment of the transition\\nfrom the Titanian period to the government of the gods of Olympus, was\\nto be reconciled with the mild wisdom which he makes an attribute of\\nZeus in the subsequent ages of the world. Consequently the deviation\\nfrom right, the anapria in the tragic action, which, according to Ari-\\nstotle, should not be considered as depravity, but as the error of a noble\\nnature,* would all lie on the side of Prometheus; and even the poet\\nhas clearly shown this in the piece itself, when he makes the chorus of\\nOceanides, who are friendly to Prometheus, and even to the sacrific\\nthemselves, perpetually recur to the same thoughts. Those only are\\nwise who humbly reverence Adrastea, (the inexorable goddess of\\nFate).t\\n10. In these remarks upon the Prometheus Bound we have passed\\nover one act of the play, which, however, is of the highest importance\\nfor an understanding of the whole trilogy, namely, the appearance of\\nIo, who, having won the love of Zeus, has brought, upon herself the\\nhatred of Hera. Persecuted by horrid phantoms, she conies in her wan-\\nderings to Prometheus, and learns from him the further miseries, all of\\nwhich she has still to endure. The misfortunes of Io very much re-\\nsemble those of Prometheus, since Io also might be considered as a\\nvictim to the selfish severity of Zeus, and she is so considered by Pro-\\nmetheus. At the same time, however, as Prometheus dors not con-\\nceal from Io that the thirteenth in descent from tier is to release him\\nfrom all his sufferings the love of Zeus for her appears in a higher\\nlight, and we obtain for the fate of Prometheus also that -oil ofassuag-\\nThat is to say, so far as it is the upccprlx of the protagouil\\nAgamemnon, Anti^om*. (EdipuSj and so forth; lor the a.puerlxi ol th\\nare of a totally different kind.\\n\u00e2\u0080\u00a2j- V. 936. 0/ tf\u00c2\u00a30 rKvrovvTti rhv aJjwtiwk vo^ei", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0337.jp2"}, "334": {"fulltext": "330 HISTORY OP THE\\ning tranquillity, which it was always the aim of the ancients to preserve,\\neven in their most impassioned scenes. But as Hermes announces\\nthat Zeus will never succeed in overcoming the rebellious Titans\\ntill an immortal shall freely lay down his life for him, the issue remains\\ndark and doubtful.\\nThe Prometheus Unbound (Upo/inOevg Xvofxevog the loss of which we\\nlament more almost than that of any other tragedy, although many\\nconsiderable fragments of it remain, began at a totally different period\\nof the world. Prometheus, however, still remains bound to the rock in\\nScythia, and, as Hermes had prophetically threatened, he is daily torn\\nby the eagle of Zeus. The chorus, instead of the Oceanides, consists of\\nTitans escaped from durance in Tartarus. .ZEschylus, therefore, like\\nPindar,* adopts the idea, originating with the Orphic poets, that Zeus, after\\nhe had firmly fixed the government of the world, proclaimed a general\\namnesty, and restored peace among the vanquished powers of heaven.\\nMeanwhile mankind had arrived at a much higher degree of dignity\\nthan even Prometheus had designed for them, by means of the hero-race,\\nand man became, as it were, ennobled through heroes sprung from the\\nOlympic gods. Hercules, the son of Zeus by a distant descendant\\nof Io, was the greatest benefactor and friend of man among heroes, as\\nPrometheus was among Titans. He now appears, and, after hearing\\nfrom Prometheus the benefits he has conferred upon man, and receiv-\\ning a proof of his good will in the way of prediction and advice with\\nregard to his own future adventures, releases the sufferer from the tor-\\nments of the eagle, and from his chains. He does this of his own free\\nwill, but manifestly by the permission of Zeus. Zeus has already fixed\\nupon the immortal who is ready to resign his immortaliiy. Cheiron is,\\nwithout Hercules intending it, wounded by one of the poisoned arrows\\nof the hero, and, in order to escape endless torments, is willing to de-\\nscend into the lower world. We must suppose that, at the end of the\\npiece, the power and majesty of Zeus and the profound wisdom of his\\ndecrees are so gloriously manifested, that the pride of Prometheus is\\nentirely broken. Prometheus now brings a wreath of Agnus Castus,\\n(Xvyoc,) and probably a ring also, made from the iron of his fetters,\\nmysterious symbols of the dependence and subjection of the human\\nrace and he now willingly proclaims his mother s ancient prophecy,\\nthat a son more powerful than the father who begot him should be\\nborn of the sea-goddess Thetis whereupon Zeus resolves to marry the\\ngoddess to the mortal Peleus.\\nIt is scarcely possible to conceive a more perfect kaiharsis of a tra-\\ngedy, according to the requisitions of Aristotle.\\nThe passions of fear, pity, hatred, love, anger, and admiration, as\\nPindar P.jlh. iv. 291. Comp. above chap. XVI. 1,\\nf Even after his liberation from fetters Prometheus had called Hercules the\\nmost dear son of a hated father. Fragm. 187. Dindorf.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0338.jp2"}, "335": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. {J\\nexcited and stirred up by the actions and destiny of the individual cha-\\nracters in this middle piece, produce rather a distressing than a pleas-\\ning effect; but under the guidance of sublime and significant itnfl\\nthey take such a course ofdevelopement, that an elevated yet softened\\ntone is shed over them, and all is resolved into a feeling of awe and\\ndevotion for the decrees of a higher power.\\n11. The poetical career of iEschylus concludes for us, as for the\\nancient Athenians, with the only complete trilogy that is extant, the\\npossession of which, after the Iliad and Odyssey, might be considered the\\nrichest treasure of Greek poetry, if it had been better preserved, and had\\ncome down to us without the gaps and interpolations by which it is\\ndefaced. /Eschylus brought this trilogy upon the stage at a moment\\nof great political excitement in his native city, Olymp. 80. 2. b. c. 45\\nat the time when the democratic party, under the guidance of Pericles,\\nwere endeavouring to overthrow the Areopagus, the last of those aris-\\ntocratic institutions which tended to restrain the innovating spirit of the\\npeople in public and private life. He was impelled to make the legend\\nof Orestes the groundwork of a trilogic composition, of which, as we have\\nstill the whole before us, we will give only the principal points.\\nAgamemnon comes on the stage in the tragedy which bears his name,\\nin one scene only, when he is received by his wife Clytaemnestra as a\\nconquering hero, and, after some hesitation, walks over the outspread\\npurple carpets into the interior of his palace. He is, however, the chief\\nperson of the piece, for all through it the actors and chorus are almost\\nexclusively occupied with his character and destiny.\\niEschylus represents him as a great and glorious monarch, but w ho,\\nby his enterprise against Troy, has sacrificed to his warlike ambition\\nthe lives of many men,* and, above all, that of his own daughter Jphi-\\ngenia ;t end he has thus involved in a gloomy destiny his house, which\\nis already suffering from wounds inflicted long before his time, t\\ntaemnestra, on the other hand, is a wife, who, while she pursues her\\nimpulses and pleasures with unscrupulous resolution, has power and\\ncunning enough to carry her evil designs into full effect. Agamemnon\\nis completely enveloped in her subtle schemes, even before she throws\\nthe traitorous garment over him like a net; and after the deed is done,\\nshe has the skill, in her conversation witli the chorus, to throw over it a\\ncloak of that sophistry of the passions, which /Eschylus so well knew\\nhow to paint, by enumerating all the reasons she might have had lor it,\\nhad the real ground not been sufficient.\\nFor the gods, says the chorus, (v. 461.) never lose si^ht of\\nbeen the cause of death to many men r\u00c2\u00a3v voXvktow yxo ol* uaxo-x-.\\nThe chorus does not hesitate to censure tins sacrifice, (especially in v. J 17. and\\nconsiders it as actually completed, so does Cljrtamoestrs, v.\\nlus does not mean by this to set aside the story of IphigenU l dehver.mee. Acced-\\ning to his view of the case the sacrifice\u00e2\u0084\u00a2 themselves imi t hafS besn blinded\\nArtemis.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0339.jp2"}, "336": {"fulltext": "332 HISTORY OF THE\\nThe great tragic effect which this play cannot fail to produce on every\\none who is capable of reading and understanding it, is the contrast be-\\ntween the external splendour of the house of the Atridse and its real\\ncondition. The first scenes are very imposing the light of the\\nbeacon, the news of the fall of Troy, and the entrance of Agamemnon;\\nbut, amidst these signs of joy, a tone of mournful foreboding resounds\\nfrom the songs of the chorus, which grows more and more distinct\\nand impressive till the inimitable scene between the chorus and Cas-\\nsandra, when the whole misfortune of the house bursts forth into view.\\nFrom this time forth our feelings are wrought to the highest pitch the\\nmurder of Agamemnon follows immediately upon this announcement;\\nwhile the triumph of Clytsemnestra and iEgisthus the remorseless\\ncold-bloodedness with which she exults in the deed, and the laments\\nand reproaches of the chorus leave the mind, sympathizing as it does\\nwith the fate of the house, in an agony of horror and excitement which\\nhas not a minute of repose or consolation, except in a sort of feeling\\nthat Agamemnon has fallen by means of a divine Nemesis.\\n12. The Choepkorce contains the mortal revenge of Orestes. The\\nnatural steps of the action, the revenge planned and resolved upon by\\nOrestes with the chorus and Electra, the artful intrigues by which\\nOrestes at length arrives at the execution of the deed, the execution\\nitself, the contemplation of it after it is committed, all these points Jbrm\\nso many acts of the drama. The first is the longest and the most\\nfinished, as the poet evidently makes it his great object to display dis-\\ntinctly the deep distress of Orestes at the necessity he feels of revenging\\nhis father s death upon his mother. Thus the whole action takes place\\nat the tomb of Agamemnon, and the chorus consists of Trojan women\\nin the service of the family of the Atridae they are sent by Clytsem-\\nnestra, who has been terrified by horrid dreams, in order, for the first\\ntime, to appease with offerings the spirit of her murdered husband, and,\\nby the advice of Electra, bring the offerings, but not for the purpose for\\nwhich they were sent. The spirit of Agamemnon is formally conjured\\nto appear from below the earth, and to take an active part in the work\\nof his own revenge, and the guidance of the whole work is repeatedly\\nascribed to the subterranean gods, especially to Hermes, the leader of\\nthe dead, who is also the god of all artful and hidden acts; and the\\npoet has contrived to shed a gloomy and shadowy light over this whole\\nproceeding. The act itself is represented throughout as a sore burthen\\nundertaken by Orestes upon the requisition of the subterranean gods,\\nand by the constraining influence of the Delphic oracle no mean\\nmotive, no trifling indifference mingle with his resolves, and yet, or\\nrather the more on that very account, while Orestes stands beside the\\ncorpse of his mother and her paramour upon the same spot where his\\nfather was slain, and justifies his own act by proclaiming the heinous-\\nness of their crime, even at that moment the furies appear before him,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0340.jp2"}, "337": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 333\\nand, visible to the spectators, though unseen by the chorus, torture him\\nwith their horrid forms till he rushes away and hastens to beg for\\natonement and purification from Apollo, who has urged him to the\\ndeed. We here perceive that, according- to the views of JEschylus and\\nother Greeks, the furies do not properly betoken the degree of moral\\nguilt or the power of an evil conscience (in which case they must have\\nappeared in a more terrible shape to Clytaemnestra than to Orestes) j\\nbut they exhibit the fearful nature of the deed itself, of a mother s\\nmurder as such; for this, from whatever motive it may be committed,\\nis a violation of the ordinances of nature which cannot fail to torture\\nand perplex the human mind.\\n13. This character of the Erinnyes is more definitely developed in\\nthe concluding play of the trilogy, in the chorus of which ASschylus,\\ncombining the artist with the poet, gives an exhibition of these beings,\\nof whom the Greeks had hitherto but a glimmering idea. He bestows\\nupon them a form taken partly from their spiritual qualities and partly\\nfrom the analogy of the Gorgons. They avenge the matricidal act\\nas a crime in itself, without inquiring into motives or circumstances,\\nand it is therefore pursued with all the inflexibility of a law of nature,\\nand by all the horror and torments as well of the upper as of the\\nlower world. Even the expiation granted by Apollo to Orestes at Delphi\\nhas no influence upon them for all that Apollo can accomplish is to throw\\nthem for a short period into a deep sleep, from which they are awakened\\nby the appearance of the ghost of Clytaemnestra, condemned for her crime\\nto wander about the lower world and this apparition must have pro-\\nduced the greatest effect upon the stage. After the scene in Delphi, we\\nare transported to the sanctuary of Pallas Athena, on the Acropolis,\\nwhither Orestes has repaired by the advice of Apollo, and where, in a\\nvery regular manner, and with many allusions to the actual usages of\\nthe Athenian law, the court of the Areopagus is established by Pallas,\\nwho recognizes the claims of both parties, but is unwilling to arrogate\\nto herself the power of arbitrarily deciding the questions between them.\\nBefore this court of justice the dispute between Orestes and his advocate\\nApollo on the one side, and the furies on the other, is formally dis-\\ncussed. In these discussions, it must be owned, there occur many\\npoints which belong to the main question, and these are, as it were,\\nsummed up; for instance, the command of Apollo, the vengeance for\\nblood which is imposed as a duty upon the son by the ghost of his\\nfather; the revolting manner in which Agamemnon was murdered;\\nnevertheless, the intrinsic difference between the act of Orestes and thai\\nof Clytaemnestra is not marked as we should hate expected it to be.\\nIt is manifest that iEschylus distinctly perceived this difference in feel-\\ning, without quite working it out. Apollo concludes his apology with\\nrather a subtle argument, showing why the father is more worth} of\\nhonour than the mother, by which he makes interest with Pallas, who", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0341.jp2"}, "338": {"fulltext": "334 HISTORY OP THE\\nhad no mother, but proceeded at once out of the head of her father,\\nZeus. When the judges, of whom there are twelve,* come to the vote,\\nit is found that the votes on each side are equal upon this the goddess\\ngives the casting vote the voting pebble of Athena, the destina-\\ntion of which she has declared beforehand, and so decides in favour of\\nOrestes. The poet here means to imply that the duty of revenge and\\nthe guilt of matricide are equally balanced, and that stern justice has no\\nalternative; but the gods of Olympus, being of the nature of man, and\\nacquainted and entrusted with the personal condition of individuals,\\ncan find and supply a refuge for the unfortunate, who are so by no im-\\nmediate guilt of their own. Hence the repeated references to the over-\\nruling name of Zeus, who always steps in between contending powers\\nas the saviour- god (Ztvg o-wr?/p),t and invariably turns the scale in\\nfavour of virtue. After his acquittal, Orestes leaves the stage with\\nblessings and promises of friendly alliance with Athens, but somewhat\\nmore hastily than we expected, after the intense interest which his fate\\nhas inspired. But the cause of this is seen in the heart-felt love of\\niEschylus for the Athenians. The goddess of wisdom, who has veiled\\nher power in the mildest and most persuasive form, succeeds in soothing\\nthe rage of the furies, which threatens to bring destruction upon\\nAthens, by promising to ensure them for ever the honour and respect\\nof the Athenians and thus the whole concludes with a song of blessing\\nby the furies (wherein, on the supposition that their power is duly ac-\\nknowledged, they assume the character of beneficent deities), and with\\nthe establishment of the worship of the Eumenides, who are at once\\nconducted by torchlight to their sanctuary in the Areopagus with all the\\npomp with which their sacrifices at Athens were attended. The\\nAthenians are here plainly admonished to treat with reverence the\\nAreopagus thus founded by the gods, and the judicial usages of which are\\nso closely connected with the worship of the Eumenides and not to\\ntake from that body its cognizance of charges of murder, as was about\\nto be done, in order to transfer their functions to the great jury courts.\\nThe stasima, too, in which the ideas of the piece appear still more\\nclearly than in the treatment of the mythus, utter no sentiment more\\ndefinitely than this that it is above all things necessary to recognize\\nwithout hesitation a power which bridles the unruly affections and sinful\\nthoughts of man. J\\nWe may remark in few words, that the satyrical drama which was\\nappended to this trilogy, the Proteus, was in all probability connected\\nwith the same mythical subject, and turned upon the adventure of\\nMenelaus and Helen with Proteus, the sea-daemon and keeper of the\\nThe number twelve is inferred from the arrangement of the short speeches\\nmade by the parties while the voting is going on (v. 710 733.)\\nf Vv. 759, 797, 1045.\\n%VfAtp$gU ffUlpgOViTv VfTO ffTiVU, V. 520,", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0342.jp2"}, "339": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 335\\nsea-monsters, an adventure which is known to us from IJomcr. The\\nuseless wanderings of Menelaus, who on his return home left his\\nbrother behind, and thereby arrived too late not only to save, but\\neven to avenge him,* might give room for abundant mirth and en-\\ntertainment, without disturbing or effacing the impressions which had\\nbeen produced by the tragic fate of the house of the Atridae.\\n14. These short accounts of those trilogies of /Esehylus which\\nhave been preserved, in whole or in part, will suffice, we conceive, to\\ngive as much insight into the mind of that great poet as can be expected\\nin a work of this kind. It must be confessed, however, that there is a\\nwide difference between these cold abstracts of the dramas of iEschylus\\nand the tone and character of the works themselves, which, even in the\\nminutest details of execution, show all the power of a mind full of poetic\\ninspiration, and impressed with the truth and profoundness of its own\\nconceptions. As all the persons brought on the stage by yEschylus ex-\\npress their feelings and characters in strong and forcible terms, so also\\nthe forms of speech they make use of have a proud and lofty tone the\\ndiction of these plays is like a temple of Ictinus, constructed solely of\\nhuge rectangular blocks of polished marble. In the individual expres-\\nsions, the poetical form predominates over the syntactical this is\\nbrought about by the employment of metaphorical phrases and new\\ncompounds :f and here the poet s great knowledge and true compre-\\nhension of nature and human life give to his expressions a vividness\\nand warmth which only differs from the naivete of the epic style by the\\ngreater admixture of acute reflection which it displays, and by which he\\nhas contrived to mark at once a feeling of connexion and a conscious-\\nness of difference.^: The forms of syntax are rather those which rest\\nupon a parallel connexion of sentences (consequently, copulative, ad-\\nversative, and disjunctive sentences) than those which result from the\\nsubordination of one sentence to another (as in causal and conditional\\nperiods, c). The language has little of that oratorical flow which at\\na later period sprung up in the courts and assemblies, and just as little\\nof a subtle developement of complicated connexions of thought. It is\\nthroughout better calculated to display powerful impulses of the feelings\\nand desires, and the instinctive actions of prompt and decided character,\\nthan the reflection of minds impelled by various motives. Hence in\\neach piece we find some leading thoughts frequently repeated* particu-\\nlarly in the different forms of speech, dialogue, anapaests, lyric me88tl\\nComp. above chap. VI. 5. and Agam. G24, 839.\\nf We may also mention his employment of obsolete expression*, especially tl\\nborrowed from epic poetry to yXutraulu rr,s ki?iu;. /Eschylus is few Mg\\nmore epic in his language than Sophocles or Euripides.\\nX Hence arise the oxymora of which yEschylus is so fond for in i lie\\ncalls dust the dumb messenger of the army.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0343.jp2"}, "340": {"fulltext": "336 HISTORY OP THE\\nc. Yet the poet by no means wants the power of adapting his lan-\\nguage to the different characters, lo say nothing of all those differences\\nwhich depend upon the metrical forms and, notwithstanding the\\ngeneral elevation of his style, persons of an inferior grade, such as the\\nwatchman in the Agamemnon, and the nurse of Orestes in the Choe-\\nphorce, are made to descend, as well in the words as in the turn of the\\nexpressions, to the use of language more nearly approaching that of\\ncommon life, and manifest even in the collocation of their words a\\nweaker order of mind.\\n15. To return once more to the Orestean trilogy of Orestes the\\njudges of tragic merit adjudged the prize to it before all the rival pieces.\\nBut this poetic victory seems to have been no compensation to\\niEschylus for the failure of the practical portion of his design, as the\\nAthenians at the same time deprived the Areopagus of all the honour\\nand power which the poet had striven to preserve for it. zEschylus re-\\nturned a second time to Sicily, and died in his favourite city of Gela,\\nthree years after the performance of the Orestea.\\nThe Athenians had a feeling that iEschylus would not be satisfied\\nwith the course their public life and their taste for art and science took\\nin the next generation the shadow of the poet, as he is brought up by\\nAristophanes from the other world in the Frogs, manifests an angry\\ndiscontent with the public, who were so pleased with Euripides, although\\nthe latter was no rival of iEschylus, for he did not appear upon the stage\\ntill the year in which iEschylus died. Yet this did not prevent the\\nAthenians from recognizing most fully the beauty and sublimity of\\nhis poetry. With him his muse died not, said Aristophanes, allud-\\ning to the fact that his tragedies were allowed to be performed after his\\ndeath, and might even be brought forward as new pieces. The poet,\\nwho taught his chorus the plays of iEschylus, was remunerated by the\\nstate, and the crown was dedicated to the poet who had been long\\ndead.* The family of iEschylus, which continued for a long time, pre-\\nserved a school of poetry in his peculiar style, which we will hereafter\\nnotice.\\nThis is the result of the passages in the Vita JEschyli Philostrat. Vita Apollon.\\nvi. 11. p. 245, Olear.; SchoL Aristoph. Acharn. 10. Ran. 892. The Vila JEschyli\\nsays that the poet was crowned after his death and this view seems preferable to\\nQuinctilian s assertion (Inst. x. 1), that many other poets obtained the crown by re-\\npresenting the plays of yEschylus. We must distinguish from this case the victories\\nof Euphorion (above, 2 and note) obtained by producing plays of IEschylus that\\nhad not been represented the law of Lycurgus, too, with regard to the representa-\\ntion of pieces by the three great tragedians, from copies officially verified, has\\nnothing to do with the custom alluded to in the text.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0344.jp2"}, "341": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 337\\nCHAPTER XXIV.\\n1. Condition in which tragic poetry came into the hands of Sophurh-s. His first\\nappearance. \u00c2\u00a72. Subsequent events of his life his devotion to the drama. 3.\\nEpochs in the poetry of Sophocles. 4. Thorough change in the form of tra-\\ngedy. f Outline of his plays the Antigone. 6. The Electa. 7. The\\nTrachinian Women. 8. King CEdipus. 9. The Ajax. 10. The Philoc-\\ntetes. 11,12. The CEdipus at Colonus, in connexion with the character and\\nconduct of Sophocles in his latter years. 13. The style of Sophocles.\\n1. Tiie tragic trilogies of ./Eschylus had given a dramatic represen-\\ntation of the great cycle of Hellenic legends. In exhibiting the history\\nof whole families, tribes, and states, the poet had contrived to show the\\ninfluence of supreme wisdom and power shining amidst the greatest\\ndifficulty and darkness. Every Greek, who witnessed such an exhibition\\nof the dispensations of Providence in the history of his race, must have\\nbeen filled with mingled emotions of wonder and joyful exultation.\\nA tragedy of this kind was at once political, patriotic, and religious.\\nHow was it possible that, after these mighty creations of so great a\\ngenius as iEschylus, a still fairer renown should be in reserve for\\nSophocles? In what direction could such great advances be made\\nfrom the point to which /Eschylus had brought the tragic art\\nWe will not indulge ourselves in an a priori determination of the\\nway in which this advance might have been made, but will rather con-\\nsider, with history for our guide, how it really took place. Jt will be\\nseen that the change was retrograde as well as progressive that it\\nsomething was gained on the oneside.it was because something was\\nalso given up on the other; and that it was due above all to that\\nmoderation and sobriety of character, which was the noblest and mosl\\namiable property of the Greek mind.\\nBefore we can solve the great question proposed above, we musl gi\\\\c\\nan account of so much of the poet s life as may be necessary for in un-\\nderstanding of his poetical career.\\nSophocles, the son of Sophilus, was born at the Attic demns,\\nvillage of Colonus, in Olymp. 71. 8. u.c. 19. He was, therefore,\\nfifteen years old when the battle of Salamis was fought He could\\nnot, of course, share in the dangers of the tight, but he wai I\\nchus, or leader of the chorus which sang the pean of l I in\\nthat capacity appeared naked, according to the rule in gymnastic BOlem-\\nThis is the statement in the Pita SbpfooAf. Th\u00c2\u00ab PSlitfl m.iri D\\ntwo years older, but this is opposed to the fact BMOtioSjSd in the note tu", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0345.jp2"}, "342": {"fulltext": "338 HISTORY OF THE\\nnities, anointed with oil, and holding a lyre in his left hand. The\\nmanagers of the feast had selected him for this purpose on account of\\nhis youthful beauty* and the musical education which he had received.\\nEleven or twelve years after this, in Olymp. 77. 4. B.c.f 468, Sopho-\\ncles came forward for the first time as a competitor in a dramatic con-\\ntest, and, indeed, as a rival of the old hero iEschylus. This happened\\nat the great Dionysia, when the first Archon presided it was his duty\\nto nominate the judges of the contest. Cimon, who had just conquered\\nthe pirates of Scyros, and brought back to Athens the bones of Theseus,\\nhappened to come into the theatre along with his colleagues in order\\nto pay the suitable offerings to Bacchus, and Aphepsion the archon\\nthought it due to the importance of the contest to submit the decision\\nof the poetical victory to these glorious victors in real battle. Cimon,\\na man of the old school, and of noble moderation of character, who\\nundoubtedly appreciated iEschylus, gave the prize to his young rival,\\nfrom which we may infer how completely his genius outshone all com-\\npetition, even at his first coming out. The play with which he gained\\nthis victory is said to have been the TriptolemuSjj a patriotic piece, in\\nwhich this Eleusinian hero is celebrated as promoting the cultivation\\nof corn, and humanizing the manners even of the wildest barbarians.\\n2. The first piece of Sophocles which has been preserved is twenty-\\neight years subsequent to this event it is remarkable as also marking\\na glorious period in the poet s life. Sophocles brought out the Anti-\\ngone in Olymp. 84. 4. B.C. 440. The goodness of the play, but above\\nall the shrewd reflexions and admirable sentiments on public matters\\nwhich are frequently expressed in it, induced the Athenians to elect\\nhim to the office of general for the ensuing year. It must be re-\\nmembered that the ten Strategi were not merely the commanders of the\\ntroops, but also very much employed in the administration of affairs at\\nhome, and in carrying on negociations with foreign states. Sophocles\\nwas one of the generals, who, in conjunction with Pericles, carried on\\nthe war with the aristocrats of Samos, who, after being expelled from\\nSamos by the Athenians, had returned from Ansea on the continent\\nwith Persian aid, and stirred up the island to revolt against Athens.\u00c2\u00a7\\nThis war was carried on in Olymp. 85. 1. B.C. 440, 439.\\nAthenseus I. p. 20. f in speaking of this occasion, says that Sophocles was\\nxcekh rh eo^otv, which applies best to the age assigned to him above.\\nf All new dramas at Athens were performed at the Lenaea and the great Dio-\\nnysia, the former of which took place in the month Gamelion, the latter in Elaphe-\\nbolion, and therefore in the second half of the Attic or Olympian year, after the\\nwinter solstice consequently, in the history of the drama we must always reckon\\nthe year of the Olympiad equal to the year b.c. in which its second half falls.\\nX This appears from a combination of the narrative in the text with a chrono-\\nlogical statement in Pliny N. H. XVIII. 12.\\nOn this account the Vita Sophoclis calls the war, in the management of which", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0346.jp2"}, "343": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. XVJ\\nAccording to several old anecdotes, Sophocles pi, .,n in\\nthe bustle of war his eheerfulness of temper, and that poetical die]\\ntion which delightfl in clear and tranquil contemplation of liuman\\naffairs. It was also on this occasion that Sophocles became at -.piaintcd\\nwith Herodotus, who about this time was living at .Samus (chap.\\nXIX. 1.), and composed a poem for him, no doubt a lyrical our.* Iti^\\ninteresting to think of the social intercourse of two such nun with one\\nanother. They both scrutinized the knowledge of human aliairs with\\ncalm and comprehensive vision but the Sainian, with a mOTC boyieh\\ndisposition, sought out the traditions of many nations and many lands,\\nwhile the Athenian had applied his riper and more searching intellect\\nto that which was immediately before him, the secret working\\npower and passion in the breast of every man.\\nIt is doubtful whether Sophocles took any further pert in public\\naffairs at a later period. On the whole, he was, as his contemporary\\nIon of Chios tells us,f neither very well acquainted with politics nor\\nparticularly qualified for public business. In all this, he did not\\nbeyond the ordinary standard of individuals of the bitter sort. It is\\nclear that, in his case, as in that of iEschylus, poetry was the bneinOM\\nof his life. The study and exercise of the art of poetry occupied the\\nwhole of his time, as appears at once from the number of his dramas.\\nThere existed under his name 130 plays, of which, according to the\\ngrammarian Aristophanes, seventeen were wrongly ascribed to him.\\nThe remaining 113 seem to comprise tragedies and satyrica! dramas.\\nIn several of the tetralogies, however, the satyrical drama must have I\\nlost or perhaps never existed (as we find to be the case with other p\\nalso), because otherwise the number could not have been so uneven\\nat the utmost there could only have been twenty-three extant sat\\\\rical\\ndramas to ninety tragedies. All these pieces were brought out between\\nOlymp. 77. 4. B.C. 468, when Sophocles iirM came forward, and Olwnp.\\n93. 2. B.C. 406, when he died consequently, in a period ofsixty-tWO\\nyears, the last of which, comprehending his extreme old nge, cannot\\nhave added much to the number. The years of the lYIoponuesian\\nwar must have been the most prolific; for if we may depend upon the\\nSophocles took a part, tov -x^os Av\u00c2\u00ab;\u00c2\u00abv -rlktpev. The list ofgenerali in this\\npreserved to a certain extent complete in a fragment of Amhotion. quoted bj\\nScholiast on Aristides, p. 225 C (p. 182, Kd. l-ionnm-l.)\\nSee Plutarch An son, C 3., where this story is brought in l\\nshoulders. It is from this poem, of course, that the author of tl\\nderives his assertion with regard to the age of SophocU* ;tt th\u00c2\u00ab tin.\\nwar; otherwise, how did he come to make in UteHion 10\\nnana We must, therefore, emend the read\\nthe passage in Plutarch, where the text is more to he depended on. This ill\\nSophocles\u00c2\u00b055 years old at this period.\\nf AthenacusXIII.p.G03.\\nz 2", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0347.jp2"}, "344": {"fulltext": "340 HISTORY OF THE\\ntradition* that the Antigone was the thirty-second play in a chrono-\\nlogical arrangement of the dramas of Sophocles, there still remain\\neighty-one dramas for the second half of his poetical career or, if we\\nleave out the satyrical dramas, we have about fifty-eight pieces remain-\\ning We arrive at the same result from a date relating to Euripides,\\nof whose pieces, said to be ninety-two in number, the Alcestis was the\\nsixteenth. t Now, according to the same authority, the Alcestis was\\nexhibited in Olymp. 85. 2. B.C. 438, the seventeenth year of the poetical\\nlife of Euripides, which lasted for forty-nine, from Olymp. 81. I. b.c.\\n455, to Olymp. 93. 2. b.c. 406. It may be seen from this, that at first\\nboth poets brought out a tetralogy every three or four years, but after-\\nwards every two years at least. A consequence of this more rapid\\nproduction appears in that slight regard for, or rather the absolute\\nneglect of, the stricter models, which has been remarked in the lyrical\\nparts of tragedy after the 90th or 89th Olympiad.\\n3. As far as one can judge from internal and external evidence, the\\nremaining tragedies are all subsequent to the Antigone the following\\nis perhaps their chronological order; Antigone, Electra, Trachinian\\nWomen, King (Edipus, Ajax, Philoctetes, GEdipus at Colonus. The\\nonly definite information we possess is that the Philoctetes was acted in\\nOlymp. 92. 3. b.c. 409, and the (Edipus at Colonus not till Olymp.\\n94. 3. B.C. 401, when it was brought out by the younger Sophocles, the\\nauthor being dead. Taken together, they exhibit the art of Sophocles\\nin its full maturity, in that mild grandeur which Sophocles was the first\\nto appropriate to himself, when, after having (to use a remarkable ex-\\npression of his own which has been preserved) put away the pomp of\\nJEschylus along with his boyish things, and laid aside a harshness of\\nmanner, which had sprung up from his own too great art and refine-\\nment, he had at length attained to that style which he himself con-\\nsidered to be the best and the most suited to the representation of the\\ncharacters of men. In the Antigone, the Trachinian Women, and the\\nElectra, we have still, perhaps, a little of that artificial style and studied\\nSee the hypothesis to the Antigone, by Aristophanes of Byzantium. If the\\nnumber thirty-two included the satyrical dramas also, some of the trilogies must\\nhave been without this appendage otherwise the thirty-second piece would have\\nbeen a satyrical drama.\\nf See the didascalia to the Alcestis e cod. Vaticano published by Dindorf in the\\nOxford edition 1836. The number 2- is, in accordance with this view, changed to\\nr which suits the reckoning better than We have a third date of this kind in\\nthe Birds of Aristophanes, which is the thirty-fifth of that poet s comedies.\\nX The important passage, quoted by Plutarch, De Profectu Virtut. Sent. p. 79. B.,\\nshould undoubtedly be written as follows: o l.oQox kns skiys, rov Ato-%v\\\\w lix-\\nvci xu.lx us elyxov, lira ro vrtxgov xou xuru.ri%vov rrn ccvroZ xarciffxivT;;, lis t^ ivov %oi i\\nto t7,; \\\\i%ius ftiru(ia./.ku\u00c2\u00bb uo*o;, o rig lirrtv hStxurccrov xat (iiXrio-rov.\\n[The xarctaxivn here opposed to the ki%i; means the language or words as op-\\nposed to the style or their arrangement. See Plutarch Comp. Aristoph, et Menandr.\\np. 853. C. iv rn xwrv.o xiv vi ray ovoftcirwv,\u00e2\u0080\u0094- Ed.]", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0348.jp2"}, "345": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT OIIELCE. Ml!\\nobscurity which Sophocles objected to in himself; the Ajai ind Phi-\\nloctetes, as well as the two GBdipustS, show, in B maun- r which cannot\\nbe mistaken, an easier flow of language than his earlier plays, and do\\nnot require so great an effort on the part of the reader. Neverthi\\nthe tragic art of Sophocles is fully shown in all of them, and is like-\\nnothing but itself; Sophocles must have hit upon the changes which\\nhe introduced into the tragedy ofJSschylus, long before he wrote any\\none of those plays, and must have already made, in accordance with\\nhis principles, a complete change in the whole constitution of tragedy.\\n4. We have mentioned these alterations, as fur a-, concerns the\\ndetails, in the two preceding chapters: we must lure consider their\\nconnexion with the change of the whole essence and organisa-\\ntion of tragedy effected by Sophocles. The foundation and corner-\\nstone of this new edifice, which was erected on the same area as the\\nold building, but according to a different plan, was always this, that,\\nthough Sophocles still followed the old usages and laws, and always, or\\nas a general rule, exhibited atone time three tragedies and a satyrical\\ndrama, he nevertheless loosened the connexion of these pieces with one\\nanother, and presented to the public not one great dramatic poein, but\\nfour separate poetical works, which might just as well have been\\nbrought forward at different festivals.* The tragic poet, too, no lm\\nproposed to himself to exhibit a series of mythical actions, the develope-\\nmentof the complicated destinies of families and tribes, which was in-\\nconsistent with the compass and unity of plan required 1 separate tra-\\ngedies; he was obliged to limit himself to one leading fact, and, to\\ntake the example of the Orestea, could only oppose to such a tri\\nfragments of itself, like the Electra of Sophocles or Euripides, in which\\neverything is referred to the murder of Clytssmnestra. The tragedies\\nsubsequent to Olymp. 80 had indeed become considerably longer,t\\nwhich is said to have originated with Aristarehus, a tragedian who\\nmade his appearance in Olymp. 81. 2. b.c. 454.] The Agamemnon\\nof JEschylus, however, the first piece of his last trilogy, is considerably\\nlonger than the others, and nearly of the same length SS a pi\\nSophocles. Still, this extension has not been effected l y an increase in\\nthe action, which even in Sophocles turns upon a single point, and\\nseldom, as in the Antigone, is divided into several important moments,\\nAs e. g. Euripides brought out in B.C. 431 tin- Iffedea, Philocb\\nthe satyrical drama the Reapers (H.\u00c2\u00ab^*t\u00c2\u00abi in n.i. -Ill V\\nCEdipus, Lycaon, Baccba, and the Mtyrieal drama the Athsm sa\\nf E. g. the Persians, 107(3; BupplUnft, 1074\\nPrometheus, 1093. On the other ham!, tin- Agamemnoo, 1673 th\\n1353; King CEdipuf 1530; (Edipm at Colonus, h ling to the numb\\nJDindorfs edition.\\nSuidas V. Atfrru\u00c2\u00a3%\u00c2\u00abs.-\u00c2\u00bb o i t^Ztoi l/f ra riff oiirii (*n*\u00c2\u00bb{ r\u00c2\u00bb 3f\u00c2\u00ab /*\u00c2\u00abr\u00c2\u00ab xmrle\\nEusebius gives us the year of his liist appsanBCS.", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0349.jp2"}, "346": {"fulltext": "342 HISTORY OF THE\\nbut is entirely subservient to the developement of the events out of the\\ncharacter and passions of actors, and belongs to the delineation of their\\nstate of mind. The lyrical element, on the contrary, so far from gaining\\nanything by this extension, was considerably diminished, especially in\\nthe part which fell to the chorus, since it is clear that Sophocles did not\\nfeel himself so much called upon, as iEschylus did, to represent the im-\\npression of the events and circumstances upon those who took no part\\nin them, and to lend his voice to express the feelings of right-minded\\nspectators, which was the chief business of the tragic chorus, but he\\ndirected his efforts to express what was going on in the bosoms of the\\npersons whose actions were represented on the stage.\\nIt is sufficiently obvious that the introduction of the third actor\\n(chap. XXII. 7.) was necessary for this change. The dialogue\\nnaturally gains much in variety by the addition of a third inter-\\nlocutor for this enables the characters to show themselves on dif-\\nferent sides. If it is the property of the tritagonist to produce oppo-\\nsition on the part of the first person by gainsaying him, the deuter-\\nagonist, on the other hand, may, in friendly conversation, draw from\\nhis bosom its gentler feelings and more secret thoughts. It was not\\ntill the separation of the deuteragonist from the tritagonist that we\\ncould have persons like Chrysothemis by the side of Electra, and Is-\\nmene by the side of Antigone, who elevate the vigour of the chief cha-\\nracter by the opposition and contrast of a gentler womanhood.*\\nThese outward changes in the stage business of tragedy enable us\\nat once to see the point to which Sophocles desired to bring tragic\\npoetry he wished to make it a true mirror of the impulses, passions,\\nstrivings, and struggles of the soul of man. While he laid aside those\\ngreat objects of national interest, which made the Greek look upon the\\ntime gone by as a high and a holy thing, and to keep up the remem-\\nbrance of which the art of JSschylus had been for the most part dedi-\\ncated, the mythical subjects gained in his hands a general, and there-\\nfore a lasting significance. The rules of Greek art obliged him to\\ndepict strong and great characters, and the shocks to which they are\\nexposed are exceedingly violent they are drawn, however, with such\\nintrinsic truth that every man may recognize in them in some points a\\nlikeness of himself: the corrections and limitations of the exercise of\\nman s will, and the requirements and laws of morality are expressed in\\nthe most forcible manner. There has hardly been any poet whose\\nworks can be compared with those of Sophocles for the universality\\nand durability of their moral significance.\\n5. We cannot here attempt to submit the plan of the different\\ntragedies of Sophocles to a circumstantial analysis (to which the re-\\nmarks in chap. XXII. furnish a sort of introduction) it will, however,\\nComp. Schol. on the Electra, 328.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0350.jp2"}, "347": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIEM\\nbe in accordance with the object of this work to take I mmer ffc\\nthe particular situations which Conn the turning points of the different\\nplays, and of the ethical ideas which an I in them.\\nThe Antigone turns entirely on the contest between the inter.-. ta\\nand requirements of the state and the rights and duties of the family.\\nThebes haj successfully repulsed the attack of the Argfrearmj bul I\\nneices, one of her citizens, and a member of the Theban royal fiunfly,\\ndead before the walls among the enemies who had .threatened Thebes\\nwith fire and sword. Creon, the king of Thebes, only follows I Custom\\nof the Greeks, the object of which was to preserve a state from the\\nattacks of its own citizens, when he leaves the enemy of his n\\nland unburied as a prey to dogs and vultures; yet the manner in\\nwhich he keeps up this political principle, the excessive severity of the\\npunishment denounced against those who wished to bury the ori.se,\\nthe terrible threats addressed to those who watched it. and, still more,\\nthe boastful and violent strain in which he sets fortli and extols his own\\nprinciples all this gives us a proof of that infatuation of a narrow\\nmind, unenlightened by gentleness of a higher nature, which appeared to\\nthe Greeks to contain in itself a foreboding of approaching misfortune.\\nBut what was to be done by the relations of the dead man, the femafc\\nhis family, on whom the care of the corpse was imposed as a religious\\nduty by the universal law of the Greeks? That they should feel U\\nduty to the family in all its force, and not comprehend what they owed\\nto the state, is in accordance with the natural character of women but\\nwhile the one sister, Ismene, only sees the impossibility of performing\\nthe former duty, the great soul of Antigone lues with the occai 01,\\nand forms resolves of the greatest boldness. Defiant defiance\\nCreon s harsh decree calls forth in her breast the most obstinate, in-\\nflexible self-will, which disregards all consequences, and despises all\\ngentler means. In this consists her guilt, which Sophocles does not\\nconceal on the contrary, he brings it prominently before US, and es-\\npecially in the choruses;* but the very reason why AntigODS Es BO\\nhighly tragical a character is this, that, notwithstanding the crime she\\nhas committed, she appears to us so great and so amiable. The sen-\\ntinel s description of her, how she came to the corpse in the burning-\\nheat of the sun, while a scorching whirlwind r s)Ac J WSJ throwing all\\nnature into confusion, and how she raised a shrill cry of woe when\\nsaw that the earth she had scattered over it had been taken away, is a\\npicture of a being, who, possessed by BU ethical idea as h\\\\ BA irresistible\\nlaw of nature, blindly follows her own noble impulses.\\nIt must, however, be insisted on that it is not the tragical end\\nthis great and noble creature, but the disclosure ofCreou l infatuation,\\nwhich forms the general object of the tragedy] and that, allhoUj\\nSee particularly v. 8J3. Diadorf: irf\u00c2\u00bb/55/ \\\\r y IrgMrt*", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0351.jp2"}, "348": {"fulltext": "344 HISTORY OF THE\\nSophocles considers Antigone s act as going beyond what women should\\ndare, he lays much more stress on the truth that there is something\\nholy without and above the state, to which the state should pay respect\\nand reverence a doctrine which Antigone declares with such irresist-\\nible truth and sublimity.* Every movement in the course of this\\npiece which could shake Creon in the midst of his madness, and open\\nhis eyes to his own situation, turns upon this and is especially directed\\nto him the noble security with which Antigone relies on the holiness\\nof her deed the sisterly affection of Ismene, who would willingly share\\nthe consequences of the act the loving zeal of Hsemon, who is at first\\nprudent and then desperate the warnings of Teiresias all are in vain,\\ntill the latter breaks out into those prophetic threatenings of misfortune\\nwhich at last, when it is too late, penetrate Creon s hardened heart.\\nHaemon slays himself on the body of Antigone, the death of the mother\\nfollows that of her son, and Creon is compelled to acknowledge that\\nthere are blessings in one s family for which no political wisdom is an\\nadequate substitute.\\n6. The characteristics of the art of Sophocles are most prominently\\nshown in the Electra, because we have here an opportunity of making\\na direct comparison with the Orestea of iEschylus, and in particular\\nwith the Cho phorce. Sophocles takes an entirely ditferent view of this\\nmythological subject, as well by representing the punishment of Cly-\\ntsemnestra without the connexion of a trilogy, as by making Electra the\\nchief character and protagonist. This was impracticable in the case of\\niEschylus, for he was obliged to make Orestes, who was the chief per-\\nson in the legend, also the chief character in the drama. But for So-\\nphocles finer delineation of character, and for his psychological views,\\nElectra was a much more suitable heroine. For while Orestes, a matri-\\ncide from duty and conscience, an avenger of blood from his birth,\\nand especially intrusted with this commission by the Delphic oracle,\\nappears to be urged to it by a superior power Electra, on the con-\\ntrary, is sustained in her burning hatred against her mother and her\\nmother s paramour, by her own feelings, which are totally different\\nfrom those of her sister Chrysothemis, by her entire devotion to the\\nsublime image of her murdered father, which is ever present to her\\nmind, by disgust for her mother s pride and lust, in short by the\\nmost secret impulses of a young maiden s heart that ./Egisthus wears\\nthe robes of Agamemnon, that Clytaemnestra held a feast on the day of\\nher husband s murder, these are continually recurring provocations.\\nSuch is the character which Sophocles has made the central figure in his\\ntragedy, a character in which the warmest feelings are blended with the\\npeculiar shrewdness that distinguished the female character at the time\\nrepresented, and he has contrived to give such a direction to the plot,\\nV. 450, oh ya.\u00c2\u00a3 ri f/,a Ziiif n* -j", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0352.jp2"}, "349": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE.\\nthat the interest is entirely centered in the actions and feelingl ol\\nperson. According to yEschylus, Orestes had been driven from the\\nhouse by Clytaemnestra, and sent to Strophiua of Phocia he ftf]\\nin the paternal mansion as an expelled and illegally disinherited ton.\\nAccording to Sophocles, Orestes, (hen a child, was to bare been put to\\ndeath when Agamemnon was murdered, and it was only Electra who\\nrescued him and put him under the care of his lathers friend, Rtro-\\nphius,* by which she gains the credit of having preserved an a\\\\\\nof her father, and a deliverer of the whole family. f On the oi her hand,\\nSophocles is obliged to omit the secret plot between Oreetcfl and\\nElectra, and their conspiracy to effect the murder, which is the\\nleading incident in the play of ^Eschylus, because Sophocles did\\nnot set so much importance on making Electra a participator in the\\ndeed, as in exhibiting the mind of the high-souled maiden driven\\nabout by a storm of contending emotions. This he effects by boom\\nslight modifications of the story, in which he makes all possible use \u00c2\u00bbt\\nhis predecessor s ideas, but follows them out and works them up with\\nsuch gentle and delicate touches that they tit exactly with his\\nnew plan. iEschylus had already hit upon the contrivance by which\\nOrestes gets into the house of the Atrida? he appeared as an ally and\\nvassal of the house with the pretended funeral urn of Orestes; hut\\nElectra had herself planned this device with him, and speaks in conceit\\nwith him consequently, the completion of the scheme commences im-\\nmediately after the first leading division of the play. In Sophocles,\\nwhere there is no such concert between him and his sister, Electra is\\nherself deceived by the trick, and is cast down and grieved in the same\\ndegree as Clytaemnestra, after a transient outbreak of maternal affection,\\nis gladdened and trancmillized by it.\u00c2\u00a7 The funeral offerings ofOreatea\\nat his father s grave, which in .Eschylus lead to the recognition, in\\nSophocles only excite a hope in Chrysothemis, which is at once cast\\ndown by Electra, who refuses to take comfort from it. Her desire for\\nrevenge becomes only the more urgent when she believes herself de-\\nprived of all help from man; her grief reaches its highest point when she\\nholds in her arms the sepulchral urn, which she supposes to contain her\\nIt is for this reason that Sophocles considers Strophiui ofCrisa as the friend of\\nAgamemnon and. his children, and therefore he limine* Phanoteutj tl\\nstate hostile to the Ciiucans, as the person who Modi Clytssmnrstrs th\\nabout her son, although Strophiua had collected and sent the ashes I\\nf Euripides, in his Electra, gives this incident up again, end supposes that\\nElectra and Orestes were separated from one another as chUrm,\\nI Up to v. 548 of the Choephoru-, Oreetei we in the common dn iier\\nit is not before v. 652 that lie a] pears in a different COStuine as fagugiMf of the 1\\nIt was a kindly trait in Sophocles, which would never have occurred to\\nchylus, that Clytwmnestrn a first feeling, when sin- hears the news, is a natural emo-\\ntion of love for the child, which she had home with pain and travail, v. 770,", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0353.jp2"}, "350": {"fulltext": "346 HISTORY OF THE\\nonly hope. As it is Orestes himself who gives it to her, the recognition\\nscene follows immediately, and this constitutes the revolution, or peri-\\npeteia, as the ancients called it. The death of Clytaemnestra and\\njEgisthus is treated by Sophocles more as a necessary consequence of\\nthe rest, and less as the chief incident and while it is the aim of Ms-\\nchylus to place this action^ itself in its proper light, Sophocles at once\\nrelaxes his efforts as soon as Electra is relieved from her sorrow and\\ndisquietude.\\n7. The Trachinian Women of Sophocles has also entirely the plan\\nand object of a delineation of character, and the imperfections, with\\nwhich this play is not altogether unreasonably charged, arise from the\\nconflict between the legend on which the play is founded, and the in-\\ntentions of Sophocles. The tragical end of Hercules forms the subject\\nof the play Sophocles, however, has again made the heroine Deianeira,\\nand not Hercules, the chief person in the play. Sorrow arising from\\nlove, this is the moving theme of the drama, and, treated as the poet\\nwished it to be, it is one possessing the greatest beauties. All Deia-\\nneira s thoughts and endeavours are directed towards regaining the love\\nof her husband, on whom her whole dependence is placed, and towards\\nassuring herself of his constant attachment to herself. By pursuing\\nthis impulse without sufficient foresight, she brings upon him, as it ap-\\npears to her, the most frightful misery and ruin. By this her fate is\\ndecided but in the ancient tragedy, even when a person perishes, it is\\npossible, by a justification of his name and memory, to attain to that\\ntranquillizing effect, which was required by the feelings of Sophocles as\\nwell as by those of iEschylus. It is this, not to speak of the conclusion\\nof the legend itself, which is the object of the best part of the Trachinian\\nWomen, in which Hercules appears as the chief character, and, after\\nuttering the most violent imprecations against his wife, at last acknow-\\nledges that Deianeira, influenced by love alone, had only contributed to\\nbring about the end which fate had destined for him.* It is true that\\nHercules does not, as we might expect, give way to compassionate la-\\nmentations for Deianeira, and earnest wishes that she were present to\\nreceive his parting forgiveness. The feelings of a Greek would be satis-\\nfied by the hero s quitting the world without uttering any reproaches\\nagainst his unhappy wife, for this removes any real grounds for repre-\\nhension.\\n8. We shall form the clearest idea of the meaning of King (Edipus,\\nif we consider what it does not mean. It does not contain a history of\\nthe crime of QEdipus and its detection but this crime, which fate had\\nbrought upon him, without his knowledge or his will, forms a dark and\\ngloomy background on which the action of the drama itself is painted\\nHyllus says of her, v. 1136 \u00c2\u00abVav ro xfift r t fta^rt x^wtu pupivn.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0354.jp2"}, "351": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 347\\nwith bold and strong- colours. The action of the drama has ret.\\nthroughout to the discovery of these horrors, and the moral ideas, which\\nare developed in it, must be brought out in this discovery, ii tin\\nparticularly contained in it. Let us consider, then, what cha\\nplace inOEdipus in the course of the tragedy. At the beginning, not\\nonly is he praised by the Thebans in the most emphatic terms as the\\nbest and wisest of men, but he also shows that he is himself fully con-\\nscious of his own worth, and well satisfied with the me\u00e2\u0080\u0094 uriD he\\nhas set on foot, in the first instance, to investigate the cause of fa\\nstructive malady, and then to discover the murderer of Lalus and in\\nthis he is not disturbed by any misgiving, not even by the faintest\\nshadow of a suspicion, that he himself may be this murderer. Jn this\\nself-reliance, and the confidence which springs from it, we have an\\nexplanation of the violence and unjustifiable warmth with which\\nCEdipus repels the declaration of Teiresias, that he himself b\\\\\\npresence has brought pollution on the land, which he ought to remove\\nby withdrawing as soon as possible. Here an occasion was presented\\non which CEdipus should have felt how vain and perishable human\\ngreatness is, how weak the virtue of man; on which he ought to ha\\\\e\\nexamined his heart, and to have questioned himself whether there was\\nno dark spot in his life to which this fearful crime might correspond.\\nSuch, however, is his self-confidence, that, where the (ruth comei\\nnear to him, he sees only falsehood and treason, and maintains his\\nfancied security, until, in a conversation with Iocasta, when she men-\\ntions that La ius was murdered at a place where three roads ic y he is\\nfor the first time disturbed by a sudden suspicion,* and an entire re-\\nvolution takes place in his mind. It is particularly worthy of remark\\nthat the steps which Iocasta takes to tranquillize her husband, and to\\nbanish all the terror occasioned by the prophecies of Teiresias, are just\\nthose which lead to a discovery of all the horrors; she endeavours to\\nprove the nothingness of the prophetic art by means of that whicjl\\nshortly afterwards confirms its authority. We ma) recognise in this,\\nas in many other features of this tragedy, distinct traces of that lubHtne\\nirony, which expresses the poet s sorrow for the limitation of human\\nexistence by striking contrasts between the conceptions of the individual\\nand the real state of the case. It is expressed in many pi f the\\ntragedies of Sophocles, but is particularly developed in King Q\\nfor the theme of the whole is the infatuation of man in regard to his\\nown destiny, and in this play the idea is echoed e\\\\en t the words and\\nturns of expression.! The same sort of peripeteia is further repeated\\nOlflf fi a.Ktiv ra.*T itor mif i\\\\;i/, yvtat,\\nf See Mr. Thirlwall a excellent easay on the Irony of Bophodi Phi-\\nlological Museum, Vol. 11. No. VI. p- 4", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0355.jp2"}, "352": {"fulltext": "348 HISTORY OF THE\\nwhen (Edipus has allowed himself to be calmed by his queen, and\\nbelieves that the news he has received of the death of his parents in\\nCorinth has freed him from all fear of having committed the horrible\\ncrimes denounced by the oracle it is, however, by the narrative of this\\nsame messenger, with regard to his discovery on Cithseron, that he is\\nsuddenly torn from this state of security, and from that moment, though\\nJocasta sees at one glance the whole connexion of their horrible fate,\\nhe cannot rest or be quiet until he has become fully convinced of his\\nparricidal act, and of his incestuous connexion with his mother. He\\naccordingly inflicts punishment on himself, which is the more terrible,\\nthe more confident he was before that he was good and blameless in\\nthe eyes of god and man. O ye generations of mortals, how unworthy\\nof the name of life I must reckon your existence: so begins the last\\nstasimon of the chorus, which in this tragedy, as in all those of So-\\nphocles, performs the duty which Aristotle prescribes as its proper voca-\\ntion it gives indication of a humane sympathy, which, although not\\nbased upon such deep views as to solve all the knotty points in the\\naction, is guided by such a train of thought as to bring back the violent\\nemotions and the shocks of passion to a certain measure of tranquil con-\\ntemplation. The chorus of Sophocles, therefore, when in its songs it\\nmeddles with the action of the piece, often appears weak, vacillating,\\nand even blinded to the truth when, on the contrary, it collects its dif-\\nferent feelings into a general contemplation of the laws of our being, it\\npeals forth the sublimest hymns, such as that beautiful stasimon, which,\\nafter Jocasta s impious speeches, recommends a fear of the gods, and a\\nresrard for those ordinances which had their birth in heaven, which the\\nmortal nature of man has not brought forth, and which will never be\\nplunged by oblivion into the sleep of death.*\\n9. In the Ajax of Sophocles the extraordinary power of the poet\\nis shown in the production of a character, which, though entirely pecu-\\nliar, and like nothing but itself, is nevertheless a general picture of\\nhumanity, applicable to every individual case. Sophocles Ajax, like\\nHomer s, is from first to last a brave and noble character, always ready\\nto exert his unwearying heroism for the benefit of his people. He is a\\nman who relies on himself, and can depend upon his own firmness in\\nevery case that occurs. But in the full consciousness of his indomi-\\ntable courage, he has forgotten that there is a higher power on which\\nman is dependent, even for that which he considers most steadfast and\\nmost his own, the practical part of his character. This is the more\\ndeeply-rooted guilt of Ajax, which is shown at the very beginning of\\nthe play; but it does not appear in its full compass till afterwards, in\\nthe prophecies communicated to Teucer by Calchas, where Ajax s\\nKing (Eclip. V. 863 s7 ftot \\\\wun tpipovn.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0356.jp2"}, "353": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OF ANCIENT GREECE. 849\\narrogant words\u00e2\u0080\u0094 With the assistance of the gods even the feeble\\nmight conquer; that he was confident he could perform Jus part even\\nwithout their help; are cited as proof of his mode of thinking. 9 Now,\\nby the vote of the Greeks, which has awarded the nuns of Achilles to\\nUlysses and not to him, Ajax has Buffered that sort of humiliation,\\nwhich, to a character like his, is always most intolerable, and (he gods\\nhave chosen this moment for the punishment of his presumption. In\\nthe night after the decision, when Ajax has set out in the most un-\\ngovernable passion to wreak his vengeance on the Atridie and Ulyi\\nAthena distracts his mind so that he mistakes oxen and sheep for his\\nenemies, and gives vent to his wrath against them. In this unworthy\\ncondition and performing these unworthy actions, Sophocles shows him\\nat the very beginning of his drama as Ajax the whip-bearer\\njj.acrriyo(j)6pog). When he returns to his senses, his whole soul is pos-\\nsessed with the deepest sense of shame, and the more so as all his pride\\nis shaken to its foundation. The beautiful Eccyclema scene t is intro-\\nduced for the purpose of representing Ajax, ashamed and bumbled, with\\nall the circumstances of his case. However deeply he feels his dis-\\ngrace, and however clearly he recognizes the gods as the authors of it,\\nhe is as far as possible from being a downcast penitent. His whole\\ncharacter is far too consistent to allow him to live on in humble\\nresignation. He has convinced himself that he can no longer live with\\nhonour. It is true that the poet, in the oracle ascribed to Calchas,\\nthat Athena is persecuting Ajax only for this day, and that he will\\nbe delivered if he survives it, suggests the possibility of Ajax having\\nmore modest views, of his recognizing the limits of his power. But\\nthis, though possible, is never actually the case. Ajax remains as he\\nis. His death, in order to effect which he employs a sort of stratagem,\\nis the only atonement which he offers to the gotls. Sophocles, how-\\never, would look upon this as only one side of the complete develope-\\nment of the action. Severely as the poet punishes what was worths of\\npunishment in Ajax, he acknowledges with equal justice the greatness\\nof such a character as his. The opinions of antiquity, which regarded a\\nman s burial as an essential part of the destiny of his life, allowed a\\ncontinuation of the action after the death of the hero. Teuccr, the\\nbrother of Ajax, contends, as the champion of his honour, with the\\nAtrida?, who seek to deprive him of the rites of burial; and I\\nSee the speech of Calchas\\nT\u00c2\u00ab yk^ TiPiaaa. xitivtirx ffuftetrx\\nifxa% o /Lcoivn;. v. v If.\\nf V.34G\u00e2\u0080\u0094 5D5. conip. chap. XXX II. o 10.\\nCompare the ambiguous wonls in the deceitful -X t\u00c2\u00bbfu vyt ri Xtvrfk,\\nc, v. 654, ff.", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0357.jp2"}, "354": {"fulltext": "350 HISTORY OF THE\\nthe very person whom Ajax had hated most bitterly, comes forward on\\nthe side of Teucer, openly and distinctly acknowledging the excellences\\nof the deceased warrior* And thus Ajax, the noble hero, whom the\\nAthenians too honoured as a hero of their race,f appears as a striking\\nexample of the divine Nemesis, and the more so as his heroism was\\naltogether spotless in every other respect.\\n10. In the. Philoctetes, which was not represented till Olymp. 92. 3.\\nb. c. 439, when the poet was eighty-five years old, Sophocles had to\\nemulate not only JEschylus, but also Euripides, who had before this\\ntime endeavoured to impart novelty to the legend by making great\\nalterations in it, and adding some very strange contrivances of his own. j\\nSophocles needed no such means to give a peculiar interest to the\\nsubject as treated by himself. He lays the chief stress on a skilful\\noutline and consistent filling up of the characters it is the object of his\\ndrama to depict the results of these characters in the natural, and, to a\\ncertain extent, necessary developement of their peculiarities. In this\\npiece, however, this psychological developement, starting from an hy-\\npothesis selected in the first instance and proceeding in accordance\\nwith it, leads to results entirely different from those contained in the\\noriginal legend. In order to avoid this contest between his art and the\\nold mythological story, Sophocles has been obliged for once to avail\\nhimself of a resource which he elsewhere despises, though it is fre-\\nquently employed by Euripides, namely, the Deus ex machina, as it is\\ncalled, i. e. the intervention of some deity, whose sudden appearance\\nputs an end to the play of passions and projects among the persons\\nwhose actions are represented, and, as it were, cuts the Gordian knot\\nwith the sword.\\nSophocles having assumed that Ulysses has associated with himself\\nthe young hero Neoptolemus, in order to bring to Troy Philoctetes, or\\nhis weapons, we have from the beginning of the piece an interesting con-\\ntrast between the two heroes thus united for a common object. Ulysses\\nIt is not till this incident that we have the Peripeteia, which was always a\\nviolent change in the direction of the piece (h us to UuvtIov tZv vgwrroftiwv\\nftsrafaXvi, Aristot. Poet. 11) the death of Ajax, on the other hand, lay quite in the\\ndirection which the drama had taken from the very heginning.\\nf It is worthy of remark that he speaks only of the sword of Eurysaces, and not\\nof Philaeus, from whom the family of Miltiades and Cimon derived their descent.\\nSophocles manifestly avoids the appearance of paying intentional homage to dis-\\ntinguished families.\\nX Euripides had feigned that the Trojans also sent an embassy to Philoctetes and\\noffered him the sovereignty in return for his aid, in order (as Dio Chrysostom\\nremarks, Orat. 52. p. 549) to give himself an opportunity of introducing the long\\nspeeches, pro and con, of which he is so fond. Ulysses, disguised as a Greek whom\\nhis countrymen before Troy had ill-ustd, endeavours to induce him to assist his\\ncountrymen, rather than the enemy. The proper solution of the difficulties in this\\npiece is still very doubtful.", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0358.jp2"}, "355": {"fulltext": "LITERATURE OP ANCIENT GREECE. 351\\nrelies altogether on the ambition of Neoptolemus, who is destined by\\nfate to be the conqueror of Troy, if he can obtain the aid of the weapons\\nof Philoctetes, and Neoptolemus does, in fact, sutler himself to be pre-\\nvailed upon to deceive Philoctetes by representing himself as an enemy\\nof the Greeks who are besieging Troy, and is just on the point of car-\\nrying- him off to their camp, under the pretence of taking him home\\nmeanwhile Neoptolemus is deeply touched, in the first place, by the\\nunsophisticated eloquence of Philoctetes, and then by the sight of his\\nunspeakable sufferings;* but it is long before the resolute temper of\\nthe young hero can be drawn aside by this from the path he has once\\nentered on. The first time he departs from it is after Philoctetes lias\\ngiven him his bow to take care of, when he candidly admits the truth,\\nthat he is obliged to take him to Troy, and cannot conduct him to his\\nhome. Yet he still follows the plans of Ulysses, though much against\\nhis own inclination, and this drives Philoctetes into a state of despair,\\nwhich almost transcends all his bodily sufferings, until Neoptolemus\\nsuddenly reappears in violent dispute with Ulysses, as himself, as the\\nsimple-minded, straightforward, noble young hero, who will not in any\\ncase deceive the confidence of Philoctetes and as Philoctetes cannot\\nand will not overcome his hatred of the Achaeans, he throws aside all\\nhis ambitious hopes and wishes, and is on the point of escorting the\\nsick hero to his native land, when Hercules, the Deus ex machina,\\nsuddenly makes his appearance, and, by announcing the decre.\\nfate, produces a complete revolution in the sentiments of Philoctetes\\nand Neoptolemus. This drama, then, is exceedingly simple, for the\\nfoundation on which it is built is the relation between three characters,\\nand it consists of two acts only, separated by the slasimon before the\\nscene, in which the change in Neoptolemus s views is brought about.\\nBut if we consider the consistent and profound developemem of the\\ncharacters, it is by far the most artificial and elaborate of all the irorkfl\\nof Sophocles. The appearance of Hercules only effects an outward\\nperipeteia, or that sort of revolution which bears upon the occurrei\\nin the piece; the intrinsic revolution, the real peripeteia in the drama\\nof Sophocles, lies in the previous return of Neoptolemus to his genuine\\nand natural disposition, and this peripeteia is, quite in accordance with\\nthe spirit of Sophocles, brought about by means of the characters and\\nthe progress of the action itself.\\n11. In all the pieces of which we have spoken hitherto, the pre-\\nvailing ideas are ethical, but necessarily based on a religious foundation,\\nsince it is always by reference to the divinity that the proper bi\\nV. 9G. EfAo) /u,\\\\v otKros lino; if/.^ iTTUxi ri; roZY \u00c2\u00ab\u00c2\u00bbJ{\u00c2\u00abf, ol *Z* t\u00c2\u00bb wt\u00c2\u00bb\u00c2\u00bb i/./et x\u00c2\u00ab\\nireixui. The silence of Neoptolemus in the ice e beginning with .v\\nuvloZv n v. 974, and ending with the words uxovrofAat fut, 107 is just as\\ncharacteristic as any speech could have heen.", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0359.jp2"}, "356": {"fulltext": "352\\nHISTORY OP THE\\ngiven to human actions in every field. There is, however, one drama\\nin which the religious ideas of Sophocles are brought so prominently\\nforward that the whole play may be considered as an exposition of the\\nGreek belief in the gods.\\nThis drkma, the GEdipus at Colonus, is always connected in the old\\nstories with the last days of the poet. Sophocles attained the age of\\n89, or thereabouts, for he did not die till Olymp. 93. 2. b.c. 406,* and\\nyet he did not himself bring out the GEdipus at Colonus it was first\\nbrought on the stage in Olymp. 94. 3. b. c. 401, by his grandson, the\\nyounger Sophocles. This younger Sophocles was a son of Ariston, the\\noffspring of the great poet and Theoris of Sicyon. Sophocles had also\\na son Iophon by a free-woman of Athens, and he alone, according to\\nthe Attic law, could be considered as his legitimate son and rightful\\nheir. Iophon and Sophocles both emulated their father and grand-\\nfather the former brought tragedies on the stage during his father s\\nlifetime, the latter after his grandfather s death the whole family\\nseems, like that of iEschylus, to have dedicated itself to the tragic muse.\\nBut the heart of the old man yearned towards the offspring of his be-\\nloved Theoris and it was said, that he was endeavouring to bestow\\nupon his grandson during his own lifetime a considerable part of his\\nmeans. Iophon, fearing lest his inheritance should be too much di-\\nminished by this, was urged to the undutiful conduct of proposing to\\nthe members of the phratrla (who had a sort of family jurisdiction)\\nthat his father should no longer be permitted to have any control over\\nhis property, which he was no longer capable of managing. The only\\nreply which Sophocles made to this charge was to read to his fellow-\\ntribesmen the parodos from the GEdipus at Colonus ;f which must,\\ntherefore, have been just composed, if it were to furnish any proof for\\nthe object he had in view and we think it does the greatest honour to\\nthe Athenian judges, that, after such a proof of the poet s powers of\\nmind, they paid no attention to the proposal of Iophon, even though\\nhe was right in a legal point of view. Iophon, it seems, became sensible\\nof his error, and Sophocles afterwards forgave him. The ancients found\\nThe old authorities give Olymp. 93. 3. as the year of Sophocles death: this\\nwas the year of the Archon Callias, in which Aristophanes Frogs were brought out\\nat the Lenaea, and the death of Sophocles is presupposed in this comedy as well as\\nthat of Euripides. The Fit a Sophoc/is, however, following Istrus and Neanthes,\\nplaces the death of Sophocles at the Chocs; and as the Choe s, which belonged to\\nthe Anthesteria, were celebrated in the month Anthesterion. after the Leuaea, which\\nfell in the month Gamelion, the death of Sophocles must be referred to the year\\nbefore the archonship of Callias, consequently to Olymp. 93.2. If we suppose that\\nsome confusion has taken place, and substitute for the Choes the lesser, or country\\nDionysia, we should still be veiy far short of the necessary time for conceiving,\\nwriting, and preparing for the stage such a comedy as the Frogs, even though we\\nshould also suppose an intercalaiy month inserted between Poseideon and Gamelion.\\nf Eu itt Tov, ivi, rZ, roi x,^? a h v\u00c2\u00ab G63 ff, Comp, chap. XXIL 12.\\nUN i:", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0360.jp2"}, "357": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0361.jp2"}, "358": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3970", "width": "2409", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0362.jp2"}, "359": {"fulltext": "", "height": "3970", "width": "2349", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0363.jp2"}, "360": {"fulltext": "LIBRARY OF CONGRESS\\n003 057 178 2\\n7 I", "height": "4120", "width": "2416", "jp2-path": "historyofliterat00mlle_0364.jp2"}}